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diff --git a/75377-0.txt b/75377-0.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..667101b --- /dev/null +++ b/75377-0.txt @@ -0,0 +1,23403 @@ + +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75377 *** + + + + + + + +[Frontispiece: Henry Labouchere] + + + + THE LIFE OF + + HENRY LABOUCHERE + + + BY + + ALGAR LABOUCHERE THOROLD + + AUTHOR OF + "SIX MASTERS IN DISILLUSION," ETC. + + + + G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS + NEW YORK AND LONDON + The Knickerbocker Press + 1913 + + + + + COPYRIGHT, 1913 + BY + ALGAR LABOUCHERE THOROLD + + + The Knickerbocker Press, New York + + + + + To + MY COUSIN + MARY DOROTHEA + (MARCHESA DI RUDINI) + IN MEMORY OF MANY HAPPY DAYS AT + VILLA CRISTINA + + +_Oct. 15, 1913._ + + + + +{v} + +PREFACE + +It would be unfair both to the reader and to the subject of this +memoir to let this book go forth without a word of introduction. The +lot of Henry Labouchere, who was born in the reign of William IV. and +lived to see George V. on the throne, was cast during a period of +European development as important, perhaps, as any that modern +history records. For certainly the most significant, if not the most +salient, fact in the history of modern Europe is that democratisation +of England which, in spite of many set-backs and obstacles, has at +length been, in principle at all events, definitely achieved. To-day +we are all democrats, Tories and Radicals alike. In that process, +the full significance of which has still to unfold itself, Mr. +Labouchere played a striking and original part. It was not always a +successful one, but it was always played honestly, daringly, and, +above all, characteristically. Although a convinced, and in spite of +himself, if one may say so, even an enthusiastic Radical, no +politician was ever less of a party man. His loyalty was given to +principles, not men, and some of his bitterest attacks both in +Parliament and in the press were reserved for Radical Ministries +that, according to his lights, were untrue to their profession. He +was also, what is not so common in politics, a thoroughly +disinterested man. He sought neither office nor honour. +Circumstances placed him beyond the need of money, and just as no +personal feelings could ever blind him to political shortcomings in +his leaders, so the strongest and most vehemently expressed +disapproval of his opponents {vi} frequently went with a marked +attachment to their persons, and the strange thing is that he +succeeded in convincing both sides of the House of the genuineness of +this emotionally disinterested attitude. + +The opinions of Englishmen are rarely disinterested, and it should +never be forgotten that Henry Labouchere was, in fact, a Frenchman. +French by birth, he remained, to the day of his death, French in his +method of formation of opinion, in his outlook on life, in the +peculiar quality of his wit. It was this that enabled, or rather +obliged, him to take that curiously detached view of English ideals +which was at times so disconcerting even to those who thought that +they understood him. Ideals, he held, were only entitled to respect +when translated into material currency. "How much £ s. d. does he +believe in what he says?" he would ask concerning some fervid +prophet. And if convinced that the requisite materialisation had +occurred, he would accept the prophet as one more strange and amusing +phenomenon in a strange and amusing universe. It would have never +occurred to him that because the prophet was sincere he was right. +That was a matter for reason. He once observed to me, in his +whimsical way, of a colleague, that the mere denial of the existence +of God did not entitle a man's opinion to be taken without scrutiny +on matters of greater importance. No "mere" Englishman could have +said that. That essential foreignness rendered him hard of +comprehension even to those who sympathised with his aims. For +instance, he was a Radical, as sincere and convinced a Radical as the +late Mr. Stead, but in a very different way. His Radicalism was +based on Reason. It represented Reason applied to that particular +department of human affairs called Politics, and so applied, one may +add, in spite of the irrationality of most of the men called Radical +politicians. English Radicalism, on the other hand, rests mainly on +humanitarian sentimentalism. The _religion du clocher_ of feudal +England has been largely replaced by a rival cult, the {vii} +hysterical excesses of which found in him a scathing critic. He did +not resent the hereditary principle in government because it was +unjust, but because it was absurd, and when he fought some concrete +instance of injustice, as he was constantly doing, the emotional +aspect of the case made little, if any, appeal to him. He disliked +injustice on rational and, as it were, æsthetic grounds. He had no +passionate love of virtue, public or private; he thought it, on the +whole, a sound investment, but then even sound investments sometimes +go wrong. In his personal outlook on things he was as completely +non-religious as a man could be. He was not anti-religious. He +fully recognised the utility of religious belief in others, perhaps +even in society at large, and he based this recognition not so much +on the hardness of men's hearts as on the thickness of their heads. +But personally he, Henry Labouchere, took no interest whatever in the +matter. In philosophy he was a strict agnostic, owning Hume, for +whom he had the greatest admiration, and the Kant of the _Critique of +Pure Reason_, as his masters. And he was remarkably well read in the +works of those philosophers. + +He was constitutionally suspicious of strong feelings or enthusiasm +of any kind. All sensible people smoked, he used to say, in order to +protect themselves against such disturbing factors. He loathed every +kind of humbug. He did not, however, disdain it as a weapon. During +the General Election of 1905 the Tories made a party cry of Tariff +Reform; he calmly observed one day, throwing down his paper: "Well, +of course I think we are right, but whether we are or not, we've got +all the bunkum on our side." + +In his personal relations with others he was very sociable and +courteous, retaining even in old age the fine manners of an earlier +generation. He was immensely kind-hearted, and suffered fools, if +not gladly, at least with politeness and equanimity. His love for +children is well known. There was nothing he enjoyed more than +giving children's parties, {viii} and on these occasions would take +any amount of personal trouble to ensure the pleasure of his little +friends. My earliest recollection of him is, as a child of eight or +so, sitting on his knee drinking in the most fascinating and horrible +tales of the Siege of Paris, which he would tell me by the hour. And +almost my last recollection is of his interest in a Christmas tree +prepared for my own children on the very day on which he took to his +bed for the last time. + +These traits make up a character more familiar in France than +elsewhere. In his political ideas he resembled Clémenceau more +nearly than any English statesman, and in general habit of mind he +was a direct descendant of Voltaire. In character he was more like +Fontenelle. He had Fontenelle's moral scepticism, his personal +confidence in reason qualified by his distrust of most people's +reasoning powers, and his profound sense of the dangers of +enthusiasm. People called him a cynic; and, if that somewhat vague +term denotes one who attempts to discount the emotional factor in +judgment, who endeavours to see the bare facts in as dry and +objective a light as possible, a cynic he was. But he was a +kind-hearted, even an affectionate cynic. It was not easy to win his +regard, but, if you succeeded in winning it, you were sure of it. +His own feelings he never expressed; this was not because he had +none, but because of the exaggerated _pudeur_ which he felt on the +subject of the emotions. There was something both ridiculous and +indecent to his mind in even the most restrained exhibition of +affection. Briefly, he may be said to have worn a fig-leaf over his +heart. + +A word or two as to the method and scope of this book. In order to +give a full and detailed account of the whole of Labouchere's career, +it would have been necessary to write at least a dozen volumes; some +sort of selection imposed itself. I have endeavoured to concentrate +my own (and I hope my readers') attention on Labouchere himself. +There is a danger which lurks for the biographer of a public man lest +the environment of his hero--the narrative of the events {ix} in +which he played a part--should hang too loosely to his figure. There +is also the danger that the frame, so to speak, should not be given +its due value in the portrait. In order to appreciate the part +played in public affairs by an individual, it is necessary to +understand what is going on. As this book has been written for the +general public, I have felt it desirable to retell certain episodes +in modern politics, in which Mr. Labouchere played an important part, +in greater detail than would have been necessary had I been writing +for politicians. In such retelling I claim no originality. I have +followed standard authorities, and the point of view of my narrative +has been, to a great extent, that of Mr. Labouchere himself, +although, when I have come to the conclusion that that point of view +was mistaken, I have not hesitated to say so. In this way I hope +that the reader may be enabled to see the inevitability of much of +Labouchere's political action, which at the time, looked at +piecemeal, may have appeared gratuitously mischievous. + +I feel I ought to call the reader's attention to the fact that if Mr. +Labouchere's many-sided life is considered as a whole, his political +proceedings represent but a small part of his activity. He had lived +an average lifetime before he seriously took up political work, and +genuine as his principles undoubtedly were, still politics were never +really more to him than a means of self-expression and, it must be +said, amusement. He loved watching the spectacle of life, and he +came to find in the game of politics a sort of concentrated version +of life as a whole. This feeling, the strongest perhaps that he +possessed, combined with a passion to enter as an effective cause +into the spectacle he loved, was responsible for his political +incarnation. And he had a certain half-perverse, half-childish love +of mischief which he was not always at pains to restrain, and which +found in the intrigues of parties and groups abundant scope for +exercise. It could not have found so much scope elsewhere, and was +the motive power of much of his political action, particularly +towards {x} the end of his time in Parliament. After his retirement +indeed, when politics had literally become nothing but a game to him, +he would watch the cards as they fell with complete detachment from +party views: "I wish I was entering politics now as a young Tory +blood," was a frequent comment on public events during his last years. + +Of course, he had his own way of putting things, which was not that +of other people, and this brings me to the part in life as to which +both friends and foes are agreed that he achieved complete success. +Whatever else he was or was not, everybody is agreed that he was the +greatest English wit since Sheridan. His gently modulated voice had +a good deal to do with his conversational success, and the bland +quiet manner with which the most startling remarks would be +accompanied gave them weight, if not point. Still, even in cold +print many of his sayings and appreciations will live as long as men +laugh from intellectual motives. "I do not mind Mr. Gladstone always +having an ace up his sleeve, but I do object to his always saying +that Providence put it there," is a dictum which will not soon be +forgotten. That observation, gently drawled out one evening in the +lobby of the House of Commons, is a specimen of hundreds. I am +persuaded that originally he had no intention of being witty, but +supposed his quips and paradoxes to represent the bare facts +expressed with the greatest economy of language. It is certain that +no one was more surprised than he at the entertainment people found +in the _Letters of a Besieged Resident_. He soon discovered his +reputation for wit and deliberately made use of it, both as a shield +and as a weapon of defence. It also served another purpose. There +was a strong tendency to indolence in him that was gratified by his +success in turning off awkward or puzzling questions with some witty +or irrelevant remark. If this analysis is correct, it throws light +on the nature of his wit, which consisted largely in a naïve and +shameless revelation of the _Secret de Polichinelle_. For he said +what every one thought but didn't {xi} dare say. The originality of +his mind really consisted in the complete absence in his case of +those conventional superstructures which imprison most of us. When +he replied to some one who asked him if he liked Mme. X----, "Oh yes, +I like her well enough, but I shouldn't mind if she dropped down dead +in front of me on the carpet," he was only saying what many of us +think but would never dream of saying even to ourselves of some of +our friends. + +It is a commonplace of moralists to say that human nature is full of +contradictions. A subtler critic of man than the mere moralist would +add that much of men's time is spent in smoothing out, or, at all +events, conciliating, these contradictions. We choose a possible +type of humanity--Aristotle, or some other Greek, gave an exhaustive +list of them--and see ourselves in the part we have selected. +According to our imaginative power and our strength of will we +succeed more or less in playing that part at least for social +purposes. Years pass and the mask grows to the face, as in the case +of Mr. Beerbohm's _Happy Hypocrite_, and our friends and +acquaintances cease in time to distinguish between our pose and our +character. But there are moments when the mask cracks and close +observers have their surprises. + +Mr. Labouchere gave up early in life any consecutive attempt to make +himself appear different to his real nature. A fragment of an early +diary which I have utilised does indeed discuss the possibilities of +success to the writer, and criticises, in scathing terms, +achievements up-to-date. But this document, interesting and amusing +as it is, is itself but a piece of boyish introspectiveness. In +point of fact he was a terribly sincere person, partly from pride and +partly from indolence. Had he been willing to condescend to +insincerity, he would have been too lazy to do so for long. Here, +then, was an additional stumbling-block. It is easy enough to +understand a pose, or even a succession of poses, but a person who +says neither more nor less than exactly what he means, {xii} and +means exactly what he says, not because he thinks he ought to do so, +or wishes to be understood as doing so, but because so, and not +otherwise, his nature spontaneously expresses itself, is, in our +present social state, almost unintelligible. What saved him under +these circumstances from becoming a "prophet" was the pliability of +intelligence that enabled him to understand other people and the +sense of humour that enabled him to enjoy them. + +I have selected from the voluminous correspondence put at my disposal +only those letters which throw most light on Mr. Labouchere's state +of mind and the part he played in political events with which he was +connected. + +I have to thank my many relatives and friends who have allowed me to +make use of their letters from Mr. Labouchere, and also my cousin, M. +Georges Labouchère, for communicating the result of his researches on +the life of my great-grandfather. Among old friends of Mr. +Labouchere, who have given me personal reminiscences of him, I have +especially to thank Mrs. Emily Crawford, Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, Lord +Welby, Sir Audley Gosling, and Mr. Robert Bennett, the editor of +_Truth_, whose help has been invaluable in the narrative of Mr. +Labouchere's founding of _Truth_ and of its subsequent fortunes. +Most of all, my thanks are due to Mr. Thomas Hart Davies, without +whose constant sympathy and assistance this biography could not have +been written. + + ALGAR L. THOROLD. + + 12 CATHERINE STREET, WESTMINSTER. + August 15, 1913. + + + + +{xiii} + +CONTENTS + + +CHAPTER I + +THE LABOUCHERE FAMILY + +The Huguenots of Orthez--Youth of Pierre-César--Exile--The Dutch +counting-house--A double ruff and a bid for a bride--Napoleon and +peace--Fouché--The French agent---Ouvrard--The wrath of Cæsar--The +French loan--Residence in England--Lord Taunton--Mr. John Labouchere + + +CHAPTER II + +CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH + +(1831-1853) + +Birth of Henry Labouchere--Early education--His first _mot_--Eton +days--The young pugilist--The toper--Views on fagging--Trinity +College, Cambridge--Insubordination--Suspension--His defence--He +lives at a London tavern--Severe judgment of himself--Travels with a +bear-leader--Wiesbaden--Voyage to Mexico--Gambling and good +resolutions--Letter to his tutor + + +CHAPTER III + +TRAVELS AND DIPLOMACY + +(1853-1864) + +Travels in Mexico--In love--The Chippeway Indians--In New York--His +American sympathies--His views on American education--On American +diplomats--On American girls--Becomes attaché at Washington--Mr. +Crampton--Gambling again--The Irish patriot--Views on diplomatic +negotiations--At Munich--Stockholm--Frankfort--Bismarck at +Frankfort--Similarity of their opinions {xiv} about diplomacy--His +popularity at Frankfort--Petersburg--In love again--His opinion of +Russians--Anecdotes--Dresden--Economical family at Marburg--Republic +of Parana--Revolution in Florence--Constantinople--His stories about +Lord Dalling--Close of diplomatic career--Mrs. Crawford's estimate of +his character and remarks on his diplomatic career--_Memoir of Henry +Labouchere_, by Wilfrid Scawen Blunt + + +CHAPTER IV + +PARLIAMENTARY AMBITIONS + +(1866-1869) + +Why men enter Parliament--New Windsor--His agreement with Sir Henry +Hoare--Imprudent choice of agents--Election--Is unseated on +petition--Repartee before Special Commission--His line of defence in +the _Times_--Another letter on the subject--His maiden +Speech--Reminiscences of the Windsor election--Anecdote about Lord +Taunton--Becomes member for Middlesex--His speeches in the +House--General Election of 1868--Lord George Hamilton--His quarrel +with Lord Enfield--The _Times_ on the quarrel--Nomination of +candidates--Conservative rowdies--the poll--Dignified speech--Absurd +reminiscence--Henry Irving at Brentford--General Election of 1874--Is +defeated at Nottingham + + +CHAPTER V + +JOURNALISM AND THE STAGE + +(1864-1880) + +His connection with the _Daily News_--He buys a share--Manager of the +Queen's Theatre--_Time and the Hour_--_Dearer than +Life_--Contretemps--Financial loss--Poor opinion of artists--A +Bohemian--His knowledge of London--Edmund Yates tells how he came on +the staff of the _World_--His city articles--Trial of Abbott at the +Guild Hall--A calculator--Labouchere and Grenville Murray--He leaves +the staff of the _World_--Journey with Mr. Bellew--Adventure with +Dumas père--With Dumas fils--His visit to Newgate--Sensations as a +man about to be hanged--Remarks about the Claimant--Immense +popularity of _Truth_--The Lying Club in Co. Durham + +{xv} + +CHAPTER VI + +THE BESIEGED RESIDENT + +(September, 1870-February, 1871) + +He replaces Mr. Crawford as correspondent--Mrs. Crawford's +impressions of him--Chaos at the Post Office--Immediate events +leading up to the siege--His account of how the news of Sedan was +received in Paris--The Prussians at Versailles--How he got his +letters to London--Ennui--Letter to his mother--Theatrical behaviour +of the Parisians--Further letters to his mother--His wardrobe--His +hat--The _Gaulois_--New Year's address to the Prussians--His opinion +of French journalists--His estimate of General Trochu--Meals during +the siege--Castor and Pollux--Another letter to his mother--The leg +of mutton and the sentimental Prussian soldier--His departure from +Paris--How he behaved when under fire + + +CHAPTER VII + +LABOUCHERE AND BRADLAUGH + +The General Election of 1880--The "Radical" colleague--A faithful +constituency--Mr. Bradlaugh and the oath--A House divided against +itself--Labouchere's views on religion--His support of +Bradlaugh--Unscrupulous use of the _affaire_ Bradlaugh by the +Opposition--Victory of Mr. Bradlaugh--His upright character and final +popularity in the House--Mr. Gladstone's tribute--Mr. Labouchere on +his colleague--The parallel of Wilkes + + +CHAPTER VIII + +LABOUCHERE AND IRELAND + +(1880-1883) + +Ireland in 1880--The Land League--Outrages--Lord Cowper and Mr. +Forster demand suppression of Habeas Corpus--Mr. Gladstone's +hesitation--He yields under threat of Lord Cowper's +resignation--Introduction by Forster of Bills for the Protection of +Life and Property in Ireland, January, 1881--Labouchere's Irish +views--Not at first a Home Ruler--Labouchere criticises Forster's +measure in the House--The arrest of Parnell--His liberation--The +"understanding" with Mr. Gladstone--Murder of Lord Frederick +Cavendish and Mr. Burke--Renewed coercion opposed by Mr. +Labouchere--He negotiates between the Government and Irish {xvi} +leaders in order to modify the Coercion Bill--Correspondence with Mr. +Chamberlain--Interviews with Mr. Parnell--Identity of his Irish +policy with that of Mr. Chamberlain + + +CHAPTER IX + +LABOUCHERE AND MR. GLADSTONE'S EGYPTIAN POLICY + +Mr. Gladstone and Egypt--A legacy from Disraeli--Cyprus and the +Berlin Congress--The "Comedy of the Liars"--The Anglo-French +Condominium--Ismail--Nubar and Sir Rivers Wilson--Sir Evelyn +Baring--Deposition of Ismail--Khedive Tewfik--Revolt--Arabi +Pasha--Mr. Wilfrid Blunt--Labouchere and Egypt--Labouchere drops his +burden of Egyptian bonds--A letter to Sir Charles Dilke--Labouchere +and military occupation--The Egyptian Government and the debt--The +champions of Arabi--Speeches in the House--The Soudan--General +Gordon--Correspondence between Labouchere and Chamberlain; between +Labouchere and Mr. Blunt--Letters from Arabi to Mr. Labouchere--A +later letter to Mr. Blunt + + +CHAPTER X + +HENRY LABOUCHERE'S RADICALISM + +Labouchere's political attitude--His faith in Chamberlain--Despair at +Chamberlain's secession--His article in the _Fortnightly_, 1884--The +Radical creed--The House of Lords and the Crown--The Church--The Land +Laws--The Royal Family--Female suffrage--Whigs more to be detested +than Tories + + +CHAPTER XI + +IN OPPOSITION + +(June, 1885-December, 1885) + +Sir Henry Lucy on Labouchere--"The friendly broker"--Lord Salisbury's +First Administration--Irish and Tories--Labouchere, Healy, and +Chamberlain--The General Election--The Midlothian manifesto--A letter +from Mr. Davitt--From Mr. Parnell and Lord Randolph +Churchill--Letters from Mr. Healy--Labouchere's letter to the _Times_ +about Home Rule--Correspondence between Mr. Labouchere and Mr. +Chamberlain + +{xvii} + +CHAPTER XII + +THE SPLIT IN THE LIBERAL PARTY + +Legislators in correspondence--Further letters from Mr. Chamberlain +and Mr. Healy--Resignation of Mr. Chamberlain--Labouchere's efforts +to reconcile Mr. Chamberlain with the Cabinet--His disappointment + + +CHAPTER XIII + +SOME CONSEQUENCES OF BALFOUR's COERCION POLICY + +Lord Salisbury's Second Administration--The new Coercion +Bill--"Parnellism and Crime"--The facsimile letter--Mr. Healy on the +condition of Ireland--Radical demonstration in Hyde Park--Mr. +Labouchere on a waggon--He goes to Michelstown--The famous +meeting--He describes the meeting in the House--Lord Randolph +Churchill's criticism--_Truth_ on the Michelstown murders--More +incriminating letters--Mr. Labouchere enters the lists--The Parnell +Commission--Correspondence with Pigott--First +interview--Correspondence with Irishmen in America--Letter from +Patrick Egan--Letters from Parnell--Pigott and the Attorney-General + + +CHAPTER XIV + +COLLAPSE OF PIGOTT + +Lord Russell's cross-examination of Pigott--The disappearance of +Pigott--His confession to Mr. Labouchere--Mr. Lewis returns the +confession--The Commission hears from Pigott--He sends the +confession, under cover, to Mr. Shannon--The confession read out in +court--Mr. Labouchere in the witness-box--Mr. Sala describes the +scene at 24 Grosvenor Gardens--Pigott's end--Mr. Labouchere's +compassion for his orphans--Letter from Dr. Walsh--Mr. Labouchere and +Primrose dames--Trying to hoax Labby + + +CHAPTER XV + +MR. LABOUCHERE NOT INCLUDED IN THE CABINET + +Speeches on the Triple Alliance--He is not in the Cabinet--Queen +Victoria's objection to the editor of _Truth_--Mr. Gladstone's +correspondence with Mr. Labouchere--The indignation of +Northampton--Mr. Labouchere's desire to be appointed Ambassador at +Washington--Another disappointment for him + + +{xviii} + +CHAPTER XVI + +THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA + +The Jameson Raid and the South African War--Mr. Labouchere on the +Jameson Raid Commission + + +CHAPTER XVII + +LABOUCHERE AND SOCIALISM + +Mr. Labouchere on Socialism--Discussion with Mr. Hyndman + + +CHAPTER XVIII + +MR. LABOUCHERE AS A JOURNALIST + +Mr. Labouchere as Journalist and Litigant--Narrative of _Truth_ + + +CHAPTER XIX + +THE CLOSING YEARS + +Retirement from Parliament--Farewell to Electors--Some +correspondence--Last days + + +INDEX + + + + +{xix} + +ILLUSTRATIONS + + +RIGHT HON. HENRY LABOUCHERE, P.C. ... Frontispiece + +From a photograph by Messrs. Brogi of Florence, taken in 1905 at +Villa Cristina, Florence. + +FACSIMILE LETTER SENT BY BALLOON POST + + + + +THE LIFE OF + +HENRY LABOUCHERE + + + + +{1} + +THE LIFE OF LABOUCHERE + + +CHAPTER I + +THE LABOUCHERE FAMILY + +Some forty miles south of Bayonne, on the right bank of the Gave, +lies the little town of Orthez, the ancient capital of Béarn. Famous +for the obstinacy of its resistance to the apostolic spirit of Louis +XIV. and the excellence of its manufactured cloth, Orthez was further +distinguished during the Wars of Religion by the possession of a +Protestant university founded by Jeanne d'Albret in which Theodore +Beza was professor. In 1664, the most Christian King sent his +intendant Foucault to deal with the nest of heretics. Foucault did +not waste time in theological subtleties, but gave the inhabitants +twenty days in which to conform under penalty of a dragonnade. They +did so unanimously, but there still remain more Protestants in Orthez +than in any other town of Béarn. + +Among the cloth merchants of Orthez none were more distinguished than +the Labouchères. According to the Frères Haag, the compilers of _La +France Protestante_, their name should be Barrier de Labouchère, the +patronymic which they came to adopt being in reality the name of a +property in the possession of the family. The earliest known +ancestor of the Labouchères seems to have been a {2} certain Jean +Guyon Barrier, who married in 1621 one Catherine de la Broue. + +Pierre-César, the founder of the British branch of the family and the +grandfather of the subject of this memoir, was born at The Hague in +1772. He was the second son of Matthieu Labouchère and +Marie-Madeleine Molière. His father, who, in consequence of the +revocation of the Edict of Nantes, had been sent to England for his +education, had subsequently settled in Holland. Pierre-César was +sent at the age of thirteen to learn his uncle Pierre's business at +Nantes,[1] where he remained until 1790, at which date he entered the +house of Hope at Amsterdam as French clerk. In this humble position +he laid the foundations of the great fortune and financial career +which were to be his. The rise of the young French clerk was rapid. +In six years he was a partner in the house of Hope and had married +Dorothy, sister of Alexander Baring, who had become a partner in the +Dutch firm at the same time as his French brother-in-law. The +well-known story of the clever ruse by which Pierre-César won the +hand of his bride and also his partnership in the house of Hope was +told to the present writer some twenty years ago by the Rev. +Alexander Baring[2] as follows: + +Pierre-César was sent by Mr. John Hope to England to see Sir Francis +Baring on some business, and fell in love with Sir Francis's third +daughter Dorothy. Before leaving England he asked Sir Francis to +permit him to become engaged to his daughter. Sir Francis refused. +Pierre-César then said: "Would it make any difference to your +decision if you knew that Mr. Hope was about to take me into +partnership?" Sir Francis unhesitatingly admitted that {3} it would. +Pierre-César then went back to Holland and suggested to Mr. Hope that +he might be taken into partnership. On Mr. Hope discouraging the +idea, he said: "Would it make any difference to your decision if you +knew that I was engaged to the daughter of Sir Francis Baring?" Mr. +Hope replied, "Certainly." Whereupon the wily clerk said: "Well, I +am engaged to Miss Dorothy Baring." That very day he was able to +write to Sir Francis announcing the news of his admission to +partnership in the house of Hope, and in the same letter he claimed +the hand of his bride.[3] + +The following picture of Pierre-César by a contemporary is +interesting. The writer was Vincent Nolte, for many years a clerk in +the house of Hope at Amsterdam. "Mr. Labouchère was at that time but +twenty-two, yet ere long assumed the highly respectable position of +head of the firm, the first in the world, and studied the manners of +a French courtier previous to the Revolution: these he soon made so +thoroughly his own, that they seemed to be a part of his own nature. +He made a point of distinguishing himself in everything he undertook +by a certain perfection, and carried this feeling so far that, on +account of the untractable lack of elasticity of his body and a want +of ear for music which nature had denied him, he for eighteen years +deemed it necessary to take dancing-lessons, because he saw that +others surpassed him in the graceful accomplishment. It was almost +painful to see him dance. The old school required, in the French +quadrille, some _entrechats_ and one or two pirouettes, and the delay +they occasioned him always threw him out of time. I have often seen +the old gentleman, already more than fifty, return from a quadrille +covered with perspiration. Properly speaking, he had no refined +education, understood but very {4} little of the fine arts, and, +notwithstanding his shrewdness and quickness of perception, possessed +no natural powers of wit, and consequently was all the more eager to +steal the humour of other people. He once repeated to myself as a +witty remark of his own to one of his clerks, the celebrated answer +of De Sartines, a former chief of the French police, to one of his +subordinates who asked for an increase of pay in the following words: +'You do not give me enough--still I must live!' The reply he got +was: 'I do not perceive the necessity of that!' Now, so hard-hearted +a response was altogether foreign to Mr. Labouchère's disposition, as +he was a man of most excellent and generous feeling. He had, +assuredly, without intention, fallen into the singular habit of +speaking his mother-tongue--the French--with an almost English +intonation, and English with a strong French accent. But he was most +of all remarkable for the chivalric idea of honour in mercantile +transactions, which he constantly evinced, and which I never, during +my whole life, met with elsewhere, in the same degree, however +numerous may have been the high-minded and honourable merchants with +whom I have been thrown in contact. He fully possessed what the +French call _des idées chevaleresques_."[4] + +In 1800 Pierre-César re-established himself for a time in England, +whither Hope's had been temporarily transferred after the invasion of +Holland by Pichegru. A few years later he became involved in an +interesting and delicate political negotiation. + +In April, 1810, Napoleon, whose marriage with Marie Louise had filled +him with peaceful aspirations, surveyed the world that he had +conquered and decided that, for the moment, he had conquered enough. +To consolidate his empire and his dependencies, peace was necessary. +The only obstacle to peace was England--England who had never bowed +before his eagles and only grudgingly admitted his {5} existence. +Negotiation with England was imperative, but how to negotiate, and by +what means? What had he to offer Mr. Pitt? A substantial argument +presented itself in the condition of Holland. Louis Buonaparte had +disappointed his autocratic brother as an allied sovereign, and it +was the Emperor's intention to remove him from the Dutch throne and +unite the whole of the Netherlands to the Empire. This course could +not fail to be disagreeable to the English, who would then be flanked +by the French on two sides. So it occurred to Napoleon that, by +leaving Holland her independence, he would be giving England a +substantial _quid pro quo_ for the withdrawal of British troops from +the Peninsula. Evidently, however, he could not himself directly +open negotiations. Not only would such action lower his prestige, +but it was doubtful whether those infernal islanders would consent to +treat with him. The negotiations had to be opened by way of Holland. +King Louis' Government must not appear in it. There were prudent men +of affairs there who could be trusted with the delicate task. Louis +was delighted with the idea. He would retain his estate as an +independent sovereign, the commerce of Europe would once more +circulate freely to the replenishment of his subjects' coffers, and +his terrible brother's ambitions would be effectively circumscribed. + +Fouché, who, unknown to the Emperor, had already sent a private agent +to London to discuss with the British Cabinet possible conditions of +peace, entered enthusiastically into the project and designated +Pierre-César as in every way the most suitable person to be entrusted +with the affair. His position in the world of business as a partner +of Hope in Amsterdam and of Baring in London was of the highest, and +his father-in-law, Sir Francis Baring, who had been one of the +principal directors of "John Company," was an intimate friend of +Wellesley, the English Foreign Secretary, with whom he had spent some +time in India. + +Labouchère was to present himself informally to Wellesley, {6} not as +an envoy of the King of Holland and still less as the mouthpiece of +Napoleon, but in the names of Roell, Van Der Heim, and Mollerus, +three Dutch statesmen who professed to have been initiated by their +King into all the secrets of the French Cabinet. He was to explain +to the English Foreign Secretary that the marriage of Napoleon had +altered his position and had caused him to desire the peace of Europe +as a necessary condition of the consolidation of his Empire, and +that, in order to induce the English Government to abandon +hostilities, he was prepared to forego his intention of uniting +Holland to his dominions. The Dutch Cabinet, aware of the Emperor's +views, had hastened to open informal communications in order at one +stroke to secure the peace of Europe and to retain the independence +of their country. All having been arranged, Labouchère crossed from +Brielle to Yarmouth and posted to London on his secret mission. + +As a matter of fact the moment was not well chosen for its success. +After the retirement, on the Catholic question, of Grenville and +Grey, who had continued the Fox-Pitt coalition, the old Duke of +Portland, who had been Home Secretary in Mr. Pitt's first Government, +became Prime Minister. He maintained his power with difficulty: +Canning and Castlereagh, respectively Home Secretary and Foreign +Minister, quarrelled, left the Cabinet in order to fight a duel, and +did not return to it. Lord Chatham did not survive the results of +the expedition to Walcheren, and shortly afterwards Portland himself +died. Mr. Perceval and Lord Wellesley were the most important +persons left in the Cabinet. Perceval, who had been Portland's +Chancellor of the Exchequer, kissed hands as Prime Minister on +December 2, 1809, and Wellesley took the place of Bathurst as Foreign +Secretary. Perceval was a clever lawyer and a bitter and prejudiced +Tory; Wellesley's hereditary politics were qualified by suave +manners, an enlightened spirit, and an unusual talent for clear and +eloquent statement. Less passionate than Perceval, he had not the +Prime Minister's influence {7} with the party, but he enjoyed an +immense reputation in the country which was daily increased by the +news of his brother's gallant deeds at the front. The position of +the Government, in spite of their parliamentary majority, was not +very strong. They held their power by that most uncertain +tenure--success in arms. + +The opposition, led by Grenville and Grey, rejoiced in the avowed +favour of the Prince of Wales, whom an accident, such was the state +of the King's health, might any day call to the regency, and even to +the throne. The Prince had openly declared himself against the war, +and the leaders of the opposition argued forcibly, in and out of +season, against its continuance. The militarism of the country was +not, however, to be checked in this way. The news of one victory +outweighed much argument. But news was not always of victories. +Forty thousand English troops had been forced to retire before +Antwerp, with a loss of fifteen thousand from death and disease. +This calamity more than balanced the victory of Talavera. Perceval +stuck to his war policy with blind and furious determination. He no +doubt felt that his one chance of retaining office was to do so. +Wellesley, on the other hand, in spite of the glory won by his family +through the war, was open to reason on the subject. He had already +received politely Captain Fagan, a high officer in Condé's army, whom +Fouché had sent over on his own responsibility to feel the way toward +conditions of peace. He had received him politely, but had answered +him evasively to the effect that the King's Government was by no +means bent on continuing the war at _all_ costs, but would gladly +entertain proposals of peace if they were advanced by responsible, +fully accredited agents and were compatible with the honour of the +two nations. Labouchère was unable to get anything more definite out +of him. But Wellesley, reserved with the French agent, opened +himself more fully to his old friend Sir Francis Baring. To him he +explained that no member of the Cabinet believed in Napoleon's good +{8} faith. He personally saw nothing in Labouchère's mission but a +trap laid for English public opinion by the supreme adventurer, and +judged that nothing was to be gained by playing into his hand. +Moreover, the Government would never abandon Spain to Joseph or +Sicily to Murat, and would in no circumstances consent to the loss of +Malta. The fullest preliminary assurances on these points were the +_sine qua non_ of any successful negotiation. + +Sir Francis Baring, who was a sagacious man, communicated this +conversation, together with his personal comments thereon, to +Labouchère. It was evident, he said, that England had grown +accustomed to the war, and would not abandon it except under the +stress of a reverse impossible to predict, and that the nation would +never lose all they had fought for in the Peninsula by yielding Spain +to a Buonaparte prince. He suggested, without any official +authority, an arrangement which, leaving Malta to England, would give +Naples to Murat, Sicily to the Neapolitan Bourbons, and would restore +Spain to Ferdinand, save for the provinces on the French side of the +Ebro, which might be given to Napoleon as an indemnity for the +expenses of the war. Convinced that nothing further was to be +obtained in London, Labouchère returned to Holland and sent to King +Louis at Paris the meagre results of his mission. Unfortunately, +Napoleon was as well accustomed to war as England. As soon as he had +received Labouchère's reply, he gave up the notion of using Holland +as a weapon against England and determined to settle his affairs with +his brother independently of the general situation. Nevertheless, he +did not wish to entirely let fall the indirect relations on which +Labouchère had entered with the English Cabinet, and sent him a reply +to be transmitted through Sir Francis Baring to Lord Wellesley. The +Emperor's reply was perhaps more statesmanlike than might have been +expected. If England was accustomed to the war, the French were even +more in their element on the battlefield. France was victorious, +rich, prosperous, obliged, {9} no doubt, to pay a high price for +sugar and coffee, but not reduced to the point of doing without those +luxuries. She could support the situation for a long time yet. If, +in these conditions, he thought of peace, it was because in the new +position created by his marriage with an Austrian archduchess he was +anxious to terminate the struggle between the old order and the new. +As for the kingdoms he had created, it was not to be thought that he +would sacrifice any of them. Never would he dethrone his brothers +Joseph, Murat, Louis, and Jerome. But the destinies of Portugal and +Sicily were still in suspense; these two countries, Hanover, the +Hanseatic cities, and the Spanish colonies might still be dealt with. +In any case, it might be possible to mitigate the horrors of war. He +had been obliged to reply by the decrees of Berlin and Milan to the +orders-in-council issued by the British Cabinet, and the sea had been +converted into a stage for violence of every description. This state +of things was perhaps more dangerous for England than for France, +since an Anglo-American war might easily result. If the English +Government agreed with these appreciations they had but to relax +their laws of blockade. France would follow suit, Holland and the +Hanseatic towns would retain their independence, the sea would be +opened to neutrals, the war would lose some of its bitterness, and, +possibly, in time a complete understanding between the two nations +might be reached. Such was Napoleon's, on the whole, judicious +reply, and on these terms, and on these terms only, was Labouchère +authorised to make any further attempts at negotiation. + +But Napoleon counted without Fouché. That brilliant and unscrupulous +person, who had been recently raised to the important Ministry of +Police with the title of Duc d'Otrante, was a peace fanatic. In +every day that the war continued he saw danger to the Empire. The +failure of the Labouchère mission, in which he no doubt felt his +self-love wounded, since he had himself indicated the envoy, +disappointed him profoundly. He determined to bring about {10} peace +himself, and relied on his success to justify himself in the +Emperor's eyes. It would have been a dangerous thing to do under any +government: it was a piece of insanity under a master so absolute, so +vigilant, as Napoleon. He accordingly sent one Ouvrard to Amsterdam +to urge Labouchère to reopen negotiations with the British Cabinet on +conditions much more favourable to England than the Emperor had made. +Labouchère naturally thought that Fouché once more represented +Napoleon, and recommenced negotiations on a basis much more +satisfactory to English policy. The basis was different indeed. +According to Ouvrard, the Emperor would modify his views on Sicily, +Spain, the Spanish colonies, Portugal, and Holland; he was earnestly +desirous of peace, and he shared the hostility of the British Cabinet +to the Americans. In order to give Labouchère more credit with +Wellesley, Fouché offered to give up to him a mysterious personage +called Baron Kolli, an English police agent, who had been visiting +Valencay to arrange the escape of Ferdinand. Kolli had been arrested +by the French troops who had charge of the imprisoned King. The +arrest had been considered an important event by the Cabinet of St. +Cloud. To all this Ouvrard added a good deal of his own, and +Labouchère could not do otherwise than believe what he was told. +Accordingly he reopened negotiations by letter with Wellesley.[5] + +In the following month, Napoleon, who was making one of his tours of +personal inspection in the Netherlands, discussed the Labouchère +negotiations with his brother Louis at Antwerp. By a curious chance +he had caught sight on his journey of Ouvrard, who was on his way +from Amsterdam to Paris. The Emperor's promptness of mind had at +once suggested to him that Ouvrard, who enjoyed the favour of Fouché +and had business relations with Labouchère, was probably mixing +himself up in what did not concern him, {11} perhaps giving advice +which was not wanted, or trying to float some speculation on the +probabilities of peace. With the presentiment of his genius he at +once forbade Labouchère to have any relations with Ouvrard and +ordered him to send immediately all the correspondence that had been +exchanged between Amsterdam and London to the King. Labouchère at +once communicated all his own letters and those he had received from +London. + +The blow fell on June 2 at St. Cloud, where the Emperor, the day +after his return from Holland, convoked a Council of Ministers to +meet him. Fouché, in charge of the most important portfolio of the +imperial Cabinet, was naturally present. Napoleon turned and rent +him. What was Ouvrard doing in Holland? Had Fouché sent him there? +Was he or was he not an accomplice of this preposterous intrigue? +Fouché, surprised and upset by this sudden and unexpected attack, +could find nothing better to say than that Ouvrard was a busybody who +was always mixing himself up in other people's business and that it +was wiser to pay no attention to anything he might say. The astute +personage must indeed have been upset to attempt to "pay" Napoleon +with such words. Ouvrard and his papers were at once seized, the +mission being entrusted not to Fouché, who as Minister of the Police +would naturally have received such an order, but to Sazary, an +aide-de-camp whom the Emperor had made Duc de Rovigo and in whom he +had complete confidence. Ouvrard's papers revealed at once the +extent to which the intrigue had been pushed and of Fouché's +complicity. The next day Fouché was dismissed from the Ministry of +Police, where he was succeeded by Rovigo, and appointed Governor of +Rome. When Napoleon had anything to do he did it quickly. + +He did not rest there, however. He was determined to get to the _fin +fond_ of these singular negotiations. Ouvrard, kept in prison, was +constantly examined, and Labouchère was summoned to Paris and ordered +to bring all the papers {12} still in his hands. It appeared, from a +comparison of these with those already seized, that Labouchère had +acted in perfectly good faith, and the whole responsibility rested +with Fouché and Ouvrard. Fouché's disgrace was complete. As soon as +the Emperor discovered the episode of the Fagan mission he turned +once more on the luckless minister and demanded all the papers +relative to that affair. Fouché replied that they were of no +importance and that he had burned them. Napoleon, on hearing this, +gave way to one of his appalling exhibitions of rage, took away from +Fouché the governorship of Rome, and exiled him to Aix in Provence. +So ended this curious affair in which Pierre-César Labouchère had +served his country faithfully and intelligently to the extent which +circumstances permitted. Some years later he was to serve his +country perhaps more signally, and certainly more effectively. + +When in 1817 France was beginning the task of reconstruction, the +principal difficulty in the way of the ministers of Louis XVIII. was +the very serious financial situation. By the treaty of November 20 +of the preceding year, the country was pledged to pay to foreigners +no less than seven hundred million francs in money in the course of +five years, with an additional sum of a hundred and thirty million +for the pay of the 150,000 foreign troops which occupied the country. +There were also numerous debts, both at home and abroad, the payment +of which had been guaranteed by the treaties of 1814 and 1815. The +ordinary revenue was useless to meet such heavy charges, and +extraordinary taxation, in the state of the country, would have spelt +ruin. It was necessary to have recourse to credit. But how to +obtain a loan? France was not in a state which could inspire +financiers with much confidence. In these circumstances Messrs. +Labouchère and Baring once more placed themselves at the service of +the French Government. They purchased nearly twenty-seven million +francs' worth of government five per cent. _rente_, and thus restored +French {13} credit. Their action was, no doubt, not purely +disinterested, as they bought the _rente_ at an average price of +56.50 and obtained an interest of nine per cent. on their money. +Still, the difficulty of the moment was to find anybody to do it at +any price.[6] A private journal of the period, kept by the husband +of a niece of Sir Francis Baring, consequently a first cousin by +marriage of Mme. Pierre-César Labouchère, gives the following account +of the transaction:[7] "The 'Alliance Loan' of the Barings at Paris +in 1816 probably doubled his (Pierre-César's) fortune, and he soon +after quitted business, and settled altogether in England, living at +Hylands, a property he bought in Essex, and in Hamilton Place, where +his home was frequented by many distinguished people and +diplomatists." + +Two sons were born to Pierre-César and Dorothy Labouchère. The +elder, Henry, was born in 1798, and made for himself a social and +political career of decided distinction, as a Whig of the old school, +a certain primness and conventionality of character enabling him to +perform the part successfully in private as in public life. He took +a first-class in classics at Oxford, and in 1832 found himself a Lord +of the Admiralty. He became subsequently Vice-President of the Board +of Trade, Under-Secretary to the Colonies, President of the Board of +Trade, Chief Secretary of Ireland, Secretary of State for the +Colonies, and was raised to the peerage in 1859, when he assumed the +title of Baron Taunton, choosing the name of the borough he had +represented in Parliament for thirty years. It was at Taunton in +1835 that he opposed and defeated Dizzy by a majority of a hundred +and seventy, when, on his appointment as Master of the Mint under +Lord Melbourne, he offered himself to his constituents for +re-election. His primness and {14} conventionality found on this +occasion an admirable foil in the manner and appearance of his +opponent, who was "very showily attired in a bottle-green frock coat, +a waistcoat of the most extravagant pattern, the front of which was +almost covered with glittering chains, and in fancy pattern +pantaloons." The judicious electors of Taunton preferred Mr. +Labouchere's more solid qualities. + +Lord Taunton died very suddenly on July 13, 1869. He was twice +married, first to Frances, daughter of Sir Thomas Baring,[8] and +secondly to Lady Mary Howard, a daughter of Lord Carlisle. He left +no sons. Consequently the bulk of his fortune descended to his +brother John Labouchere's eldest son Henry, the future member for +Northampton and editor of _Truth_. + +The younger Henry Labouchere's earliest recollections carried him +back to his childish visits to his grandfather in Hamilton Place, +where Prince Talleyrand, then Ambassador to the Court of St. James +(1830-34), was a frequent visitor. "I have always taken a special +interest in Talleyrand," he wrote when he was sixty, "because he gave +me when a child a very gorgeous box of dominoes."[9] + +The elder Henry Labouchere does not seem at first sight to have +shared any traits with his nephew and namesake. The only point on +which they may be said to have agreed was their love for America. +Lord Taunton as a young man travelled much in the United States with +Lord Derby, and he had important business interests there as well as +in South America, arising out of the commercial enterprises of the +{15} house of Hope. He acquired in the course of his travels a +strong liking for American institutions and a genuine affection for +the American people, a feeling which, as we shall see, was shared by +his nephew. + +Mr. John Labouchere predeceased Lord Taunton by six years, and it was +often presumed by persons who knew the family but slightly that the +younger Henry Labouchere was the son of Lord Taunton, which mistake +gave the young wit the opportunity of making one of his best-known +repartees. On one occasion a gentleman, to whom Henry was introduced +for the first time, opened the conversation by remarking: "I have +just heard your father make an admirable speech in the House of +Lords." "The House of Lords!" replied Mr. Labouchere, assuming an +air of intense interest, "well, I always _have_ wondered where my +father went to when he died." + + + +[1] Presumably Uncle Pierre had conformed and stuck to it. + +[2] The portraits of Pierre-César Labouchère and Dorothy his wife, +now in my possession, were then at Farnham Castle, and Mr. Baring was +visiting my father, the then Bishop of Winchester, when he related to +me this anecdote of my great-grandparents. + +[3] The story is confirmed by the Hon. Francis Henry Baring. Mr. F. +H. Baring was told it by the late Thomas Charles Baring, M.P., the +son of the Bishop of Durham. Mr. T. C. Baring was for many years a +partner in Baring Bros., where he probably heard the story. Sir +Henry Lucy, in his _More Passages by the Way_, mentions that Mr. +Labouchere himself believed the story to be true. + +[4] Vincent Nolte, _Fifty Years in Both Hemispheres_. American +translation, 1854. + +[5] Thiers, _Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire_; Louis Madelin, +_Fouché_. See also _Times_, March 16, 1811, for the English account. + +[6] _Histoire de Mon Temps: Mémoires du Chancelier Pasquier_, +publiées par le Duc d'Audriffet-Pasquier, 1789-1830. + +[7] The journal was written by Mr. T. L. Mallet, who married Lucy, +daughter of Charles Baring. I am indebted for the extract to Lord +Northbrook. + +[8] Yet another link between the Laboucheres and the Barings was +forged by the marriage, in 1837, of Lady Taunton's sister, Emily +Baring, to Mrs. John Labouchere's brother, the Rev. William Maxwell +Du Pre. His sister, Caroline Du Pre, became the wife of the Rev. +Spenser Thornton, who was a grandson of Godfrey Thornton by Jane his +wife, a daughter of an influential director of the French hospital, +Stephen Peter Godin, whose family note-book was published in the +January number of the _Genealogist_ (_The Labouchère Pedigree_, by +Henry Wagner, F.S.A., 1913). + +[9] _Truth_, March 19, 1891. + + + + +{16} + +CHAPTER II + +CHILDHOOD AND YOUTH + +(1831-1853) + +John Peter Labouchere,[1] the younger son of Pierre-César Labouchère, +was a partner in the firm of Hope at Amsterdam, and, later, a partner +in the bank of Williams, Deacon, Thornton, and Labouchere. He +married Mary Louisa Du Pre,[2] second daughter of Mr. James Du Pre of +Wilton Park in Buckinghamshire, and granddaughter of Sir William +Maxwell of Monteith, by whom he had a family of three sons and six +daughters, of whom one son and four daughters are still living. He +was the owner of Broome Hall in Surrey, and his town house was at 16 +Portland Place. He was an extremely religious man and well known for +his charitable and philanthropic labours. At one period his elder +brother, Lord Taunton, then Mr. Henry Labouchere, also had a house in +Portland Place, and he used to relate that he was constantly pestered +by persons confusing him with his brother the banker, who called to +ask for his help and patronage with regard to various evangelical +enterprises. It was his habit to reply to them: "You have made a +mistake, sir; the good Mr. Labouchere lives at No. 16." + +Henry Du Pre, the eldest son of John Labouchere, was born at 16 +Portland Place on November 9, 1831. His {17} education, had he been +a docile pupil, would, according to his father's wishes, have been +that of a conventional English boy with some reasonable expectations +of a fine career in the financial or the diplomatic world, into +either of which he had an easy _entrée_ through the influence of the +Labouchere family. But he displayed, at the very beginning of his +career, a curious and original character, which did not seem to +follow easily any of the known paths of learning marked out for the +youth of his period. The earliest repartee recorded of him was made +to the headmaster of the private school to which he was sent at the +age of six. Before breakfast, the morning after his arrival, the new +boys were placed in a row, and asked whether they had all washed +their teeth. One by one they answered in the affirmative, until came +the turn of Henry. "No," he answered firmly. "And pray why not?" +wound up the master indignantly, after a long lecture on the enormity +of the crime of neglecting the cleanliness of the teeth. "Because I +haven't got any," smiled Henry suddenly. He was just at the stage of +changing his baby teeth, and his toothless gums were displayed for +the full benefit of the discomfited moralist.[3] Nearly fifty years +later Labouchere published the following account of his school-days: + +"When I was a boy I was sent to a school which was kept by one of the +most ill-conditioned ruffians that ever wielded a cane. He used to +suffer from lumbago (this was my only consolation), and would crawl +on his hands and knees into the schoolroom; then he would rear up and +commence caning a few boys, merely, I truly believe, from a notion +that the exercise would be beneficial to his muscles. The man was +ignorant, brutal, mean, and cruel, and yet his school somehow had a +reputation as an excellent one--mainly, I suspect, because he had the +effrontery to charge a high price for the privilege of being at +it."[4] + +{18} + +He went to Eton in the September of 1844, and was entered at the +house of Edward Balston, who afterwards became headmaster. Dr. +Hawtrey, whose classical teaching has been described as "more +picturesque than useful," was headmaster during the three years and a +half that Henry Labouchere was at the school. The boy seems to have +been a fairly idle scholar, and nothing remarkable in the way of a +sportsman. He was exceedingly small for his age and, in consequence, +a light weight, so that he was much in request on summer afternoons +as a "cox." Among his contemporaries at Eton were the late Lord +Avebury, the late Sir George Tryon, Lord Roberts, the late Sir Arthur +Blackwood, Sir Algernon West, and Lord Welby. Lord Welby recollects +that he had, even in his Eton days, the dry, cynical manner and +original mode of verbal expression which, later on, marked him out +from his fellows. + +Labouchere fell under a suspicion of bullying whilst at Balston's, +and the consequences he was forced to undergo are interesting as +illustrative of the Eton justice of the forties. He was in the fifth +form, and the elder boys of his house summoned the captain of the +lower boys, one Barton, who was a good deal bigger than Labouchere, +to fight him in the house. Barton had no quarrel on his own account +with Labouchere--it was a case of representative justice. The fight +was arranged to take place in one of the rooms after tea, it being +the uncomfortable practice in those days always to fight after a +meal. Labouchere and Barton punched away at each other for an hour +or so, until the big boys went down to supper, when they were allowed +to rest. After the elders had supped, the fight was renewed until +Labouchere succumbed. However, it was generally allowed that he had +made a good show before a bigger man than himself. The next day the +eyes of the combatants were bunged up, their noses swollen to bottle +size, and their complexions coloured bright blue and green with +bruises. They could not go into school. Balston was obliged to take +notice of what had {19} happened, which he did with well-simulated +indignation, and, when they were able to return to school, reported +them to Hawtrey, who "swished" them both.[5] + +Another contemporary of Mr. Labouchere's at Eton, the late Frederick +Morton Eden, related a story about him at a dinner given to him some +years ago, as the senior "Old Etonian," in the School Hall of the +College. Whilst the old chapel was being restored, a temporary +chapel of wood and iron was run up. The corrugated iron roof made +the heat intolerable during the summer months, so Labouchere hit upon +a plan to put a stop to the nuisance of "chapel in the shanty." One +boy was to pretend to faint and four others were to carry him out. A +fifth was to follow bearing the hats of the performers. The plan +worked admirably. The service was brought to a temporary stop and +the boys, as soon as they were outside, scampered merrily off and +procured some agreeable refreshment. The repetition of this comedy, +of course, aroused the suspicion of the masters, but nevertheless, +like many of Labouchere's intrigues in later life, it produced +eventually the desired effect. There was no more chapel during the +hot weather until the restoration of the old chapel was complete. + +A reminiscence of his Eton days that Mr. Labouchere was fond of +relating has already found its way into print, but will bear +repetition, as all may not have read it. One day, his store of +pocket-money being at high-water mark, he conceived the notion of +doing the man about town for an hour or two; so, having dressed +himself with scrupulous care, he sallied forth, and, entering the +best hotel in the place, engaged a private room, and in a lordly +manner ordered a bowl of punch. The waiter stared but brought the +liquor, and went away. The boy, having tasted it, found it horrible. +He promptly poured it into the lower compartment {20} of an antique +oak sideboard. He waited a little to see whether it would run out on +to the carpet. Luckily the drawer was watertight, and Labouchere +rang the bell again and proudly ordered from the amazed waiter a +second bowl of punch. He poured this also into the oak sideboard, +and in a few minutes rang for the bill, tipped the waiter +majestically, and swaggered out of the hotel, quite satisfied that he +had won the admiration and respect of the whole staff. + +After the Christmas half of 1847, Labouchere left Eton. He was then +in his seventeenth year, and, before going to the university, it was +thought advisable to place him for a year or two with a private tutor. + +It is interesting, before we leave Labouchere's Etonian career, to +record his views on fagging, that venerable institution, which is +generally considered by Englishmen to have contributed so largely +towards their superiority to the rest of mankind. "When I was at +Eton," he wrote, "fags thought that all was fair in regard to their +masters. I had a master who used to send me every morning to a +farmhouse to get him cream for his breakfast. On my return I +invariably added a trifle of my milk to the cream and thickened my +milk with an infusion of my master's cream. Thus, by the light of +that revenge, which Lord Bacon calls a 'rude sense of justice,' I +anticipated the watering process which has been practised by so many +public companies. Sometimes he would have jugged hare. These +occasions were my grand opportunity, and, unknown to him, I used to +pour out into my own slop basin a portion of the savoury mess, and +conceal the deficit by an addition of pure water. Fagging in fact, +is productive of more evil to the fag than the fagger. The former +learns all the tricks and dodges of the slave."[6] + +Labouchere's matured judgment of Dr. Hawtrey was expressed as follows: + + +Dr. Hawtrey was the headmaster when I was at Eton. He was {21} an +amiable and kindly man and a fine gentleman. He probably flogged +about twenty boys every day, on an average. He did it with exquisite +politeness, and, except on rare occasions, the whole thing was a +farce. Four cuts were the ordinary application, and ten cuts were +never exceeded. The proceedings took place in public, and any boy +who had a taste for the thing might be a spectator. If the victim +flinched there was a howl of execration. Far from objecting to this, +the doctor approved of it. I remember once that a boy fell on his +knees, and implored him to spare him. "I shall not condescend to +flog you, but I leave you to your young friends," said the doctor. I +happened to be one of the young friends, and I remember aiding in +kicking the boy round the quadrangle for about half an hour.[7] + + +The reflections of boys on the education to which they have been +subjected are remarkably interesting, because they are so exceedingly +rare. We have Rousseau's criticism of his upbringing, but it was +penned when youth was behind, and it is tinged with an affectation of +intellectual detachment and middle-aged self-consciousness which robs +it of the spontaneity which would be its only recommendation. St. +Augustine, when he wrote his confessions, knew far too much to be +able to write with simple sincerity of his foolish youth. +Labouchere's early note-books, unlike these masterpieces, possess the +uncommon value of being youth's judgments upon youth, written with +all the hardy ingenuousness of a clever boy, who was, besides being +clever, extremely young for his age.[8] About the period of his life +which has been described Labouchere wrote, at the age of twenty-one: +"I will give ... an outline of my life, and the different courses +that led to my discovery of early wisdom. I went through the usual +numbers of schools, by which I learnt that an English education, for +the time and money that it consumes, is the worst that the world has +yet produced. One {22} clergyman alone of all my masters knew how to +teach. His conduct was perfectly arbitrary, and he gave no reason +for it--while, in the several branches of learning, his pupils either +made rapid progress or left his house. My acquaintance with him was +of short duration. He insisted on my teaching in an infant school on +Sunday, or leaving his house--and I foolishly preferred the latter. +I was then too young to go to college, so I was transferred to a +clergyman in Norfolk, the very antipodes of my former master. Here I +amused myself, and was flattered for a year or two, and then went to +the university." + +In February, 1850, he went up to Trinity College, Cambridge. His +tutor was Mr. Cooper. In his note-book describing the university +period of his career Labouchere wrote: "My father sent me to college, +where, instead of improving my mind (for manners, I own, must be bad +to be improved by such a place), I diligently attended the +race-course at Newmarket. I had a general idea that here (at the +university) I should astonish the world by my talents--I attended no +lectures, as I considered myself too clever to undergo the drudgery. +I considered myself--on what grounds God knows--an orator and a poet. +I went to the Debating Society and commenced a speech in favour of +the regicides, but, to my astonishment, entirely broke down. To my +equal astonishment, upon writing the first line of a prize poem, I +found it impossible to find a second. To become known in the +university was my ambition--my short cuts to fame had failed--it +never entered my head to apply myself really to study, so, in default +of a better method, I resolved to distinguish myself by my bets on +horse-races. I diligently attended every meeting at Newmarket and +spent the evenings in a tavern, where the sporting students and +sporting tradesmen assembled to gamble. At the end of two years I +had lost about £6000, and I owed to most of my sporting friends.... +Upon a dispute with the College authorities my degree was deferred +for two years, and I left the University." + +{23} + +So many incorrect versions of Labouchere's dispute with the +university have been given in various newspaper biographical notices +at different times that a short account of what actually did happen +will not be out of place here. + +A court was held on April 2, 1852, at King's Lodge, to hear a +complaint brought by the proproctor, Mr. Barnard Smith, against Henry +Labouchere for having sent to various university officers a printed +paper, signed by himself, imputing unfair conduct to Mr. Barnard +Smith towards himself whilst in the Senate House during an +examination. + +What happened at the Senate House is best told in Labouchere's own +words. I quote the printed letter which he sent to the university +officers, and which was the cause of his leaving Cambridge before he +took his degree. + + +The undersigned went into the Senate House for the previous +Examination on Monday last, and had not been there long before he was +painfully surprised by the suspicions of one of the proproctors, the +Rev. Mr. Barnard Smith of St. Peter's College. This gentleman, from +the beginning of the Examination, continued to watch the undersigned +in so marked a manner as not only to be noticed by himself but by +other members of the University, under examination, who sat near him. +The undersigned felt much distressed at this special surveillance. +He had done nothing to deserve suspicion of being likely to resort to +any unworthy practices in the Senate House, and the knowledge that he +was thus subject to what he felt to be little short of a direct +personal insult hindered his giving undivided attention to the +examination questions which he had to answer. + +Notwithstanding this discouragement, the undersigned sent in his +answers, which he has since been assured by one of the Examiners were +satisfactory.... + +On the day following (Tuesday), having nearly answered all the +questions, the undersigned was stopped by the Rev. Mr. B. S. and +charged with mal-practices in the Examination, of which he was not +guilty. + +HENRY LABOUCHERE. + + +After a short inquiry, during which it was ascertained {24} that +Labouchere had been guilty of writing the above letter, the court +delivered the following sentence: "The court being of opinion that +the charge has been fully proved, and that the conduct of Mr. +Labouchere has been highly reprehensible and injurious to the +character and discipline of the University, sentences Henry +Labouchere to be admonished and suspended from his degree for two +years." In the course of the inquiry, Labouchere defended himself +with great ability, though unsuccessfully. + +I give his defence verbatim, as the detail with which he gave it is +the best possible account of the circumstances which led up to his +insubordinate act: + + +The whole business seems so indefinite that it is almost impossible +to offer a defence. I am convened before the Vice-Chancellor for +sending a printed notice to the Examiners and for bringing a charge +against Mr. Barnard Smith. But what my copying or not copying in the +Senate House has to do with it, it is difficult to say. But, as my +copying has been brought forward and is supposed to bear on the +subject, I am happy to have an opportunity of disproving it. Mr. +Fenwick, on being asked, brought forward 3 charges why I was sent out +of the Senate House: first, for having a paper concealed which I +refused to give to the Examiners; secondly, for asserting that the +paper had nothing to do with the Examination; and thirdly, for owning +that it had. Mr. Fenwick (who it appears had the direction of the +case) made no further charge. Mr. Barnard Smith now brings an +entirely different charge, which is that I slipped a piece of paper +into my pocket, and that he imagines he saw me do so. Why he didn't +stop me at the time he does not say. Now all the Examiners who had +been examined here to-day, except Mr. Latham, say that from my +general conduct I was suspected of copying on Monday. Mr. Fenwick, +however, is more particular, and says that my position excited +suspicion. Mr. Woollaston says that I did not appear to be occupied +with the Examination. So that what my general conduct was is +explained. Having partly finished 10 questions in the Scripture +history, I, more as a rest than anything else, wrote a note to a +friend asking him how he {25} had got on, and mentioned that I had +just given a long answer to the 10th question: I added, "I suppose +the Shunamite woman was the person whose son was struck with the +sun." While reading this note to myself, I saw Mr. Barnard Smith +coming towards me; upon which I threw it away as far as possible; and +upon his asserting that he had seen a paper in my hands I said that +he had, but that I had no crib, nor had I in any way copied, that it +was a note having nothing to do with the Examination. Not being in +the habit of having my word questioned I saw no reason for producing +it. Mr. Barnard Smith, however, thought differently; and, as the +Examiners agreed with him, upon demanding its production I said that +I had thrown it away, and it was probably somewhere on the ground. +Having looked close by and not perceived it, I told Mr. Fenwick that +I didn't see it. Mr. Fenwick, on this, ordered me to look for it, in +a manner so offensive, that I took no further trouble about the +matter. I then told the Examiners that, if they wished to know what +was in the note, there was a question about the Shunamite woman, and +told them I had just finished the answer to that question. I then +gave up my papers and left the Senate House. The inference I believe +drawn from the last two charges is that I told a lie. Upon this +point any person may form his own opinion. I am asked whether I had +a paper. The paper is by that time thrown away. I answered that I +had. Had I denied it there would have been no evidence, and the +matter would probably have dropped. + +According to the Examiner I had first said the paper had nothing to +do with the Examination, and then, finding that the paper is not +produced, tell them that the paper had to do with the Examination. I +simply stated what it contained and should not have told a lie +against myself. The fact was, not seeing the paper, and considering +that Mr. Fenwick had ordered me to look for it in rather an offensive +way, I told them what it contained. I had finished the Examination +question at the time, and the question in the note was not put in +with any desire to know whether it was right or wrong. I simply put +in that I supposed it was right more for something to say than for +anything else. But I certainly did not consider it had anything to +do with the Examination in the way which Mr. Barnard Smith meant. +{26} With respect to Mr. Barnard Smith's impression that I slipped a +piece of paper into my pocket, I wish that he had said so at the +time, that I might have disproved it. I can only say now that there +is a sufficient internal evidence in my answers to show that I didn't +obtain assistance from any notes, as I had a general knowledge of the +subject, and confined myself to general facts. After having been +dismissed from the Senate House, and having, in vain, challenged an +investigation before the Vice-Chancellor, as I understood the +Examiners openly asserted that I had told a lie, I sent a circular to +them denying the charge. I did this, lest at any time hereafter, +such an action should be brought to my charge, and also that it had +been unrefuted. I have now denied the charge, and for their +individual opinion I care little. + + +The court asked, at this point, if Mr. Labouchere deliberately wished +these words to be recorded: he said "Yes" and then went on with his +defence: + + +But, as in their office of Examiners they had unjustly asserted that +I told a lie, I did my duty in openly denying it. I mean to say that +I sent this circular to the Examiners in their public capacity and +not as private individuals. I sent it to justify myself from a +charge which I consider unjust, and upon which I could not obtain an +investigation. + + +The immediate reflection that presents itself to the mind of any one +who knew Labouchere well and who studies his defence is that it is +curious that it should have been over a Scripture History paper that +he was suspected of cribbing, for, thanks to his early evangelical +training and his innate love of his Bible, Labouchere was almost +phenomenally proficient in Scripture knowledge. He quoted the Bible, +and rarely incorrectly, on every occasion--in his parliamentary +speeches, in his journalistic articles, and in private +conversation--and he could, invariably, if questioned, give chapter +and verse for the verification of his quotation. + +Two anecdotes have frequently been given in the press about +Labouchere's alleged cribbing at Cambridge. I never {27} heard him +relate them himself, and they are probably legends of the kind that +are born in the journalist's brain whilst he is racking it for copy +in the shape of anecdotic detail. The first is that his academic +career terminated abruptly because he had made a bet with another +undergraduate that he would crib in his Little Go examination without +being caught, and that when caught he accused the examiner of being +in collusion with the other party to the bet. The other is that +during the examination he was observed to be frequently looking at +something concealed beneath a sheet of blotting-paper. On being +asked to produce it, Labouchere refused. But, when obliged to do so, +it was found that the concealed object was the photograph of a +popular variety artiste, whose bright eyes, he asserted, stimulated +him to persevere in his academic efforts. + +There are, of course, any number of popular anecdotes of Labouchere's +university days. A good one is the following. On one occasion, +having taken French leave to London, he was unexpectedly confronted +one morning in the Strand by his father, who looked extremely annoyed +to see the youth there, when he imagined him to be occupied with his +studies. Henry's wits as usual were on the alert. He returned his +father's cold greeting with a surprised stare. "I beg your pardon, +sir," he said, "I think you have made a mistake. I have not the +honour of your acquaintance." He pushed by and was lost in the +crowd. Rapidly consulting his watch, he found he could, by running, +just catch a train for Cambridge. He did so, and what he had +foreseen happened. Mr. Labouchere, senior, after having accomplished +the business he was about, took the next train for Cambridge. On +reaching the university he was ushered into his son's study, where he +found him absorbed in work. He made no reference to his rencontre in +the Strand, being persuaded that it must have been a hallucination. + +Another story relates how he used to go about in a very ragged gown. +One day the Master of Trinity, Whewell, {28} came across him and +said, "Is that a proper academic costume, Mr. Labouchere?" "Really, +sir, I must refer you to my tailor," was the reply. + +Labouchere continues in his note-book to describe, with naïve +minuteness of detail, his search for wisdom after he left the +university. "With great liberality," he wrote, "my father paid my +debts, and advised my return home. My family ... was religious, and, +finding my father's house dull, I had accustomed myself to live at a +tavern in Covent Garden.... After remaining there for two or three +weeks, I used to return home, and leave it indefinite from where I +had come. Until my leaving College and the payment of my debts by my +father, I had kept up an appearance of respectability at home. Now, +however, I threw off all restraint, and openly lived at my tavern for +about two months, during which I lost several hundred pounds at hells +and casinos." + +The tavern which Labouchere frequented at this period was far from +being the haunt of vice which, with the gloomy sternness of +moralising youth, he wished to depict it. It was a species of night +club, known as Evans', and was the resort of all literary and +artistic London. It constantly figures in Thackeray's novels and +other books of the period as a place of Bohemian rendezvous and the +scene of a good deal of rough-and-tumble jollity. The house, of +which it formed the cellar, had once been the home of Sir Kenelm +Digby. Above the tavern, or "Cave of Harmony" as Thackeray called +it, was the hotel in which Labouchere had his rooms. In later years, +that is to say in the later fifties and early sixties, the popularity +of this place of conviviality increased so much that it was found +necessary to pull down the little room where Labouchere used to +listen every night to the singing of more or less rowdy songs, and +build on its site a vast concert-room, with an annexe, consisting of +a comfortable hall, hung with theatrical portraits, where +conversation could be carried on. There was a private {29} +supper-room in the grill, and this annexe became a popular resort for +men about town. Some of the smartest talk in London was to be heard +at Evans', for it numbered among its patrons such wits as Douglas +Jerrold, Thackeray, Lionel Lawson, Edmund Yates, Augustus Sala, +Serjeant Ballantine, John Leech, Serjeant Murphy--and Henry +Labouchere. The presiding spirit of the establishment was a great +friend of Labouchere's. He acted as head waiter and was known as +Paddy Green. He had commenced his career as a chorus-singer at the +Adelphi Theatre, and had won for himself in all classes of society an +immense popularity on account of his courtesy and unfailing +good-humour. The prosperity of Evans' only waned when the modern +music-halls, where women formed the larger part of the audience, +became the fashion.[9] + +From the superior point of view of the maturity of twenty-one, +Labouchere was inclined to survey, with an eye of undue severity, the +follies he committed at the age of nineteen. He wrote: "Whenever I +entered into conversation with any person, I introduced the subject +of gambling, and boasted of sums I had lost, which I appeared to +consider, instead of a disgrace, a subject on which I might justly +pride myself. During this period I believe I had a general wish to +elevate myself to some higher position, as, while passing my days and +nights in profligacy, my chief study was Dr. Johnson's _Life_ and +Lord Chesterfield's _Letters to his Son_." And again: "Inflated with +conceit I imagined myself equal to cope with all mankind. In society +I was awkward, and therefore sought the society of my inferiors, +while I endeavoured to delude myself with the notion that I was a +species of socialist and that all men were equal. Conversation, +properly so-called, I had none. I could argue any subject, but not +converse--my manners were boorish--I had never learnt to dance, so I +seldom entered a ball-room, or if {30} there, I pretended to despise +the amusement, as I never owned myself incapable of anything. If I +entered a drawing-room, I either held myself aloof from the company, +or I argued some subject by the hour with my neighbour. In fact, in +manners I was an _outré_ specimen of an uncultivated English young +man--the most detestable yahoo in creation." + +He continues: "From my tavern I was again rescued by my father, who +sent me abroad under the guidance of a species of Mentor, who was, +unfortunately, totally unfitted for his task. Three days after +leaving England we arrived at Wiesbaden, where there are public +gaming tables. Here I felt myself at home, and the first day gained +about £150. My Mentor, who was going to the hotel, offered to carry +the money I had won, and give it back to me the next day. The next +morning, however, on my asking for it, he refused to return it unless +I promised not to play while at Wiesbaden. After my father had so +often paid large sums for me, in gratitude I ought to have yielded. +This, however, I refused to do, but remained two months at Wiesbaden, +while my Mentor continued his travels. At last it was agreed that I +should meet him at Paris, and there receive my money, where, I need +not add, in a few days it was spent." + +Some of Mr. Labouchere's most interesting articles in _Truth_ in +after years were the ones he was in the habit of writing, when he was +on his summer holiday, describing the various resorts he visited, and +he was always eager to recall reminiscences of his boyhood when he +found himself at a place he had passed through in his youth. He +wrote from Wiesbaden in 1890: + + +German watering-places are dull places now that the gambling at them +has been abolished, and even those who did not play at their tables +have discovered this. I am at Wiesbaden. When a jade repents of her +ways and takes to propriety, she is little given to overdo +respectability. So it is with this and other examples of roulette +and _trente et quarante_. The respectability of the Wiesbaden of +to-day is positively oppressive. Its devotion {31} weighs upon the +spirit. I remember being here nearly forty years ago. I was then a +lad travelling on the continent with a bear-leader to enlarge my +experience. The bear-leader and I never could quite agree what spot +would prove the most improving. He wished to study still nature, I +wished to study human nature. So, like Abram and Lot, we generally +separated. He betook himself to the Carpathian Mountains, I +sojourned here. Wiesbaden was then cosmopolitan. The tag-rag and +bobtail of all nations resorted to it, and, if all of them were not +quite _sans reproche_, they were all pleasant enough in their way. +There was a vague notion that, somewhere or other, there were waters, +but, where precisely they were, and what they cured, very few knew. +The Kursaal was the centre of attraction, with its roulette and its +_trente et quarante_.[10] + + +From Paris, Labouchere and his tutor returned to England, and, after +a month passed at Broome Hall with occasional visits to his beloved +Evans', it was arranged that he should make a trip to South America, +where his family had had for many years very important commercial +interests and could give him some respectable introductions. He +noted his impressions of his journey and arrival in America in the +most approved early Victorian guide-book manner, but, in spite of an +apparent effort to be, at the same time, both stilted and elegant in +style, his natural originality peeps out here and there: + +"On the 2nd of November, 1852, in the steam packet _Orinoco_, I set +sail, or rather set steam, from England. For the first ten days I +remained in bed in all the agonies of seasickness. Some persons, +particularly poets, find some pleasure in a voyage, but I confess the +_nil nisi pontus et aer_ is to me the most distasteful sight in +creation, especially when the _pontus_ is rough. The passengers were +chiefly Spaniards to Havana and Germans who were going to 'improve +their prospects'--how I have no idea, but, from the appearance of the +gentlemen, they might have done so {32} without becoming +millionaires. At nine we breakfasted, at twelve lunched, at four +dined, and at seven tea'd. The rest of the day was passed on deck. +Through storm and sunshine the majority of the foreigners played at +bull, a species of marine quoits. The ladies always knitted, and the +English read Dickens' _Household Words_. In the evening there was +dancing. There was an unfortunate devil of a mulatto on board who +offended the prejudices of the planters by dancing with the white +ladies. 'Why,' they said, 'that fellow ought to be put up to auction +unless anybody owns him.' In eating and these interesting diversions +the day passed. The only incident that enlivened the voyage was, +that one night the Germans had an immense bowl of punch brewed (I +wish I had the recipe of that said punch, for a better brew I never +tasted) and sang sentimental songs. One German went round and +informed the English they were going to drink to _die_ King of +England, and, amid immense applause, they bawled out 'Gott save _die_ +Queen.' As the punch got to their heads the songs became more +sentimental. A Bonn student seized the bowl, and wished to drink it +to the Fatherland, when another, who saw no reason why the Bonn +gentleman should consecrate the whole to his patriotism, knocked him +down. This was the signal for a general row. Some were sick, some +sang, while a little Jew, who, before, I had considered a steward, +enlivened the scene by dancing about in his night-shirt. On coming +up the next morning I found the Bonn student offering generally to +fight a duel with any person who asserted he had misbehaved himself. +As no one was valorous enough to do so, the student retired into +'bull.' At St. Thomas we changed steamers and almost died of heat. +The mulatto turned out very smart, which excited the ire of one of +the planters, who said, 'Look at that fellow with a new coat, he +ought to be diving about naked for half-pence in the water.' +Decency, however, forbade the mulatto taking the kindly meant advice. +Ten days after leaving St. Thomas we arrived at Vera Cruz. I ought +to {33} have felt some sort of enthusiasm on first seeing America, +but a mosquito had stung me in the eye, so that I saw it under +difficulties; indeed, a person must possess a large amount of +enthusiasm to be aroused into any outward display by the sandbanks +and plaguish-looking shore of Vera Cruz. I had a letter to a +merchant, who most hospitably entertained me at his house, where I +spent two days bathing my eye in hot water. On the third day, in +company with some friends, we left for Mexico in the diligence. In a +European town we should have created some excitement marching to the +coach office, each armed with guns, swords, and revolvers _ad +libitum_. Here, however, no one even stopped to look at our martial +appearance. At the diligence office we had a preliminary taste of +the pleasure of travelling in Mexico--travellers are only allowed 25 +lbs. of luggage, and as every person's portmanteau weighed twice as +much, the clerk refused to allow any to go. While my companions were +haranguing inside I slipped my portmanteau, which was far the +largest, under the coachman's seat, and a dollar into his hand. +During the journey I was looked upon as a villain by my +fellow-passengers, because each thought that, if I had not existed, +their traps would have taken the place of mine. Their position was +certainly uncomfortable--their sole luggage was in their hands, +consisting chiefly, as it appeared to me, of tooth-brushes which they +had taken out of their trunks. It was four in the evening when we +started. For several leagues the carriage was pulled along a railway +by mules. This comfortable method of travelling soon came to an end, +and, with it, all signs of a road; we were jolted along a miserable +path full of ruts, in part paved, or rather unpaved, by the Americans +during their invasion, to make the road impassable. Little did they +know the Mexicans, as this highroad from the chief seaport to the +capital has never been repaired to the present time. Alison has +given a glowing description of the beauties of the scenery between +Vera Cruz and Mexico; it might have been Paradise, but, in that +infernal {34} diligence, knocking my head every minute against the +top, and holding on by both hands to the window, I was in no mood to +enjoy the scenery. Fresh from Europe, I certainly was astonished at +the luxuriant tropical jungle, filled with parrots and humming-birds +instead of sparrows. While my eyes drank in this new scene, my nose +drank in a succession of pole-cats. It is a journey of three days +between Vera Cruz and Mexico. The first day and night is passed in a +tropical heat, after which commences the ascent to the Grand Plateau +of Mexico. A rose smells as sweet under another name, and, as it +would be difficult to a European to pronounce the names, I do not +much regret forgetting where we stopped the first night; the second +was passed at Puebla di los Angelos, a town remarkable for its +superstition during the rule of the Aztecs, and equally remarkable at +present for its intolerance. When the cathedral was building, two +angels came down every night and doubled the work done during the +daytime by the mortal masons. The cathedral is the most beautiful in +the country; every other house is a monastery and a church. At four +we started again and jolted until three. Next morning, even under +these difficulties, I could not help admiring the scenery. The only +three snowy peaks in Mexico were all distinctly visible, while the +road wound through mountains rising perpendicularly from the plain. +One we passed is called after Cortes' wife, and exactly resembles in +its outlines a giant asleep. At the close of the third day we +reached Mexico. + +"When the city was in the midst of a lake and approached by causeways +it might have excited the admiration of Cortes and his army. In the +midst of a dry swamp it failed to excite mine. The advance of Cortes +from the shore to the capital was wonderful, but I really think it +was to be preferred to the diligence and unpaved road. All +sufferings have an end, and mine ended in the diligence hotel. I had +imagined, from travellers' accounts, that I should be lucky if I got +a corner in a barn with half a dozen mules, but I found myself +sleeping {35} in a comfortable room and dining at a table d'hôte in a +most distressingly civilised manner." + +Labouchere does not think it necessary to his dignified narrative to +mention the fact that his tutor accompanied him on this journey, but, +upon a reference to his note-book, we find that the long-suffering +Mentor formed one of the party. Labouchere is no less severe upon +himself and his iniquities in America than he was in England. He +wrote: + +"We landed at Vera Cruz and proceeded to Mexico. In two months I +lost all my money and £250 besides at cards. To induce my Mentor to +pay this sum I retired to a neighbouring town and stated my intention +to remain there until he provided the money. Here, in the _bena +caliente_, in a small inn, with no companion but the innkeeper, I +remained for a month. Here I reconsidered my life and determined to +commence afresh. I asked myself upon what ground I rested my title +to differ from the common race of fools. Was I clever? A scholar? +I had read a little. On most subjects I was ignorant--in society I +could argue, but not converse. With a lady, with a duenna, with +every person in whose society I found myself, I introduced my sole +subject--gambling. I told everybody that I had recently lost £6000, +which I imagined raised me in their opinion. I could not dance, and +I shunned society. I was conceited, and I was unwilling to confess +my ignorance of anything. I was an abominable and useless liar, as I +was fond of relating adventures of myself that had really never taken +place. I was ready to make acquaintance with every person who spoke +to me. Of music, drawing, and all the lighter arts I knew absolutely +nothing. I was one thing and one alone--a gambler--on that subject I +could be eloquent; but I felt that I could not consider myself +superior to the generality of mankind on this ground alone. In +playing even I failed, because, though I theoretically discovered +systems by which I was likely to win, yet, in practice, I could +command myself so little that upon a slight loss I left all to +chance." + +{36} + +The last entry in his note-book was made by Labouchere in the +seclusion of this little inn at Quotla di Amalpas, and it ends +abruptly. Perhaps it was interrupted by the arrival of the Mentor, +after his receipt of the letter, the draft of which is given further +on. + +"In my inn at Quotla di Amalpas I determined on reaching the States +to entirely give up gambling. A gambler requires to possess the +greatest command over himself, in which I entirely failed. To be +very reserved--a reserved person is always supposed to be wiser than +his neighbours. To be engaged in as many intrigues as is possible +with ladies--nothing forms character so much as intrigues of this +description--_probatum est_. To learn with a good countenance to pay +delicate compliments and to...." + +In the flap of his note-book is the draft of the letter to his tutor, +referred to above, which must be quoted, as it is so extremely +characteristic of the man whose letters were ever, to the very end of +his life, the most frankly illuminative documents as to the state of +mind through which he might be passing. Incidentally, also, it +cannot fail to suggest to the reader a gleam of compassion for the +problems and trials which must have been the lot of its recipient. +Here it is: + + +QUOTLA DI AMALPAS. + +DEAR SIR,--I have just come back from Cuernava, where I rode over the +worst road even in Mexico. Pray do not trouble yourself to exercise +your forbearance, or make excuses, as I can assure you they are not +wanted. If you find the slightest pleasure or amusement in writing +to innkeepers not to give me money, write to every one in the +country, but do not give yourself the trouble to tell me you have +done so, as it is a matter of unimportance to me. My stopping in +Mexico cannot now be helped, as I certainly shall not leave before +getting some money, and I must then go to England to pay it. I had +intended not to gamble in America, because of having to pay a double +interest--but man proposes and God disposes. As R---- says, I made +up a {37} story to avoid paying him. I could not at present leave my +gambling debts unpaid, or he would be believed. I shall borrow some +money here, and send to England (not to my father) for some to pay +it, and then go to England to pay it when it becomes due. It is a +pity having to go back as I should have liked to see a little more of +America, but what is done is done, and cannot be helped.--Yours truly, + +HENRY Du PRE LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--I have been offered a place as croupier at a Monté bank, so I +shall not starve. + + + +[1] Born Aug. 14, 1799; died Jan. 29, 1863. + +[2] Died April 29, 1874. + +[3] I am indebted to Mrs. Hillyer, Mr. Labouchere's eldest sister, +for the above anecdote. + +[4] _Truth_, May 28, 1885. + +[5] I am indebted to Lord Welby for the above anecdote. He heard it +from the late Lord Bristol, who was Labouchere's fag at Eton, and +also from the late Mr. Anthony Hammond. + +[6] _Truth_, Aug. 8, 1877. + +[7] _Truth_, Jan. 31, 1889. + +[8] The note-books from which the quotations in this chapter have +been taken are in the possession of the Rev. John Labouchere of +Sculthorpe Rectory, Fakenham. + +[9] Edmund Yates, _Recollections and Experiences_; Serjeant +Ballantine, _Experiences of a Barrister's Life_. + +[10] _Truth_, Sept. 4, 1890. + + + + +{38} + +CHAPTER III + +TRAVELS AND DIPLOMACY + +(1853-1864) + +Whether the Mentor resigned his job in despair about the time his +pupil was making prudent resolutions in the seclusion of the little +inn at Quotla di Amalpas, or whether it was decided by the parental +authority that Labouchere might as well continue his search for +wisdom in Mexico by himself, is not certain; but it would seem that, +just about three months after his landing at Vera Cruz, he parted +company with all his English friends, and, with a surprisingly small +sum for such an adventure in his pocket, rode off, and wandered for +eighteen months all over the country. Then he returned to the +capital, and fell in love with a lady of the circus. The published +legends belonging to this period of his career are legion. The +authority for them appears to be almost always Mr. Joseph Hatton, who +was the first writer to produce a biographical sketch of the editor +of _Truth_. He wrote it for _Harper's Magazine_, where it formed +part of a series which, in 1882, was published in England under the +title of _Journalistic London_. According to Hatton, Labouchere gave +him certain details of his past in an interview which took place at +his house in Queen Anne's Gate, so that Hatton's evidence, in so far +as _viva voce_ reminiscences are reliable, is unimpeachable.[1] + +{39} + +Labouchere told him that he travelled with the troupe to which the +lady he admired belonged, and got the job of doorkeeper. The circus +was a popular one, but the crowds who flocked to it were not all in a +position to pay their entrance with hard cash, so that he was +authorised by the proprietors to accept payment in kind--usually +consisting of oranges or small measures of maize. A very similar +story is related about him as occurring a year or two later when he +was attaché at Washington, and is corroborated for me by Sir Audley +Gosling, to whom Labouchere related it one day in his house in Old +Palace Yard. Sir Audley noticed hanging on the wall a large +playbill, and asked what it was. + +"It's a funny story," replied Labouchere; "I will tell you about it. +When attaché at Washington I was in the habit of attending almost +nightly a circus, standing often at the artistes' entrance to the +ring. The proprietor had often scowled at me, and one night asked me +what I meant by trespassing on sacred ground. I told him I had +formed an honourable attachment for one of his ladies, and simply +stood in the passage to kiss the hem of her robe as she passed by. +'Get out of this, you d--d loafer,' he said. And I got out. A few +months later I pointed out to my chief notices in the New York press +of a certain American sparkling wine called, after the district where +it was grown, 'Kitawber.' I told him I thought a report should be +made on this new vintage, and volunteered to draw up a report for the +Foreign Office. He seemed surprised by my assiduity and very unusual +zeal (for I never did a stroke of work), and said: 'By all means +go--that is a capital idea of yours.' The truth was my circus had +removed to Kitawber and with it my fair lady of the _haute école_, so +thither I proceeded. I presented myself to the proprietor, my rude +friend, and told him I wished for an engagement with his troupe +without salary. He asked me what my line was, and I told him +standing jumps. Some obstacles were placed in the ring, over which I +jumped with great success, and my name {40} figures on the playbill +you see hanging there as the 'Bounding Buck of Babylon.' I wore pink +tights, with a fillet round my head. My adorable one said I looked a +dear." + +It is more probable that these two stories are different versions of +one and the same adventure than that he twice followed a travelling +circus. No doubt, in recounting the tale, he confused the chronology. + +It would appear that the well-known story of his six months' +residence among the Chippeway Indians, usually related as an incident +occurring in the off moments of his diplomatic career, really took +place towards the end of 1853. Joseph Hatton, without mentioning any +dates, relates it as follows: "By and by he tired of this occupation +(_i.e._ travelling with the circus), and went to the United States. +He found himself at St. Paul, which was then only a cluster of +houses. Here he met a party of Chippeway Indians going back to their +homes. He went with them and lived with them for six months, hunting +buffalo, joining in their work and sports, playing cards for wampum +necklaces, and living what to Joaquin Miller would have been a poem +in so many stanzas, but which, to the more prosaic Englishman, was +just seeing life and passing away the time." More than half a +century later, when Mr. Labouchere was living at Pope's villa, he +invited all the Indian chiefs and their families, who were at that +time taking part in Buffalo Bill's Show called "The Wild West," to +spend a Sunday with him at Twickenham. They accepted the invitation, +and arrived betimes in the morning. Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, who was a +visitor at the villa on the occasion, gives a graphic account of Mr. +Labouchere's recognition, in the person of one of the Chippeways, of +the son of one of the nomadic friends of his early youth. She goes +on to tell the story of Mr. Labouchere's adventures with the Indians, +as she had often heard him tell it. + + +Nearly sixty years ago, [she says], Henry Labouchere, then an +adventurous lad, made a journey in the west of America. {41} +Minneapolis was at that time called St. Anthony's Palls, and while he +was there a far-seeing young chemist begged him to buy the land on +which Minneapolis stands--it was to be sold for a very small sum, now +it is worth many millions. He travelled still farther west with the +Chippeways, who were going to their hunting fields. The great chief, +Hole in Heaven, was very friendly with him, and he camped in one of +their wigwams for six weeks, the sister of the chief being assigned +to wait upon him. She cooked game to perfection, roasting wild birds +in clay and larger game before a fire. The game in those days was +very plentiful and tame, not having found out man to be their natural +enemy. Sometimes prairie chickens came near enough to be knocked on +the head, and great herds of buffalos still ranged the plains. The +Indians often killed a buffalo, but Mr. Labouchere was not lucky +enough to get one for himself. He saw an Indian war-dance, but +discreetly, from a slit in the door of his wigwam, as Hole in Heaven +said that, friendly as they were, at this sacred rite a white face +might infuriate them even to the use of the tomahawk. Mr. Labouchere +lingered among these American gentlemen until the last steamer had +departed from Fond du Lac, so he was obliged to travel in a canoe +until he reached the eastern end of the lake.[2] + + +After his experiences in the Wild West, Labouchere made New York his +quarters for some time, and occupied himself with a careful study of +the institutions, political and otherwise, of the American nation, +for which he acquired at this period of his life a profound and +lasting admiration. In 1883 he was writing to Mr. Joseph Chamberlain +on the subject of Radical policy, and he said in the course of his +letter: "I was caught young and sent to America; there I imbibed the +political views of the country, so that my Radicalism is not a joke, +but perfectly earnest. My opinions of most of the institutions of +this country is that of Americans--that they are utterly absurd and +ridiculous."[3] He constantly throughout his career drew upon his +youthful reminiscences of {42} America to point a moral or draw a +comparison, almost invariably favourable to the transatlantic people. +In a famous article which he wrote in 1884, to demonstrate to the +public the wide divergency existing at that time between Whig and +Radical principles, while discussing the financial relations of the +Crown with the country, he said: + + +The President of the United States regards himself as generously +treated with a salary of £10,000 per annum. We give half this sum to +a nobleman who condescends to walk before the Chief of the State on +ceremonial occasions with a coloured stick in his hand; and we spend +more than five times this sum in keeping a yacht in commission and +repair on which our sovereign steps two or three times in twenty +years! + + +In the same article he compared the English system of education with +the American: + + +If M * * * * wishes to learn what our schools ought to be, let him go +to the State of Illinois. A child there enters school at the age of +six. Each school is divided into ten grades; at the end of each year +there is an examination, and a child goes up one or more grades +according to his proficiency. A lad going through all the grades +acquires an excellent liberal education; if he passes through the +"high school" he is, by a very long degree, the educational superior +of the majority of our youths who have spent years at Eton or at +Harrow. All this does not cost his parents one cent. Rich and poor +alike send their children to the public schools, and thus all class +prejudice is early stamped out of the American breast. Another +advantage of these schools is that boys and girls are taught +together. The girls thus learn early how to take care of themselves, +and the boys' manners are softened. When grown up, boys and girls +are not kept apart as though they were each other's natural enemies, +nor are there any ill effects from their associating together. If +some marry, the relations of those who do not are those of brothers +and sisters. The Duke of Wellington is reported to have said that +Waterloo was won in the Eton playing fields. Not only was the Union +maintained in many battlefields, but America has become the most +forward nation {43} in the world owing to her schools. How pitiably +small and narrow does our school system appear in comparison with +theirs! Why cannot we do what has been done in America? Why? +Because the land is too full of men ... ignorant, servile, and aware +that their only chance of succeeding in life is to perpetuate class +distinctions, and to deprive the vast majority of their +fellow-citizens of the possibility of competing with them by +depriving them of the blessings of any real education. Which would +be to the greater advantage of the country, a Church Establishment +such as ours, or a school establishment such as that of Illinois? +What Radical entertains a doubt? If so, why do not we at once +substitute the one for the other?[4] + + +In his letters to the _Daily News_ during the autumn and winter of +1870 and 1871, he wrote from Paris commenting on the behaviour of the +English and American officials of the Diplomatic Corps who remained +in Paris during the siege. "Diplomats," he wrote on September 28th, +"are little better than old women when they have to act in an +emergency. Were it not for Mr. Washburne, who was brought up in the +rough-and-ready life of the Far West, instead of serving an +apprenticeship in Courts and Government offices, those who are still +here would be perfectly helpless. They come to him at all moments, +and although he cannot speak French, for all practical purposes, he +is worth more than all his colleagues put together." In another +letter he gives an amusing picture of the worried English chargé +d'affaires, immersed in official trivialities: "A singular +remonstrance has been received at the British Embassy. In the Rue de +Chaillot resides a celebrated English courtesan, called Cora Pearl, +and above her house floats the English flag. The inhabitants of the +street request the Ambassador of England, 'a country, the purity and +decency of whose manners is well known,' to cause this bit of +bunting, which is a scandal in their eyes, to be hauled down. I left +Mr. Wodehouse consulting the text-writers upon international law, in +order to discover a precedent for {44} the case." It contrasts +sharply enough with the glimpse he gives his readers of the American +Embassy. "I passed the afternoon," he wrote on November 15th, +"greedily devouring the news at the American Legation. It was a +curious sight--the Chancellerie was crowded with people engaged in +the same occupation. There were several French journalists, opening +their eyes very wide, under the impression that this would enable +them to understand English. A Secretary of Legation was sitting at a +table giving audiences to unnumbered ladies who wished to know how +they could leave Paris; or, if this was impossible, how they could +draw on their bankers in New York. Mr. Washburne walked about +cheerily shaking every one by the hand, and telling them to make +themselves at home. How different American diplomatists are to the +prim old women who represent us abroad, with a staff of half a dozen +dandies helping each other to do nothing, who have been taught to +regard all who are not of the craft as their natural enemies." Yet +another quotation from Labouchere's journalistic correspondence, +illustrating his predilection for things American: "The ambulance +which is considered the best is the American. The wounded are under +canvas, the tents are not cold, and yet the ventilation is admirable. +The American surgeons are far more skilful in the treatment of +gunshot wounds than their French colleagues. Instead of amputation +they practise resection of the bone. It is the dream of every French +soldier, if he is wounded, to be taken to this ambulance. They seem +to be under the impression that, even if their legs are shot off, the +skill of the Esculapii of the United States will make them grow +again. Be this as it may, a person might be worse off than stretched +on a bed with a slight wound under the tents of the Far West. The +French have a notion that, go where you may, to the top of a pyramid +or to the top of Mont Blanc, you are sure to meet an Englishman +reading a newspaper; in my experience of the world, the American girl +is far more inevitable than the Britisher; and, of course, under the +stars {45} and stripes which wave over the American tents, she is to +be found, tending the sick, and, when there is nothing more to be got +for them, patiently reading to them or playing at cards with them. I +have a great weakness for the American girl; she always puts her +heart in what she is about. When she flirts she does it +conscientiously, and when she nurses a most uninviting-looking +Zouave, or Franc-tireur, she does it equally conscientiously; +besides, as a rule, she is pretty, a gift of nature which I am very +far from undervaluing." + +To resume our narrative. At home the parental and avuncular +authorities had been at work, puzzling as to what career would best +suit the young searcher for wisdom, the irrepressible Eton blood--the +baby of the preparatory school, who, without his milk teeth, was able +to confound the ruffians of the cane and their assistants--the +undaunted enemy of university dons and pedagogues. Finally, it was +decided that the diplomatic service would be, at any rate for a time, +the best safety-valve for the inquisitive youth. Henry Labouchere +was on one of his unconventional tours in his beloved Wild West when +he heard of his first diplomatic appointment. He was appointed +attaché at Washington on July 16, 1854. + +Mr. Crampton had been Minister at Washington since 1852, and, at the +time of Labouchere taking up his duties at the Legation, Lord Elgin, +then Governor of Canada, was on a special mission to Washington. Mr. +Crampton had not succeeded in making himself at all agreeable to the +American statesmen, and during the Crimean War he had nearly caused a +rupture between Great Britain and the United States over the question +of recruiting. The exigencies of war had brought about the +reprehensible practice of raising various foreign corps and pressing +them--or crimping them--into the British service. Crampton very +actively forwarded the schemes of his Government by encouraging the +recruiting of soldiers within the territories of the United States. +It was not, however, until 1856 that the President {46} of the United +States came to a determination to discontinue official intercourse +with him on account of the recruiting question. This necessitated +his removal from Washington, and the feeling against him in the +United States was so strong that diplomatic relations were not +renewed with Great Britain for more than six months.[5] There is no +evidence of any kind to support the statements that have appeared +from time to time in the press, to the effect that Henry Labouchere +was involved in the crimping business. During the time he spent at +Washington he seems to have been an assiduous worker--to which the +number of despatches in his handwriting preserved in the archives of +the Record Office bear witness. + +He related in _Truth_, some years later, how his energy received a +check at the very outset of his career. "When I joined the +diplomatic service," he said, "I was sent as attaché to a legation +where a cynic was the minister. New brooms sweep clean. Every +morning I appeared, eager to be employed, a sort of besom tied up in +red tape. Said the cynic to me: 'If you fancy that you are likely to +get on in the service by hard work, you will soon discover your +error; far better will it be for you if you can prove that some +relation of yours is the sixteenth cousin of the porter at the +Foreign Office.' It was not long before I discovered that the cynic +was right." + +It was the fate of Henry Labouchere, wherever he went, to create an +atmosphere of unconventionality, which formed a fitting background +for the numberless stories which seem still to collect and grow round +his name as time goes on. During one of Mr. Crampton's absences from +the Legation, he had an opportunity of exercising the official +reserve and {47} discretion for which the English diplomats have +always been so famous. An American citizen called one morning to see +Mr. Crampton. "I want to see the boss," he said. "You can't--he is +out," replied Labouchere. "But you can see me." "You are no good," +replied the American. "I must see the boss. I'll wait." "Very +well," calmly said the attaché, and went on with his letter-writing. +The visitor sat down and waited for a considerable time. At last he +said: "I've been fooling round here two hours; has the chief come in +yet?"--"No; you will see him drive up to the front door when he +returns."--"How long do you reckon he will be before he comes?" +"Well," said Labouchere, "he went to Canada yesterday; I should say +he'll be here in about six weeks." + +In spite of all his good resolutions Labouchere was still a gambler, +and once found himself in what might have been an awkward scrape +owing to this propensity. All who knew him at all intimately must +often have heard him tell the following episode, which I will relate +as nearly as possible in his own words: "While I was attaché at +Washington I was sent by the minister to look after some Irish +patriots at Boston. I took up my residence at a small hotel, and +wrote down an imaginary name in the hotel book as mine. In the +evening I went to a gambling establishment, where I lost all the +money I had with me except half a dollar. Then I went to bed, +satisfied with my prowess. The next morning the bailiffs seized on +the hotel for debt, and all the guests were requested to pay their +bills and to take away their luggage. I could not pay mine, and so I +could not take away my luggage. All that I could do was to write to +Washington for a remittance, and to wait two days for its arrival. +The first day I walked about, and spent my half dollar on food. It +was summer, so I slept on a bench on the common, and in the morning +went to the bay to wash myself. I felt independent of all the cares +and troubles of civilisation. But I had nothing with which to buy +myself a breakfast. {48} I grew hungry and, towards evening, more +hungry still, so much so that I entered a restaurant and ordered +dinner, without any clear idea how I was to pay for it, except by +leaving my coat in pledge. In those days Boston restaurants were +mostly in cellars, and there was a bar near the door, where the +proprietor sat to receive payment. As I ate my dinner I observed +that all the waiters, who were Irishmen, were continually staring at +me, and evidently speaking of me to each other. A guilty conscience +made me think that this was because I had an impecunious look, and +that they were discussing whether my clothes would cover my bill. At +last one of them approached me, and said: "I beg your pardon, sir; +are you the patriot Meagher?" Now this patriot was a gentleman who +had aided Smith O'Brien in his Irish rising, had been sent to +Australia, and had escaped thence to the United States. It was my +business to look after patriots, so I put my finger before my lips, +and said: "Hush!" while I cast up my eyes to the ceiling as though I +saw a vision of Erin beckoning to me. It was felt at once that I was +Meagher. The choicest viands were placed before me, and most +excellent wine. When I had done justice to all the good things I +approached the bar and asked boldly for my bill. The proprietor, +also an Irishman said: "From a man like you, who has suffered in the +good cause, I can take no money; allow a brother patriot to shake you +by the hand." I allowed him. I further allowed all the waiters to +shake hands with me, and stalked forth with the stern, resolved, but +somewhat condescendingly dismal air which I have seen assumed by +patriots in exile. Again I slept on the common, again I washed in +the bay. Then I went to the post office, found a letter for me from +Washington with some money in it, and breakfasted." + +Another anecdote Labouchere was fond of recalling about his +Washington days was the following: Having planned a little holiday +excursion, he found at the Chancellerie a letter awaiting him, +addressed in the well-known handwriting of his {49} chief. Shrewdly +suspecting that the instructions it contained would render his +holiday impossible, he put the letter unopened in his coat-tail +pocket, and carried out with great satisfaction to himself his +holiday intentions. Then he opened his letter, and found that his +suspicions of its contents had been very well founded. He wrote a +nice letter of apology to his chief, beginning, "Your letter has +followed me here," which was, after all, nothing but the simple truth! + +"It is a funny thing," Labouchere would often say, speaking of +treaties and diplomatic negotiations in general, "to notice on what +small matters success or the reverse is dependent"; and he would then +relate how, when he was attaché at Washington, he went down with the +British Minister to a small inn at Virginia to meet Mr. Marcy, the +Secretary of State for the United States, for the purpose of +discussing a reciprocity treaty between Canada and the United States. +Mr. Marcy, in general the most genial and agreeable of men, was as +cross as a bear, and would agree to nothing. Labouchere asked the +secretary to tell him, in confidence, what was the matter with his +chief. The secretary replied: "He is not getting his rubber of +whist." After that the British Minister proposed a rubber of whist +every night, which he invariably lost. Mr. Marcy was immensely +pleased at beating the Britishers at, what he called "their own +game," and his good humour returned. "Every morning," Labouchere +related, "when the details of the treaty were being discussed, we had +our revenge, and scored a few points for Canada." + +Labouchere was transferred to the Legation at Munich in December, +1855. "Old King Louis was then alive," he wrote thirty years later, +"although he had been deposed for making a fool of himself over Lola +Montes. I used frequently to meet him in the streets, when he always +stopped me to ask how Queen Victoria was. I had at last respectfully +to tell him that Her Majesty was not in the habit of writing to me +every day respecting her health." + + +{50} + +From Munich he went to Stockholm in 1857. I cannot resist quoting in +full his account of the duel he fought while at Stockholm with the +Austrian chargé d'affaires, it is so extremely characteristic of him +both in spirit and style. + +At Stockholm "I found favour with my superiors for the curious reason +that I challenged an Austrian chargé d'affaires. Never was there a +more absurd affair. There was an Englishman who had been challenged +by a Swede, whom he declined to fight. A few days later the +Englishman went with my Minister to a box in the theatre. The next +day at a club the Austrian chargé d'affaires said before me and +others that Englishmen had odd ideas of honour, and more particularly +English Ministers. I replied that Englishmen were not so silly as to +fight duels, and that the English Minister was not a dishonourable +man for appearing in a theatre with his countrymen. As it was +generally felt that I ought to challenge this Austrian, I 'put myself +in the hands' of the French and Prussian Ministers. A few hours +later my seconds came to me. I expected that they were going to tell +me that the Austrian had apologised. Not at all. With a cheerful +smile they observed: 'It is arranged for to-morrow morning--pistols.' +At seven o'clock A.M. they reappeared. Their countenances were +downcast. 'I have lost the mould for the bullets of my duelling +pistols,' observed the Prussian, 'and we have had to borrow a pair of +pistols, for whose accuracy of aim I cannot vouch.' This inwardly +rejoiced me, but, of course, I pretended to share in the regret of my +seconds. We sat down to an early breakfast. 'You are young, I am +old,' said the Frenchman; 'would that I could take your place.' I +wished it as sincerely as he did, but I tried to assume an air of +rather liking my position, and I grinned a ghastly grin. Then we +started for the park. The opposition had not arrived; but there was +a surgeon, who had been kindly requested to attend by my sympathising +friends. 'An accident may happen,' observed the Prussian; 'do you +wish to confide to me any dispositions that you may {51} desire to be +carried out after----?' and he sighed in a horribly suggestive +manner. 'No,' I said; I had nothing particular to confide; and as I +looked at the surgeon I thought what an idiot I was to make myself +the target for an Austrian to aim at, in order to establish the +principle that Englishmen have a perfect right to decline to fight +duels. There was a want of logic about the entire proceeding that +went to my heart. To be killed is bad enough, but to be killed +paradoxically is still worse. Soon the Austrian and his seconds +appeared. I never felt more dismal in my life. The Austrian stood +apart; I stood apart. The surgeon already eyed me as a 'subject.' +The seconds consulted; then the Frenchman stepped out twelve paces. +He had very short legs, and they seemed to me shorter than ever. +After this came the loading of the pistols. Sometimes, I thought, +seconds do not put in the bullets; this comforted me, but only for a +moment, for the bullets were rammed down with cheerful energy. By +this time we had been placed facing each other. A pistol was given +to each of us. 'I am to give the signal,' said the Prussian; 'I +shall count one, two, three, and then at the word fire, you will both +fire. Gentlemen, are you ready?' We both nodded. 'One, two, three, +fire!' and both our pistols went off. No harm had been done. I felt +considerably relieved when to my horror the Frenchman stepped up to +me, and said: 'I think that I ought to demand a second shot for you, +but mind, if nothing occurs again, I shall not allow a third shot.' +'Ye--es,' I said; so we had a second shot, with the same result. +Knowing that my Frenchman was a man of his word, I felt now that I +might at no risk to myself display my valour, so I demanded a third +shot. The seconds consulted together; for a moment I feared that +they were going to grant my request, and I was greatly relieved when +they informed me that they considered that two shots were amply +sufficient. I was delighted, but I pretended to be most unhappy, and +religiously kept up the farce of being an aggrieved person."[6] + +{52} + +He was at Frankfort and St. Petersburg between November, 1858, and +the summer of 1860. While he was at Frankfort he made the +acquaintance of Bismarck, who was the Prussian representative at the +restored Diet of Frankfort. Labouchere had a constitutional dislike +of the German people, with the exception of the great Chancellor. He +wrote some years later: "The only Prussian I ever knew who was an +agreeable man was Bismarck. All others with whom I have been +thrown--and I have lived for years in Germany--were proud as +Scotchmen, cold as New Englanders, and touchy as only Prussians can +be. I once had a friend among them. His name was Buckenbrock. I +inadvertently called him Butterbrod. We have never spoken since!" +Bismarck was an eminently social person, fond of drinking and +smoking, and many a time did Labouchere listen to his jovial +loud-toned talk in the cafés at Frankfort. "Bismarck," he wrote in +later life, "used to pass entire nights drinking beer in a garden +overlooking the Main. In the morning after a night passed in +beer-drinking he would write his despatches, then issue forth on a +white horse for a ride, and on his return, attend the Diet, of which +he was a member."[7] It is interesting to note how very similar were +the judgments of these two exceedingly different characters upon the +subject of diplomacy and its aspects of absurdity and pomposity. +Bismarck wrote from Frankfort: "Frankfort is hideously tiresome. The +people here worry themselves about the merest rubbish, and these +diplomatists with their pompous peddling already appear to me a good +deal more ridiculous than a member of the second chamber in all the +pride of his lofty station. Unless external accidents should accrue, +... I know exactly how much we shall effect in one, two, or five +years from the present time, and will engage to do it all myself +within four-and-twenty hours, if the others will only be truthful and +sensible throughout one single day. I never doubted that, one and +all, these gentlemen prepared their {53} dishes _à l'eau_, but such +thin, mawkish water soup as this, devoid of the least symptom of +richness, positively astounds me. Send me your village schoolmaster +or road inspector, clean washed and combed; they will make just as +good diplomatists as these."[8] Of diplomatic literature Bismarck +observed: "For the most part it is nothing but paper and ink. If you +wanted to utilise it for historical purposes, you could not get +anything worth having out of it. I believe it is the rule to allow +historians to consult the F. O. Archives at the expiration of thirty +years (after date of despatches, etc.). They might be permitted to +examine them much sooner, for the despatches and letters, when they +contain any information at all, are quite unintelligible to those +unacquainted with the persons and relations treated of in them."[9] +Labouchere wrote in 1889: "If all Foreign Office telegrams were +published, they would be curious reading. Years ago I was an attaché +at Stockholm. The present Queen, then Duchess of Ostrogotha, had a +baby, and a telegram came from the Foreign Office desiring that Her +Majesty's congratulations should be offered, and that she should be +informed how the mother and child were. The Minister was away, so +off I went to the Palace to convey the message and to inquire about +the health of the pair. A solemn gentleman received me. I informed +him of my orders, and requested him to say what I was to reply. "Her +Royal Highness," he replied, "is as well as can be expected, but His +Royal Highness is suffering a little internally, and it is thought +that this is due to the milk of the wet nurse having been slightly +sour yesterday evening." I telegraphed this to the Foreign +Office."[10] + +In a speech he made in the House of Commons,[4] protesting against a +sum of nearly £50,000 being voted for the salaries and expenses of +the department for Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign +Affairs, Mr. Labouchere said, {54} referring in particular to Foreign +Office messengers, that very often these gentlemen were sent abroad, +at a very large cost to the country, for no practical object +whatever. They went on a certain route, and the business was made up +for them as they went. He had had the honour to serve at one time +under Sir Henry Bulwer at Constantinople. Now Sir Henry Bulwer was +always ill; and on one occasion he remembered making a calculation +that a box of pills Sir Henry was anxious to obtain, and which was +sent out by a Foreign Office messenger, cost the country from £200 to +£300. Probably the pills did Sir Henry good, and pills were much +more useful than a good deal of the stuff sent out by the Foreign +Office. He went on to tell the House that he had himself been in the +diplomatic service for ten years, and he had spent a great deal of +his time in ciphering and deciphering telegrams, and that he could +not remember half a dozen of them that any man, woman, or child in +the whole world would have taken any trouble to decipher for any +information that could have been derived from them. + +Labouchere used always to say that, while he was attaché at +Frankfort, he spent most of his time at Wiesbaden, Homburg, or Baden, +because he found the Diet of the German Confederation "rather a dull +sort of affair." He managed, however, to make a great many very +staunch friends at this period of his life. One of these was the old +Duchess of Cambridge. He was a frequent visitor at the Schloss of +Ruppenheim, which was the summer meeting-place of the main stock and +branches of the Hesses. The old Duchess made a great fuss over him, +for he could speak the German of Hanover so well that she could +understand his banter and enjoy it. His popularity at Frankfort, +according to his own account, rested on a very simple basis. Great +Britain was represented at the Diet by Sir Alexander Malet, one of +the most popular chiefs to be found in the Service. "But I was even +more appreciated than my chief," he would relate, "and this is why. +Sometimes there was a ball at the {55} Court, which we were expected +to attend. At my first ball supper I found myself next to a grandee, +gorgeous in stars and ribbons. The servant came to pour out +champagne. I shook my head, for I detest champagne. The grandee +nudged me, and said, 'Let him pour it out.' This I did, and he +explained to me that our host never gave his guests more than one +glass, 'So you see, if I drink yours, I shall have two.' After this +there used to be quite a struggle to sit near me at Court suppers." + +Yet another ridiculous reminiscence of the Court of Darmstadt, dating +from his attaché days at Frankfort. Sir Alexander Malet was fond of +whist, and it was felt, said Labouchere, that an English diplomatist +could not be expected to play the game for less than florin points. +Such stakes, however, the fortune of no Darmstadt nobleman could +stand. A sort of joint purse was therefore formed, which was +entrusted to the three best players of the grand-ducal Court, and +these champions encountered the Englishman. "It was amusing," +Labouchere would relate, "to watch the anxiety depicted on all +countenances: when the Minister won all was gloom; when he lost, +counts and countesses, barons and baronesses, skipped about in high +glee, like the hills of the Psalmist." + +Bismarck was Ambassador at St. Petersburg during the year that +Labouchere was there as attaché in 1860, so it is very probable that +he continued to imbibe wisdom from listening to the conversation of +the great German, for whose powers of statecraft he always expressed +the warmest admiration. The following amusing episode occurred +during his year at St. Petersburg. He was in love with the wife of +one of the gentlemen about the Court. So was a tall, smart young +Frenchman. Labouchere was desperately jealous of his rival, but +could think of no means of outwitting him. At a Court function they +were both standing near the object of their admiration, the Frenchman +making, it seemed to Labouchere, marked advances in the lady's +favour. {56} However he was soon called away for some reason or +another. Labouchere, in his eagerness to seize the opportunity and +advance his own suit, inadvertently tipped his cup of black coffee +over the lady's magnificent yellow satin train. He was in despair, +but, seeing that she had not yet perceived the tragedy, he slipped +the cup and saucer into his tail-coat pocket, and then, with an air +of commiseration, drew her attention to the ruined gown. "Who did +it?" she exclaimed furiously. Labouchere put his finger to his lips, +at the same time looking significantly at the form of his rival, at +that moment disappearing through the doorway. "I know who did it," +he said, "but wild horses would not induce me to tell you." Of +course, the lady had followed the direction of his glance. She +exclaimed: "That ruffian, I will never speak to him again as long as +I live!" History does not relate how the adventure proceeded for the +handsome Frenchman's rival. + +Labouchere did not think much of the Russians. He used to say that +they were like monkeys, eager to copy the manners of civilised +Europe, but that the copy they succeeded in producing was a daub and +not a picture, because they always exaggerated their originals. When +they were polite, they were too polite; when they were copying +Frenchmen, they were too much like dancing masters; and when they +were copying Englishmen they were too much like grooms. He had an +amusing account to give of a visit he once paid to a Russian country +house. "Card-playing, eating and drinking--and more especially the +latter," he related--"went on all day and nearly all night. I never +could understand where my bedroom was, for the excellent reason, as I +at length discovered, that I hadn't one. At a late hour I saw +several of the guests heaping up in corners cushions which they had +taken from sofas, to serve as beds, so I followed their example. +When I woke up in the morning I could not see any apparatus to wash +in, so I filled a china bowl with water, and, having dried myself +with a tablecloth which I found in an adjoining room, I dressed." He +{57} gave a charming thumb-nail sketch of a Russian drawing-room, à +propos of a visit of Mr. Augustus Lumley to the Russian capital. Mr. +Lumley was a famous cotillon leader. "I was at St. Petersburg when +Mr. Lumley arrived on a visit. He was solemnly introduced to the +Russian leader of cotillons, who is invariably an officer of +distinction, as a colleague. It was like the meeting between two +famous generals, and reminded me of the pictures of Wellington and +Blücher on the field of Waterloo. It took place at a ball, and the +Russian, with chivalrous courtesy, offered to surrender to his +English colleague the direction of the cotillon." + +The Emperor of Russia[12] once stood beside Henry Labouchere whilst +he was playing at écarté to watch his game. The occasion was a ball +given by the Empress to the Emperor on his birthday. Labouchere and +his adversary were both at four, and it was Labouchere's deal. +"Now," said the Emperor, "let us see whether you can turn up the +king." Labouchere dealt, and then held out the turn-up card, +observing: "Your orders have been obeyed, sir." The Emperor asked +him, as often as a dozen times subsequently, how he had managed it, +and never could be persuaded that it was a mere coincidence, and that +the young attaché had taken the chance of the card being a king. It +was a trifling example of the luck, or its reverse, that seemed to be +for ever crossing and recrossing Labouchere's path, in spite of his +own belief in nothing but the logical sequence of events. + +A popular anecdote of his Petersburg days is the following: A fussy +German nobleman pushed his way into the Chancellerie, where +Labouchere was working, asking to see the Ambassador. "Please take a +chair," said the secretary; "he will be here soon." "But, young +man," blustered the German, "do you know who I am?" And he poured +out a string of imposing titles. Labouchere looked up in +well-simulated awe. "Pray take two chairs," he remarked quietly, and +went on writing. + +{58} + +When Khalil Pasha was recalled from being Ambassador in Paris, +Labouchere published the following reminiscence of his year in the +Russian capital: "Khalil Pasha once saved me from a heavy loss, and +that is why I take an interest in him. He, a Russian, and I sat down +one evening to have a quiet rubber. The Russians have a hideous +device of playing with what they call a zero; that is to say, a zero +is added to all winnings and losses, so that 10 stands for 100, etc. +When Khalil and the Russians had won their dummies, I found to my +horror that, with the zero, I had lost about £4000. Then it came to +my turn to take dummy. I had won a game, and we were playing for the +odd trick in the last game. If I failed to win it I should lose +about £8000. Only two cards remained in hand. I had marked up six +tricks and my opponents five. Khalil had the lead; he had the best +trump and a thirteenth card. The only other trump was in the hands +of the dummy. He had, therefore, only to play his trump and then the +thirteenth card to win the rubber, when he let drop the latter card, +for his fingers were of a very 'thumby' description. Before he could +take it up I pushed the dummy's trump on it and claimed the trick. +The Russian howled, Khalil howled; they said this was very sharp +practice. I replied that whist is essentially a game of sharp +practice, and that I was acting in accordance with the rules. The +lookers-on were appealed to, and, of course, gave it in my favour. +Thus did I make, or rather save, £8000 against Russia and Turkey in +alliance, through the fault of the Turk; and it seems to me that the +poor Ottoman, now that he is at war (1877) with his ally of the +card-table, is losing the game, much as Khalil lost his game of whist +to me. To have good cards is one thing, to know how to make use of +them quite another."[13] + +Labouchere used to tell a good story of how he got at the secrets of +the Russian Government. His laundress was a handsome woman, and +having made friends with her on {59} other than professional grounds, +she happened to mention that her husband was a compositor in the +government printing office. The minutes of the Cabinet councils were +printed in French, of which the printers, of course, understood +nothing. Labouchere persuaded her, for a consideration, to obtain +from her husband the loose sheets from which the minutes had been +printed. They were brought to him by the faithful woman every week, +concealed among his starched shirts and collars. As soon as Lord +John Russell discovered the source of the interesting information +that reached him from Petersburg, he put a stop to the simple +intrigue. Labouchere would always wind up his narrative of this +episode with the words: "For what reason, I wonder, did Russell +imagine, diplomacy was invented?" + +After Petersburg, Dresden was Labouchere's next appointment. He had +previously assiduously studied the German language, in which, being a +born linguist, he was remarkably proficient. He had been for a time +to Marburg to reside in a German family for the purpose of acquiring +conversational fluency. All through his life one of his fads +consisted in working out on how small an income an economical family +might live in comfort, and he used frequently to commend the +management of means practised in the bourgeois family at Marburg +where he boarded. It consisted of a mother, two daughters, a father, +and an elementary maid-of-all-work. The daughters did the housework +alternately. The daughter, whose turn it was to be the young lady, +used to dress herself gorgeously every afternoon and evening, +receiving visitors or paying calls. She would play Chopin and +Beethoven on the pianoforte, and make herself an exceedingly +agreeable social personage. The following week she would retire to +the domestic regions and be an excellent servant, while her sister +took her turn as _femme du monde_. Occasionally the whole family, +including Labouchere, would be invited to a party. It was the custom +on such occasions for both the daughters to be "young {60} ladies." +The maid-of-all-work would accompany them to the neighbour's house +whither they had been bidden, carrying their suppers in paper +bags--for the hospitality proffered at Marburg was intellectual, not +material. All the guests brought similar paper bags, and at the +conclusion of the repast the remains of the various meals were +carefully collected by their respective owners, and carried home to +figure at the next day's _mittagessen_. Labouchere used often to +assert that the evening parties at Marburg were the most delightful +and amusing ones he ever attended. While there he frequented the +hospital, and attended the lectures given for the instruction of the +medical students. He was always fond of developing extraordinary +theories on the subject of medical science, more remarkable for their +originality than for their probable ultimate utility. The authority +upon which these theories would be based was invariably that of the +lecturer at the Marburg Hospital. Even as late as 1905, Mr. +Labouchere still remembered his medical student days. He wrote to +one of his sisters in that year on the occasion of her son becoming a +doctor: "A doctor is a good profession. I learnt doctoring at +Marburg in order to learn German. I rather liked it, and have vainly +offered to doctor people gratis since then, but no one seems +inclined." + +Between his diplomatic appointments at Frankfort and Petersburg, +Labouchere spent several months at Florence, and he described in +_Truth_ how it was that he came to have a year's free time on his +hands: "Once did I get the better of the Foreign Office. I was on +leave in Italy when I received a notification that Her Majesty had +kindly thought fit to appoint me Secretary of Legation to the +Republic of Parana. I had never heard of this republic. After +diligent inquiry, I learnt that Parana was a sort of Federal town on +the River Plate, but that a few months previously the republic of +that name had shared the fate of the Kilkenny cats. So I remained in +Italy, and comfortably drew my salary like a bishop of a see _in +partibus infidelium_. A year later came a {61} despatch couched in +language more remarkable for its strength than its civility, asking +me what I meant by not proceeding to my post. I replied that I had +passed the twelve months in making diligent inquiries respecting the +whereabouts of the Republic of Parana, hitherto without success, but +if his lordship would kindly inform me where it was, I need hardly +say that I would hasten there!"[14] + +While in Florence Labouchere witnessed the revolution which deposed +the Grand Duke and provided Tuscany with a provisional government of +her own choice, preparatory to the union of all the Italian States +under the King of Sardinia. He was a personal friend of Mr. +(afterwards Sir) James Hudson, the English Minister at Turin, whose +Nationalist sympathies, like Labouchere's, were well known, and he +was an invaluable reporter to the Liberals in Turin of the news of +the struggle for liberty in Tuscany. On the morning of the +revolution, after the Grand Duke and his family had left the Pitti +Palace, he, with many of his revolutionary friends, entered the +forsaken home of Austrian royalty, and had the astuteness to procure +on the spot what was left of the famous Metternich Johannisberger for +the newly founded _Unione_ Club, of which he was a member. He had an +amusing story to tell about the flight of the grand-ducal family from +the City of Flowers, which is best repeated in his own words, as he +used to relate it to his Florentine friends after he had returned to +end his days in the place which he had loved so well in his youth. +"The news was brought back here by some of the people who had seen +them off the premises, that, on the road to Bologna, they all got out +and stopped an hour or two at an inn, where they all sat in a row +crying. After this had gone on for some time, it was discovered that +the whole party had forgotten their pocket-handkerchiefs. +Fortunately the Grand Duchess had on a white petticoat with very +ample frills, so she went round to each of the grand-ducal family in +turn, and wiped their {62} eyes and noses for them in the frills of +her petticoat. And then she did the same for the ladies and +gentlemen in waiting." + +"Do I think that incident really is true?" he would reply to his +incredulous audience, "probably not. But from what I know of +royalties in general, and from what I remember about the grand-ducal +family of Tuscany in particular, I think that it is exceedingly +probable that they would start out on an expedition of that kind +without a pocket-handkerchief between them."[15] His personal +reminiscences of Victor Emmanuel II. and of Cavour were of the +raciest description and would enthral his hearers by the hour, told +as only he could tell them, with all the decorative touches of local +colour and local dialect. + +He was also very fond of telling a story about an outrageous +compliment he paid to a lady belonging to the Court of the Grand +Duchess, which, if true, showed that at least one of the resolutions +he had made in the inn at Quotla di Amalpas had been carried into +successful practice: "The Grand Duchess of Tuscany had a venerable +maid of honour above seventy years of age. She had piercing black +eyes, and looked like an old postchaise, painted up and with new +lamps. 'How old do you think I am?' she once asked me, with a +simpering smile that caused my blood to run cold. I hesitated, and +then said 'Twenty.' 'Flatterer,' she replied, tapping me with her +fan, 'I am twenty-five.' + +Having become third secretary in November, 1862, Labouchere was +appointed to Constantinople. He wrote in _Truth_ nearly thirty years +later: "I was once Secretary of Embassy at Constantinople and I +passed my time reading up Lord Stratford's despatches before and +during the Crimean War. No one could have recognised them as the +originals from which Mr. Kinglake drew his material for a narrative +of the Ambassador's diplomatic action. The fact was that Lord +Stratford was one of the most detestable of the human race. {63} He +was arrogant, resentful, and spiteful. He hated the Emperor Nicholas +because he had declined to receive him as Ambassador to Russia, and +the Crimean War was his revenge. In every way he endeavoured to +envenom the quarrel and to make war certain. His power at +Constantinople was enormous. This was because, whilst the +Ambassadors of other Powers changed, his stay there seemed eternal. +A Grand Vizier, or a Minister of Foreign Affairs, knew that, if he +offended the English Ambassador, he would never cease plotting to +drive him out, and to keep him out of power. He therefore thought it +better to keep on good terms with him and to submit to his arrogance. +But Lord Stratford never used his power for good. It was enough for +him to get the Sultan to publish a decree. This he would send home +as evidence of good government. He never, however, explained that +the decree, when published, remained a dead letter. When Sir Henry +Bulwer (Lord Dalling) was sent as Commissioner to the Principalities, +he passed a considerable time (as indeed was necessary) at +Constantinople. Lord Stratford knew that Sir Henry wanted to replace +him, and he feared that he would succeed in doing so. His rage and +indignation were therefore unbounded. One day the Ambassador and the +Commissioner were together at the Embassy. 'I know,' said the +Ambassador, 'that you are trying to get my place,' and he shook his +fist in the face of Sir Henry, who mildly surveyed him and shrugged +his shoulders." + +Sir Horace Rumbold writes charmingly of Henry Labouchere at +Constantinople in 1863. "In August," he says, "the torrid heat drove +me to seek for a while the cool breezes of the Bosphorus, and I then, +for the first time, became acquainted with the wonders of +Constantinople. Here I found at the Embassy Edward Herbert and got +to know that remarkable, _original_, and most talented and +kind-hearted of would-be cynics, Henry Labouchere."[16] Later on, in +the same volume of reminiscences, he gives another picture of {64} +the young secretary, whose diplomatic career was, however, soon to +come to a close. "The Pisani dynasty were still masters of the +situation when I arrived. Under the, in many ways, unfortunate +tenure of the Embassy by Sir Henry Bulwer, Alexander Pisani, best +known as the 'Count,' who was simply the Keeper of the Archives, had +been made head of the Diplomatic Chancellerie of the Embassy, to the +intense disgust of successive secretaries properly belonging to the +Service. Pisani, it was said, had extorted this abnormal appointment +from his chief by threatening to resign and write his memoirs. Henry +Labouchere, among others, greatly resented the arrangement. Some +years before, he had a passage of arms with the 'Count,' who had +reproved him, so to speak, officially for absenting himself for the +day from the Chancery on some occasion, without applying to him for +leave to do so. The ridiculous affair was referred to Sir Henry +Bulwer, and gave my friend Labby a charming opportunity of describing +the 'Count' in a formal letter to the Ambassador. 'It seems to me,' +he wrote, 'a singular dispensation that places a Greek nobleman of +Venetian extraction, who profited by the advantages of a Pera +education, in authority over a body of English Gentlemen.'" + +Mr. Labouchere was always very amusing on the subject of his chief at +Constantinople. He said that Lord Balling could not understand the +value of money. He was so generous that he was always in financial +difficulties. At one time the Embassy was reduced to such straits +that there was no money to buy any decent wine. The difficulty was +met in the following manner: At official dinners the grand-looking +_maître d'hôtel_ would solemnly say before pouring out the wine, +"Château Lafitte '48," or "La Rose '52," and so on, all through +dinner. As a matter of fact, the wine had really come from the +neighbouring Greek isles, and had been doctored with an infusion of +prunes to tone down the flavour of tar, which is inseparable from +these insular vintages. Lord Dalling himself was so anxious to +please that he would {65} quaff glass after glass of the horrible +beverage, swallowing numberless pills the while as an antidote. + +There are many versions of the incident with which Labouchere chose +to conclude his relations with the Diplomatic Service. The Foreign +Office records of the date are not yet available, but I am indebted +to Sir Audley Gosling for his recollections of the affair as it +happened. In the summer of 1864, Labouchere found himself at +Baden-Baden, enjoying the relaxation of a little gambling after his +strenuous work in the service of his country. While there he +received from Lord Russell, the Foreign Secretary, the usual +stereotyped announcement of his promotion in the Diplomatic Service. +It ran: "I have to inform you that Her Majesty has, on my +recommendation, been pleased to promote you to be a Second Secretary +in the Diplomatic Service to reside at Buenos Ayres." + +Labouchere is said to have replied as follows: "I have the honour to +acknowledge the receipt of your Lordship's despatch, informing me of +my promotion as Second Secretary to Her Majesty's Legation at Buenos +Ayres. I beg to state that, if residing at Baden-Baden I can fulfil +those duties, I shall be pleased to accept the appointment." As this +was the second joke he had played on Lord Russell, he was politely +told that there was no further use for his services.[17] + +A successful "system" is not an essential part of the educational +equipment of a diplomat, but it may on occasion be a very useful +extra to his other accomplishments. Mr. Labouchere found it so. "I +used at one time," he said, "to take the waters every year at +Homburg, and I invariably paid the expenses of my trip out of my +winnings at the gambling-tables. It may have been luck, or it may +have been system; but I give my system for what it is worth. I {66} +used to write the following figures on a piece of paper: 3, 4, 5, 6, +7. My stake was always the top and bottom figure added together. If +I won, I scratched out these figures; if I lost, I wrote down the +stake at the bottom of the figures, and I went on playing until all +the figures on my piece of paper were erased. Thus my first stake +(and I played indifferently on red or black) would be ten. If I won +it, I scratched out three and seven. My next stake would be ten +again, as four and six make ten. If I lost it, I wrote down ten at +the bottom of my list of figures, and played fourteen, being the +addition of the first and last figure on the list, viz. fourteen. +The basis of the 'system' was this. Before reaching the maximum, I +could play a series of even chances for about two hours, and if +during these two hours I won one quarter as many times as the bank, +plus five, all my figures were erased. During these two hours an +even chance would be produced two hundred times. If, therefore, I +won fifty-five times, and the bank won one hundred and forty-five +times, I was the winner of twenty-five napoleons, florins, or +whatever was my unit. Now let any one produce an even chance by +tossing up a coin and always crying 'heads,' he will find that he may +go on until Doomsday before the 'tails' exceed the 'heads,' or the +'heads' exceed the 'tails,' by ninety-five. I found this system in a +letter from Condorcet to a friend, which I read in a book that I +purchased at a stall on the 'Quai' at Paris. It may have been, as I +have said, only luck; but all I can say is, that whenever I played it +I invariably won." + +One of Mr. Labouchere's oldest friends, Mrs. Crawford, recently wrote +to me a letter in which she made the following lucid remarks about +his career in the Diplomatic Service: "I was acquainted," she says, +"with many of his diplomatic comrades, and they often spoke of him in +chat with me. Some were friendly, some were not. He had a very +unguarded tongue, and discharged his shafts of satire, irony, humour +in all directions, and every arrow that hit made an {67} enemy. I, +mentally, used to take this into account in judging of their +judgments, and the habit, which does not exist in England, of +searching for mitigating circumstances helped me to make a fair and +true estimate of his complex nature. I think he rather enjoyed, but +_passagèrement_, being thought a Richard III., an Iago--an inveterate +gambler. I soon came to the conclusion that this was partly due to a +reaction against the idolatrous attitude of the English middle class +and religious people towards Victoria and Albert, for it was +shockingly fulsome--and the Queen early showed hostility towards him. +His uncle, Lord Taunton, reflected her known sentiments, and so did +Lord Clarendon. He was wrong, very wrong, to have treated the vile +crime of Grenville Murray, and committed too in an Office capacity, +as a thing of no consequence and the stumble made by an exceedingly +clever man--a too great rarity in the British Consular Service. I +have some recollection that she was furious with the Prince of Wales, +who had not the virtue, in his early years at any rate, of reticence +in speaking, for, on the authority of Mr. Labouchere, taking +Grenville Murray's part against the Foreign Office in her presence. +This, however, was only one of the reasons of her fixed hostility...." + +The crime to which Mrs. Crawford refers as having been committed by +Grenville Murray in an official capacity was that of forwarding +private news to the _Morning Post_ (to which paper he was secretly +acting as correspondent) in the Foreign Office bag from Vienna, where +he was an attaché in 1852, under Lord Westmorland. Mr. Labouchere +declared in _Truth_ that Lord Palmerston, having a private grudge +against Prince Schwarzenberg, the Prime Minister of Austria, and +wishing for special information about him to reach the British +public, had come to a private understanding with Grenville Murray +that his journalistic correspondence would be winked at. +Unfortunately the "copy" fell into the hands of Lord Westmorland, who +demanded from Lord {68} Palmerston the instant dismissal of Murray. +Murray was not dismissed, but in a year's time was transferred to +Constantinople, where Lord Stratford de Redcliffe reigned supreme. +He had, of course, heard from Lord Westmorland about Murray's +journalistic indiscretions, and hated him accordingly. Murray +retorted by holding up his chief to every sort of ridicule to the +English magazine-reading public; for he was a clever writer, and +contributed largely to _Household Words_, then under the editorship +of Charles Dickens. The Foreign Office soon thought it necessary to +remove him, and he was appointed to the consul-generalship of Odessa. +At Odessa the consul was just as unpopular as the attaché had been at +Vienna and Constantinople. The defence of Grenville Murray, to which +Mrs. Crawford refers, was probably founded upon facts contained in +the following passage of an "Anecdotal Photograph" of Lord Derby, +published by Mr. Labouchere in an early number of _Truth_: + + +When Lord Derby was at the head of the Foreign Office, he left all +the appointments in the Diplomatic Service to the permanent +officials, and, owing to this pococurantism, he did an act of +injustice to one of the most brilliant _littérateurs_ of the day. +The gentleman in question had a consulship in the East. An able and +brilliant man, he was naturally a _persona ingrata_ to the high +priests of red tape, and between them and him there was perpetual +war, which at length culminated in a determination to remove him _per +fas_ or _per nefas_ from the service. Certain charges were +accordingly brought against this gentleman, who was put on his +defence. The accused, who was then in London, applied for copies of +certain papers from the archives of the Foreign Office which he +considered essential to his complete exculpation. The officials at +first declined to grant them, but, after a long correspondence, +admitted the justice of the claim. The papers were sent accordingly, +together with two separate letters, both bearing the same date. One +announced that the documents had been forwarded, the other that Lord +Derby had made up his mind on the whole case, and his decision was in +these words: "I have accordingly advised the Queen to cancel your +{69} commission as ----, and it is hereby cancelled accordingly." +The recipient of this interesting epistle was at first inclined to +treat it as a bad joke, but soon found that it was an authentic +fact.[18] + + +I have the great good fortune also to have received from Mr. Wilfrid +Blunt a brief memoir of Mr. Labouchere, which commences in his early +diplomatic days, and though it carries us on almost to the end of his +life, I think that its publication here will enable those readers who +did not know Mr. Labouchere personally to get a sincere impression of +the whole of his career, which cannot fail to be of assistance to +them in elucidating his curious original personality from the maze of +dates and details which are the inevitable appendages of a +comprehensive biography. Mr. Blunt writes as follows: + + +Feb. 13, 1913. + +My acquaintance with Henry Labouchere dates, if I remember rightly, +from the early spring of 1861. We were both then in the Diplomatic +Service, and though not actually employed together, I had just +succeeded him as unpaid attaché at the Frankfort Legation, and found +him still lingering there when I came to take up my not very onerous +duties that year under our chief, Sir Alexander Malet, Edward Malet's +father. Labouchere's attraction to Frankfort was not Frankfort +itself, but its close neighbourhood to Hombourg, where the +gambling-tables still flourished, and where he spent nearly all his +time. By rights he ought to have been at St. Petersburg, but +pretended that he could not afford to travel to his new post except +on foot, and so was staying on waiting to have his expenses paid by +Government. His life at that time was an avowedly disreputable one, +the society of Hombourg being what it was; and he was looked upon by +the more strait-laced ladies of the Corps Diplomatique as something +of a pariah. There was a good deal of talk about him, opinions being +divided as to whether he was more knave or fool, greenhorn or knowing +fellow, all which amused him greatly. He was in reality the +good-hearted {70} cynic the world has since acknowledged him to be, +with a keen appreciation of the _comédie humaine_, a contempt for +aristocratic shams, and a philosopher's taste for low society. + +I have a coloured caricature I made of him of that date, 1861, in +which he is represented as undergoing a conversion to respectability +at the hands of Countess d'Usedom, the Olympia of the Bismarck +memoirs, and wife of the Prussian Ambassador, with her two Scotch +nieces in the preposterous crinoline dresses of the time. He figures +in it as a round-faced young man with highly coloured cheeks, and an +air of mock modesty which is very characteristic. It is labelled +"The Deformed Transformed." + +Later, I used to see him pretty frequently in London at the St. +James' Club, of which we were both members. He was already beginning +to be a recognised wit, and a central figure among talkers in the +smoking-room. But I remember old Paddy Green of Evans' still +maintaining that he was for all that a simple-minded fellow, made to +be the prey of rogues. It was as such that he had known him some +years before when Labouchere first appeared in London life and took +up his quarters at Evans' Hotel in Covent Garden. The good Irishman +had dolorous stories of the way in which his protégé had then been +fleeced. "Poor Labouchere, poor Labouchere," he used to say, in his +paternally emotional voice; "a good young man, but always his own +worst enemy." His own worst enemy he certainly often was. I +remember his coming into the Club one evening, it must have been in +1865, when he had just been elected M.P. for Windsor, and boasting to +all of us who would listen to him, with every detail, how he had +bribed the free and intelligent electors of the Royal Borough, an +imprudence which caused him the misfortune of his being unseated +immediately afterwards on petition. + +Of the years that followed, when he was making his name as a +journalist, and his fortune on the Stock Exchange, I have nothing +particular to record. I came once more into close connection with +him in 1882, at the time of the trial of Arabi at Cairo after +Tel-el-Kebir. Labouchere, during the early months of the year, had +been among those Radicals who in the House of Commons had followed +Chamberlain and Dilke in pressing intervention in Egypt on the +Foreign Office, and he made no {71} secret of the reason--he was a +holder of Egyptian Bonds. The bombardment of Alexandria and the +massacre of Tel-el-Kebir, with the revelations which followed of the +intrigues which had caused the war, proved, however, too much for his +political conscience, which was really sound, and having unloaded his +Egyptian stock, which had gone up to higher prices (for he was not a +man to neglect a Stock Exchange opportunity), he frankly repented of +his sin, and from that time onwards did his best to repair the wrong +to Egypt he had joined in doing. He subscribed handsomely to the +"Arabi Defence Fund," was always ready to ask questions in the House, +and did not scruple to reproach the Grand Old Man with his lapses at +Cairo and in the Soudan from his Midlothian principles. In this +connection I saw much of him from 1883 to 1885, years during which +Egypt occupied so large a share of public attention, and always found +him interested in the Egyptian cause and helpful. + +He was living then in Queen Anne's Gate, and I was pretty sure to +find him in the morning, and often stayed to lunch with him and his +wife. He was uniformly gay and pleasant and ready to give news. No +one ever was more generous in sharing his political knowledge with +his friends, and I could count on him to tell me the true and exact +truth of what was going on in the directions that interested me, +without regard to the rules of secrecy so many public men affect. Of +his wit too he was copiously lavish, as only those are who have it in +supreme abundance, giving of his very best to a single listener as +freely as to a larger audience. This, I always think, is the test of +genius in the department of brilliant talking, and no one ever shone +there more conspicuously than he did. His worldly wisdom was +wonderful. Nor was it confined to things at home, the House of +Commons, and the intrigue of Downing Street. He was really the only +English Radical, with Dilke, who had an accurate acquaintance with +affairs abroad, and he had his Europe at his finger-ends. He would +have made an admirable ambassador, where any difficult matters had to +be carried through, and he ought certainly to have been given the +Embassy he so much desired at Washington. It was always his +ambition, even stronger I think than that of holding Cabinet Office, +to go back to his old diplomatic profession and give serious proof of +his capacity in a service {72} where, as a young man, he had played +the fool. The Foreign Office would have found itself the stronger +for his help. + +Our sympathy, which had begun about Egypt, was carried on, I am glad +to remember, during the years of stress which followed, also to +Ireland; and from first to last my experience of his political action +has been that of a man courageously consistent in his love of +liberty, his hatred of tyranny, and his contempt of the insincerities +of public life. He was never taken in by the false arguments with +which politicians conceal their treacheries, and he was never himself +a betrayer. If my testimony can be of any service to his memory as +an honest man, I freely give it. + +The last time I saw him was in the summer of 1902, when he came down +with his wife and daughter to spend a week-end, July 12th to 14th, +with me and my wife in Sussex. He had resolved to pass the rest of +his days at Florence, and it was a farewell visit that he paid us. +He had just bought Michael Angelo's Villa, and talked much about it +and his design, philistine that he was, of turning it inside out, +fitting it with electric light, and otherwise bedevilling it with +modern improvements, uprooting the old trees in the _podere_ and +planting new ones. On matters of this sort he was a terrible +barbarian, and took delight in playing the vandal with places and +things which the rest of the world held in reverence. "Old Michael," +he explained, "knew nothing about the comforts of a modern +establishment, and it was time that he should learn them." Apart +from this little _méchanceté_, he proved himself a most delectable +companion, giving us a true feast of wit and wisdom the whole Sunday +through. Sibyl, Lady Queensberry, was of our party, and Colonel Bill +Gordon, General Gordon's nephew, with whom he had much talk about +Khartoum and Egypt. Gordon was a good talker on his own subjects, +and they got on well together, sitting up till half-past one the +first night, telling story after story. Among them, I remember, +Labouchere gave us accounts of his adventures in Mexico, and also of +a ride he had taken from Damascus to Palmyra with Lady Ellenborough +and her Bedouin husband, Sheykh Mijwel el Mizrab, with reminiscences +of the early days we had spent together in the Diplomatic Service, +his gambling acquaintances at Hombourg, and his duel in Sweden. He +was especially interested in this visit to the Weald of Sussex, and +in {73} his having passed in the train almost within sight of Broome +Hall, under Leith Hill, where he had lived as a boy. He had not been +that way since, he said. The second evening he was less brilliant, +as Hilaire Belloc had joined our party, a rival talker to whom he +left the monopoly of our entertainment. But it was an altogether +pleasant two days that we passed together. I am glad to have the +recollection of them. Alas, they were the last we were to see of +him, for he left England soon afterwards, and we never met again. + + + +[1] Joseph Hatton, _Journalistic London_. + +[2] Mrs. T. P. O'Connor, _I, Myself_. + +[3] For the rest of this interesting letter see Chapter X. + +[4] "Radical and Whigs," _Fortnightly Review_, Feb. 1, 1884. + +[5] It is interesting to note that Mr. Crampton's proceedings in +America did not stand in his way, so far as promotion in the service +was concerned. He was appointed Envoy-Extraordinary at Hanover +almost immediately; Lord Palmerston insisted upon his being made a +K.C.B., and he became Ambassador at St. Petersburg in 1858. +(_Dictionary of National Biography_.) + +[6] _Truth_, May 23, 1878. + +[7] _Truth_, Feb. 8, 1877. + +[8] Busch, _Our Chancellor_. + +[9] _Ibid._ + +[10] _Truth_, May 23, 1889. + +[11] _Hansard_, July 14, 1884. + +[12] Alexander II. + +[13] _Truth_, July 16, 1877. + +[14] _Truth_, May 23, 1878. + +[15] _Florence Herald_, Dec. 28, 1909. + +[16] Rumbold, _Recollections of a Diplomatist_, vol. ii. + +[17] The letter, signed by Lord Russell, appointing Henry Labouchere +Second Secretary is dated February 3, 1863, so that the one, referred +to by Sir Audley Gosling, appointing him to Buenos Ayres, must have +been of later date. The latter is not in my possession. + +[18] _Truth_, Nov. 20, 1879. + + + + +{74} + +CHAPTER IV + +PARLIAMENTARY AMBITIONS + +(1866-1869) + +Being asked on some occasion, "Why do men enter Parliament?" Mr. +Labouchere replied: "Some of them enter Parliament because they have +been local Bulls of Bashan, and consider that in the localities where +they have roared, and pawed the ground, they will be even more +important than heretofore; some because they want to be peers, +baronets, and knights; some because they have a fad to air; some +because they want to have a try at climbing the greasy pole of +office; some because they have heard that the House of Commons is the +best club in London; some because they delude themselves that they +are orators; some for want of anything better to do; some because +they want to make a bit out of company promoting; and some because +they have a vague notion that they are going to benefit their country +by their devotion to legislative business." He frankly confessed, +however, that none of the above considerations had influenced him in +his own decision to enter upon a parliamentary life. Curiosity had +been his inducement in the first place, and secondly, a conviction +that the House would benefit considerably from contact with so sound +a Radical as himself. + +In the autumn of the year that he left the Diplomatic Service, it was +suggested to Mr. Labouchere by several {75} friends that he should +come forward as a candidate in the next General Election for the +borough of New Windsor. There was already another Liberal in the +field--Mr. Flower of Stratford-on-Avon. Labouchere decided to confer +with him on the subject. They met, accordingly, at the Reform Club, +Labouchere having been previously warned by the Town Clerk of +Windsor, Mr. Darvill, to act quite independently of Flower, as he was +in the hands of agents, in whom the leading men of the place had +little confidence. Mr. Labouchere describes in his own words the +upshot of the interview: "We met at the Reform Club, in the presence +of Mr. Grant (one of Flower's agents) and Mr. Darvill, junior. As, +however, both of us evidently thought that only one Liberal could be +returned at Windsor, and as each of us intended to be that Liberal, +we separated without coming to any arrangement to act together."[1] + +Labouchere then went abroad, returning to England in January for a +fortnight, during which time he gave a dinner at Windsor, held a +public meeting, and identified himself as much as it was possible to +do, in so short a time, with the local interests of the borough. In +May, 1865, Mr. Flower retired from the candidature, because he felt +that his agents, Grant and Dunn, had compromised him by corrupt +practices. As these gentlemen had hired as many as twenty public +houses for committee rooms, a number ludicrously out of proportion to +the size of the constituency, he acted wisely in doing so. He +informed Labouchere of his decision. Mr. Darvill also wrote, +recommending Labouchere to return to England, and if he really +intended to stand for Windsor, to take some steps for insuring his +return by appointing agents, and taking the usual preliminary +precautions. + +To continue the narrative in Mr. Labouchere's own words: "Sir Henry +Hoare, a day or two after my return to England, called upon me to +tell me that he had been in communication with Mr. Darvill, and that +as Mr. Darvill {76} had told me he thought that, if two Liberal +candidates acted firmly together, both might be returned, he came to +propose to me to make common cause with him. The next day we called +together on Mr. Durrant, a London solicitor, who had acted for Sir +Henry Hoare, and we begged him to go down to Windsor, and after +seeing the principal Liberals, to report to us the state of affairs. +This he did. He told us Mr. Flower had engaged twenty committee +rooms--a number which was clearly too great, and he recommended us to +take on nine of them. We sent him down to Windsor again to arrange +about the committee rooms and about taking on agents, and he, in +conjunction with Mr. Last, retained the usual Liberal agents, who +were the same as had been engaged by Mr. Flower. It was distinctly +understood at the same time, that we only took on nine committee +rooms. Mr. Flower, after, I believe, a long correspondence with Mr. +Cleave, agreed to pay for the eleven committee rooms which he had +engaged. Sir Henry Hoare and I were both returned as members for +Windsor." + +It was an unfortunate action, however, on the part of the two Liberal +candidates to make use of the same agents who had compromised Mr. +Flower, and it cost them their seats. The election took place in +November, 1865, and the result of the poll was as follows: + + Sir Henry Hoare 324 votes + Mr. Labouchere 323 " + Mr. Vansittart (Cons.) 291 " + Col. Vyse (Cons.) 261 " + + +On April 26, 1866, the chairman of a select committee,[2] appointed +to try the merits of the petition against the return {77} of Sir +Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere for the borough of New Windsor, on the +grounds that it was obtained by means of bribery, treating, and undue +influence, announced that the committee had arrived at the following +determination: + +"That Sir Henry Ainslie Hoare is not duly elected a burgess to serve +in the present parliament for the borough of New Windsor. That Henry +Labouchere, Esq., is not duly elected to serve in the present +parliament for the borough of New Windsor. That Sir Henry Ainslie +Hoare is, by his agents, guilty of bribery. That it has been proved +that various acts of bribery have been committed by the agents of the +sitting members by the engagement of an excessive number of public +houses in which it was proved that none of the legitimate business of +the election was transacted, and for which sums varying from £10 to +£20 were paid. That it has not been proved that such acts were +committed with the knowledge or consent of the said Sir Henry Hoare +and the said Henry Labouchere, Esq. That the committee have no +reason to believe that bribery and corruption extensively prevailed +at the last election for the borough of New Windsor." + +The committee had sat for six days before the above decision was +arrived at, and many were the entertaining encounters between the +defendants' counsel, the great Mr. Serjeant Ballantine, and the +witnesses for the petitioners. One of the latter explained that he +had voted for the Conservatives because Mr. Vansittart was a "very +nice old man." Under cross-examination it was elicited with +difficulty that Mr. Vansittart had not given his wife and daughter +each a new dress. Being further pressed, he announced that he could +prove it. "How?" questioned the counsel. "I haven't got no wife nor +no daughter," complained the witness. A charge of presenting a silk +gown to the wife of one of the electors was preferred against Henry +Labouchere. He did not deny having done so. "The lady in question," +he explained, "was extremely good-looking, and I have {78} frequently +noticed that a present of finery is a simple way to win the female +heart. I regret that, in the particular case, I was unsuccessful, +but, good God, you do not insinuate for a moment, do you, that I +intended her husband to know anything about the affair?" + +The line of defence taken up by Labouchere will easily be seen by +reading the letter he sent to the _Times_ the day after the committee +had reached their decision. I give it in full, with the exception of +some sentences that have already been quoted: + + +ALBANY, April 26. + +SIR,--In an article to-day on the recent decision of the Election +Committees, you allude to the case of Windsor. + +As your observations tend to lead those who read them to form the +conclusion that my late constituents are somewhat corrupt, in justice +to them, I should feel obliged to you to allow me to say a few words +in their defence. It may be useful to future candidates to know on +what grounds Sir Henry Hoare and I have been unseated.... + +We were petitioned against on the usual charges of bribery and +intimidation. To the charges of direct bribery and indirectly +bribing by the promise of work we replied, I believe, to the +satisfaction of the Committee. The case of the petitioners rested +upon the charge that we had engaged too many committee rooms. + +The Committee unseated us because: "It had been proved that acts of +bribery had been committed by the engagement, by the agents of the +sitting members, of an excessive number of public houses, in which it +was proved that none of the legitimate business of the election was +transacted, and for which sums varying from £10 to £20 were paid. +That it has not been proved that such acts were committed with the +knowledge or consent of the said Sir Henry Hoare and the said Henry +Labouchere." + +Now this decision must have been come to on the supposition that Sir +Henry Hoare and I were responsible for the eleven committee rooms, +paid for by Mr. Flower, because we both swore that the nine committee +rooms were taken with "knowledge and consent." The Committee +consequently must have concluded either that Mr. Flower, Mr. Durrant, +Sir H. Hoare, and myself {79} were guilty of perjury in swearing that +the payment by Mr. Flower was _bona fide_, or that Sir H. Hoare and +I, in taking on agents in May, became responsible for what these +agents had done in the interests of a third party during the winter. + +Our case rested on the fact that "none of the legitimate business of +the election" was transacted in Mr. Flower's public houses, and that +if a bill with the words "Committee Rooms" was hung over any room in +Mr. Flower's public houses it was because the publicans considered +they would advertise their own political principles by showing that +they had been engaged by a Liberal candidate who had retired. Every +one knows that, if an electioneering bill over a public house is an +advertisement for a candidate, it is also an advertisement for the +public house, and that publicans like it to be supposed that they +belong to one or other of the parties during a contested election. +As a matter of fact some of Mr. Flower's publicans did not vote for +me. + +I may then fairly state that my late colleague and I were unseated +because one of our agents had been concerned, months before he became +our agent, in taking public houses in undue numbers for Mr. Flower. + +Now, sir, I would venture to call the attention of the Legislature to +the new and strange principle of jurisprudence on which the decision +of the Windsor Election Committee has been based. I do so in the +interests of all candidates, for, as far as I am concerned, I have +unfortunately no appeal against the decision. + +It is sufficiently difficult to prevent over zealous committee men +and agents from compromising their candidate during the election; +but, if he is to be retrospectively responsible for all their +previous acts, I venture to say that no candidate can expect to hold +his seat against a petition. Were the retrospective responsibility +introduced into the procedure of courts of law no man would be safe. +I might, sir, to-morrow have the advantage of making your +acquaintance. Some days later I might take a servant whom you had +formerly employed. Ought I to be hung if it were subsequently shown +that you and the servant had murdered some one last January in +London, while I was in Italy? + +Were I still a member of the Legislature, I should myself point out +the necessity of a reform in the composition of election {80} +committees. As an elector of Westminster, I shall, through my +representative, Capt. Grosvenor, present a petition to the House of +Commons praying that some alteration be made in the present system, +and that a properly qualified judge be added to every committee to +explain the elementary principles of jurisprudence to +well-intentioned gentlemen who know nothing about them.[3]--I am, +Sir, Your obedient servant, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +A number of extremely interesting letters appeared in the _Times_, on +the subject of the New Windsor Election Petition, one other, only, of +which I shall quote, as it puts the case for Mr. Labouchere and his +colleagues in a perfectly clear light. It runs as follows: + + +SIR,--My name having prominently appeared in the proceeding before +the Election Committee in this case, and in communications made to +you by Sir Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere, complaining of the +decision of the committee, I trust you will not refuse me an +opportunity of corroborating their statements. I may say, as a +prelude, that the agents had the most distinct directions to do +nothing in contradiction of the statutes relating to the election of +members to serve in Parliament, and I proved, in evidence, my written +instructions to that effect. + +Sir Henry Hoare and Mr. Labouchere, being aware that Mr. Flower had +retired by reason of his belief that he had been compromised by his +agents, were most anxious to avoid becoming in any way identified +with their proceedings; and, as regards the public houses, which had +been taken on his behalf, the late members entirely repudiated, both +personally, and through me, having anything whatever to do with them. + +No one had authority to hire committee rooms but Mr. Last, the head +agent at Windsor, and no complaint is made in the Committee's Report +in respect of the nine houses engaged by him. Not a shilling has, to +my knowledge or belief, been paid, or promised on account, of what I +may, for brevity, call "Mr. Flower's public houses"; so that, in +fact, these houses were {81} neither hired by, paid for, nor used by +the late members or their agents. + +The unseating, therefore, of the late members for New Windsor upon +the grounds stated in the Report of the Committee is, I venture to +suggest, unprecedented in the annals of election petitions, and +affords just ground for complaint, and for giving, in future cases +some appeal, where there may be a similar miscarriage of +justice.[4]--I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, + +G. J. DURRANT. + + +Henry Labouchere made his maiden speech during the six months that he +was member for New Windsor. It was upon an uninteresting and +complicated subject--namely, the inadequacy of our Neutrality Law to +enable us to fulfil our international obligations towards foreign +countries. The debate, begun in February, continued well into the +March of 1866. Labouchere made his speech on the 22nd of February. +During the course of it he said that, having passed ten years in the +Diplomatic Service, he had given some consideration to the subject of +International Law, which had led him to believe that, from defects +and inefficiency, our Neutrality Law was fraught not only with future +danger to ourselves, but was calculated to prevent us from acting +justly towards our Allies. He quoted, in support of his argument, +the relations of England with the United States of America, the +sympathy of America with Fenianism, and our loss of commerce with +America.[5] On March 7 he voted in favour of the Church Rates +Abolition Bill, which was read for the second time on that day and +committed. + +Of course he was very funny on the subject of the election at New +Windsor. He was fond of relating how it was that he first became an +M.P. "I had to kiss the babies," he said, "pay compliments to their +mothers, and explain the beauties of Liberalism to their fathers, who +never could be got to say how they would vote. On the day of the +election everything {82} turned upon half a dozen votes. I remember +one Tory went out to fish in a punt, and the boatman who accompanied +him was induced to keep him well out in the middle of the river, +until the polling hour had passed. Another aged and decrepid Tory +was kept in the house by having cabs run at him whenever he tried to +issue from his door. Finally the Liberals won the day. On this the +Tories petitioned. The committee decided that there had been no +bribery, but unseated my colleague and myself because they thought +that we had hired an excessive number of committee rooms." + +And again: "One man at this election amused me. He hung about +outside my committee room, and whenever he saw me he wrung my hand. +On my first interview with this patriot, he informed me that, at an +early hour of the morning, he had personated Dr. Cumming, and had +voted for me as that divine. Each time I saw him during the day, he +said that he had been personating some one, and always a clergyman. +I remonstrated with him but uselessly." + +The playwright, Herman Merivale, tells an anecdote about Henry +Labouchere, in connection with the Windsor election, which it is very +probable he heard from the whilom member himself. "Lord Taunton," +writes Merivale, "uncle and precursor of our more famous Labby, is +fabled to have lived in a general state of alarm at the strange +proclivities of that unchastened heir, who has furnished the world +with more amusing stories of a curious humour than any public man of +his time. It is said that when Lord Taunton heard that his nephew +contemplated public life, and proposed to stand for one of the county +divisions in the district, he was much pleased at such a sign of +grace, and asked if he could do anything for him. 'Really I think +not,' replied the younger Henry, 'but I don't know. If you would put +on your peer's robes, and walk arm-in-arm with me down the High +Street of Windsor, it might have a good effect."[6] + +Another opportunity soon occurred for Labouchere to {83} re-enter the +House of Commons. On the death of Mr. Robert Hanbury, one of the +members for Middlesex, he presented himself to the electors, and was +returned without opposition, on April 16, 1867. An extract from his +address to the electors, dated March 29, is not without interest, as +in it he unblushingly gives expression to the democratic principles +to which he remained so faithful throughout his career. "Should you +do me the honour," he said, "to return me to Parliament, it would be +my first duty to co-operate with those who desire to effect the +passage of an honest and straightforward measure of reform--such a +measure as would prove to the large body of artisans and working men, +whom I hold to be entitled to the franchise, that the House of +Commons is not afraid of the people, nor averse to the free extension +of political privileges, nor disposed to deny to the intelligent +operatives a share in the government of the country to whose burdens +they are called upon to contribute. If the Reform Bill proposed by +the Tory Ministry is not capable of adaptation to such an end, I +should not hesitate to give my adherence to any cause which may seem +the most calculated to attain the desired object."[7] + +While he was member for Middlesex, Labouchere was assiduous in his +parliamentary duties. He spoke frequently and to the point, on such +subjects as the "Expenses of Voters,"[8] on "the Sale of Liquor on +Sundays Bill"[9] (a characteristically amusing speech), on "Licences" +(Brewers'),[10] on the "Military Knights of Windsor attending +Church,"[11] on "Appeals in the House of Lords."[12] He objected to +a vote to complete the sum of £2135 for building new Embassy houses +in Madrid and Paris,[13] and offered some practical suggestions as to +the building (or buying) of new Embassy buildings at Therapia.[14] + +{84} + +In short, he was an active and useful member. The speeches which +have been most frequently quoted are the ones which he made on May +14, protesting against a vote of £137,524, for the upkeep of the +Royal Parks and Pleasure Grounds,[15] and his two speeches on the +Public Schools Bill.[16] In the former he asserted that it was +unjust and quite illogical to prohibit the entrance of cabs into Hyde +Park. Most of his friends, he announced, were not in a position to +keep their own carriages, yet they passionately longed to drive about +in the haunts of fashion. He himself suffered cruelly under the same +longing and disability, and such an exclusion, he explained, was +quite incompatible with the spirit of Liberalism. He referred to the +regulations concerning the public parks of Vienna and Paris to show +that the prejudice against hired vehicles was entirely British and +snobbish. + +On another occasion, Mr. Lowe had moved a clause to the effect that +boys educated at public schools should be examined once a year, by an +Inspector of Education, in simple reading, writing, and arithmetic, +and that a report as to their attainments should be laid before +Parliament. + +On this Labouchere made an excellent speech. In the course of it, he +said that he hoped Mr. Lowe's clause would be pressed to a division, +because it was evident that most pupils at public schools did not +know as much as an average charity boy. Complaint had been made that +the whole time of public school boys was taken up by the study of +Latin and Greek, but, as a matter of fact, they learned very little +of these languages. An ordinarily educated German could converse +with a foreigner in Latin, if the two had no other language in +common, but how many Englishmen carried from a public school +sufficient Latin to do this? He confessed that he himself, although +he might be able to translate some half a dozen words of Latin, was +wholly unable to translate a sentence of Greek, although he had +studied those languages for years at a public school. He complained +that this {85} ignorance was the fault of a system, and the +misfortune of those who were obliged to undergo it. + +Mr. Labouchere used to relate the following reminiscence of the days +when he was member for Middlesex: "It is a curious fact--such is the +irony of fate--that these dues (the Middlesex Coal Dues) were once +prolonged owing to me. About twenty years ago, I was member for +Middlesex. A Bill was brought forward to prolong the dues in order +to borrow the money for certain Metropolitan improvements. Now the +dues are collected from the inhabitants, not only of the metropolis, +but of all Middlesex. My constituents wanted the bridges over the +Thames and the Lea, beyond the Metropolitan area, to be freed. So I +persistently opposed the Bill by much talking, by amendments, and +other such devices (for although blocking had not been invented, +obstruction was even then not without its resources). This led to +negotiation, and it was finally agreed that the prolongation should +be for a still longer period than was proposed by the Bill, in order +that money should also be borrowed to free the bridges."[17] + +Lord Derby's administration, under which Labouchere had become one of +the Liberal members for Middlesex, was succeeded by the first +administration of Mr. Disraeli. In December, 1868, the General +Election took place, by which Mr. Gladstone, in his turn, was put, +for the first time, at the head of Queen Victoria's Government. Mr. +Labouchere presented himself for re-election at Middlesex in +November. It was at first thought that both the sitting members, +himself and Lord Enfield, would have a quiet "walk-over." The +Conservatives, however, were determined to put forward at least one +candidate, and they selected Lord George Hamilton, the third son of +the Duke of Abercorn. + +On November 2, both Henry Labouchere and Lord Enfield issued their +addresses, Lord Enfield appealing to his electors on grounds no more +vital than that he had {86} represented Middlesex in Parliament for +the last eleven years, and Mr. Labouchere because he frankly avowed +himself in favour of the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in +Ireland as being likely to strengthen the establishment of the Church +of England in the sister isle, and, to quote verbatim from his +speech: "I shall," he said, "oppose the proposal which was made last +year by the Government of Mr. Disraeli to endow a Roman Catholic +university. While I respect the sincere convictions of my Roman +Catholic countrymen and desire that their religious convictions +should not subject them either to civil or political +disqualification, I do not think that their Church or their +educational establishments should have any portion of the revenues +now enjoyed by the established Church." He went on to say: "Since a +Conservative Government has been in power the public departments have +vied with each other in extravagance. The efforts of private members +in which I have joined have proved ineffectual to check the waste. +The sooner Mr. Gladstone is in office the better for the +taxpayer."[18] + +The two Liberal candidates made public speeches to their electors on +the same day that they issued their addresses. Labouchere made his +in the British Schools at Brentford, and the points on which he +argued were the disestablishment of the Irish Church and the waste of +public money. The selection of Lord George Hamilton as the +Conservative candidate gave him an opportunity of making some +extremely annoying remarks. He referred to him as "a young gentleman +who had lately joined the army--an unfledged ensign who was getting +on with the goose step and preparing himself for the onerous duties +connected with the Horse Guards," and other taunting remarks of a +similar nature. + +The embryo M.P., on November 9, stung to madness by Labouchere's +witticisms, boldly announced himself as his opponent in particular. +He hotly denied that his father had received annually for many years +a large sum of money from {87} the State and then had been made a +duke for his kindness in having accepted it. The Conservative +meeting at which the young guardsman spoke would have been a decided +political success had it not been for the zeal of the gentleman who +seconded the vote of confidence. He remarked that, ever since the +day when King John had signed the Magna Charta, the people of this +country had been indebted to the aristocracy for all the liberties +enjoyed in the Empire. Storms of groans and hisses met his +well-meant remark, and though the vote of confidence was passed, the +show of hands was manifestly against it.[19] + +But the real interest of the election was centred in the personal +quarrel between the Liberal candidates, which resulted in a Tory +being returned for Middlesex. They appeared each to be possessed +with an ungovernable hatred for the other, which was extremely +prejudicial to their cause. The occasion of their public rupture was +a dispute over the selection of electioneering agents, and by +November 12 the attitude of the belligerents had become so extremely +abusive that an important conference of Liberals from all parts of +Middlesex had to be convened to consider the disunited state of their +interest, more especially as it related to the relative bearing of +the candidates towards each other. + +Whereupon Labouchere and Enfield each addressed a public meeting and +gave their separate versions of the quarrel. The delight of the +Tories was excessive, and they did all they could to foment the +affair. The _Times_ rose to unaccustomed heights of irony in a +leading article occasioned by the following not exactly conciliatory +letter addressed by Labouchere to its editor: + + +SIR,--In the interests of the party Lord Enfield and I would do well +to adjourn the discussion of all personal differences until after the +Election. Lord Enfield had distinctly refused to unite before those +differences arose; our discussion therefore has nothing to do with +our political disunion. + +{88} + +The constituency wish our union, I wish it too--but personal +relations need not be renewed. Lord Enfield considers himself and +Lord George Hamilton to be what he is pleased to call "scions of a +noble stock." I am a man of the middle class. He considers himself +my superior. Let us agree to differ on this point.--Yours truly, + +HENRY LABOUCHERE. + + +"It is fortunate," remarked the _Times_, "that the Liberal majority +bids fair to be a large one, for otherwise the future historians of +Great Britain might have a somewhat undignified episode to narrate in +the electioneering contest of 1868, between the two great parties of +the State. If the Liberals and the Conservatives happened to be +running each other so closely that one seat more or less might +determine the policy of the new Parliament, the Middlesex election +would probably have an odd part to play in British annals. Every +reader of Liberal imagination can easily conjure up for himself a +picture of the calamities that might, under evil stars, overtake this +country if the Liberals found themselves not strong enough to carry +out their present programme, and the Irish Church were left still +standing, with Ireland, as the natural result of so much anxious and +fruitless agitation, more discontented than ever. Let him then +suppose that all these imagined misfortunes had to be borne in +consequence of his party having lost a seat for Middlesex, because +Lord Enfield objects 'on personal grounds' to Mr. Labouchere! Lord +Chesterfield has told us that great events are really due to much +smaller causes than historians, with a duly jealous regard for the +dignity of their profession, dare admit. The Liberal majority in the +next Parliament might, if it so happened, be lost and the programme +of national policy at a critical moment reversed because Mr. +Labouchere has called Lord Enfield 'a sneak,' and Lord Enfield +objects to Mr. Labouchere's want of blue blood! We doubt whether +Gibbon himself could give the proper professional air of historical +dignity to such an episode {89} in the decline and fall of Great +Britain as this. According to the first report of this squabble we +read, Lord Enfield distinctly refused to meet Mr. Labouchere, while +Mr. Labouchere, after showing that he had hitherto all along +conducted himself as a very model of meekness, bearing endless snubs +and rebuffs from his haughty adversary for the public good, suddenly +turned round and insisted that he would 'fight single-handed' without +any reference to his brother Liberal. It appears that, if the +Liberals work properly, the Conservative candidate, despite all the +advantages of high birth and impetuous youth, ought to be beaten, but +that otherwise he has a chance of success. It would be too bad if a +Liberal seat were thus endangered, and we trust Lord Enfield will +accept Mr. Labouchere's compromise, and console himself by reflecting +that he can still object as strenuously as ever to his plebeian +adversary in private."[20] + +Lord Enfield protested angrily in the next day's _Times_ against the +accusation of having referred to himself as a "scion of a noble +house," and, oddly enough, his letter appeared just below one sent to +the paper by the Committee of the Reform Club: + + +THE REFORM CLUB, _Monday Evening_. + +The Committee of the Reform Club having, in consequence of the +suggestions which have been made to them, taken into consideration +the differences between Lord Enfield and myself, and having expressed +an opinion that it is due to Lord Enfield that I should withdraw +certain offensive expressions which I used concerning him, and that I +should now express my regret for having used them, and, as I am now +informed by the Committee that they have ascertained from Lord +Enfield that he had no intention of doubting my word, as I imagined +he did, on the occasion I referred to, I have no hesitation in at +once acting on the advice of the Committee. + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{90} + +A patch was thus temporarily placed over the breach, for the benefit +of the public, but the electors of Middlesex had no delusions on the +subject. + +The meeting for the nomination of candidates at Brentford was a rowdy +affair, the proceedings being of a most disorderly nature. The +re-election of Lord Enfield was proposed and the proposition was +received with groans and hisses. Then Labouchere's re-election was +proposed. At that point the disorder became uncontrollable. The +interruption had commenced with the appearance of a band of roughs, +wearing the Conservative card in their hats, who began to hoot and +groan at the Liberal speakers. After this had gone on for a few +minutes, another band, not quite so numerous, but of the same low +class, poured into the square, bearing the Liberal cards on their +hats. The two rival factions severally hooted the speaker on the +opposite side. The roughs who were first in the field (the +Conservatives had engaged a band of a hundred roughs, seven of whom +were known to be prize-fighters) then began to hustle the others, and +had nearly borne them out of the square, when the police made a +charge upon them, but without using their staves, and for a moment +restored order. The same disorderly conduct was, however, renewed +and several fights took place under the eyes of the sheriffs. The +crowd swayed to and fro, and the din and uproar was so continuous and +incessant that the rest of the proceedings had to be carried on in +dumb show. When the sheriff called for a show of hands for Lord +Enfield every hand on the right of a line drawn from the centre of +the hustings was held up. For Mr. Labouchere about the same number +seemed to go up. For Lord George Hamilton all the hands on the left +of the line went up. The numbers seemed pretty nearly divided. It +at first appeared that Mr. Labouchere had the show of hands, and the +sheriffs had, it was believed, decided, or were about to decide, in +his favour, when it was pointed out to them that many Conservatives +had held up their hands for Lord Enfield, while, on the other hand, +all the {91} Liberals had held up both their hands for Mr. +Labouchere. The sheriffs, after consultation, accordingly declared +that the show of hands was in favour of Lord Enfield and Lord George +Hamilton. + +The election took place on November 24, and the result of the poll +was as follows: + + Lord George Hamilton 7638 votes + Lord Enfield 6387 " + Mr. Labouchere 6297 " + + +Before the declaration of the poll, two cabs with placards of "Plump +for Enfield" were seen in the streets, which were followed by others +bearing "Plump for Labouchere." This was believed to have been a +ruse of the enemy, but there were some who thought it was a joke of +Labouchere's. He however vehemently denied any knowledge of it. +There was huge excitement at the official declaration of the poll. +Henry Labouchere, "the real Liberal candidate," as he was called, had +been met by his friends at Kew Bridge, who had accompanied him to the +meeting. He was evidently the favourite,[21] and the populace took +out his horses and insisted upon dragging his carriage through the +town. Enfield was hissed and hooted. Labouchere made a dignified +speech, in which he referred to the practical disenfranchisement of +Middlesex, by its election of a Conservative and a Liberal, and he +insisted strongly and ably upon the necessity of organisation in all +electioneering work. + +Mr. Labouchere published the following absurd reminiscence of this +election in an early number of _Truth_: "A candidate knows very +little of the details of his election, but, so far as I could make +out, dead men played a very important part, on both sides, in this +contest between Lord George and me. No sooner were the booths open +than men long {92} removed from party strife rose from their graves, +and hurriedly voted either for him or for me."[22] + +An amusing episode of the Middlesex election of 1868 was the mistake +which the supporters of Mr. Labouchere made in mistaking Mr. Henry +Irving for their defeated candidate. Mr. Labouchere himself related +the story some sixteen years later, when there was a report current +that the famous actor was about to offer himself as a parliamentary +candidate. "Irving did once appear upon the hustings," he said, "and +it was in this wise. I was the defeated candidate at a Middlesex +election. Those were the days of hustings and displays, and it was +the fashion for each candidate to go down to Brentford in a carriage +and four to thank his supporters. On the morning of the day when I +had to perform this function, Irving called upon me, and I invited +him to accompany me. Down we drove. I made an inaudible speech to a +mob, and we re-entered our carriage to return to London. In a large +constituency like Middlesex, few know the candidates by sight. +Irving felt it his duty to assume a _mine de circonstance_. He +folded his arms, pressed his hat over his brows, and was every inch +the baffled politician--defeated, sad, but yet sternly resigned to +his fate. In this character he was so impressive that the crowd came +to the conclusion that he was the defeated candidate. So woebegone, +and so solemnly dignified, did he look that they were overcome with +emotion, and, to show their sympathy, they took the horses out of the +carriage and dragged it back to London. When they left us, I got up +to thank them, but this did not dispel the illusion. 'Poor fellow,' +I heard them say, as they watched Irving, 'his feelings are too much +for him,' and they patted him, shook hands with him, and thanked +him."[23] + +A _Times_ leader of November 30 made the following comments on the +Middlesex election: "In Middlesex, the minority has been allowed not +only a representative, but a {93} place at the head of the poll, by +the selection of two Liberal candidates, almost avowedly in +competition, and with some unexplained circumstance of personal +antagonism. Though it is likely enough many of the votes have been +split between the two successful candidates, it is evident on the +face of the return that a better selected pair of Liberal candidates +might have carried both seats. Few persons will quarrel with a +result which gives one of the most important minorities in the +kingdom a voice in Parliament, but the result is a fluke rather than +the consequence of a sound intention or of a wise provision of law." + +At the General Election of 1874, Mr. Labouchere made another attempt +to enter the House of Commons. He first offered himself at +Southwark, but, as he was one of six Liberal candidates, he withdrew, +and presented himself for election at Nottingham. At Nottingham also +there was a superfluity of Liberal candidates, but two of these, Mr. +Labouchere and Mr. Laycock, would probably have got in, had it not +been for the determined antagonism of Mr. Heath, the Labour +candidate, to Mr. Labouchere. It was also asserted by the leading +Liberals of the place that the seats were lost, because Mr. +Labouchere's advanced Radicalism scandalised the Liberal supporters. +Be that as it may, the result of the election was that two +Conservatives were returned for Nottingham. Mr. Labouchere was as +usual philosophical upon the subject of his unsuccessful election: +"When one is in," he said, "one wants to be out, and when one is out, +one wants to be in. La Bruyère says that no married people ever pass +a week without wishing, at least once, that they were unmarried, and +so I suspect it is with most M.P.'s." + +There were many amusing stories about Mr. Labouchere current at this +time. One of the best that appeared in the Nottingham papers during +the election was the following: "He went to a fancy dress ball in +London, wearing diplomatic uniform, and on presenting himself at the +door, he was refused admission by a policeman. 'Why?' said {94} Mr. +Labouchere. 'Because no one is allowed here in a diplomatic +uniform,' said the 'bobby.' 'Confound your impudence,' growled the +ex-member for Middlesex, 'I will go in.' 'Not in diplomatic dress, +no one's to pass here in diplomatic togs,' repeated Mr. Bluebottle; +'my order is to watch this door for that special purpose.' 'What's +your name, scoundrel?' yelled the financial editor of the _World_; +'my name is Labouchere, and I will enter.' 'And mine,' rejoined the +amateur policeman, 'is Lionel Brough.' They walked upstairs +arm-in-arm together." + + + +[1] _Times_, April 27, 1866. + +[2] The committee was composed as follows: Mr. John Tomlinson Hibbert +(Chairman), Mr. Robert Dalglish, Mr. Arthur Wellesley Peel, Hon. +Fredk. Stanley, and Major Waterhouse. It sat for six days. The +counsel for the petitioners were: Mr. W. H. Cooke, Q.C., Mr. +Matthews, and Mr. Campbell Bruce. For the defendants: Mr. Serjeant +Ballantine and Mr. Biron. + +[3] _Times_, April 27, 1866. + +[4] _Times_, April 27, 1866. + +[5] _Hansard_, vol. 181, s. 3. + +[6] Herman Merivale, _Bar, Stage, and Platform_. + +[7] _Times_, April 2, 1867. + +[8] _Times_, July 5, 1867. + +[9] _Times_, March 19, 1868. + +[10] _Times_, March 25, 1868. + +[11] _Times_, June 24, 1868. + +[12] _Times_, May 29, 1868. + +[13] _Times_, May 1, 1868. + +[14] _Times_, April 21, 1868. + +[15] _Times_, May 15, 1868. + +[16] _Times_, June 17 and 24, 1868. + +[17] _Truth_, November 25, 1886. + +[18] _Times_, November 3, 1868. + +[19] _Times_, November 10, 1868. + +[20] _Times_, November 14, 1868. + +[21] _Times_, November 27, 1868. + +[22] _Truth_, April, 1878. + +[23] _Truth_, April 24, 1884. + + + + +{95} + +CHAPTER V + +JOURNALISM AND THE STAGE + +(1864-1880) + +After he had been unseated for Windsor, Mr. Labouchere went abroad +for some months, most of which time he spent at Nice. He also went +to Florence, and was at Homburg, in 1868, just before the General +Election. His connection with journalism began at this period, as he +sent frequent letters to the _Daily News_, both from Nice and +Florence. These were always remarkable for their pithiness and wit, +although he had by no means developed the style which he brought to +perfection two years later as "The Besieged Resident," and which made +his fame as a journalist. In 1868, he became part proprietor of the +_Daily News_, which it was decided to issue for the future as a penny +paper.[1] Sir John Robinson thus describes the syndicate of which +Mr. Labouchere became a member: "The proprietors of the _Daily News_, +a small syndicate which never exceeded ten men, were a mixed body, +hardly any two of whom had anything in common. The supreme control +in the ultimate resort rested with three of them, Mr. Henry +Oppenheim, the well-known financier, with politics of no very decided +kind; Mr. Arnold Morley, a Right Honourable, an ex-party Whip, {96} +and a typical ministerial Liberal; and Mr. Labouchere, the Radical, +financier, freelance. Others had but a small holding, and +practically did not count, save as regards any moral influence they +might bring to bear on their colleagues at Board meetings."[2] + +The new editor selected for the penny _Daily News_ was Mr. Frank +Hill, but the paper was run at a loss until the winter of 1870, when +the special war news published in its columns caused the circulation +to increase in one week from 50,000 to 150,000. Mr. Robinson, its +far-seeing manager, attributed the success of the paper, at this +period, first, to the excellence of his correspondents, and secondly, +to his having insisted upon having the whole of his news telegraphed +to London, instead of being transmitted by the post. The number of +the correspondents on the staff of the _Daily News_ during the war +was seventeen, of which the chief was Mr. Archibald Forbes, who may +be rightly described as a prince among journalists. Henry Labouchere +too had the main _heureuse_ where newspapers were concerned. His +Paris letters were eagerly read all over the civilised world, the +excitement and interest created by them being even more vehement in +America than in London. The fortune of the _Daily News_ was made,[3] +and from then onwards for many years the great organ of Liberalism +grew and flourished. When Mr. Labouchere sold his share[4] in 1895 +he did so at a large profit. As I shall not have occasion to return +again to Mr. Labouchere's financial connection with the _Daily News_, +{97} I shall give in this place an account Mr. Lionel Robinson +recently wrote to me of the transaction: "So many contradictory +statements have been put forward in the press with reference to the +late Mr. Labouchere's pecuniary interest in the _Daily News_, that +you may not be unwilling to find space for the recollections of one +who heard at the time, and subsequently, various versions of the +story. My own impression, derived from personal intercourse, is that +some time about 1868 or a little later, Mr. Labouchere purchased a +quarter share in the newspaper for about £14,000, and further, that +the vendor was Mr. Henry Rawson of Manchester. I do not pretend to +know what were the annual profits of the paper, beyond the fact that +they increased enormously during the twenty years dating from the +Austro-Prussian War and its subsequent developments. It was, +therefore, not surprising that when Mr. Labouchere decided to sell +his share in the paper it should have commanded a high price. I have +heard it, from a certain distance of time from the event, placed as +high as £92,000, but my personal recollection is that the sum +mentioned by Mr. Labouchere was £62,000 or thereabouts." + +In one of Mr. Labouchere's letters from Nice to the _Daily News_ he +gave a characteristic account of some of his compatriots abroad. The +following quotation from it will show the reader that, if he had not +yet acquired the style of his later work, the spirit of it was very +active--the spirit which made him hate mediocrity and +pretentiousness: "Here, as in almost every foreign watering-place, +there is a colony of English Bohemians, who live among themselves, +give each other tea parties and such mild festivities, frequent +charity and other public balls, abuse each other and every one else, +pet the English clergyman or denounce his doctrines, worry their +Consul with every kind of complaint and requirement, and keep up a +gallant and hopeless struggle to penetrate into foreign society. As +most of them only speak their own language, as the men, who, no +doubt, have many {98} solid virtues, are devoid of the art of +pleasing in a mixed society, and the women, pillars as they are of +virtue, have little of the Siren about them, foreign society does not +respond to their advances."[5] + +Labouchere was not so successful over his speculation in theatre +property. In the October of 1867, Messrs. Telbin and Moore did up +the New Queen's Theatre, formerly St. Martin's Hall, in Long Acre, +and it was opened under the management of Mr. Alfred Wigan, one of +the most accomplished comedians of the day. Mr. Alfred Wigan had a +mysterious partner in management, and Herman Merivale, who had +written a most successful farce, as the curtain raiser for the new +theatre, gives a charming little account of his discovery of the +identity of the mysterious personage. Alfred Wigan soon wanted some +melodrama for the theatre, and Merivale wrote a play. Wigan told him +that he must submit it to his partner. "Two or three days +afterwards," writes Merivale, "I was sent in fear and trembling to +the manager's room at the Queen's, to meet the mysterious partner. I +was introduced, and, sitting at the table with a cigarette in his +mouth, I saw Labouchere. 'Good Lord!' he said, 'are _you_ the +eminent author?' 'Heavens!' quoth I, 'are _you_ the mysterious +partner?' + +"Both of us had carefully concealed our hidden sin at the dinner +party.[6] What struck me most was a small array of bills of the new +play hung all round, each printed with a different title, that the +mysterious partner might see which looked best. It was, at all +events, bold expenditure. _Time and the Hour_ was the title that the +authors[7] had hit upon; and Labouchere decided that it should be +chosen. 'It's a splendid title, I think,' he said. 'Delighted that +you {99} say so,' was my flattered answer. 'It really is, you know. +Do for any play whatever that ever was written.'"[8] + +_Time and the Hour_, as it turned out, was, in its way, a kind of +curiosity. For the cast comprised, besides Wigan himself, a whole +bouquet of coming managers, some of whom were at the beginning of +their professional careers. There were J. L. Toole, Lionel Brough, +John Clayton, and Charles Wyndham. Other plays acted at the Queen's +Theatre under Mr. Labouchere's management were Tom Taylor's _Twixt +Axe and Crown_, and H. J. Byron's _Dearer than Life_. In the former +the lovely Mrs. Wybert Rousby flashed for the first time in her full +beauty on the London stage, and in the latter the cast included Henry +Irving, J. L. Toole, John Clayton, Lionel Brough, and Charles +Wyndham, and last, but most important of all, as Lucy, that clever +artist and fascinating personality, Henrietta Hodson, who afterwards +became Mrs. Labouchere. Another star at the Queen's Theatre, during +the first year of Mr. Labouchere's management, was Ellen Terry. She +thus describes herself playing there in the _Double Marriage_. "As +Rose de Beaurepaire," she writes, "I wore a white muslin Directoire +dress and looked absurdly young. There was one curtain which used to +convulse Wyndham. He had a line, 'Whose child is this?' and there +was I looking a mere child myself, and with a bad cold in my head +too, answering: 'It's _bine_!' The very thought of it used to send +us off into fits of laughter."[9] + +A contemporary picture of Mr. Labouchere at this time is given by Mr. +George Augustus Sala, in his _Life and Adventures_. Mr. Labouchere +had begged Sala to write him a play, full of exciting situations. +"An appointment was made with him," said Sala, "to meet Halliday +(another dramatic author) and myself at ten o'clock one evening at +the Queen's Theatre. He was then one of the members for the County +of Middlesex. He struck me as being in all respects a {100} +remarkable man, full of varied knowledge, full withal of humorous +anecdotes, and with a mother wit very pleasant to listen to. His +conversation was to me additionally interesting, because, when I was +in Mexico, I had gone over most of the ground which he had travelled." + +The first numbers of _Truth_ abound with news of the Queen's Theatre, +and the unvarnished accounts Mr. Labouchere gave of the contretemps +that occurred during his management, and the strange, unexpected +things that happened, possibly contributed to the lack of +consideration he experienced as a theatrical manager. Here is part +of an article devoted to the art of the stage, published during the +first year of _Truth_: "The play on which I lost most was an +adaptation of _The Last Days of Pompeii_. Everything went wrong in +this piece. I wanted to have--after the manner of the +ancients--acrobats dancing on the tight rope over the heads of the +guests at a feast. The guests, however, absolutely declined to be +danced over. Only one acrobat made his appearance. A rope was +stretched for him, behind the revellers, and I trusted to stage +illusion for the rest. The acrobat was a stout negro. Instead of +lightly tripping it upon his rope, he moved about like an elephant, +and finally fell off his rope, like a stricken buffalo. In the +second act the head of a statue was to fall off, and to crush Mr. +Ryder, who was a magician. There was a man inside the statue, whose +mission was to push over its head. With folded arms and stern air, +Mr. Ryder gazed at the statue, awaiting the portentous event that was +to crush him to the earth, notwithstanding the mystic power that he +wielded. The head remained firm on its neck. The man inside had +solaced himself with so much beer, that he was drunk and incapable, +and Mr. Ryder had, much to the amazement of the audience, to knock +down the head that was to crush him. In the third act the stage +represented a Roman amphitheatre. In the midst of a gorgeously +dressed crowd sat Mr. Ryder. 'Bring forth the lion!' he said. The +audience thrilled at the idea {101} of a real lion being marched on +to the stage. Now I had no lion, and I had discarded the idea of +putting a lion skin on a donkey. An attendant therefore walked in +and said, 'Sir, the lion will not come.' Those of the audience who +were not hissing, roared with laughter. The last act was to +represent the eruption of Vesuvius and the destruction of Pompeii. +The mountain had only been painted just in time for the 'first +night.' I had never seen it. What was my horror when the curtain +rose upon a temple with a sort of large sugar loaf behind it. At +first I could not imagine what was the meaning of this sugar loaf. +But when it proceeded to emit crackers I found that it was +_Vesuvius_!"[10] + +Sometimes he let the theatre, and on that subject he was almost +pathetic: "Whenever this theatre is to let," he wrote, "I am +complimented by numerous persons with proposals which prove that I am +regarded by them as the most credulous and confiding of human +beings--hardly indeed a human being, but a simple, convenient lamb +... nothing that I can do convinces them that I am not a lamb covered +with nice long wool and eager to be shorn. On these occasions I +remember that the tempering of the wind to the shorn lamb is, after +all, but a poetical figure, and therefore I take care to meet the +tempest with a fleece on my back."[11] He had not a high opinion of +dramatic artists, as men of business. "I confess," he said, "that +for my own part I have never understood the meaning of high art in +its dignified aspect. I never, in the course of my existence, came +across one of its votaries--painter, sculptor, author, or +architect--who was ready to sacrifice one farthing of his own at its +shrine. I once was the owner of a theatre, and I was perpetually at +war with authors and actors who wanted me to ruin myself on the altar +of high art, but I soon found that this was a term which they used +for their own fads. Once I produced a play by Charles Reade. It was +a failure, and on the first night I was sitting with him in a box. +'They {102} seem to be hissing, Mr. Reade,' I said. 'What of that?' +he replied; 'if you want to please such a public as this, you should +not come to me for a play.'"[12] He had an amusing story too to +relate of how he rode roughshod over Tom Taylor's artistic prejudices +by insisting upon a chemical fire being lit upon the stage at his +production of the latter's _Joan of Arc_, in the flames of which the +heroine (Mrs. Rousby) was to perish realistically, instead of being +wafted to Heaven in the arms of angels, as the author had planned she +should be. But the story of his theatre-management days that he was +fondest of telling was in connection with the late Sir Henry Irving. +The latter, at a big banquet he gave to a party of his friends, was +relating some of the events of his professional career. "And to +think, Labby," he said, turning to his old friend, "that I was once +receiving five pounds a week from you!" "Three pounds, Henry, my +boy," retorted Labouchere quickly, "only three." + +He professed the greatest contempt, and considering the financial +failure of his management of the Queen's Theatre, perhaps naturally +so, for those stingy votaries of pleasure who were always cadging him +for orders for his theatre. "Theirs," he said, "is the meanest, most +sneaky and contemptible form of beggary." But he got the better of +one of these beggars. One day his tailor asked him for an order. He +sent it to him, but the next morning he sent the tailor an "order" +entitling the bearer to a new suit of clothes. The tailor, realising +the tit for tat, sensibly complied with the request, but ever +afterwards bought his tickets for the "Queen's" in the conventional +manner. Another set of persons who encountered his righteous wrath +in his theatre days were the would-be dramatic authors. He described +how hundreds of worthless plays were sent him, resembling, in their +incoherence and lack of perspective, the crude pencil drawings of +infants. He gave in _Truth_ the opening of one of them, further than +which, he explained, he did not read: {103} "The broad Mississippi is +seen rolling its turbid flood towards the ocean, and carrying with it +the debris of a village. Steamers come and go on its surface. On a +frail raft a man and a woman are crossing the river. Enter the +negroes from a plantation monotonously singing."[13] + +He attributed the failure of his own adaptation of Sardou's _La +Patrie_ to the narrow powers of appreciation possessed by Londoners. +"They fancy," he wrote, "that no drama or melodrama can be good, +which does not conform to certain rules. The heroine must be the +purest and the best of her sex; she must engage in a struggle with +adverse circumstances, and with bad men; and she must emerge, in the +last act, triumphant. The audience, in fact, must leave the theatre, +not only pleased with her acting, but with her. Now, the heroine of +_Fatherland_ is Dolores, and the plot turns upon her betrayal of her +husband. This was fatal to the success of the play, but it is an +open question whether it ought to have been fatal to it. +Conventionalism is the bane of advance in art." + +All things considered, it was not surprising that Mr. Labouchere's +proprietorship of the Queen's Theatre was a financial failure. +Joseph Hatton gives a curious description of the way in which Mr. +Labouchere managed the business, the facts of which he got from the +same personal interview already quoted: "Sometimes he brought out +plays himself. He generally lost by them, but now and then had a +success. Occasionally in the preparations for a new production he +would go abroad. When particularly wanted by the management, he +could not be found. The work went on, however, all the same, and so +did the loss. Once he was advised to cram the house for a week with +orders, so that nobody could get in. The traditional 'Full' was +posted at all the entrances. He did this on condition that, after a +week, every one should be compelled to pay. When the second week +came the house was empty. Then the actors complained. {104} They +could not act to empty benches. 'Why don't you draw?' was +Labouchere's reply to their grievance. 'Draw! confound it! Why +don't you draw?' He announced Shakespearean revivals, proposing to +produce one new play of the bard's in splendid style every year. +Notices were put up at all the entrances, inviting the audiences to +vote on the piece. For a long time he worked up quite an excitement +by posting up the result of the voting. 'This was a capital idea; it +increased the number who paid at the door immensely.' Nevertheless +the Queen's did not prove a success, and it has lately been converted +into a co-operative store."[14] + +At every period of his life, Mr. Labouchere displayed all the +happiest characteristics of the Bohemian, or, what comes to the same +thing, the instincts of the real aristocrat. He was comfortably at +home in whatever social milieu he happened to find himself--a camp of +nomadic Indians, a Court ball, a rowdy hustings, the manager's room +of a London theatre, the _vie intime_ of a royal country house, or +the bourgeois domesticity of a thrifty German home--and he was +welcomed and appreciated in every one of them--except by the prigs +and the bores. + +He knew his London well. "I have lived in London many years. I have +known the seamy side of London life for far more than a quarter of a +century, and am familiar with every detail of the 'old days' as they +are called. I can compare the present with the past, decency with +disgust, order with license, and remember the time when we supped in +a cellar under the Portico, where the Pall Mall restaurant now +stands, when the Haymarket cafés were open as long as customers +patronised them. I can recall the nights when Panton Street and +Jermyn Street were lined with watchmen and confederates, and +admittance was only gained to certain favoured meeting-places by +giving a sign, or peeping through a slit in the door or guichet.... +I have seen a Chancellor {105} and a Cabinet Minister watching with +amused gaze a scene, which was at least decorous on the surface, at +the Argyll Rooms in Windmill Street, and, listening to excellent +music, I have sat unnoticed up in the corner of the old Holborn +Casino, where the Holborn restaurant now stands. I have seen some +wild scenes at the Foley Street rooms (Mott's) in the early hours of +the morning, and hideous scenes at 222 Piccadilly--the 'Pic' as it +was then called--since pulled down and destroyed for the now palatial +Criterion. In the warm summer nights I have driven down to Cremorne, +and wandered there till the daylight, in lilac and purple, came out +above the tall trees and put out the yellow glare of the gas. I have +even condescended to the decorous dissipation of Caldwell's dancing +rooms, beloved by milliners, and now turned into a National School. +I have been an eye-witness of the ups and downs of London life, and +the so-called humours of the West End. I have observed the contest +between common-sense and prudery, between the men of liberal mind and +those determined to make the vicious virtuous by Act of Parliament. +I have lived through the changes of licensing rules and closing +hours, and seen one place of amusement after another shut up and +confiscated--the decorous tarred with the same brush as the dirty. +Cremorne and the Holborn Casino bombarded equally with Mott's and the +Piccadilly Saloon,..." he wrote in the course of an article, which +ended with one of the most powerful indictments of British virtue +ever published,[15] and it was during the sixteen years that elapsed +between his departure from the Diplomatic Service and his entrance to +the House as the "Christian" member for Northampton that he acquired +most of his vast experimental knowledge of the artistic and vagabond +side of human nature about town. + +He was close upon fifty when he entered upon his serious +Parliamentary life, which was, as all who knew him well are {106} +aware, but a phase, though an important one, in his extraordinarily +varied career. Three episodes stand out with clearness, apart from +his abortive electioneering experiences already described, in the +years between 1864 and his first Northampton election--his residence +in Paris throughout the siege, his connection with the _World_, as +its financial editor, and his founding of his own weekly publication, +_Truth_. The first of these is described in a separate chapter, and +so, with equal necessity, is the third. For an account of how he +came to be on the staff of the World we must go to the +_Recollections_ of the late Mr. Edmund Yates himself, who relates +that, previous to launching the first number of his journal upon the +public, he had issued a very original prospectus. "I had also sent a +prospectus to Mr. Henry Labouchere," he continued, "with whom I had a +slight acquaintance, and whose services as a literary freelance +might, I thought, be utilised. Some days after, I saw Mr. Labouchere +on the Cup Day at Ascot, seated on the box of a coach. I asked him +if he had heard from me, and he said, 'Oh, yes,' adding that he +'thought the prospectus very funny.' 'But,' I said, 'will you help +us in carrying it out--will you be one of us?' 'You don't mean to +say,' he replied, 'that you actually mean to start a paper of the +kind set forth?' I told him most assuredly we did, and that we +wanted his assistance. He laughed more than ever, and said he would +let me know about it. A few days after, I heard from him, proposing +to write a series of city articles, which he actually commenced in +the second number." + +Labouchere's preliminary article in the _World_[16] was extremely +droll. It began as follows: "Some years ago, Mr. John F. Walker, +having derived a considerable fortune from cheating at cards in +Mississippi steamboats, determined to enjoy his well-earned gains in +his native city of New York, and purchased an excellent house in that +metropolis. In order to add to his income he advertised that he was +a {107} 'reformed gambler,' and, for a consideration, would instruct +novices in all the tricks of his trade. Mr. Walker was universally +esteemed by his fellow-citizens, and died last year, greatly +regretted by a numerous body of friends and admirers. In casting +about for the city editor for our journal, we have fallen upon a +gentleman, who, by promoting rotten companies, puffing worthless +stock, and other disreputable, but strictly legal, devices, has +earned a modest competence. He resides in a villa at Clapham, he +attends church every Sunday with exemplary regularity, and is the +centre of a most respectable circle of friends; many of his old +associates still keep up their acquaintance with him, and therefore +he is in a position to know all that passes in the city. This +reformed speculator we have engaged to write our city article." + +The staff of writers selected by Mr. Yates for the first year of the +_World_ was a singularly efficient one. It comprised, besides Mr. +Labouchere, Mr. T. H. S. Escott, Dr. Birkbeck Hill, Lord Winchelsea +(who contributed articles on racing and turf matters), M. Camilla +Barrère, Mrs. Lynn Linton, Mr. F. I. Scudamore, Mr. Archibald Forbes, +and Mr. Henry Lucy (who commenced, in the eighth number, his series +of Parliamentary Sketches, "Under the Clock"). But, in spite of the +excellent writers engaged on its production, the _World_ did not sell +well. Again it was the _main heureuse_ of Henry Labouchere that gave +the necessary push to make the new weekly go. Mr. Yates writes as +follows: "Mr. Labouchere was dealing with City matters in a way which +they had never been dealt with before, and ruthlessly attacking and +denouncing Mr. Sampson, the city editor of the _Times_, whose +position and virtue had hitherto been considered impregnable. All +these features ... received due appreciation from our provincial +_confrères_, and the 'trade,' but, as yet, they seemed to have made +no impression on the public. We were in the desperate condition of +having a good article to sell without the power of making that fact +known. At last, and just in the nick of time, we obtained the +requisite {108} public notice, and without paying anything for it. A +stockbroker, a member of the Stock Exchange, who conceived himself +likely to be attacked for certain practices by Mr. Labouchere in the +city article, threatened to horsewhip that gentleman, should such +observations appear, and Mr. Labouchere had the would-be assailant +brought before the Lord Mayor for threatening to commit a breach of +the peace. The case was really a trivial one, and it was settled by +the defendant being bound over in sureties for good behaviour. But +it had been argued at full length, each side being represented by +eminent lawyers; Mr. Thesiger, Q.C., appeared for the defendant and +Mr. (afterwards Sir) George Lewis for Mr. Labouchere. A great deal +was said about the _World_, and its determination to purge Capel +Court of all engaged in iniquitous dealings. All that was said was +reported at length in the daily papers. The effect was +instantaneous; the circulation rose at once, and the next week showed +a very large increase of advertisements." + +The case, as Mr. Yates says, was a trivial one, but remarkable for +Mr. Labouchere's irresistibly funny way of giving evidence. It was +tried on October 14, 1874, at the Guild Hall, and in answer to the +Lord Mayor, he gave the most absurd account of the assault as it +occurred: + +"'I said to him (Mr. Abbott): "I presume that if you were attacked in +a newspaper unfairly, you would bring an action for libel, and if you +won it you would get heavy damages." He replied: "I should not go +into Court; I know what newspapers want; they always want to go into +Court, it is a fine advertisement for them. I should horsewhip the +man." "Well," I said, "under the circumstances, the observation is a +personal one, and I reply to you, in the words of Dr. Johnson, 'I +shall not be deterred from unmasking a scoundrel by the menaces of a +ruffian.'" He then said he presumed I meant this for him, or +something of that sort. I said, "Well, it looks like it. You were +just now talking about horsewhipping; why don't you begin?"' + +{109} + +"_Mr. Thesiger_: 'In that tone of voice?' + +"'Very much like that,' drawled on Mr. Labouchere. 'He then stared +at me, and I repeated: "Well, why don't you begin?" I don't know +what his object was, but he rolled himself about and threw up his +hands. I presume he intended to frighten me by an exhibition of what +he imagined to be a pugilistic attitude more than anything else. I +again said: "Why do you not begin?" He then hit me a blow." + +"Have you any fear of Mr. Abbott?" asked Mr. Lewis, later on in the +proceedings. "Well, no," replied Mr. Labouchere. "When I was at +Spezia, I used to bathe a good deal in the Gulf and there were a +quantity of porpoises--" But what Mr. Abbott's behaviour had to with +porpoises, was never revealed to the Court, for, in spite of the +hisses of the audience, who wanted to hear the end of Mr. +Labouchere's story, Mr. Thesiger interrupted, saying sharply: "This +is really making a farce of a Court of Justice." + +"I am a calculator, not a speculator," was one of Labouchere's +retorts to Mr. Thesiger. "A distinction," said Mr. Thesiger, when +summing up for his client, "that Mr. Labouchere will be able to +explain to his own satisfaction, but perhaps not to that of other +people." + +Mr. Grenville Murray was another able writer on the staff of the +_World_, and was for some time Mr. Yates's partner in the +proprietorship of the paper, but the partnership was dissolved +because Mr. Yates disapproved of Murray's repeated attacks upon Lord +Derby. It would have been well if Mr. Labouchere had been as prudent +as Mr. Yates. When Mr. Labouchere started _Truth_, he persuaded Mr. +Grenville Murray to write some of his "Queer Stories," and it was one +of these that brought upon the editor of _Truth_ the wrath, never to +be assuaged, of a very important personage. Mr. Labouchere told me +once that, by some accident, he never saw the "Queer Story" in +question, until it had actually appeared in print. Had he done so, +he should never have {110} permitted its publication. Reference had +already been made to Mr. Labouchere's somewhat imprudent championship +of the ex-Consul of Odessa, but, when it was asserted in a much-read +weekly that Mr. Labouchere was the proprietor of the Queen's +_Messenger_,[17] he was obliged to send the following letter to the +_Times_: + + +2 BOLTON STREET, July 5, 1869. + +SIR,--Having been informed that the proprietorship of the _Queen's +Messenger_ has been attributed to me by a weekly newspaper, I shall +be much obliged to you to allow me a space in your columns to deny +the statement. I have not, and never had, directly or indirectly, +anything to do with the _Queen's Messenger_. + +HENRY LABOUCHERE. + + +An old member of the staff of the _World_, in a recently published +article commenting upon certain unintentional misstatements of a +definite nature that had appeared from time to time in the press in +connection with the two gifted editors respectively of the _World_ +and _Truth_, said, after dealing with one relating to Mr. +Labouchere's supposed partnership with Mr. Yates: "Equally contrary +to fact is the statement, even more generally made and accepted, that +Mr. Labouchere severed his connection with the _World_, and founded +_Truth_, as the sequel of personal differences between himself and +his sometime editor. No such personal differences occurred at any +period; and, though Yates would have been more than human if he had +rejoiced at the decision of a particularly able member of his staff +to leave him, in order to start another journal, planned on parallel +lines and appealing to the same {111} public, he was far too shrewd a +man of the world to show any sense of grievance or resentment. It +happened that the news of Mr. Labouchere's project first reached his +editor's ears through the medium of a third person; and on being +challenged by Yates, as to the truth of the rumour, the imperturbable +'Labby' characteristically replied that he had decided for the future +to have a pair of boots of his own with which to do his own kicking. +Rivals, in a journalistic sense, as they thenceforth necessarily +became, the friendly personal relations between the two were +maintained to the last, and the weekly mutual corrections of 'Henry' +by 'Edmund' and vice versa, which caused so much diversion to the +readers of both papers, were conducted at all times in an entirely +amicable spirit."[18] + +Mr. Montesquieu Bellew, another journalist of that time, was an +_intime_ of Mr. Labouchere's. On the occasion of Mr. Bellew's son +choosing the stage as his profession, Mr. Labouchere took the +opportunity of writing in _Truth_ a racy article, in which he related +the whole story of his friendship and travels in company with this +most unconventional parson. They must indeed have been a queer pair, +and it is interesting to imagine the effect they must have produced +together at the various _tables d'hôte_ and social functions they +attended on their journey. They became acquainted in this wise. Mr. +Labouchere was idling one day on the steps of his hotel at Venice, +when he noticed a gentleman paying his bill and tipping the porters +preparatory to taking his departure. His carriage was waiting for +him at the door. "Where are you going?" said Mr. Labouchere, on the +impulse of the moment. "To the Holy Land," replied the stranger. +"Wait five minutes," replied Labouchere, "and I will come with you." +He flew to his room and flung his clothes into his portmanteau and +joined Mr. Bellew, who was waiting for him. He did not, however, +discover the identity of his travelling companion until they reached +Jerusalem, although he knew that he was {112} a clergyman, because +every night before retiring to rest Mr. Bellew pressed a manuscript +sermon into his hand, for "night-reading." At Jerusalem, Mr. Bellew +broke to him that, his bishop being in the place, he should probably +be asked to preach in the English Church. Labouchere took this as a +hint that Mr. Bellew would like him to be present, so he made his +plans accordingly. Finding out at what precise moment of the service +the sermon would begin, he marched into the church with great +impressiveness, at the head of a large band of Arabs and others, whom +he had bribed to accompany him. This, he explained afterwards to +Bellew, was to create in the bishop's mind the impression that Bellew +was such a prodigy of piety that even the inhabitants of the country +places of Syria had heard of his fame and were come in flocks to gaze +upon him. The bishop's annoyance on the occasion he assured Bellew +was entirely due to his jealousy of his more popular _confrère_. +They quarrelled on the journey. Bellew pointed out to Labouchere a +small stream. "That," he said, "is the source of the Jordan." +Labouchere pointed out another stream, declaring that that and that +alone was the source of the Jordan. They argued the matter hotly, +but Labouchere was not aware how deeply Bellew had taken the affair +to heart, until he found himself in bed that night with no manuscript +sermon under his pillow. But Bellew was a Christian and a man of +tact. The next day in the course of their wanderings, they came upon +another minute trickle of water. "That," said Bellew, with a note of +conciliation in his voice, "is the source of the Jordan; we were both +in the wrong yesterday." "Of course it is," assented Labouchere; +"how in the world we came to make such a mistake I can't imagine." +From Jerusalem they went on to the Dead Sea. Bellew had +picturesque-looking long white hair, which he would comb and arrange +before a looking-glass that accompanied him on all his travels. This +looking-glass got upon Labouchere's nerves, so one day "I got hold of +it," he related, "and sent it to join Sodom and Gomorrah beneath the +{113} gloomy waters that stretched out beneath us. The next night, +we pitched our tent in the desert. Dire was the confusion on rising. +The looking-glass could not be found. I held my tongue respecting +its fate. Probably some day or another some eminent explorer, poking +about the bottom of the Dead Sea, will fish up this looking-glass, +and we shall have archæologists divided in opinion, one half proving +that it belonged to a lady of Sodom and the other half that it was +the property of a gentleman of Gomorrah. Bellew was equal to the +occasion. He managed to arrange his hair by looking into the back of +a dessert spoon."[19] Mr. Bellew contributed a most interesting +account of his journey to the East in the first number of _Temple +Bar_ called "Over Babylon to Baalbeck."[20] He does not, however, +mention in it his travelling companion, nor any of the incidents +referred to by Mr. Labouchere in his account of the same journey. +Mr. Bellew subsequently joined the Church of Rome, and died in 1874. +On one of Mr. Labouchere's frequent visits to Italy, he met Dumas +_père_, with whom he had an amusing adventure. Strolling into a +restaurant at Genoa for breakfast, he perceived Dumas at another +table, and, seated by his side, a very pretty girl, dressed like a +Circassian boy, young enough to be Dumas's granddaughter. To +continue the story in his own words: "Dumas told me that they had +just landed from a yacht and were spending the day in Genoa. He +introduced the girl to me as Emile. After luncheon he proposed that +we should all take a carriage, and go and see a show villa in the +neighbourhood. When we reached the villa, we were told that it was +not open to the public on that day. 'Inform your master,' said Dumas +to the servant, 'that Alexandre Dumas is at his door.' The servant +returned, and told us that we could enter. We were ushered into a +dining-room, presenting a typically Italian domestic scene. The +father and mother of the family were present, and several well-grown +boys and girls. Dumas was somewhat taken aback for a {114} moment, +but introduced Emile and me vaguely as '_mes enfants_.' As we were +asked to sit down to coffee we made ourselves at home. Afterwards +the owner showed us his garden. He and Dumas walked first. Emile +and I wandered about hand-in-hand to denote our brotherly and +sisterly affection. The Circassian was in a playful mood, and told +me that Dumas was of a jealous disposition, which grandfathers +sometimes are. He had one eye on the beauties of the garden and the +other on his children. 'What are you doing?' said Dumas. I replied +that I was embracing my sister. As he could not well object to this, +for once, I think, I got the better of the lady's eminent +grandfather." He had a story too of the younger Dumas. Labouchere +was at the wedding of Mlle. Maria Dumas, and her brother, on coming +to the sacristy with all the family friends for the signature of the +register, looked at the document for a minute, as if perusing it +carefully, and then said with mock gravity, "The accused have nothing +further to add for their defence? Be it so!" And then he signed. + +Mr. Labouchere's curiosity at this period of his life was insatiable. +He wanted to know what it felt like to be a criminal about to be +hanged. So, having procured an invitation to see all over Newgate, +he carried out his experiment, and described his sensations in the +columns of the _Daily News_. After giving a vivid account of the +prison and some of its inmates, he wrote the following realistic +lines: "And now we were led through a long stone passage open to the +sky. This was the Newgate graveyard. Beneath each flag is the +corpse of a murderer, and on the walls opposite are their initials, +which have been cut by the warders to guide them through this +murderous labyrinth. At the other end of the passage is the +execution yard. The scaffold is put up the night before an +execution, in a corner close by the door through which the condemned +prisoner issues. The court is surrounded by high gloomy walls, and +looks like the ante-chamber of Hades. I asked the warder whether in +his opinion murderers {115} preferred being executed in public or +private. He opined the former. 'The crowd keeps them up,' he said. +'They are not so firm, now it takes place in private.' I understand +this feeling. If I were going to be hanged myself I should like the +ceremony to take place _coram populo_. I should feel myself already +dead in that dreary yard; and I should prefer, I imagine, after weeks +or months of prison life, to have one more look at the world, even +though that world were a howling mob, before quitting it for ever. + +"We passed through the chapel and were shown the chair on which the +prisoners condemned to death are perched--in obedience to what seems +to me a barbarous custom--to hear their last sermon, and then we +entered the 'Press Room.' It is a room of moderate size with plain +deal tables, benches, and cupboards. One of these latter the warder +opened, and showed us Jack Sheppard's chains, and other interesting +relics, which are as religiously preserved as though they had +belonged to saints. A leather sort of harness was also brought out. +It consisted of two belts with straps attached to the lower one for +the wrists. This is the murderer's last dress, and with it round him +he walks to the scaffold. I tried it on, and when my hands were +buckled to my side, I pictured to myself my sensations if I had been +waiting to fall into the procession to the neighbouring yard. I +heard my funeral bell toll; I saw the ordinary by my side; the +warders telling me that my time was up; Calcraft bustling about eager +to begin. So strong was the impression that I hastened to get out of +the prison, and was not fully convinced that I was not going to be +hanged until I found myself in the midst of a crowd in Fleet Street, +who, for reasons best known to themselves, were cheering the +'Claimant,' who was issuing from a shop, while a chimney sweep who +was passing by was welcomed as Bogle, being mistaken for that dusky +retainer."[21] + +With reference to the "Claimant," Mr. George Augustus {116} Sala has +a curious story to relate about him and Mr. Labouchere, who, of +course, took the greatest interest in the famous trial. "I saw a +great deal of the Claimant during 1872," says Mr. Sala, "and I +remember once dining with him and the late Mr. Serjeant Ballantine at +the house of Mr. Labouchere, who then resided in Bolton Street, +Piccadilly. The senior member for Northampton had, upon occasion, a +curious way of putting things; and over the walnuts and the wine--of +which our host was not a partaker--he startled us all by coolly +asking his obese guest, 'Are you Arthur Orton?' 'Good Heavens, Mr. +Labouchere,' exclaimed the stout litigant, 'what do you mean?' 'Oh, +nothing in particular,' quoth Mr. Labouchere; 'help yourself to some +more claret.'"[22] + +Mr. Labouchere however afterwards was quite convinced that the +Claimant was not Orton. When the latter was released from penal +servitude in 1884, he published the following reminiscence: + +"It is a curious fact that during his trial the London papers sold +more copies than during the Franco-Prussian War, or any other recent +eventful epoch. I confess that it never was proved absolutely to my +mind that he was Arthur Orton; on the other hand, whilst there was +the strongest presumption that he was, he entirely failed to make out +that he was Sir Roger Tichborne. I remember once during the trial, +in company with Mr. G. A. Sala, passing an evening with the 'stout +nobleman' at his hotel in Jermyn Street. We found him very pleasant, +and he told us many tales of his existence in Australia. He +certainly had a wonderful command over his features. On that last +day of the civil trial, the room at the hotel was filled with +adherents, many of whom were Tichborne bondholders. Suddenly the +Claimant walked in. He leant against the mantelpiece, took his cigar +out of his mouth, and announced the fatal news. Great was the +excitement, great was the despair and {117} the indignation. But the +Claimant calmly smoked on, apparently the only person in the room who +had no sort of interest in the matter."[23] + +Soon after Mr. Labouchere's founding of _Truth_, he became involved +in several lawsuits, the most famous of which, at this period, was +the one which indirectly led to his expulsion from the Beefsteak +Club. He invariably commented with great wit and asperity upon his +enemies, frustrated and otherwise, in the columns of his paper, and +there is no doubt that its enormous popularity depended in large +degree upon the fearlessness and unconventionality with which he +attacked all persons of high degree and low, guilty of injustice, +bullying, _snobisme_, or wilfully ignorant prejudice, who, for long, +had been silently endured by their weaker brethren, for no other +reason than because there had never before been a--Labby. + +Sometimes he was accused by an envious press of being a liar. The +title he had chosen for his paper possibly provoked the criticism. +He was rather sensitive on the subject, and expressed a certain +amount of annoyance whenever the well-known ditty of Sir Henry +Bridges, "Labby in our Abbey," which was published in M. A. P., was +mentioned.[24] In _Truth_ he once produced what may be called an +apposite alibi when confronted by the accusation. Some correspondent +had referred rather pointedly to the existence of Lying Clubs in the +last century. "There is no occasion to go back to the last century +to prove the existence of Lying Clubs," {118} he wrote. "When I was +at Bishop-Auckland in County Durham, a few years ago, I found a Lying +Club existing and flourishing. There were different grades of +proficiency. If a man could not lie at all, he was expelled. If he +lied rather badly, he was given another trial. I never knew any one +expelled. I was blackballed." + + + +[1] _The Daily News_ was the first Liberal daily paper to be +published in London and at first cost fivepence. It was afterwards +reduced to threepence. + +[2] Sir John Robinson, _Fifty Years of Fleet Street_. + +[3] It was humorously said at the period that Mr. Robinson (the +Manager of the _Daily News_) and Count Bismarck were the only persons +who had gained by the war, and that only the former deserved to do so. + +[4] Mr. Labouchere gave the following reasons for severing his +connection with the _Daily News_. "On Mr. Gladstone's withdrawal +from public life," he wrote in _Truth_, "the party, or rather a +majority of the officialdom of the party became tainted with +Birmingham imperialism. My convictions did not allow me to be +connected with a newspaper which supported a clique of intriguers +that had captured the Liberal ship, and that accepted blindly these +intriguers as the representatives of Liberalism in regard to our +foreign policy." + +[5] _Daily News_, Feb. 8, 1869. + +[6] Merivale and Labouchere had recently met at a dinner party at the +house of the former's father. + +[7] Merivale had collaborated with Palgrave Simpson in the +construction of the play. + +[8] Herman Merivale, _Bar, Stage, and Platform_. + +[9] Ellen Terry, _The Story of my Life_. + +[10] _Truth_, August 16, 1877. + +[11] _Ibid._, June 12, 1877. + +[12] _Truth_, Nov. 12, 1887. + +[13] _Truth_, November 8, 1877. + +[14] Joseph Hatton, _Journalistic London_. + +[15] "The Ghastly Gaymarket," _Truth_, Dec. 8, 1881. + +[16] _The World_, July 15, 1874. + +[17] Mr. Grenville Murray, who was the editor of the _Queen's +Messenger_, was assaulted by Lord Carrington on account of an article +he wrote about the latter's father, and out of the case which Mr. +Grenville Murray brought against Lord Carrington arose Mr. Murray's +prosecution for perjury, which resulted in his departure from +England. He died in Paris in 1881. It was at the time of the +scandal aroused by the article for which Lord Carrington assaulted +Grenville Murray, that Mr. Labouchere was accused of being the +proprietor of the paper. + +[18] _The World_, Jan. 23, 1912. + +[19] _Truth_, October 11, 1877. + +[20] _Temple Bar_, December 1, 1860. + +[21] _Daily News_, February 19, 1872. + +[22] G. A. Sala, _Life and Adventures_. + +[23] _Truth_, October 23, 1884. + +[24] The first and last verses are as follows: + + Of all the boys that are so smart + There's none like crafty Labby; + He learns the secret of each heart, + And lives near our Abbey; + There is no lawyer in the land + That's half as sharp as Labby; + He is a demon in the art + And guileless as a babby! + + The ministers and members all + Make game of truthful Labby, + Though but for him it's said they'd be + A sleepy set and flabby; + And when their seven long years are out, + They hope to bury Labby; + Ah then how peacefully he'll lie, + But not in our Abbey! + + + + +{119} + +CHAPTER VI + +THE BESIEGED RESIDENT + +(Sept., 1870-Feb., 1871) + +Mr. Labouchere was a famous raconteur and of the reminiscences he +loved to recount there was no more riveting a series than the one +relating his experiences as a journalist during the siege of Paris. +According to the _Times_[1] nothing that he ever achieved in +journalism or literature excelled or perhaps equalled the letters of +a "Besieged Resident," which he sent from Paris to the _Daily News_, +in the autumn and winter of 1870 and 1871. The correspondent of the +_Daily News_ in Paris at that period was the late Mr. George Morland +Crawford, who had occupied the position since 1851. Mr. Crawford had +already made Mr. Labouchere's acquaintance in the early sixties, when +the latter was an attaché at Frankfort, and they had met again later +on at Homburg. It had been the intention of Mr. Crawford to remain +at his post in Paris, when an unexpected offer from Henry Labouchere +to replace him temporarily caused him to alter his plans. + +Mrs. Crawford has given a graphic account[2] of how Labouchere took +her husband's place as correspondent. He had been in Paris with the +exception of some excursions into the country for several weeks, and +had invited {120} Mr. Crawford to dine with him at Durand's on the +night of September 17. The party was to have included Aurélien +Scholl, celebrated then as a wit, Got of the Comédie Française, Dr. +Alan Herbert, and Mr. Frank Lawley. However, the uncertainty of +immediate events and the general rush of departure from the capital +obliged Labouchere to put off his party. He went at about six +o'clock to the Café du Vaudeville to find Mr. Crawford--first to tell +him that the dinner was countermanded, and then to propose to take +his place as correspondent in Paris, whilst he, Mr. Crawford, should +go to Tours. Mrs. Crawford happened to be with her husband at the +café, and she thus describes the impression Labouchere made upon her: + +"Labby looked a young man on this, to me, memorable evening, but, at +the close of the siege, frightened Odo Russell by looking almost an +old one. Before my husband, who was writing, introduced us he began +to talk to me and I could not make him out, but at once enjoyed his +company. He had a very pleasing and intelligent face, I thought +spoke a little like an American (he had been escorting a party of +American young ladies to Rouen), had high caste manners, but with +naturalness, and much that was the reverse of that affectation of +owlish wisdom or cordial dodgery then rife in the diplomatic world. +I saw that he was somebody, both on his own account, and from +education, and thought that he might be some Don brought up in +England, who had made himself the president of a South American +Republic." + +As soon as Mr. Crawford had finished his writing, Labouchere broached +the subject of the _Daily News_. He said: "A fancy seized me, as +Sheffield (of the British Embassy) told me you had sent your little +children to England, and your wife had resolved to stay through the +siege and give you what help she can. It is to take your place as +correspondent of the _Daily News_, and to send you into the +provinces. As I am a proprietor of the paper, Robinson won't object +to this arrangement. It would be an excellent thing {121} for my +heirs were I to stop a bullet or die of starvation, but were anything +of the sort to befall you it would be calamitous for you and yours. +You need not leave me the six weeks' provisions which Sheffield told +me you laid in, but can give them to poor neighbours. I can always +get as much fresh mutton as I want from the porter of the British +Embassy, who has orders to this effect. There is a flock of ewes and +wethers on the grounds there, to browse on the grass and eat the hay +laid in for the horses of Lord Lyons, before he had directions from +Granville to go to Tours to watch events there. The only person at +the Embassy is the porter. We two will have more mutton than we can +eat even if the siege lasts long. The porter knows how to grow +potatoes and mushrooms in an empty cellar, so that we two shall have +not only meat but dainties to vary the dishes. I have arranged to +have rooms at the Grand Hotel, so you see I shall be in clover." + +Mrs. Crawford, who did not the least believe he was in earnest, +protested that she was not at all afraid of remaining in Paris, but +Labouchere persisted in his persuasions. + +"If you were at all affected," he replied, "I should say, 'Don't be +theatrical.' Instead of that I shall say, 'Don't be like Lot's +wife.'" Then he took out his watch and explained that the last train +to leave Paris between then and the end of the siege would start from +the Gare St. Lazare that night at 9.40. "I advise you to go home at +once," he went on, "and pack up what clothes you can for your +temporary residence at the seat of the delegate government at Tours. +Lyons will be glad to have you near him, for, as you can understand, +he knows nothing personally of those friends of yours whom the +Revolution has brought to the top." + +Mrs. Crawford lost no more time in discussion, and hurried off to +make her preparations in order to catch the last train by which she +and her husband could get out of Paris. The 9.40 train did not leave +St. Lazare that day before {122} midnight, and such was its weight of +passengers and baggage that no fewer than three engines had to be +coupled on. + +The next day Mr. Labouchere sent his first letter to London, in his +capacity of Paris correspondent to the _Daily News_. The mails +continued to leave Paris regularly for another three days, but the +chaos that prevailed in the post-office did not inspire the citizens +who entrusted their correspondence to its tender care with overmuch +confidence. + +"Everybody was in military uniform," writes Labouchere, "everybody +was shrugging his shoulders, and everybody was in the condition of a +London policeman, were he to see himself marched off to prison by a +street sweeper. That the Prussians should have taken the Emperor +prisoner and have vanquished the French armies, had of course +astonished these French bureaucrats, but that they should have +ventured to interfere with postmen had perfectly dumbfounded them." +Having disposed of his letter as best he might, Labouchere passed +through the courtyard to try his luck with a telegram. There he saw +postmen seated on the boxes of carts, with no horses before them. It +was their hour to carry out the letters, and thus mechanically they +fulfilled their duty. It is in touches such as these that the writer +makes the scenes of the winter months of '70 and '71 live before the +eyes of his readers. Were the ridiculous episodes he relates visible +to others besides himself, or were his journalistic abilities so +acutely developed that nothing significant, however minute, could +escape his eager scrutiny? It is not easy to say, but the fact +remains that he gave the world at that time, in astonishingly amusing +letters, vivid pictures of bureaucracy startled into ludicrous +attitudes of unaccustomed enterprise, of gilt and tinsel patriotism +ineffectually trying to replace the paper courage[3] of Imperial +{123} France--of an irresponsible populace brought face to face with +a catastrophe which they imagined to be impossible up till within the +last ten days of the siege. + +The Parisians had undoubtedly a good excuse for the poor figure they +were obliged to cut before Europe in the January of 1871. Events, +which every one, except their ex-Emperor and his government, had +predicted as inevitable, had followed one another with a disastrous +rapidity, leaving them, after each one, _bouches béantes_, incapable +of deciding whether the most appropriate gesture to express their +attitude would be one of applause, of hisses, or of weeping. + +Only six months had elapsed since the afternoon of the Emperor's +reception, at St. Cloud, of the members of the Senate, when M. Rouher +had said, during the course of his address, in words that, to-day, +sound as if they must have been meant to be ironical: "Your Majesty +has occupied the last four years in perfecting the armament and +organisation of the army," and since the King of Prussia and the +Sovereigns of South Germany had ordered the mobilisation of their +armies. Six months! But what a six months of bloodshed and fury, of +humiliation and defeat. + +The Emperor left St. Cloud for the seat of war on July 28th, and went +straight to Metz, where a Council of War was held on August 4, with +Marshals Macmahon and Bazaine in attendance. That very day the Crown +Prince of Prussia fell upon a portion of Macmahon's army corps at +Weissenburg, and all but destroyed it, killing its general, Abel +Douay, and taking 800 prisoners. The next day a similar fate +overtook another corps, commanded by {124} Macmahon himself on the +hills above Wörth, when 6000 men were killed or taken prisoner, and +no less than thirty pieces of artillery with six mitrailleuses were +captured. Whilst the latter engagement was actually in progress +General Froissard's army corps, which was holding the heights above +Saarbrück, was driven back in confusion and with great loss upon Metz. + +The news of these events fell upon the ears of startled Europe on +August 8. A fiasco, so hurried and hopeless, had not been +contemplated. At first a false report had reached Paris of a grand +victory won by Macmahon, who was supposed to have captured the Crown +Prince of Prussia with all his army. The enthusiastic excitement had +been unbounded. Gradually the truth was borne in upon the unhappy +people, and a hopeless reaction was the natural result. Napoleon's +apologetic telegrams from Metz did not cheer his subjects; even the +fourth of a series of five containing these words, _Tout pent se +rétablir_, brought little hope to their hearts, for it was impossible +not to be aware of the fact that, although the war was but three +weeks old, the Prussian invasion of France was going successfully and +steadily forward. + +But France was still an Empire, and, on the morning of August 7, the +Empress-Regent presided over a ministerial council at 5 o'clock in +the morning, and convoked the chambers, who met on the 9th, when the +Ollivier Ministry resigned. The department of the Seine was declared +in a state of siege, and a permanent council of the Ministry was +established at the Tuileries. The Ollivier Ministry was replaced, by +one under Count Palikao. + +It was still possible for news of the French defeats at the seat of +war to reach the capital. Bazaine's unsuccessful movement of retreat +from Metz to Verdun on August 15, followed by the bloody battle of +Gravelotte, resulting in his enforced retirement into the entrenched +camp of Metz, spread further consternation among the Imperial +Ministers {125} at home, and preparations for a siege began in +earnest. General Trochu was appointed Commander-in-Chief of all the +forces in Paris on August 17. + +Sedan was fought on the first of September, and on the second, the +Emperor of the French sent his sword to the King of Prussia, who +thereupon appointed him a residence as a prisoner of war. Two days +later the advance guard of the Prussian army at Sedan set out for +Paris. + +It is to the columns of the _Daily News_,[4] that we must turn for +the most authentic account of the way in which Paris took the news of +Sedan. Although Labouchere was not yet the official correspondent +from Paris, he nevertheless sent letters to Fleet Street dealing with +matters connected with the crisis, which were published above the +signature of a "Parisian Resident." + +"The news of the Emperor's capture," he writes on September 4, +"reached the foreign embassies here at ten yesterday morning. At +about 8 o'clock it began to be rumoured that the Emperor and +Macmahon's army had surrendered. I saw a crowd of about 2000 men +going down the Boulevard, and shouting '_La déchéance_.' I took the +arm of a patriot, and we all went together to the Louvre to interview +General Trochu. He came out after we had shouted for him about +half-an-hour, and a deputation had gone in to him. There was a dead +silence as soon as he appeared, so what he said could be distinctly +heard. He told us that the news of the capture of the Emperor was +true, and that as for arms he could not give more than he had, and he +regretted to say that the millions on paper were not forthcoming." + +In the course of the next twenty-four hours a bloodless revolution +was accomplished in Paris. On Sunday afternoon Labouchere got into a +carriage and drove about the city, noting everything he saw. "The +weather was {126} beautiful," he wrote; "it was one of the most +glorious early September days ever seen. I drove slowly along the +quay parallel with the Orangerie of the Tuileries before the Palace. +The Tuileries gardens were full of people. I learned that, in the +morning, orders had been given to close the gates, but that, +half-an-hour before I passed, the people had forced them open, and +that neither the troops nor the people made any resistance. My +coachman, who, I dare say, was an Imperialist yesterday, but was a +very strong Republican to-day, pointed out to me several groups of +people bearing red flags. I told him that the tricolour, betokening +the presence of the Empress, still floated from the central tower of +the Tuileries. While I was speaking, and at exactly twenty minutes +past three, I saw that flag taken down. That is an event in a man's +life not to be forgotten. Crossing over the Pont de Solferino to the +Quai d'Orsay, I witnessed an extraordinary sight indeed. From the +windows of those great barracks, formerly peopled with troops, every +man of whom was supposed to be ready to die for his Emperor, I saw +soldiers smiling, waving handkerchiefs, and responding to the cries +of '_Vive la République_.' Nay, strangers fell on each other's necks +and kissed each other with 'effusion.' In the neighbourhood of the +Pont Neuf, I saw people on the tops of ladders busily pulling down +the Emperor's bust, which the late loyalty of the people had induced +them to stick about in all possible and impossible places. I saw the +busts carried in mock procession to the parapets of the Pont Neuf and +thrown into the Seine, clapping of hands and hearty laughter greeting +the splash which the graven image of the mighty monarch made in the +water. I went as far as the Hôtel de Ville, and found it in +possession of his Majesty the Sovereign People. Blouses were in +every one of M. Haussmann's balconies. How they got there I do not +know. I presume that M. Chevreau did not invite them. But they got +in somehow without violence. The great square in front of the Hôtel +de Ville was full of the National Guards, {127} most of them without +uniform. They carried the butts of their muskets in the air, in +token that they were fraternising with the people. The most perfect +good humour prevailed. Portraits of the Emperor and Empress, which +many of your readers must have seen in the Hôtel de Ville ballrooms, +were thrown out of the window and the people trod and danced on the +canvas. On leaving the Hôtel de Ville I saw, in the Avenue Victoria, +M. Henri Rochefort,[5] let out of prison as a logical sequence of +events but half-an-hour before. He was on a triumphal car, and wore +a scarlet scarf. He was escorted by an immense mob, crying, '_Vive +Rochefort_!' He looked in far better health than I expected to see +him after his long imprisonment, and his countenance beamed with +delight. He had seen his desire on his enemy." + +[Illustration: Facsimile of a "Pigeon-post" letter sent by Henry +Labouchere to his mother during the siege of Paris.] + +At four o'clock on the same day the Republic was proclaimed at the +Hôtel de Ville, with a provisional Government composed of the +following members: MM. Gambetta, Jules Favre, Pelletan, Rochefort, +Jules Ferry, Jules Simon, and Ernest Picard. Kératry was appointed +Prefect of the Police and Arago the Mayor of Paris. + +Meanwhile the Prussians came nearer and nearer. On the 10th, they +entered Laon, and General Hame, who was in command, surrendered the +citadel in order to save the city. On that day the Republican +Government issued an order to all owners of provisions and forage in +the neighbourhood to move their goods into the capital. On the 18th +the Crown Prince and the third army were at Chaumes, and two days +later the long march of the Prussians was ended. The Crown Prince +took up his headquarters at Versailles. The _Daily News_ +correspondent, Archibald Forbes, who had accompanied the third army +from Wörth to Sedan, and from Sedan to Paris, informed Fleet Street +that: "The fortune of war has brought the Prussians to the Hampton +Court of the French capital--has placed them at the very gates of +{128} Paris. I need say no further word to make the situation more +striking. Here are the dark blue uniforms and the spiked helmets in +the stately avenues of Versailles. The barracks of the Imperial +Guard give ample quarters to King William's soldiery, and there have +been found immense stores of hay and oats which will make the +Prussian horses fat, if only rest enough be given them for feeding." + +From that day until the end of the siege no regular mail went out of +Paris. Balloons and pigeons carried the news of the imprisoned +inhabitants into the provinces and beyond the seas. Sometimes a +letter would be successfully fixed between the double soles of a +crafty man's boots,[6] who would, on some pretext or another, succeed +in making his way through the Prussian lines, or a note would be +rolled up into a ball and be concealed in a pot of pomade and so +proceed in unctuous quiet on its way out of the prison into the open. +Henry Labouchere, some twenty-five years later, described how he +managed to get his letters to the _Daily News_.[7] + +"More of my letters reached their destination, I believe, than those +of other correspondents. The reason was this. The correspondents +waited on Jules Favre, and asked him to afford them facilities for +sending their letters. He kindly said that he would, and told us +that whenever a balloon started we might give them, made up in a +parcel, to the man in charge, who would make it his business to +transmit them {129} to their destination so soon as the balloon +touched land outside. There was a complacent smile on his +countenance when we gratefully accepted this offer that led me to +suspect that, whatever might happen to the letters, they were not +likely to reach the newspaper offices to which they were addressed, +unless they lauded everything. So, instead of falling a victim to +this confidence trick, I placed my letters under cover to a friend in +London, and put them into a post-box, calculating that, as each +balloon took out about twenty thousand letters, those posted in the +ordinary way would not be opened." + +The letters, posted as Labouchere described above, were written on +tissue paper and addressed to Miss Henrietta Hodson. She, +immediately on receipt of the manuscript, carried it to Fleet Street, +where it was rightly considered copy of the very first order. + +Labouchere, as soon as the siege had really begun, tried in vain to +induce General Trochu to allow him to accompany him on his rides to +the ramparts of the city, pointing out that the newspaper +correspondents were always allowed to accompany the Prussian staffs. +Trochu would not hear of the scheme, and explained that he himself +had been within an inch of being shot because he had had the +impudence to say that he was the Governor of Paris. + +"From Trochu," writes Labouchere, on September 25, "I went to pay a +few calls. I found every one engaged in measuring the distance from +the Prussian batteries to his particular house. One friend I found +seated in a cellar with a quantity of mattresses over it, to make it +bomb-proof. He emerged from his subterraneous Patmos to talk to me, +ordered his servant to pile on a few more mattresses, and then +retreated. Anything so dull as existence here it is difficult to +imagine. Before the day is out one gets sick and tired of the one +single topic of conversation. We are like the people at Cremorne +waiting for the fireworks to begin; and I really do believe that if +this continues much longer, the {130} most cowardly will welcome the +bombs as a relief from the oppressive _ennui_." + +A letter to his mother,[8] dated September 26, gives the following +account of his life in Paris: "I wrote a day or two ago by balloon, +but probably my letter is in the moon. A man is going to try and get +through the lines with this, and a letter to the _Daily News_. We +are all right here. The Prussians fire at the forts, but as yet they +have not bombarded the town. Provisions are already very dear. It +is rather dull--in fact a little bombarding would be a relief to our +_ennui_. Everybody is swaggering about in uniform. I went round the +inner barricades a day or two ago with the citizen Rochefort." + +A few days later he wrote to the _Daily News_: "The presence of the +Prussians at the gates, and the sound of the cannon, have at last +sobered this frivolous people. Frenchmen indeed cannot live without +exaggeration, and for the last twenty-four hours they have taken to +walking about as if they were guests at their own funerals. It is +hardly in their line to play the _justum et tenacem_ of Horace. +Always acting, they are now acting the part of Spartans. It is +somewhat amusing to see the stern gloom on the face of patriots one +meets, who were singing and shouting a few days ago--more +particularly as it is by no means difficult to distinguish beneath +this outward gloom a certain keen relish, founded upon the feeling +that the part is being well played." + +On the evening of the same day Labouchere took his strolls abroad, +and came to the Avenue de L'Impératrice, where he found a large crowd +gazing upon the Fort of Mont Valérien. This fort, from being the +strongest for defence, was particularly beloved by the Parisians. +"They love it as a sailor loves his ship," writes Labouchere. He +witnessed the following incident: "If I were near enough," said a +young {131} girl, "I would kiss it." "Let me carry your kiss to it," +responded a Mobile, and the pair embraced, amid the cheers of the +people around them. + +The question of domestic economy had not yet become a pressing one, +as far as the "besieged resident" was concerned. He was lodged _au +quatrième_ at the Grand Hotel, and wrote during the first week of the +siege: "I presume if the siege lasts long enough, dogs, rats, and +cats will be tariffed. I have got a thousand francs with me. It is +impossible to draw upon England; consequently, I see a moment coming +when, unless rats are reasonable, I shall not be able to afford +myself the luxury of one oftener than once a week." And a fortnight +later he writes: "My landlord presents me every week with my bill. +The ceremony seems to please him, and does me no harm. I have pasted +upon my mantelpiece the decree of the Government adjourning payment +of rent, and the right to read and re-read this document is all that +he will get from me until the end of the siege. Yesterday I ordered +myself a warm suit of clothes; I chose a tailor with a German name, +so I feel convinced he will not venture to ask for payment under the +present circumstances, and if he does he will not get it. If my +funds run out before the siege is over, I shall have at least the +pleasure to think that this has not been caused by improvidence." + +He wrote to his mother on October 10, as follows: "I send this by +balloon. The smaller the letter, the more chance it has to go. We +are all thriving in here, though we have heard absolutely nothing +from the outside world for a fortnight. I don't know if my letters +to the _Daily News_ arrive. Yesterday, I could only get sheeps' +trotters and pickled cauliflower for dinner. We boast awfully of +what we are going to do, but, as yet, all our sorties have been +driven back, and our forts stun our ears by firing upon stray rabbits +and Uhlans. If ever my letters to the _Daily News_ do not arrive and +come back here, I shall be shot, but I don't think that they will. I +am convinced that the {132} provisions will soon give out. We go +about saying that we cannot be beaten, because we have made a 'pact +with death.'" + +And again on the 21st: "We are getting on very well here. Nothing +has come in since the commencement of the siege, and no one can get +out. They say there are provisions to last until February, so we +shall have a dose of our own society. About one sixth of the town is +now commanded by the Prussian batteries, but we don't know whether +they will fire or not. I am living very well on horse and cat--the +latter excellent--like rabbit, only better. Our people brag very +much, but do little more. The Ultras are going ahead--they have +taken now to denouncing crucifixes, which they call ridiculous +nudities--a mayor has had them all removed--he then announced that no +marriages were to take place in his _arrondissement_--marriage being +an insult upon honourable citizens who did not approve of this relic +of superstition. This was a little too much, so he was removed, and +we are now free to marry or not according to our tastes. I am the +intimate friend of Louis Blanc, so no one touches me." + +One of the most curious things about these letters by balloon was the +irregularity in their delivery. It was not merely that one balloon +reached friendly or neutral territory in safety, while another did +not. Of half a dozen letters coming by the same balloon, two would +be delivered, say, on the 6th of the month, one on the 10th, two on +the 15th, and the last on the 20th. This greatly puzzled the +recipients at the time. The explanation turned out to be that the +bag containing the first letter had been sent off immediately the +aeronaut descended, whereas the others underwent a variety of +adventures. Frequently a balloon fell at or near a place of German +occupation. The aeronaut would come down at a run, hurry off with +one bag, and give the others to friendly peasants, who secreted them +until an opportunity occurred for getting them safely to the nearest +post-town. Usually the letters came in beautiful order, {133} +without a speck upon them to show an unusual mode of transit. One +batch, however, had to be fished out of the sea, off the Cornish +coast. In one case a letter was delivered in wonderfully quick time. +Dispatched from Paris on a Monday night, it was delivered in London +on the following evening.[9] + +Apparently his "made in Germany" suit did not wear as well as might +have been expected, for it was only December when he described his +wardrobe as follows: + +"My pea-jacket is torn and threadbare, my trousers are frayed at the +bottom, and of many colours--like Joseph's coat. As for my linen, I +will only say that the washer-women have struck work, as they have no +fuel. I believe my shirt was once white, but I am not sure. I +invested a few weeks ago in a pair of cheap boots. They are my +torment. They have split in various places, and I wear a pair of +gaiters--purple, like those of a respectable ecclesiastic--to cover +the rents. I bought them on the Boulevard, and at the same stall I +bought a bright blue handkerchief which was going cheap; this I wear +round my neck. My upper man resembles that of a dog-stealer, my +lower man that of a bishop. My buttons are turning my hair grey. +When I had more than one change of raiment these appendages remained +in their places, now they drop off as though I were a moulting fowl. +I have to pin myself together elaborately, and whenever I want to get +anything out of my pocket, I have cautiously to unpin myself, with +the dread of falling to pieces before my eyes." + +In another place Labouchere describes his head-dress, which was quite +eccentric enough to fit in with the rest of his travesty: "I have +bought myself a sugar-loaf hat of the first Republic, and am +consequently regarded with deference. 'The style is the man,' said +Buffon; had he lived here now he would rather have said, 'The hat is +the man.' An English doctor who goes about in a regulation +chimney-pot has {134} already been arrested twenty-seven times. I, +thanks to my revolutionary hat, have not been arrested once. I have +only to glance from under its brim at any one for him to quail." + +The extracts which Labouchere copied from the newspapers for the +benefit of his London readers are extremely amusing, and give, as no +other method of narration could have done, a good idea of the spirit +which the leaders of the people thought fit to try and promulgate +amongst the Parisians. One morning, for instance, he learned that +"Moltke is dead, that the Crown Prince is dying of a fever, that +Bismarck is anxious to negotiate but is prevented by the obstinacy of +the King, that three hundred Prussians from the Polish provinces have +come over to our side, that the Bavarian and Würtemberg troops are in +a state of incipient rebellion. From the fact that the Prussian +outposts have withdrawn to a greater distance from the forts, it is +probable that they despair of success, and in a few days will raise +the siege. Most of the newspapers make merry over the faults in +grammar in a letter which has been discovered from the Empress to the +Emperor, although I doubt whether there is one Frenchman in the world +who could write Spanish as well as the Empress does French." + +The New Year's address to the Prussians, published in the _Gaulois_, +is a masterpiece of journalistic invective, and the relish with which +the besieged resident copied it for the benefit of his London readers +may well be imagined: + +"You Prussian beggars, you Prussian scoundrels, you bandits and you +Vandals, you have taken everything from us; you have ruined us; you +are starving us; you are bombarding us; and we have a right to hate +you with a royal hatred. Well, perhaps one day we might have +forgiven you your rapine and your murders; our towns that you have +sacked; your heavy yokes; your infamous treasons. The French race is +so light of heart, so kindly, that we might perhaps in time have +forgotten our resentments. What we {135} never shall forget will be +this New Year's Day, which we have been forced to pass without news +from our families. You, at least, have had letters from your +Gretchers, astounding letters, very likely, in which the melancholy +blondes with blue eyes make a wonderful literary salad, composed of +sour kraut, berlin wool, forget-me-nots, pillage, bombardment, pure +love, and transcendental philosophy. But you like all this just as +you like jam with your mutton. You have what pleases you. Your ugly +faces receive kisses by the post. But you kill our pigeons, you +intercept our letters, you shoot at our balloons with your absurd +_fusils de rempart_, and you burst out into a heavy German grin when +you get hold of one of our bags, which are carrying to those we love +our vows, our hopes, our remembrances, our regrets, our hearts." And +so on. + +Labouchere had not a high opinion of French journalism during the +investment. "A French journalist," he says, "even when he is not +obliged to do so, generally invents his facts, and then reasons upon +them with wonderful ingenuity. One would think that just at present +a Parisian would do well to keep his breath to cool his own porridge. +Such, however, is not his opinion. He thinks that he has a mission +to guide and instruct the world, and this mission he manfully fulfils +in defiance of Prussians and Prussian cannons. It is true, that he +knows rather less of foreign countries than an intelligent Japanese +Daimio may be supposed to know of Tipperary, but, by some curious law +of nature, the less he knows of a subject, the more strongly does he +feel impelled to write about it. I read a very clever article this +morning pointing out that if we are not on our guard, our Empire in +India will come to an end by a Russian fleet attacking it from the +Caspian Sea. When one thinks how very easy it would have been for +the author not to have written about the Caspian Sea, one is at once +surprised and grateful to him for having called our attention to the +danger which menaces us in that quarter of the globe." + +{136} + +His estimate of General Trochu was, on the whole, the fairest that +was made at the period. During the earliest days of the siege it was +supposed that Trochu had a plan, and, on being questioned about it, +he admitted that he had. He went on to say that he guaranteed its +success, but that he should reveal it to no one, until the right +moment--in fact, he had deposited it for safety with his notary, +Maître Duclos, who, in the event of his being killed, would produce +it. As time wore on and no plan was forthcoming from the General, it +became very evident that it could have been nothing more elaborate +than a determination to capitulate as soon as Paris was starved out. +When the siege was nearly five weeks old Labouchere wrote: + +"Every day this siege lasts, convinces me that Gen. Trochu is not the +right man in the right place. He writes long-winded letters, utters +Spartan aphorisms, and complains of his colleagues, his generals, and +his troops. The confidence which is felt in him is rapidly +diminishing. He is a good, respectable man, without a grain of +genius, or of that fierce, indomitable energy which sometimes +replaces it. He would make a good minister of war in quiet times, +but he is about as fit to command in the present emergency as Mr. +Cardwell[10] would be. His two principal military subordinates, +Vinoy and Ducrot, are excellent Generals of division, but nothing +more. As for his civilian colleagues they are one and all hardly +more practical than Professor Fawcett. Each has some crotchet of his +own, each likes to dogmatise and to speechify, and each considers the +others to be idiots, and has a small following of his own, which +regards him as a species of divinity. They are philosophers, +orators, and legists, but they are neither practical men nor +statesmen." And when the siege was over he summed up the case for +Trochu thus: "What will be the verdict of history on the defence? +Who knows! On the one hand, the Parisians have kept a powerful army +at bay for longer than was expected; on the {137} other hand, every +sortie that they have made has been unsuccessful--every attempt to +arrest the approach of the besiegers has failed. Passively and +inertly they have allowed their store of provisions to grow less and +less, until they have been forced to capitulate, without their +defences having been stormed, or the cannon silenced. The General +complains of his soldiers, the soldiers complain of their General; +and on both sides there is cause of complaint. Trochu is not a +Todleben. His best friends describe him as a weak sort of military +Hamlet, wise of speech, but weak and hesitating in action--making +plans and then criticising them, instead of accomplishing them. As a +commander his task was a difficult one; when the siege commenced he +had no army; when the army was formed it was encompassed by +earthworks and redoubts so strong that even better soldiers would +have failed to carry them. As a statesman, he never was master of +the situation. He followed rather than led public opinion. Success +is the criterion of ability in this country, and poor Trochu is as +politically dead as though he never had lived." + +As time wore on the question of meals in the besieged city naturally +became one of absorbing moment. "I went," says Labouchere, on +December 21, "to see what was going on in the house of a friend of +mine, in the Avenue de L'Impératrice, who has left Paris. The +servant who was in charge told me that up there they had not been +able to obtain bread for three days, and that the last time he had +presented his ticket, he had been given about half an inch of cheese. +'How do you live then?' I asked. After looking mysteriously round to +see that no one was watching us, he took me down into the cellar, and +pointed to some meat in a barrel. 'It is half a horse,' he said, in +the tone of a man who is showing some one the corpse of his murdered +victim. 'A neighbouring coachman killed him, and we salted him down, +and divided him.' Then he opened a closet in which sat a huge cat. +'I am fattening her up for Christmas day; {138} we mean to serve her +up, surrounded with mice like sausages,' he observed." On January 6 +Labouchere notes: "Yesterday I had a slice of Pollux for dinner. +Pollux and his brother Castor are two elephants, which have been +killed. It was tough, coarse, and oily, and I do not recommend +English families to eat elephant as long as they can get beef or +mutton. Many of the restaurants are closed, owing to want of fuel. +They are recommended to use lamps; but although French cooks can do +wonders with very poor materials, when they are called upon to cook +an elephant with a spirit lamp the thing is almost beyond their +ingenuity. Castor and Pollux's trunks sold for forty-five francs a +pound; the other parts of the interesting twins fetched about ten +francs a pound." + +He wrote to his mother on January 8[11]: "Here we still are. For the +last few days the Prussians have taken to throwing shells into the +town, which makes things more lively. I do not think it can last +much longer. It is awfully cold, for all the wood is freshly cut and +will not burn. The washerwomen have struck as they have no fuel, so +we all wear very dirty shirts. I am in a great fright of my money +giving out, as none is to be got here. My dress is seedy--in fact +falling to pieces. I think I have eaten now of every animal which +Noah had in his ark.[12] Since the bombardment the cannon makes a +great noise. All night it is as if doors were slamming. Outside the +walls it is rather pretty to see the batteries exchanging shots. We +have heard nothing from England since September, except from scraps +of paper picked out of dead Prussians' pockets." Labouchere was +always ready to recall to his memory for conversational purposes the +strange food he ate during the siege {139} of Paris. Donkey +apparently was his favourite dish. This is what he said on the +subject: + +"A donkey is infinitely better eating than beef or mutton, indeed I +do not know any meat which is better. This was so soon discovered by +the French, during the siege of Paris, that donkey meat was about +five times the price of horse meat. At Voisin's there was almost +every day a joint of cold donkey for breakfast, and it was greatly +preferred to anything else. Let any one who doubts the excellence of +cold donkey slay one of these weak-minded animals, cook him, and eat +him." Rats he did not appreciate so much: "The objection to them is +that when cooked their flesh is gritty. This objection is, however, +somewhat Epicurean, for, except for this grittiness, they are a +wholesome and excellent article of food. I am surprised that there +is not a society for the promotion of eating rats. Why should not +prisoners be fed with these nourishing and prolific little animals?" + +His account of how he got a leg of mutton into Paris after the +capitulation, when, in spite of the siege being raised, the +difficulties of procuring food were almost as insurmountable as +before, was one of his most amusing _contes_. He rode out to +Versailles,[13] where he procured the longed-for joint, but, when he +started on his return journey, a sentinel of Versailles refused to +allow the meat to leave the town, and actually took it away from him. +Desperately he decided to appeal to the better side of the Prussian's +nature, and explained to him that he was in love, indeed, that to +love was the fate of all mortals. The warrior sighed and pensively +assented: Labouchere judged that he was most likely thinking of his +distant Gretchen, and shamelessly followed up his advantage: "My lady +love is in Paris," {140} he proceeded pathetically, "long have I +sighed in vain. I am taking her now a leg of mutton--on this leg +hangs all my hope of bliss--if I present myself to her with this +token of my devotion she may yield to my suit. Oh, full of feeling, +beloved of beauteous women, German warrior, can you refuse me?" Of +course the sentinel yielded, and the correspondent, who, needless to +say, had no lady love in the capital, bore it off in triumph. He +enjoyed it for dinner that evening in company with Mr. Frank Lawley +and Mr. Denis Bingham, in whose journal for that day occurs the +following entry: + +"On their return from Versailles together, Labouchere and Lawley +brought me a leg of mutton. And what a treat it was for our small +household and dear neighbours! And an Italian lady brought us a +large loaf of white bread, and we feasted and were merry, and +measured our girths, and promised ourselves that we would soon get +into condition again, for we were lamentably pulled down."[14] + +On February 10, Labouchere took his departure from Paris, feeling, as +he said, much as Daniel must have done on emerging from the den of +lions. Baron Rothschild procured for him a pass which enabled him to +take the Amiens train at the goods station within the walls of the +city, instead of driving, as those who were less fortunate were +obliged to do, to Gonesse. The train was drawn up before a shed in +the midst of oceans of mud. It consisted of one passenger carriage, +and of a long series of empty bullock vans. He entered one of the +latter as the passenger van was already crowded. At Breteuil the +train waited for above an hour, and Labouchere, impatient of the +delay, perceiving a Prussian train puffing up, managed to induce an +official to allow him to get into the luggage van, by which means he +was able to proceed on his way to the destination. "Having started +from Paris as a bullock, I reached Amiens at twelve o'clock as a +carpet-bag," was the way he described his journey. + +{141} + +At Abbeville the train passed out of the Prussian lines into the +French, and Calais was reached at 7 P.M. "Right glad" was the Paris +correspondent, to use his own words, to "eat a Calais supper and to +sleep on a Calais bed."[15] + +In his last letter to the _Daily News_ during the war, Mr. Labouchere +lodged one other Parthian shot in the city whose hospitality he had +been enjoying: "I took my departure from Paris," he wrote, "leaving +without any very poignant regret, its inhabitants wending their way +to the electoral 'urns,' the many revolving in their minds how France +and Paris are to manage to pay the little bill which their creditor +outside is making up against them; the few--the very few--determined +to die rather than yield, sitting in the cafés on the boulevard, +which is to be, I presume, their last ditch." + +In one of his earliest numbers of _Truth_, Mr. Labouchere gave a +characteristic account of how he behaved under fire. It is worth +quoting as illustrative of the naïve frankness with which he always +described those instinctive little actions of human nature which more +sophisticated persons usually pretend never occur. "I was at some of +the engagements during the Franco-Prussian War. The first time that +I was under fire, I felt that every shell whizzing through the air +would infallibly blow me up. Being a non-combatant, in an +unconcerned sort of way, as if I had business to attend to elsewhere, +I effected a strategical movement to the rear. But, as no shell had +blown me up, I came to the conclusion that no shell would blow me up, +and accepted afterwards as a natural state of things which did not +concern me, the fact that these missiles occasionally blew up other +people." + + + +[1] _Times_, January 17, 1912. + +[2] _Truth_, January 24, 1912. + +[3] The Emperor's plan of campaign was to mass 150,000 men at Metz; +100,000 at Strassburg, and 50,000 at the Camp at Châlons. It was +then his intention to unite the armies at Metz and Strassburg, and to +cross the Rhine at Maxau, to force the States of South Germany to +observe neutrality. He would then have pushed on to encounter the +Prussians. But the army at Metz, instead of 150,000 men, only +mustered 100,000; that of Strassburg only 40,000 instead of 100,000; +whilst the corps of Marshal Canrobert had still one division at +Paris, and another at Soissons; his artillery as well as his cavalry +were not ready. Further no army corps was even yet completely +furnished with the equipments necessary for taking the +field.--_Campagne de 1870; des Causes qui ont amené la Capitulation +de Sedan_. Par un Officier attaché à l'État Major-Général. +Bruxelles. + +[4] Quotations in this chapter not otherwise specified have been +taken from the columns of the _Daily News_, August, 1870-January, +1871. + +[5] He had been undergoing a term of imprisonment for certain +articles written in the _Marseillaise_. + +[6] I quote a few lines--the only legible ones--from a letter, +addressed to his mother, which Labouchere sent out of Paris, fastened +between the double sole of a man's boot. It looks as if the bearer +must have waded through water, and the marks of the cobbler's nails +are visible all over it. "November 6, 1870. This goes out in a +citizen's boot. If he is caught, he will be shot, which is his +affair--only you will not get it. The position is utterly hopeless. +We shall be bombarded in a week. This hotel has two hundred wounded +in it. I got into the Hôtel de Ville on Monday with the mob. Such a +scene. I have got a pass from General Vinoy, so I get a good view of +all the military operations.... I do not know if my letters to the +D. N. arrive...." + +[7] J. M'Carthy and Sir J. Robinson, The Daily News Jubilee. _A +Retrospect of Fifty Years of the Queen's Reign_. + +[8] Mrs. Labouchere had been a widow since 1863, and was now living +at Oakdene, near Dorking. + +[9] Robinson. _Fifty Years of Fleet Street_. + +[10] Secretary of War in Mr. Gladstone's first Ministry. + +[11] This letter did not reach London, E. C., from whence it was +posted to Dorking, until Jan. 19. + +[12] Captain Bingham notes in his diary for Dec. 4 that Henry +Labouchere, Frank Lawley, Lewis Wingfield, and Quested Lynch dined +with him, and that they partook of moufflon, a kind of wild sheep +which inhabits Corsica.--_Recollections of Paris_, Capt. Hon. D. +Bingham. + +[13] "As soon as the armistice was signed, several of the English +correspondents managed to get to Versailles. The first thing that +Labouchere did on arriving there was to plunge his head into a pail +of milk, and he was with difficulty weaned."--_Recollections of +Paris_, Capt. Hon. D. Bingham. + +[14] Capt. Hon. D. Bingham. _Recollections of Paris_. + +[15] The following gentlemen of the press were in Paris during the +siege: Charles Austen of the _Times_, Frank Lawley of the _Daily +Telegraph_, Henry Labouchere of the _Daily News_, Thomas Gibson +Bowles of the _Morning Post_, J. Augustus O'Shea of the _Standard_, +Capt. Bingham, who sent letters to the _Pall Mall Gazette_, and Mr. +Dallas, who wrote both for the _Times_ and the _Daily News_. + + + + +{142} + +CHAPTER VII + +LABOUCHERE AND BRADLAUGH + +(1880-1881) + +At the general election of 1880, Mr. Labouchere found in the electors +of Northampton a constituency which was to remain faithful to him +throughout his political career. He was described in the local press +as the "nominee of the moderate Liberals," though, as he explained in +the columns of _Truth_, a moderate Liberal at Northampton was a +Radical any where else. The "Radical" candidate was that upright and +greatly persecuted man, Mr. Charles Bradlaugh, who merited far more +than Mr. Labouchere the title of the "religious member for +Northampton."[1] It has often been pointed out that the difference +between religious and irreligious people does not lie so much in +opinion as in temperament. Labouchere had an essentially irreligious +nature, he was a born _impie_, as the French say: Mr. Bradlaugh had +the soul of a Covenanter. As far as speculative religious opinions +were concerned, they practically coincided, while, in the general +lines of political opinion, they were quite at one. Both were strong +Radicals and strong anti-socialists. + +Northampton was in 1880 one of the most promising Radical +constituencies.[2] The Radical element had for {143} many years been +very numerous among the population, but unfortunately the majority of +the workers had no vote. The Household Suffrage Act of 1868 remedied +this state of things to some extent. The work of the Freehold Land +Society developed the scope of the remedy. This most practical +expression of democratic ideals, by making freeholders of workmen, +raised the numbers of the electorate from 6829 in 1874 to 8189 in +1880; of these 2500 had never voted before, and to a man were +Radicals. When Mr. Labouchere was introduced as Liberal candidate he +at once decided to make common cause with Mr. Bradlaugh, and his +manifesto to the electors, published on March 27, was craftily worded +so as to appeal with simple directness to those modern sons of St. +Crispin, "the communistic cobblers of Northampton." It ran as +follows: "Having already sat in Parliament as a Liberal member for +Middlesex, it is needless for me to say that I am an opponent of the +Imperialism which, under the leadership of the Earl of Beaconsfield, +has become the policy of the Conservative Government. This +new-fangled political creed consists in swagger abroad and inaction +at home. Its results are that we have made ourselves the patrons of +one of the vilest governments that ever burdened the earth; that we +have joined with the oppressors against the oppressed; that we have +acquired a pestiferous and less than worthless land in the +Mediterranean; that we have annexed the territory of some harmless +Dutch republicans against their will; that we have expended above six +millions in catching a savage, who had as much right to his freedom +as we have, and that we have butchered Afghans for the crime of +defending their country against an unjust invasion.... For my part, +I am anxious to see Parliament again controlling the executive, and a +majority of members returned who will radically revise the laws +regarding land, so as to encourage its tenure by the many instead of +its absorption by the few, who will render farmers independent of the +caprices of the landlords, who will emancipate {144} the agricultural +labourers by securing to them their natural right to vote." He went +on to express in strong terms his desire for the disestablishment and +disendowment of the Church of England.[3] In a speech which he made +on the same day as the publication of his manifesto, in the Wesleyan +Chapel, in the Wellingborough Road, he said that he had been asked a +little while ago whether he was a member of the Church of England, +and he had replied that he had been brought up in the Church of +England, and, if he had to register his religion, he should register +it as a member of the Church of England. But, if he had been asked +what his religion was, he should have said the question was one +between his God and his conscience, and it was no business of any +one's in Northampton, because he stood upon the distinct issue that, +whatever the religious opinions of a candidate might be, they were +sending him to Parliament to perform certain political duties, and if +his political views were in accordance with theirs, religion had +nothing to do with it.[4] + +The borough had previously returned two Tory members, Mr. Phipps, a +local brewer, and Mr. Merewether, a lawyer. They were not themselves +very formidable opponents to the Radical joint candidature. The +clergy and the press urged the theological motive, as well as his +greatly misunderstood views on Malthusianism against Bradlaugh. On +the Sunday before the election the Vicar of St. Giles intimated that +"to those noble men who loved Christ more than party, Jesus would +say, 'Well done.'" But, in spite of nearly 2000 years of +Christianity, heaven has not yet learned to bless the weaker cause, +and on the election day, the figures stood--Labouchere (L.), 4518, +Bradlaugh (R.), 3827, Phipps (C.), 3125, Merewether (C.), 2826. When +the news of the poll was brought to Mr. Labouchere, who was smoking +his cigarette in the coffee room of the hotel where he was staying, +his only comment was a quiet chuckle, and the remark, "Oh, they've +swallowed Bradlaugh, after all, have they?" + +{145} + +Great was the fury in the Conservative camp. "The bellowing +blasphemer of Northampton," as Mr. Bradlaugh was amiably called by +the _Sheffield Telegraph_, had to meet the full blast of popular +prejudice, which was exploited to the utmost by his political +opponents. + +The Tories were soon to have more than popular prejudice to exploit. +On May 3, Mr. Bradlaugh, before taking his seat in the House of +Commons, handed to Sir Thomas Erskine May, the Clerk of the House, +the following statement: + + +_To_ + +THE RIGHT HONBLE. THE SPEAKER. + +I, the undersigned, Charles Bradlaugh, beg respectfully to claim to +be allowed to affirm as a person for the time being by law permitted +to make a solemn affirmation or declaration, instead of taking an +oath. + + +On being invited by the Speaker (Sir Henry Brand) to make a statement +to the House with regard to his claim, he replied: + + +Mr. Speaker, I have only now to submit that the Parliamentary Oaths +Act, 1866, gives the right to affirm to every person for the time +being permitted to make affirmation. I am such a person; and under +the Evidence Amendment Act, 1869, and the Evidence Amendment Act, +1870, I have repeatedly for nine years past affirmed in the highest +courts of jurisdiction in this realm. I am ready to make the +declaration or affirmation of allegiance. + + +It might have been thought that the principle of Mr. Bradlaugh's +position needed only to be stated to be accepted by men of honourable +feeling and average intelligence. After all, as Mr. Labouchere, in +course of conversation on this very point, once remarked to me: "a +statement is either true or false, and expletives cannot affect it." +The legal precedents, invoked, although they did not actually mention +{146} the parliamentary oath, had been considered sufficient by the +last Liberal law officers. Sir Henry Brand, however, had "grave +doubts," and desired to refer the claim to the House's judgment. +Lord Frederick Cavendish, on behalf of the Treasury Bench, seconded +by Sir Stafford Northcote, the leader of the Opposition, moved that +the point be referred to a Select Committee. Lord Percy and Mr. +David Onslow attempted in vain to adjourn the debate. + +On May 10, Lord Richard Grosvenor, the Government Whip, announced the +names of the proposed Committee: Mr. Whitbread, Sir J. Holker, Mr. +John Bright, Lord Henry Lennox, Mr. W. H. Massey, Mr. Staveley Hill, +Sir Henry Jackson, Sir Henry James (the Attorney-General), Mr. Farrer +Herschell (the Solicitor-General), Sir G. Goldney, Mr. Grantham, Mr. +Pemberton, Mr. Watkin Williams, Mr. Spencer Walpole, Mr. Hopwood, Mr. +Beresford Hope, Major Nolan, Mr. Chaplin, and Mr. Serjeant Simon. In +spite of the fact that the actual motion was not to come on till the +next day, Sir Henry Drummond Wolff endeavoured at once to raise a +debate on the legitimacy of the Committee, and the next day succeeded +in doing so. The debate was characterised by "great violence and +recklessness," but the Government succeeded in getting their +Committee appointed by a majority of seventy-four. The report of the +Committee was presented on May 20. Eight members were in favour of +Mr. Bradlaugh's right to affirm, and eight members against: Mr. +Spencer Walpole, the Chairman, took the responsibility of giving his +casting vote for the Noes. All the Noes with the exception of Mr. +Hopwood were Conservatives, the rest of the Liberals voting on the +affirmative side. Bradlaugh now claimed the right to take the oath, +as the right to affirm was denied him. + +There has been so much misunderstanding of Bradlaugh's position on +this point that it may be well to explain exactly what it was that he +did claim. In a statement of his case subsequently published in his +paper, _The National Reformer_, {147} on May 30, 1889, Mr. Bradlaugh +used the following words: "My duty to my constituents is to fulfil +the mandate they have given me, and if, to do this, I have to submit +to a form less solemn to me than the affirmation I would have +reverently made, so much the worse for those who force me to repeat +words which I have scores of times declared are to me sounds +conveying no clear and definite meaning. I am sorry for the earnest +believers who see words sacred to them used as a meaningless addendum +to a promise, but I cannot permit their less sincere co-religionists +to use an idle form, in order to prevent me from doing my duty to +those who have chosen me to speak for them in Parliament. _I shall, +taking the oath, regard myself, as bound, not by the letter of its +words, but by the spirit which the affirmation would have conveyed +had I been permitted to use it_. So soon as I am able, I shall take +such steps as may be consistent with parliamentary business to put an +end to the present doubtful and unfortunate state of the law and +practice on oaths and affirmations." + +The words italicised indicate very clearly the spirit in which Mr. +Bradlaugh proposed to take the oath. To do so, was, as he conceived, +the only way, since the adverse decision of the Committee on his +claim to affirm, by which he could qualify himself for the +performance of his duty to his constituents. It was in no sense +intended as an insult to those to whom the oath had a distinct and +positive religious value, or as a defiance of the dignity or orders +of the House. This document was dated May 30, the day on which the +report of the Committee was issued, and on the following day, Mr. +Bradlaugh presented himself to take the oath and his seat. + +Sir Henry Drummond Wolff at once rose and objected to the +administration of the oath, and, on the Speaker's allowing his +objection, proceeded to make a remarkable speech. For flippancy of +tone and sheer ineptitude of argument, not to speak of the crass and +brutal quality of {148} the prejudice which inspired it, this +deliverance possesses an unenviable pre-eminence among the many +absurdities uttered by honourable members during the Bradlaugh +parliamentary struggle. Wolff's argument rested on two grounds, both +palpably false, while the second was entirely irrelevant to the point +at issue. He maintained that Atheists who had made affirmations in +courts of law (as Mr. Bradlaugh had done) thereby admitted that an +oath "would not be binding on their conscience," and, furthermore, +that Bradlaugh had stated, in his "Impeachment of the House of +Brunswick," that "Parliament has the undoubted right to withhold the +crown from Albert Edward, Prince of Wales." Sir Henry "could not see +how a gentleman professing the views set forth in that work could +take the oath of allegiance." He went on to say: "What we have now +before us is the distinct negation of anything like perpetual +morality or conscience, or the existence of God. And, as I believe +that a person holding these views cannot be allowed to take the oath +in this House, I beg to move my resolution." Mr. R. N. Forster +seconded. Mr. Gladstone at once rose and, while refraining from +expressing any personal opinion, suggested reference to a Select +Committee. Sir Henry James supported the Prime Minister's amendment. +Mr. Labouchere, speaking as the colleague of the honourable member in +the representation of Northampton, said that he thought it right to +state that his honourable friend was selected by the majority of the +constituents solely on account of his political views. They did not +occupy themselves with his religious convictions, because they were +under the impression that they were giving him political, rather than +theological, functions to fulfil in that House. A proposal had been +made by the Prime Minister that this matter should be referred to a +Select Committee. It certainly did appear to him (Mr. Labouchere) +somewhat strange that a member who had been duly elected should be +told that he could not take his seat because he was forbidden to make +an affirmation on {149} account of his not being a Quaker or a +Moravian, and because he was forbidden from taking the oath on +account of certain speculative religious opinions, which he had +professed. But that appeared to be the view of many gentlemen on the +other side of the House, and he should be perfectly ready to discuss +that view; but, as the Prime Minister had very rightly said, the +matter was a judicial one, and it would be far better, in his humble +opinion, that it should be referred to a Committee of the House to +look at it in its judicial aspect rather than that there should be an +acrimonious theological discussion in that House. When, however, it +was referred to a Committee, he thought that he had a right to ask, +in the name of his constituents, that that Committee should decide it +as soon as possible. Should the Committee decide that the honourable +gentleman was not to be allowed to take the oath, it would then +become, if not his duty, the duty of some other honourable gentleman +to bring in a bill to enable his colleague to make an affirmation in +order that his constituents might enjoy the right which the +constitution gave them of being represented by two members in that +House. + +Lord Percy drily observed that he was sorry for the electors of +Northampton if they were deprived of the services of one of their +representatives, because the honourable gentleman was recommended to +them by his honourable colleague, whose religious opinions were well +known, and, after an eloquent speech from Mr. Bright, who recommended +"the statesmanlike and judicious course which has been suggested to +us by the First Minister of the Crown," the debate was adjourned. + +On the resumption of the debate the next day, the wildest remarks +were made by Mr. Bradlaugh's opponents. Dr. Lyons proposed the +solution that "Northampton should send us a God-fearing if not a +God-loving man." Mr. Warton argued that "the man who does not fear +God cannot honour the King," and Mr. Callan scoffed at Mr. Bright's +tribute of respect to Mr. Bradlaugh's sense of honour and {150} +conscience, "language," he said, "that should not be used with +reference to an infidel blasphemer." After the din caused by this +_ex parte_ criticism had subsided, the still small voice of Mr. +Labouchere was heard mildly asking whether the honourable member was +in order in referring to his colleague as an infidel blasphemer, and +the Speaker having ruled the phrase out of order, Mr. Callan withdrew +it. He was, however, an ardent polemist, and added that he was sure +that Mr. Labouchere, in spite of his support of Mr. Bradlaugh, "would +prefer in this House his old acquaintance Lambri Pasha to the +gentleman who was the subject of the debate." And so the foolish +wrangle went on, recalling the historian's account of the +Œcumenical Council. It is true that the amateur theologians of +Westminster stopped short of pulling each other's beards. Their zeal +had not quite the professional note of that of the Fathers at Ephesus. + +After two days of this sort of thing, Sir Henry Drummond Wolff's +motion was rejected by 289 votes to 219, and a second Select +Committee of twenty-three was appointed. The members were: the +Attorney-General, the Solicitor-General, Messrs. Bright, Chaplin, +Childers, Sir Richard Cross, Mr. Gibson, Sir Gabriel Goldney, Mr. +Grantham, Mr. Staveley Hill, Sir John Holker, Mr. Beresford Hope, Mr. +Hopwood, Sir Henry Jackson, Lord Henry Lennox, Mr. Massey, Major +Nolan, Messrs. Pemberton, Simon, Trevelyan, Walpole, Whitbread, and +Watkin Williams. + +The Committee reported that Bradlaugh by simply stating (though in +answer to official question) that he had repeatedly affirmed under +certain Acts in courts of law, had brought it to the notice of the +House that he was a person as to whom judges had satisfied themselves +that an oath was not binding on his conscience; that, under the +circumstances, an oath taken by him would not be an oath within the +true meaning of the statutes; and that the House therefore could, and +ought, to prevent him from going through the form. The Committee +further suggested that he should be allowed {151} to affirm with a +view to his right to do so being tested by legal action, pointing to +the nearly equal balance of votes in the former Committee as a reason +for desiring a decisive legal solution. + +On June 21, Mr. Labouchere moved "that Mr. Bradlaugh, member for the +borough of Northampton, be admitted to make an affirmation or +declaration instead of the oath required by law." This speech was +one of the best he ever made in the House. It was an admirable piece +of argument and an excellent piece of literature, solidly reasoned +and witty; "it is contrary to, it is repugnant to, the feelings of +all men of tolerant minds that any gentleman should be hindered from +performing civil functions in this world on account of speculative +opinions about another"--was a terse summing up of the situation +worthy of Gibbon. His main argument was that the Parliamentary Oaths +Act of 1866 gave to all persons, legally entitled to affirm in the +law courts, the right to affirm in Parliament. He further pointed +out that the refusal to allow Bradlaugh to affirm would be to turn +him into a martyr. Mr. Bright again made a fine speech in which he +said, amid ironical cheers from the Opposition, that he pretended to +no conscience and honour superior to the conscience of Mr. Bradlaugh. +Mr. Gladstone also spoke cogently in favour of Mr. Labouchere's +motion. It was, however, lost by a majority of 45, of whom 5 were +English Liberals and 31 Irish Home Rulers. + +On June 23, Mr. Bradlaugh again presented himself at the table of the +House. The Speaker called on him to withdraw, in accordance with the +vote of the night before. Mr. Labouchere then moved that "Mr. +Bradlaugh be now heard at the Bar of the House," following which +motion Mr. Bradlaugh made an eloquent and dignified defence of his +position. A confused debate followed, and Mr. Labouchere moved that +"Yesterday's decision be rescinded," withdrawing his motion, however, +on an appeal from Mr. Gladstone. The Speaker then recalled Bradlaugh +to the table, {152} and informed him that the House had nothing to +say to him beyond once more calling upon him to withdraw. Bradlaugh +replied: "I beg respectfully to insist on my right as a duly elected +member for Northampton. I ask you to have the oath administered to +me in order that I may take my seat, and I respectfully refuse to +withdraw." After a second admonition from the Speaker, to which +Bradlaugh replied, "With respect I do refuse to obey the orders of +the House, which are against the law," the House was appealed to "to +give authority to the Chair to compel execution of its orders." Mr. +Gladstone, although called upon, did not rise. He appeared to be +absorbed in deep thought, and, with his gaze fixed on a vague +distance, just above the heads of the belligerent theologians, he +meditatively twirled his thumbs. Northcote hesitatingly moved, +"though I am not quite sure what the terms of the motion should be, +that Mr. Speaker do take the necessary steps for requiring and +enforcing the withdrawal of the honourable member for Northampton." +The Speaker explained that the motion should simply be "that the +honourable member do now withdraw." On a division being taken, 326 +voted in favour of the motion and only 38 against. On the Speaker +renewing his order, Mr. Bradlaugh answered: "With submission to you, +Sir, the order of the House is against the law, and I respectfully +refuse to obey it." The Sergeant-at-Arms was now called, and +touching him on the shoulder, requested him to withdraw. Mr. +Bradlaugh said: "I will submit to the Sergeant-at-Arms removing me +below the Bar, but I shall immediately return to the table," and did +so, saying as he returned toward the table, "I claim my right as a +member of this House." This little ceremony was repeated twice, the +House being in an uproar. High above the din, Mr. Bradlaugh's voice +could be heard shouting: "I claim my right as a member of this House. +I admit the right of the House to imprison me, but I admit no right +on the part of the House to exclude me, and I refuse to be excluded." +He was again led to {153} the Bar by the Sergeant-at-Arms to await +the House's action. + +Mr. Bradlaugh had, no doubt not unintentionally, indicated to his +enemies the only line they could take. It was his tactic, and a wise +one, to force the House into the extreme measure of physical force. +To do so was a fair retort from a Rationalist to his opponents. +Northcote, complaining again of Mr. Gladstone's inaction, proceeded +to move that "Mr. Bradlaugh, having defied the authority of the +House, be taken into the custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms." Mr. +Labouchere at once rose and said that he would not oppose the +resolution, although he thought it a somewhat strange thing that a +citizen of this country should be sent to prison for doing what +eminent legal gentlemen on his side and an eminent legal gentleman on +the other side of the House said he had a perfect right to do. He +was interrupted by cries of "No, No!" He continued that he did not +know whether honourable members opposite meant to say that the +honourable and learned gentleman, the late Attorney-General, was not +an eminent legal authority on such a point. That was the view taken +by that honourable and learned gentleman. It seemed a somewhat hard +thing that any one should be put into prison for doing what a general +consensus of legal opinion in that House held to be his duty and his +right. But, as the Prime Minister had stated, it was useless to +oppose the motion, because Mr. Bradlaugh had come into conflict with +a resolution of the House, whether that resolution were right or +wrong. He, regretting as he did the necessity that had been forced +upon the House, did not think he should be serving any good purpose +in opposing the resolution, or in asking the House to go into a vote +on this question. He believed himself that the sending of Mr. +Bradlaugh into custody would be the first step towards his becoming a +recognised member of the House. It is interesting to note that Mr. +Parnell also spoke in favour of Mr. Bradlaugh, and said that, if +Irish members voted for his imprisonment, {154} they would be going +contrary to the feeling of their country. On a division being taken +there were 274 Ayes to 7 Noes, and Mr. Bradlaugh was removed in the +custody of the Sergeant-at-Arms to the Clock Tower. + +The imprisonment was rather an insult than an injury. The prisoner +received his friends freely and openly, and proceeded to the business +of fighting his battle in the country from his "cell." A cry of +indignation, which must have greatly surprised the Tories, went up +all over England, and, on the next day, Northcote, at the urgent +advice, it is said, of Lord Beaconsfield, moved for Bradlaugh's +immediate and unconditional release. On Sir Stafford making his +motion, Mr. Labouchere pointed out to the House, "in order that there +may be no misconception in the matter," that Mr. Bradlaugh would +immediately on his release "return to the House and do what the Prime +Minister, the colleagues of the Prime Minister, the present +Attorney-General and the late Attorney-General, say he has an +absolute legal right to do." The motion was nevertheless agreed to, +and Mr. Bradlaugh was released. + +The next day, June 25, Mr. Labouchere gave notice that he should move +on the following Tuesday that the resolution of the House, which had +resulted in Mr. Bradlaugh's imprisonment, should be read and +rescinded. He also asked for special facilities from the Government +on that day for bringing the matter before the House. Mr. Gladstone, +whilst reserving his answer as to the particular form of proceeding, +agreed that "it was certainly requisite and necessary that the +subject of Mr. Bradlaugh's right should be considered," and promised +facilities for the day mentioned by Mr. Labouchere. On the Monday, +however, Mr. Gladstone himself informed the House that the Government +had framed the following resolution, which they intended to submit: +"That every person returned as a member of this House, who may claim +to be a person for the time being by law permitted to make a solemn +affirmation or {155} declaration instead of taking an oath, shall, +henceforth (notwithstanding so much of the resolution adopted by this +House on the 22d of June last, as relates to affirmation), be +permitted without question to make and subscribe a solemn affirmation +in the form prescribed by the Parliamentary Oaths Act, 1866, as +altered by the Promissory Oaths Act, 1868, subject to any liability +by Statute; and, secondly, that this resolution be a standing Order +of this House." The Prime Minister then expressed the hope that, as +the question would be raised in what the Government considered the +most convenient manner, Mr. Labouchere would not consider it +necessary to proceed with any motion on the following day. Mr. +Labouchere withdrew his resolution "after the very satisfactory +Notice, which has just been given by the Prime Minister." + +The next day, when Mr. Gladstone made his motion, Sir John Gorst +opposed it, on the technical ground that it was a breach of the Rule +of the House, which laid down that, if a question had been considered +by the House and a definite judgment pronounced, the same, or what +was substantially the same, question could not be put again to the +House during the same session. This contention was, however, +overruled by the Speaker, and, on a division being taken, the Prime +Minister's resolution was accepted by a majority of 54, the Ayes +numbering 303 and the Noes 249. Bradlaugh was now free to affirm at +his own legal risk, and he did so the next day, thus bringing to a +conclusion the first movement of this ironic symphony. + +There can be no doubt that Mr. Labouchere's great speech of June 21 +contributed powerfully to this result. Apart from the speeches of +Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright, and indeed Mr. Bradlaugh's own fine +speech at the Bar of the House on June 23, it was the only attempt +made to present the constitutional and legal aspects of Bradlaugh's +case in their true light. The subject was one that appealed very +strongly to Mr. Labouchere. In personal agreement {156} with the +views which it was sought to penalise in the person of Mr. Bradlaugh +(although it would have been alien to his temperament to have +enrolled himself as a partisan of those views), his attack on Mr. +Bradlaugh's enemies acquired weight and energy from the love of +individual liberty that was at the bottom of his character, and his +detestation, on that, as on every other occasion of his public life, +of oppression and prejudice. + +The prejudice aroused by Bradlaugh's entrance into the House of +Commons was slow to disperse. Numerous petitions for his exclusion +from Parliament were signed, in some cases, _en bloc_, by +Sunday-school children. The varieties of English Protestantism were +all zealous in the good cause, and Cardinal Manning, who wrote a +violent article in the _Nineteenth Century_ on the subject, succeeded +in presenting a monster petition from English and exiled Irish Roman +Catholics. There were, however, some notable exceptions among those +who represented the religious principle. Several clergymen of the +Church of England and not a few Non-conformist ministers wrote to the +papers on his behalf. Newman refused to sign the petition, on +constitutional grounds, and the "Home Government Association of +Glasgow" sent to Bradlaugh a resolution stating "that this meeting of +Irish Roman Catholics ... most emphatically condemns the spirit of +domination and intolerance arrayed against you, and views with +astonishment and indignation the cowardly acquiescence and, in a few +instances, active support, on the part of a large majority of the +Irish Home Rule members to the policy of oppression exercised against +you." Such voices were, however, few and far between; in the House +itself the Opposition could not resist the temptation of such a +weapon against the Government. It was good policy, as Lord Henry +Lennox said, in a moment of expansion, "to put that damned Bradlaugh +on them." Mr. Labouchere held an unswerving course in support of his +colleague. Temperamentally, as has been said, he did not {157} +sympathise with Mr. Bradlaugh's attitude. He did not share Mr. +Bradlaugh's view of the importance of transcendental opinions of any +shade, and his wider experience of life and human nature led him to +gauge more truly perhaps, certainly very differently, the value in +the social scheme of other people's religious belief. He would never +himself have raised the question raised by Mr. Bradlaugh, but he was +wise enough to realise that, once it was raised, there was only one +way of settling it. In the course of his long life, he championed +many a victim of oppression and prejudice, but it may be doubted +whether his championship ever showed to greater advantage, was ever +more firmly based on those wide views of justice which underlie +genuine political sagacity, and distinguish the true statesman from +the mere politician, than in the case of Mr. Bradlaugh's +parliamentary struggle. + +The venue of that struggle was shortly transferred to the law courts. +Bradlaugh had affirmed and taken his seat at his own legal risk. +During the five months in which Parliament sat between July, 1880, +and March, 1881, he was one of the most assiduous and energetic +members of the House. On March 7, the action of one Clarke _v._ +Bradlaugh came on the Court of Queen's Bench before Mr. Justice +Matthew. On the 11th the judge delivered his judgment, which was +against the defendant. He said that the Parliamentary Oaths Act, +cited in his favour by Bradlaugh, only permitted affirmation to +persons holding religious beliefs. On judgment being delivered +against him, Bradlaugh applied for a stay of execution of costs, with +view to an appeal, which was granted, the judge consenting to stay +his verdict for the opinion of the Court of Appeal to be taken. The +appeal was heard on March 30 by Lord Justices Bramwell, Lush, and +Baggallay, but their decision was again adverse to the defendant. +The point taken was not, as Mr. Labouchere had argued before the +House, the actual grammatical meaning of the wording of the Act, but +{158} the intention of the framers of the Act. Their Lordships held +that it had only been intended to emancipate persons possessed of +positive religious beliefs rendering the taking of an oath repugnant +to their consciences. This rendered the second seat for Northampton +vacant. On April 1 Mr. Labouchere, in the course of moving for a new +writ for the borough of Northampton, said that a decision had now +been given against Bradlaugh by three judges, and, in all +probability, the House of Lords would decide against him. He was +authorised by Mr. Bradlaugh to say that he fully accepted the law as +laid down by the Court of Appeal, and that it was not fair that +Northampton should have one member only--the election might be got +over by the Easter holidays, and honourable and right honourable +gentlemen would have an opportunity of considering what course they +would take should Mr. Bradlaugh be re-elected. The writ was issued, +and Mr. Bradlaugh was, as Mr. Labouchere had predicted, re-elected on +April 9. Mr. Labouchere made a speech at Northampton, before the +election, in defence of his colleague, the interest of which was +wider than that of the Bradlaugh controversy on account of one +statement in it. He described his leave-taking of Mr. Gladstone, on +his departure from London, in these words: "And, men of Northampton, +that grand old man said to me, as he patted me on the shoulder, +'Henry my boy, bring him back, bring him back!'" I think Mr. +Labouchere's autobiographical Muse used a poetic license here. It is +certainly difficult to imagine Mr. Gladstone patting the member for +Northampton on the back, and calling him "Henry, my boy." The +success of this allusion to the Prime Minister, however, was +enormous, and the name stuck. Mr. Gladstone was the "Grand Old Man" +for the rest of his life. + +As every one knows, Bradlaugh again was not allowed to take his seat. +That his attitude caused embarrassment to the Liberal party cannot be +denied. At the end of June, he wrote to Mr. Labouchere on the +subject of forcing another {159} contest in the House, and Mr. +Labouchere forwarded his letter to Mr. Chamberlain with the following +comments: + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, July 2, 1881. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Please look at enclosed letter. If you think it +of any use, show it to Mr. Gladstone. I send it to you in order that +you may see what are, I take it, the genuine intentions of Bradlaugh. +I had written to him to suggest that he should go up to the table and +take the oath at the end of the Session, and I offered if he liked to +do so on the last day of the Session to talk on until the Black Rod +appeared, or, if he preferred to do so before, I said that Government +always had a majority during the last week or two, and that, +probably, if a division were taken upon expulsion, he would win it. + +Yesterday I received a letter from the Executive Committee of the +Liberal and Radical Caucus at Northampton, telling me that Bradlaugh +had sent to call a public meeting next Wednesday, and asking me to +come down to meet the Committee on that day to advise with them what +to do, as Bradlaugh has asked for a resolution to be passed, in the +nature of a mandate ordering him to take his seat. I have written +urging delay, but, of course, in this matter I have to carry out the +wishes of the constituency, as the question regards them. + +Whilst Bradlaugh exaggerates his strength, his opponents +underestimate it. He can bring together a mob, with a vast number of +fanatics in it, ready for anything, and he contends that he is +illegally hindered from taking his seat, and therefore may oppose +physical force to physical force. + +From what I gather, from many Members of Parliament, they are very +anxious that the matter should be settled this Session, because they +think that its being kept open will do the Party great harm. + +Why cannot the Bill[5] be brought in after the Land Bill? It has but +one clause, and if our side speak very briefly, the Conservatives +cannot go on talking for ever on so simple a matter. Moreover, there +are a good many Conservatives who have told me that they are not +against the Bill.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +{160} + +Mr. Gladstone discouraged Bradlaugh from resorting to any more +militant methods just then, and intimated that it would be useless to +bring in the Oaths Bill, as they proposed to close the session early +in August, and they could not hope to carry any strongly +controversial measure after the Land Bill. + +This book is not a life of Bradlaugh, and it is enough to have noted +here the first phase of the ignoble struggle. As is well known, +Bradlaugh returned to the House, and following Mr. Labouchere's +suggestion, administered the oath to himself. A sordid fight ensued +on the attempt to remove him forcibly, in which no merely formal +violence was offered. His clothes were torn off his back and, +although a man of unusual physical strength, he fainted in the +_mêlée_. Bradlaugh, in that Parliament, was never allowed to +discharge his duty as a member. Once more re-elected by the +constituency in the General Election of 1885, the Speaker would +suffer no intervention, and he took the oath and his seat, and in +1888, in spite of a Conservative majority, secured the passing of an +Affirmation Bill. Finally, in 1891, when Mr. Bradlaugh was lying on +his death-bed, after a brief parliamentary career that had won for +him the respect of all parties, the resolution of January 22, 1881, +that had been passed amid "such ecstatic transports," was expunged +from the records of the House. I cannot refrain from quoting the +fine tribute paid to his memory and excellent summing up of the case +as bearing on the real crux of the situation, made by Mr. Gladstone, +a few days later, in the course of introducing his Religious +Disabilities Removal Bill on February 4: + + +A distinguished man and an admirable member of this House was laid +yesterday in his mother earth. He was the subject of a long +controversy in this House, the beginning of which we recollect and +the ending of which we recollect. We remember with what zeal it was +prosecuted; we remember how summarily {161} it was dropped; we +remember also what reparation has been done within the last few days +to the distinguished man who was the immediate object of that +controversy. But does anybody who hears me believe that the +controversy so prosecuted and so abandoned was beneficial to the +Christian Religion? + + +Throughout that controversy, his fellow-member for Northampton was +his loyal colleague both in the country and the House. In season and +out of season Mr. Labouchere spoke, moved, and agitated until the +victory, to which his advocacy was so important a contribution, was +won, and, after Bradlaugh's death in 1891, he published the following +paragraphs in the pages of _Truth_, bearing witness to the nobility +of Bradlaugh's character: + + +Mr. Bradlaugh was a man of herculean physical strength, but of great +nervous susceptibility. I believe that he never entirely recovered +from the rough usage which he met with when he sought to force his +way into the House of Commons. Last year he had a serious illness. +He recovered, but he came out of it a broken man. He would not, +however, admit this, and he struggled on in the House of Commons, at +public meetings, and at his desk, with the sad result that we all +know. + +Never was a man less understood. I never knew any one with a +stronger sense of public decorum or with a deeper respect for law. +When he asked leave to affirm in the House of Commons it was said by +some that he was seeking notoriety; by others, that he wished to defy +the law. What led to it was this: I was sitting by his side when the +Parliament of 1881 met, and he said to me, "I shall ask to be allowed +to affirm, as with my views this would be more decorous than for me +to take the oath." I replied, "Are you sure that you legally can +affirm?" "Yes," he answered; "I have looked closely into the matter +and I am satisfied of my legal right." His attempt to affirm was, +therefore, solely due to a desire to respect the feelings of others, +and to the conviction that the law allowed him to do so. + +Mr. Bradlaugh was my colleague for ten years. During all these years +our relations, political and personal, were always of the most +cordial character. He was in private life a thoroughly {162} true +and amiable man, whilst in public life he was ever ready to sacrifice +popularity to his convictions of what was right. He was, as is +known, an atheist, but his standard of duty was a very high one, and +he lived up to it. His life was an example to Christians, for he +abounded in every Christian virtue. This the House of Commons came +at last to recognise. I do not think that there is a single member +more popular or more respected than he was on both sides. Often and +often Conservatives have, in a friendly way, said to me: "What a much +better man your colleague is than you are!" And I heartily agreed +with them. + +Regarding money, he was more than disinterested. So that he had +enough to pay for his food, his clothes, and for his modest lodging +in St. John's Wood, he never seemed to trouble himself as to ways and +means. In one part of his life he had been led into some sort of +commercial enterprise which did not succeed, and the failure resulted +in his owing a considerable sum. He called his creditors together, +told them that he had nothing, but if they would agree to wait he +would pay them twenty shillings in the pound. They trusted him. He +went to America, made the money by lecturing; returned, called them +together, and fulfilled his promise. His lodgings in St. John's Wood +were over a music shop. They consisted of one or two bedrooms and of +a large room, with deal shelves round it for his books, an old bureau +where he wrote, and a few chairs and tables. He had a great +affection for his books, and the only time I ever saw him disquieted +about money matters was when he feared that he might have to give +them up, owing to some bankruptcy proceedings that were threatened, +in consequence of one of his numerous actions on the oath question. + + +In an article, published in the _Northampton Echo_ just after the +death of Mr. Labouchere, that able writer, Mr. C. A. McCurdy, +comments thus on the first Radical members for Northampton: + + +What a strangely assorted pair Northampton's two members were in +those days! Bradlaugh, a giant in stature as in intellect, +Boanergian in his oratory, tremendous in the strength of it, sweeping +away opposition by the force of its torrent--Labouchere, {163} with +his slight figure, his quiet, sardonic manner, wielding a rapier +which was sometimes even more deadly than the battle-axe and +broadsword of his colleague. His aristocratic connections and his +wealth accentuated the clear and strong outline of his Radicalism. +His disregard of convention, his simplicity, his courage, his +irrepressible gaiety and wit, the audacity of his envenomed personal +assaults, the passionless quality of it all, the cynic's pose--all +this, combined with his encyclopædic knowledge and the sureness of +his aim in controversy, made him the idol of Northampton Radicals. +How they laughed at his solemn assumption of moderation and +orthodoxy! But how sure they were of his earnestness and conviction! +And how proud of his easy triumphs in the battles of the wits, of his +courage and resource in the conflicts of Parliament and the political +fame which he, working loyally with Bradlaugh, helped to win for +Northampton![6] + + +It is impossible before leaving the subject of Mr. Bradlaugh's +struggle for liberty of conscience, not to recall the very similar +episode of Wilkes' fight with the House of Commons a little more than +a hundred years earlier. Mr. Labouchere, speaking in the House on +the occasion of Bradlaugh's presenting himself to take the oath, +after his re-election in 1884, pointed out that behind his colleague +stood the people of England. He continued: "I do not say this from +any feeling of regard or affection for Mr. Bradlaugh. as an +individual; assume if you like that Mr. Bradlaugh is, the vilest of +men [Mr. Warton, Hear, hear!], as was stated by Mr. Wilkes, 'in +attacking the rights of the vilest of men you have attacked the +rights of the most noble of mankind.'"[7] Bradlaugh established the +principle that legislative rights are wholly independent of religious +belief, and that what Drummond Wolff called "the distinct negation of +anything like perpetual morality or conscience and the existence of +God," does not affect a man's capacity for the exercise of his +political rights. + +{164} + +This means that the modern state is non-theistic, and that our +civilisation, of which the state is the political expression, is +based on those positive social needs of man to which theological +problems, however interesting in themselves, are irrelevant. Thus, +in Bradlaugh's victory, to the winning of which Mr. Labouchere so +powerfully contributed, one of the most important principles of 1789 +was definitely ratified by the representatives of the people, the +Lords, spiritual and temporal, and the sovereign of this country. + +A truly momentous event, the importance of which it would be hard to +overestimate. For it means that God has ceased to exist in England +as a political entity. In like manner, the action of Wilkes, in +severely criticising the Speech from the Throne in the _North Briton_ +for April 23, 1762, and condemning the Ministers who were responsible +for its production, raised, and settled for ever in England the +question of the political position of the sovereign. In both cases +the man who dared to raise such points was pursued rancorously and +unfairly by the partisans of officialdom, in both cases the utmost +force of law and order arrayed against him failed. The enemies of +Wilkes and Bradlaugh failed, because the stars in their courses +fought against them--because the time had gone by when kings could +rule as well as reign, or when the qualification of religious belief +was necessary for the full rights of citizenship. + + + +[1] The late Lord Randolph Churchill once referred in the House of +Commons to Mr. Labouchere (greatly to his delight) by this title. + +[2] I have followed in this chapter the admirable account of +Bradlaugh's parliamentary struggle given by Mr. J. M. Robertson, +M.P., in the second part of Mrs. Bradlaugh Bonner's _Charles +Bradlaugh: Life and Work_. + +[3] _Northampton Mercury_, March 27, 1880. + +[4] _Ibid._ + +[5] The Oaths Bill. + +[6] _Northampton Echo_, January 17, 1912. + +[7] _Hansard_, February 11, 1884, vol. 284. + + + + +{165} + +CHAPTER VIII + +LABOUCHERE AND IRELAND + +1881-1883 + +When Lord Cowper, the Irish Viceroy, under the influence of the Chief +Secretary, Mr. Forster, represented to Mr. Gladstone in the early +autumn of 1880 the necessity of coercive measures for the government +of Ireland, he found the Prime Minister profoundly opposed to +departure from the ordinary law. The Viceroy was pressed to suspend +the Habeas Corpus Act by every agent, every landlord, every +magistrate in the country. The number of outrages against life and +property had increased _pari passu_ with the number of evictions. +The Land League, which had been formed, under the presidency of +Parnell, the preceding year, had taken up the cause of the evicted +tenants and, by establishing the elaborate system of persecution, +named after its first victim, Lord Mayo's English agent, Captain +Boycott, rendered it almost impossible to let farms from which a +tenant had been evicted. When, on September 25, Lord Mountmorres, a +poor man with a small estate, who could really not afford to reduce +his rents, was murdered, such was the popular detestation of the +murdered man that the owner of the nearest house refused shelter to +the corpse, no hearse could be obtained to convey it to the grave, +and the family had to fly to England. The maiming of cattle, a {166} +method of reprisal constantly adopted by evicted tenants, further +contributed to inflame English opinion, both in and out of Ireland, +against the Nationalist party, who were held responsible by the man +in the street for everything that was going on. Mr. Bright was still +more opposed than Mr. Gladstone to the repeal of the Habeas Corpus, +and so was Mr. Chamberlain, who had joined the Government as +President of the Board of Trade. Before giving way to Mr. Forster, +the Cabinet determined to use the ordinary methods of law, and +prosecuted the heads of the Land League for "conspiring to prevent +the payment of rent, resist the process of eviction, and obstruct the +letting of surrendered farms." The public announcement of the +prosecution in no way intimidated the Land League. The prosecution, +although announced on November 3, did not, on account of legal +delays, begin until after Christmas. Disorder at once became more +rampant and outrages more frequent. On November 23, Cowper wrote +again to Mr. Gladstone, threatening his resignation in the following +January, if he were not given fuller powers. On December 12, he made +his last appeal, urging that Parliament should be immediately +summoned. Mr. Gladstone yielded the very day before the trial of the +Land League began in Dublin, and summoned Parliament for January 6, +1881. + +On the first night of the session Mr. Forster gave notice of the +introduction of Bills for the protection of life and property in +Ireland. But the Irish members had taken the phrase in the Queen's +Speech that "additional powers are required by the Irish Government +for the protection of life and property," as a declaration of war, +and commenced the policy of obstruction of which they were afterwards +to make so powerful a weapon. They succeeded in protracting the +debate on the Address for eleven days. + +Forster's case was a very simple one. The Land League was supreme, +and its power must be crippled. This could only be done by extending +the range of the executive. With {167} the suspension of Habeas +Corpus the authors of the outrages, who were known to the police, +could be arrested and the course of justice would not be interfered +with by corrupt evidence. It was the point of view of the official +responsible for public order, that and nothing more. Mr. Parnell's +view pierced the surface facts of the case. The League did nothing +but organise and express the public opinion of Ireland. The +Government's policy was simply one of coercion, that is, of violence. +Although it was admitted that wrongs were endured, the Government's +policy did not include any method of redressing those wrongs. +Eviction of tenants who could not possibly pay their rent through no +fault of their own was palpable injustice. Let that injustice be put +an end to, and outrages would soon cease. It was clearly the duty of +the representatives of Ireland to put every difficulty in the way of +the passing of such a measure as the Chief Secretary's. + +At this stage of his career Mr. Labouchere was not a Home Ruler. In +his first speech to his electors at Northampton,[1] he had said: "I +really have not understood myself what Home Rule means. I should be +exceedingly sorry to see the Union between Great Britain and Ireland +done away with. I think it is absolutely necessary for the +well-being of both countries, but I am myself in favour of as much +local government, not only in Ireland, but in all parts of England as +possible." He was voicing the views of Mr. Chamberlain, whose +trumpet from the beginning had set forth no uncertain sound, for the +member for Birmingham was then, and remained, unalterably opposed to +the separation of the two kingdoms, and to the institution of an +Independent Parliament in Dublin. + +On January 27, Forster's Bill for the Protection of Life and Property +in Ireland having been introduced three days previously, Mr. +Labouchere, speaking in favour of an amendment introduced in his name +to the effect "that no Bill for {168} the Protection of Life and +Property in Ireland will be satisfactory which does not include +protection to the tenant in cases where it can be shown, to the +satisfaction of a Court of Justice, that the tenant's rent is +excessive or that he is unable, owing to temporary circumstances, to +pay it," said that, while he was a genuine supporter of the Prime +Minister, he did not intend to rain down blessings on that +gentleman's head that evening. He found himself occupying a singular +position. He was returned there as a Radical by a very advanced +constituency, and, to his surprise, he found himself almost alone +with his colleague as an advocate of Conservatism in the real, though +not in the party, sense of the word. He was there to defend the +Habeas Corpus. He was ready to admit that Englishmen had many +virtues, but they were somewhat intolerant, and they were curiously +intolerant when any country under their rule ventured to have the +same virtues as themselves. There was nothing they valued so highly +as self-government, and yet, when Ireland asked for self-government +in local matters, they regarded the demand as something monstrous and +intolerable. The Chief Secretary had urged that the Bill must be +passed as quickly as possible on account of outrages! He must +remember that there were such things as standing orders, and that +honourable gentlemen opposite would be able to delay the Bill for a +considerable time.... It was taking a really too Arcadian view of +human nature to suppose that honourable gentlemen opposite would not +use--or even misuse--every standing order of the House to prevent the +passing of such a Bill. The right honourable gentleman seemed to +have thought, in pleading urgency, that the Irish members would act +like the "dilly, dilly ducks" which came to be killed when they were +called. The reports of the outrages had come from magistrates most +of whom were landowners, and from police constables; and they knew in +England how to judge of constables' evidence. (Oh! oh!) He quoted a +return. "Injured persons were Margaret Lydon, Patrick Whalem, and +{169} Bridget Whalem. It appeared that: A dispute arose about the +possession of a small plot of ground, and John Lydon assaulted the +injured persons. Yet, in the very next case, John Lydon appeared as +the injured person, because he was assaulted as the time of the above +dispute by his own wife. This was obviously a little domestic +difference between a husband and his spouse, yet it was converted +into two separate outrages. As regarded cattle maiming, it was no +new thing. Dean Swift jeered at his countrymen on the subject. 'Did +they, like Don Quixote, look on a flock of sheep as an army?'" +Labouchere wound up his speech, after pointing out the danger of the +Chief Secretary's "hideous doctrine of constructive treason" and +animadverting on the idea of making use of secret informers, whom he +regarded as "the lowest, vilest, and most contemptible of the human +race," by stating that the purpose of the Bill was not to suppress +outrages or exclusive dealing, but solely to enable landlords to +collect their rents.[2] Mr. Serjeant Simon retorted in his defence +of the Bill, not quite unjustly perhaps, that Mr. Labouchere's speech +had been more facetious than fair, more humorous than consistent. +Certainly the John Lydon mixed outrage was a hardly representative +specimen of the statistics before the House. The O'Donoghue, on the +other hand, had listened to the speech with great pleasure, and felt +sure it would be received with satisfaction by a larger circle +outside the constituency of Northampton when public opinion in +England and Scotland came to be enlightened on this subject. +Labouchere continued to argue against the Bill in Committee in every +imaginable way. Much of his argument was mere heckling of Mr. +Forster. He was always a little inclined to confuse the floor of the +House with the hustings, a state of mind which sometimes deprived his +speeches of the persuasive value that their argumentative ability +deserved. Every now and then he made a crushing point against the +Government. {170} "The Home Secretary (Sir William Harcourt)," he +said, "had incited a prejudice against the Land League by quoting +what the Fenians had done in America. He had read a speech from a +Mr. Devoy, an American Fenian, to the effect that he had contemplated +blowing up the entire Government of this country, most of the towns +in this country and the capital, and, is this monster, the Home +Secretary had asked, to be allowed to say these things without +protest? He had pointed out the terrible consequences of this +speech: how a certain Patrick Stewart immediately subscribed the sum +of one dollar that these intentions might be carried out.... Such +men as Redpath (another American Fenian) and Devoy, the Right +Honourable gentleman told them, would 'come over to Ireland, and the +Bill is intended for those gentlemen.' Surely," pursued Mr. +Labouchere blandly, "the Right Honourable gentleman was an eminent +authority on international law and must be aware that, if these +Americans were to come over to Ireland, and if they were to be taken +up on mere suspicion and put in prison for eighteen months without +being told, or without their Minister in England being told, for what +they were put in prison, we should get, and rightly too, into +considerable difficulty with the American Government. (Sir William +Harcourt: No!) The Right Honourable gentleman said no. Perhaps he +meant that he would get us out of the difficulty. But would it not +have been better to have brought in an Aliens Bill than to suspend +the Habeas Corpus in Ireland? It was a strange thing to suspend the +Habeas Corpus in Ireland, because an American had made a speech in +America."[3] This characteristic speech is a very good specimen of +Labouchere's method in attack. His manner was one of irresponsible +persiflage, stinging and exasperating those of his opponents whom it +failed to amuse,[4] his matter both sound and serious. It would have +been difficult to have summed up {171} Forster's Bill better than +Labouchere did in the following list of "Alleged advantages and real +disadvantages of the Bill." (1) Alleged advantages: (_a_) it would +drive a certain number of crazy Fenians out of Ireland. (_b_) It +would lead to the imprisonment of certain village ruffians who +probably deserve it. (_c_) It would enable landlords to collect +their rents. (2) Disadvantages: (_a_) It would do away with the +useful action of the Land League. (_b_) It would enable the +landlords not only to collect their rents from men who could pay +them, but also to evict from their small holdings men who could +not--the very thing the Land League had been preventing. (_c_) It +would alienate all classes in Ireland from the English connection. +(_d_) It would substitute secret societies for the open society +called the Land League. (_e_) The Government would be playing into +the hands of the Fenians, who would acquire an influence they did not +then possess. Certainly it would have been difficult to prophesy +more accurately what were the actual consequences of the passing of +the Coercion Bill. He concluded his speech on this occasion by +warning the Irish members not to persevere in a policy of +obstruction, both on account of the prejudice it created against them +and on account of the excellence of their cause. Let that cause be +stated fairly and honestly to the English people--let it be allowed +to stand on its own merits. He believed many people in England were +already very much inclined to take the same view as many Irishmen on +Irish matters. There were many points on which the democracy of +England and Ireland ought to unite. He therefore hoped that +honourable gentlemen opposite would not be carried away by the +irritation of the moment. He hated the Coercion Bill as much as they +did, but he could not shut his eyes to the fact that the Liberals, +not the Conservatives, had done the best for Ireland, and he wound up +with a eulogy in this connection of the "two patron saints of my +political calendar"--Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Bright.[5] + +{172} + +The Arms Bill--or the Peace Preservation Bill, as it was called--by +which the Coercion Bill was promptly followed, was another target for +Mr. Labouchere's darts. He pointed out the suspicious nature of the +support given by the Opposition to the Government, which delayed the +introduction of Liberal legislation for England and widened the +breach between the Liberal party and the Irish. + +Perhaps the most serious and immediate consequence of the Coercion +Act was the arrest of Parnell, which took place on October 13. This +event, which caused frenzied joy in England, was one of Forster's +worst mistakes in Ireland. The Land League at once issued a "No +rent" manifesto. It was signed by Parnell, Dillon, Sexton, and +Brennan, who were all in Kilmainham Gaol, and Egan, the treasurer of +the League at Paris. Forster, not sorry to be able to do so, +retorted by proclaiming the League an illegal association, the +legality of which proceeding was doubtful, according to Lord +Eversley. It had been impossible to convict the League of a +violation of the law and the Coercion Act contained no clause +authorising its suppression. On the other hand, the "No rent" +manifesto was also an obvious blunder. The clergy denounced it from +every altar in Ireland, as indeed they could hardly help doing, and +only in the west, where large bodies of the poorer tenants were +already refusing to pay their rents without deduction, did it take +effect. The agrarian war was consequently intensified, and English +opinion greatly incensed. The local heads of the League were +arrested all over the disturbed areas, and the Coercion Act pressed +into the service of landlords to enable them to collect their rents, +no matter how excessive they might be. Evictions were naturally +multiplied. Most serious consequence of all--and directly traceable +to the ill-advised arrest of Parnell and the leaders of the Land +League--secret societies, with their inevitable accompaniment of +crime and outrage, began to take the place of open and, at least +relatively, constitutional agitation. Parnell {173} had been asked +by an admirer, who would take his place in case of his arrest. +"Captain Moonlight will take my place," was his grim reply. Captain +Moonlight did so. During the months preceding the passing of the +Coercion Act there were seven homicides, twenty-one cases of firing +at the person, and sixty-two of firing into dwellings. + +The work of the suppressed Land League was carried on by the Ladies' +Land League under the presidency of Parnell's sister. The ladies, if +they did not actually stimulate crime, did little to suppress it. +When Parnell eventually emerged from Kilmainham, he was furious with +them, both on account of their policy and their extravagance. +Outrages had increased, and they had spent £70,000 during the seven +months of his incarceration! + +The Coercion Act had evidently failed to produce the results +expected. Nevertheless, Forster and Lord Cowper could think of +nothing but more coercion. Gladstone refused to accede to their +proposals. He had never liked coercion himself, and his hands were +strengthened by the support of Chamberlain in the Cabinet, who was +energetically backed in the press by John Morley, then editing the +_Pall Mall Gazette_. Meanwhile Parnell, realising that his prolonged +detention at Kilmainham was damaging his cause, entered into +negotiations with the Government by means of Captain O'Shea; and +although Mr. Gladstone was, no doubt, literally truthful in denying +the existence of any formal "treaty," an understanding was reached +between the Government and the Irish leader. The main source of +unrest and disorder in the country was, according to Parnell, the +smaller tenants, some 100,000 in number, who were utterly unable to +pay the arrears of rent due from them, and were, in consequence, +liable at any moment to eviction. The Government must deal in a +generous and statesmanlike way with the lot of these unhappy people. +Parnell, if free to resume an effective leadership, would be able to +do much to curb the criminal forces set in motion by the secret +societies. {174} On May 2, Parnell and his companions were released +from Kilmainham, and Forster and Lord Cowper at once resigned. + +Forster made his statement in the House on May 4. It was to the +effect that the state of the country did not justify the release of +Parnell without a new Coercion Act. Just as he had uttered the +following words, "There are two warrants which I signed in regard to +the member for the City of Cork--" Parnell entered the House. It was +a dramatic scene. Deafening cheers broke from the Irish benches, +drowning Forster's voice and preventing the conclusion of the +sentence from being heard. Parnell quickly surveyed the situation, +and, bowing to the Speaker, passed "with head erect and measured +tread to his place, the victor of the House." + +Mr. Gladstone answered Forster, saying that the circumstances which +had warranted Parnell's arrest no longer existed, and that "he had an +assurance that if the Government dealt with the arrears question, the +three members released would range themselves on the side of law and +order." Parnell then intervened, saying that he had in no way +suggested any bargain with the Prime Minister, but that there could +be no doubt that a settlement of the arrears question would have an +enormous effect in the restoration of law and order, and would take +away the last excuse for outrage. + +Irish prospects had not looked brighter in the House for many a year, +but, unfortunately, only two days after the memorable afternoon on +which Mr. Gladstone dissociated himself from his sometime Irish +Minister and threw himself into Parnell's arms, England was horrified +by a terrible tragedy. Lord Spencer and Lord Frederick Cavendish had +been appointed to the vacant offices of Lord Cowper and Mr. Forster. +The new Chief Secretary and Mr. Burke, permanent Under-Secretary, +were murdered close to the Vice-regal Lodge in Phœnix Park, on the +evening following Lord Spencer's state entry into Dublin. Mr. +O'Brien, in his _Life of Parnell_, says that "Cavendish was killed +simply {175} through the accident of his being with Mr. Burke, whose +death was the real object of the assassins."[6] No one was more +overwhelmed by the tragedy than Parnell himself. "How can I," he +said, "carry on a public agitation if I am stabbed in the back in +this way?" + +The House met on the 8th, and Parnell made a short, straightforward +speech, condemning the outrages in unqualified terms. He also +expressed the fear that the Government would feel themselves obliged, +under the circumstances, to revert to coercion. His fear was +justified, and on May 11, the Home Secretary, Sir William Harcourt, +introduced a Crimes Bill, based on previous suggestions of Lord +Cowper. + +It is easy to see now that this proceeding was a mistake. It should +have been evident to any unbiassed observer that, far from Parnell +and the League being responsible for outrages, whether agrarian or +political, it was during the imprisonment of Parnell and after the +dissolution of the League that they increased and finally led up to +the tragedy of Phœnix Park. But the Government had to count with +English opinion, which was exasperated by the murder of Burke and +Cavendish almost to the point of hysteria. To most English people +Ireland was little more than a geographical expression; in so far as +it connoted anything else, it bored and disgusted them. Parnell +indicated the true inwardness of Mr. Gladstone's altered attitude in +a speech on May 20, in which he said: "I regret that the event in +Phœnix Park has prevented him (Mr. Gladstone) continuing the +course of conciliation that we had expected from him. I regret that, +owing to the exigencies of his party, of his position in the country, +he has felt himself compelled to turn from that course of +conciliation and concession into the horrible paths of coercion." + +Labouchere took Mr. Parnell's view of the situation, and argued with +much zest against the worst features of the Crimes Bill. Speaking on +May 18, on the second reading, {176} he said that it was clear from +the fact that the House was now asked to pass a remedial measure (the +Arrears Bill) and a Coercion Bill that the former policy of the +Government had been a failure. + +But the present Coercion Bill erred precisely in the same direction +that the other had done, because it was not aimed solely at outrage, +but was directed at honourable members sitting opposite. In fact he +(Mr. Labouchere) could see the trail of the honourable member for +Bradford (Mr. W. E. Forster) and of his policy in this measure. The +Government ought to try to get the majority of the Irish people on +their side to fight with them against outrage. Was this Bill likely +to enlist the sympathies of the Irish members? Mr. Labouchere +expressed the principle of his objection to the Bill by saying that +as long as political and criminal elements were mixed up in the Bill +he could not vote for it. He objected particularly to the following +features. The "intimidation clause" went too far, being directed +against boycotting, which, although it had its bad features, was, as +a system of exclusive trading, legitimate. He considered it +"monstrous" that the authorities should have power to detain any +person out after sunset. He objected to the clause dealing with the +press, and he thought that three years was too long a period for the +Bill to remain in force. Who could say who might be Lord-Lieutenant +in three years? He could not imagine anything more horrible than +that, say, the right honourable gentleman the member for North +Lincolnshire (Mr. J. Lowther) should be invested with the powers of +the Bill. The consequence would perhaps be, that if the Prime +Minister went over to Ireland, he would be arrested and put into +prison. His admiration for the Prime Minister was increasing, but +all his colleagues were not as well minded as himself. There seemed +to be two currents in the cabinet-- some members who desired to do +all they could for Ireland being baulked by those of their colleagues +called Whigs.[7] {177} Mr. Labouchere worked out of Parliament, as +well as in, for the improvement of the Bill. He was incessantly +negotiating both with the Government and the Irish leaders to defeat +what he felt to be its impossible features and to modify the +remaining ones in the direction of conciliation. He had written two +days before the speech just mentioned to Mr. Chamberlain as follows: + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 16, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I enclose Bill with Healy's amendments. He says +that what he means in the suggested changes in the Intimidation +Clause is, that only a person who actually threatens a person with +injury should come under the provisions of the Bill. What he objects +to is constructive intimidation. + +I went through the Bill thus amended with Parnell. He agrees with +them in the main, but would like to have the opinion of a lawyer with +regard to them. Like Healy, his chief objection is to constructive +intimidation. He says that if the Government will meet him and his +party in the conciliatory spirit of the amendments, he will promise +that the opposition to the Bill shall be conducted on honest +Parliamentary lines, and that there shall be no abstention. He +specially urges that the Bill shall only be in operation until the +close of next session; he puts this on two grounds: (1) That the +Tories may possibly come in at the end of that time. (2) That he may +be able to advise the Irish to be quiet in the hopes of no renewal of +the Bill. + +He says that he is in a very difficult position between the +Government and the secret societies. The latter, he says, are more +numerous than are supposed; that most of those connected with them +only wish to be let alone, but that he greatly fears that if they are +disgusted they will commit outrages. The late murders, he seems to +think, were, when agrarian, the acts of men who had a grudge against +a particular individual, and, when political, the acts of skirmishers +from America. I really think that he is most anxious to be able to +support the Government; he fully admits that a Bill is necessary on +account of English opinion, but he does not wish to have it applied +to himself, and he doubts whether it will be really effectual against +the outrage mongers. + +{178} + +Healy goes so far as to say that if the Prime Minister or you were to +administer the Bill it would do no harm, and that he is not greatly +afraid of it in the hands of Lord Spencer, but that it would be a +monstrous weapon of oppression in the hands of Jim Lowther. I am +sure that with conciliation you can now, for the first time, get the +Parnellites on your side. + + +This letter Mr. Chamberlain sent to Mr. Gladstone, promising to bring +the draft of the Bill to the House that afternoon. + +Mr. Labouchere continued to Mr. Chamberlain on the following day: + + +He (Healy) points out that even the Conservative newspapers are +against the Newspaper Clause, and he wants it made applicable only to +newspapers printed out of Ireland. With regard to the Search Clause, +he will make a fight for nominative warrants, and he also wants an +amendment securing an indemnity in case of injury done to property by +the searchers. He points out that there ought to be a right of +appeal from the County Court Judge to the Queen's Bench. With +respect to the Intimidation Clause, he seems to approve of cutting +out the definition clause, but is very anxious for some restriction +in the terms of the clause, so that there may be no crime of +constructive intimidation. + +There is to be a private meeting at one to-morrow of himself, +Parnell, T. P. O'Connor, and Sexton. He will say to them that he +thinks that Government will agree to the County Court Judges and to +the period of the Bill being shortened. He will, however, before the +meeting, go further into details as regards the position with +Parnell. He is most desirous that there should be no plea for saying +that there is a bargain of any kind. I have told him that, in the +Prime Minister, they have a friend, but that they must take into +consideration his position as the leader of a Government where +possibly all are not as well disposed, and as the head of a country +where there is a popular outcry for stringent measures. + + +On May 22, he wrote again, after a further interview with Parnell: + + +{179} + +This is about the sum total of what Parnell took an hour to tell me. +He does not in the least complain of you, and really is most anxious +to get on with the Government if possible. He wants me to let him +know as soon as possible to-morrow whether he is to consider that +there is to be no concession. + +Parnell says: That the Arrears Bill has been very well received in +Ireland, and that, if it be followed by one making certain +modifications of no very important character in the Land Bill, he is +convinced that the situation will greatly improve, provided that +concessions be made in the Coercion Bill. + +He suggests that the Coercion and the Arrears Bill move forward _pari +passu_, and that only small progress be made with the Coercion Bill +before Whitsuntide, in order to give time for the passions to cool, +and for persons to see by experience that the condition of Ireland is +not so bad as is supposed. + +If urgency is to be voted on the Coercion Bill, he asks that it +should be voted by a simple majority, and that it should be stated +that it will be used whenever any Legislative measures in regard to +Ireland are brought forward during the Session and obstructed by the +Conservatives. + +He greatly regrets the speech of Davitt, but says that he (Davitt) +has no intention to go to Ireland, and that his land scheme is a +little fad of his own. + +He says that he is most anxious for a _modus vivendi_, and believes +that if the present opportunity for establishing one be let pass, it +is not likely to recur. He and his friends, he says, are incurring +the serious risk of assassination in their efforts to bring it about, +and he thinks that his suggestions ought to be judged on their +merits, but that, with the Coercion Act as it is, there will be so +much anger and ill-feeling in Ireland, that all alliance with the +Liberal party will be impossible. + +He points out, not as a matter of bargain, but as a fact, that the +Liberals may--if only there be concessions on the Coercion Bill, and +a few modifications in the Land Bill--count on the Irish vote, as +against the Conservatives, and suggests that this will make the +Government absolutely safe, even though there be Whig defections. + + +Mr. Labouchere continued, as will be seen by the following {180} +letters to Mr. Chamberlain, to press the views of the Irish leaders +upon the Government. + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 3, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--We have done our best during your absence to hold +our own against Harcourt. The only important issue yet raised has +been the exclusion of treason and treason felony from the Bill. + +On Thursday I went to Grosvenor from Parnell to ask that the debate +should be adjourned. Gladstone said that Parnell ought to consider +that after Harcourt's "no surrender" speech the Government would not +be able to give in the next day, and that the division if taken would +be larger on Thursday than on Friday, and that the matter might be +reconsidered in Report. I said that if Government would give any +private assurance, or if Gladstone would say in the House, that the +exclusion would be favourably considered on Report, he could have the +division at once. This latter he was afraid to do, for Harcourt, as +sulky as a bear, was glaring at him. He therefore agreed to consent +"with regret" to the adjournment. When, however, Parnell moved it, +our idiots and the Conservatives shouted so loudly "no," that a +division had to be taken. Then Healy moved it, on which Gladstone +did hint at the Report, but said nothing definite, except that it +would be impossible to consult at once with the Irish Executive. The +next day, Grosvenor wrote to me to say that he spoke without +prejudice and held out no hope, but would I call "Parnell's attention +to one sentence in one of Gladstone's concluding speeches, which was +to the effect that it was impossible to call the attention of the +Irish Government to the question of omitting treason and treason +felony, between last night and this day, and therefore it would be +better to bring up the question again on Report. Please ask Parnell +to consider this fact." + +On Friday morning the Irish held a meeting, and they agreed to keep +what they did secret, decided that if treason were retained, at least +treason felony should be eliminated. + +On the House meeting Trevelyan tackled me, and said: "I am opposed to +the insertion of treason and treason felony, and {181} I am disposed +to make large concessions. You know that I am a person of strong +will. I now understand the Bill, and you will see how I shall act." + +Grosvenor also said that I need not believe him, as he quite agreed +with me, but that Harcourt was the difficulty. I asked him whether +he would agree that if Lord Spencer said that treason and treason +felony were not needed, they should be struck out on Report. He +replied that the onus could not be thrown on Spencer, but that it +must be the act of the Cabinet. + +So after seeing Parnell it was agreed that the division should be +taken at 7.30. + +Why Parnell is making such a fight over this, and will make a fight +over the Intimidation Clause, is that unless concession be made, he +will find it difficult to hold his own. Egan, he says, wants to +carry on the agitation from Paris, in which case it will be illegal; +he wants to carry it on in Dublin, in which case it will be legal. +If concessions are made he will have his way; if not, Egan will +remain the master in Paris. + +Grosvenor quite admits that it is most desirable to aid Parnell to +remain leader. + +Parnell says: + +"I ask, in order to put an end definitely to the land agitation: that +a clause should be introduced into the Arrears Bill, allowing small +tenants in the Land Court to pay on Griffiths' valuation until their +cases are decided: that there should be an expansion of the Bright +Clauses next year if not this; and that a Royal Commission be +appointed to keep the agricultural labourers quiet by taking +evidence. Then I propose to ask for a fair and reasonable measure of +local self-government, such as an English Government can grant," and +he assures me that in all questions between me and the Conservatives +and the Liberals, the latter shall have the Irish vote. I believe +that he is perfectly sincere, and that he is thoroughly frightened by +threats of assassination; indeed he told me that he never went about +without a revolver in his pocket, and even then did not feel safe. + +I write you all this for your private information, as you may wish to +know the exact situation at present.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{182} + +REFORM CLUB, June 8, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN--Parnell says that it is absolutely necessary that +something should be understood, and that if no concession be made on +the Intimidation Clause, he considers that things revert to where +they were under the Forster regime, and that they will fight until +urgency is voted and then fight on urgency until a _coup d'état_ is +carried out. Allowing for some exaggeration, a simple consideration +of his position towards his party shows that this programme is +necessarily forced upon him. + +Surely we have a right to see the clause as Government will agree to +it, before passing a portion of it. + +I believe that this would be agreed to: that intimidation shall mean +any threats, etc., to violence, any boycotting which involves danger +such, for instance, as a doctor refusing to attend a sick man, or a +refusal to supply the necessaries of life, and any specific act that +is set out in the Bill, but _nothing more_. + +C. Russell, Bryce, and Davy are trying their hands at this and hope +to be able to frame a clause on these lines. You will no doubt see +that, if something cannot be done to-morrow, the fat will be in the +fire. Would it not therefore be well to leave the clause until the +other clauses are passed, and then bring it on?--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 9, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I wrote you a line in a great hurry last night, +but after the House had adjourned I again saw Parnell. + +He is most anxious that Mr. Gladstone should not think that +obstruction arises from any ill-feeling towards him, and that he does +not, in his own interests, wish it to be thought that anything in the +nature of a bargain is to be made. + +But he wants Mr. Gladstone to know facts. He says that there are two +sections in the Land League. The funds of the League are at Paris, +where a large sum is invested in securities. Egan wishes to trench +on these securities, but Parnell and Davitt have been able to stop +this, and at present nothing is expended but the weekly +contributions. Egan and his section of the League are furious at the +idea of the League being converted into a moderate tenant right +Association, with its headquarters {183} in Dublin. This he desires. +Every day the ultras of his party are telling him that nothing is +gained by conciliation. If the Bill is to be passed in its present +shape, he declares that neither he nor his friends can have anything +to do with a moderate policy, and, as they absolutely decline to +associate themselves with Egan and his desperate courses, they must +withdraw. + +The result, he says, will be that the Fenians will be masters of the +situation, that they will have funds, and that there will be +assassinations and outrages all over Ireland. So soon as he +withdraws, he considers that his own life will not be worth a day's +purchase. + +If he is able to head the tenant right Association, he considers that +he can crush out the Fenians--more especially if something is done in +the Arrears Bill to meet the difficulty of the small tenants, who are +waiting for their cases to be decided on in the Land Courts, being +evicted, before their cases come on, for non-payment of excessive +rents. If nothing be done in this matter, and if he be allowed to +have his tenant right Association, this he says will be his great +difficulty next winter. He wishes Mr. Gladstone to observe that +Davitt has not made any speeches in Ireland, and he says that he +obtained this pledge from him in order to show the result of +conciliation. He disagrees entirely with Davitt's "nationalisation" +of land scheme, and says that the Irish tenants do not themselves +desire it. + +He again suggests whether it would not be possible to insert +limitations in the Intimidation Clause? And he would suggest that, +if possible, it would be desirable to leave the clause as it stands, +without any definition section, and to say that, as there is no +desire to prevent an orderly and legal tenant right Association, +additions will be made to the clause on Report, defining all this. + +As regards the tribunal, he hopes that Mr. Gladstone will agree to a +proviso, making the Court consist of a magistrate and a barrister. +This he thinks will render it more easy to accept the intimidation +clause with the limitations that he suggests, for many of the +resident magistrates are half-pay captains, who have been appointed +by interest, and who are hand in glove with the landlords, and some +of them are certain to act foolishly. + +If this be accepted, if unlawful associations are made there {184} +which the Lord Lieutenant declares to be unlawful; if it be made a +crime to not attend an unlawful assembly, but to riot at, or to +refuse to retire if called upon to do so from an unlawful assembly, I +do not think that he attaches very great importance to the duration +of the Act, although he still says that he does, but he would be +satisfied if the duration of the Act were for three years with the +proviso that the Lord Lieutenant has to prolong it (if it is +prolonged) by a proclamation at the end of each year. He is anxious +for this, because he thinks that he could do much for the cause of +law and order, if he were able to point out that possibly the Act +would not run for the whole three years, if the Irish are quiet and +peaceable. + +His main anxiety at the present moment seems to be, that Mr. +Gladstone should understand the position of the Land League and of +its leaders. He wishes most sincerely to fight with the Government +against all outrages, and he complains that his good intentions are +met every moment by a _non possumus_ of lawyers, who seem to regard +it as a matter of _amour propre_ not to listen to him, and he says +(and I am sure he believes it) that the result will be murders and +outrages which will end in martial law.--Yours truly, H. LABOUCHERE. + +P.S.--With regard to supply, he says that he thinks it a little hard, +that he should be asked not to obstruct one Bill, because the +Conservatives will obstruct another, and he suggests that Supply +might be taken before the Report on the Bill now under discussion, +with some sort of understanding that the Irish would not put down +notices on going into Committee of Supply. But on this matter, he +says that he is certain that if Mr. Gladstone will fairly look into +his suggestions, he will see their force, and he still hopes that all +obstruction, etc., etc., may be avoided. + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 10, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--As it seems to be understood that Harcourt had +stated in the House his readiness to accept the amendment which I +gave you yesterday, Healy has put it down. + +As regards "unlawful," which was negatived last night, I explained to +Healy that it was impossible to make the limitation on account of +legal and technical difficulties, and he fully accepted this +explanation. + +{185} + +With regard to the two limitations which stand in Parnell's name, and +which they ask for, I told Healy that the wording of the limitations +could not be used, as it would have a bad effect to say in an Act +that the non-payment of rent is not an offence. To this he assented, +and is quite ready to accept any words, taken from the Act of '75 or +from anywhere else, which will cover the limitations. Would it not +be as well to have the words ready, and to let Parnell have them, or +at least to be ready with the substituted words when Parnell's +amendment comes on? + +There is a clause about exclusive dealing. When the suggestions +which I submitted to you were being discussed by Parnell and Healy, +they were very anxious to include Davy's amendment in regard to +exclusive dealing, substituting for "dealing with"--"buying," by +which they would have excluded a refusal to buy from Boycotting. I +got them to say that this was not to be pressed if Government +declined to accept the amendment, so I did not trouble you with it. +Late last evening Parnell wanted to insist on it, so I appealed to +Healy. He said that they were bound not to insist on more than had +been submitted to you, as this would not be honourable, and therefore +all trouble on this head is avoided. + +Of course they will in the House divide on some amendment in regard +to exclusive dealing, as a protest, and they may make one or two +speeches, but there will be no obstruction, and I see no reason why +the Bill should not be through Committee (notwithstanding Goschen's +gloomy prognostications) in a few days. + +It would, I think, very much tend to aid matters if Harcourt could in +the course of discussion state, that in all cases a barrister will +sit with a residential magistrate. He has already said that there +will be an appeal to Quarter Sessions, which in Ireland means an +appeal to the County Court Judge. But some of the residential +magistrates are very foolish persons, and all are regarded as men in +the landlords' camp. + +Also, is it not possible to arrive at some clear definition as to +what is an unlawful association? Parnell says that it is left now to +any residential magistrate to decide the matter. He suggests that +only such associations shall be unlawful, for the purpose of the Act, +which are proclaimed as such by the Lord Lieutenant. {186} But +provided that there be a clear definition, he does not care for any +particular wording. + +Parnell and Healy request me to say that they are very grateful to +Mr. Gladstone for meeting them half-way, and they seem only now +anxious about "treason felony." As Herschell told me that he thinks +everything necessary will be covered by the word "treason," I hope +that this matter will also be settled satisfactorily.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +P.S.--Parnell would not like any one but you and Mr. Gladstone to +know about his dispute with Egan, and the embargo on the League +funds, except in a very general way. + + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 24, 1882. + +DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I saw Parnell, and spoke to him as you wished. + +His answer is practically this: + +"I acknowledge that Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Chamberlain have acted +fairly, and so far as I can I should always be ready to meet their +wishes. But I deny that we have obtained the concessions that we +expected. I am not prepared to go back to Ireland and engage in +bringing the agitation within constitutional limits, on the mere +chance of Lord Spencer not arresting me. The Fenians want one thing: +the Ladies' League another: the people in Paris (Egan) another: and I +another. Therefore I shall limit my action to Parliament and leave +the Government and the Fenians to fight it out in Ireland. The +Cabinet do not seem to realise that the Crimes Bill is a very complex +one, and very loosely drawn up. There has been no obstruction in the +proper sense of the word, although I admit that the Irish have +repeated again and again the same arguments on amendments. But this +I cannot help, unless I tell them that they will get something by +holding their tongues. When the Conservatives threatened obstruction +on Procedure, this was met by telling them that the majority +resolution would not be pressed if they would facilitate business. +Why should not the same arrangement be made with us? Let us know +what amendments will be accepted in future. I am most anxious to +carry out what I understood was the contemplated policy when I was +released from {187} Kilmainham, and to work with the Government in +bringing the active phase of Irish agitation to a close. But this I +cannot do if I am suspected of ulterior objects, and if I cannot show +that something is gained for my party." + +He then suggested that if the Government would take their November +Session for alterations in the Land Act, he would do his best to +facilitate business now in regard to the Crimes, and the Arrears +Bill, and the Procedure Resolutions, provided that the majority +Resolution were maintained. + +I asked him what he really wanted under the term of alterations in +the Land Act? + +He said: "To go back to the system of reductions in rent which was +acted on before the Stuart Donleathcase, and to extend the Bright +clauses in the sense of W. H. Smith's resolution." + +Finally, I again urged him to remember what Mr. Gladstone and you had +done for him already, and to see whether he could not manage to bring +the Committee Stage of the Bill to an end within a reasonable time. + +On Monday, Sexton proposes to cut Chaplin out by bringing forward a +resolution about the suspects. Parnell says that this is absolutely +necessary, because he and his friends are blamed for only caring for +their own release. But Sexton will say that he only does this, +because it is a choice between his resolution and Chaplin's, and +there will be no talking to hinder the Government from getting their +money, or with the object of obstructing. + +I have got to go to Northampton on Monday, so I shall not be in the +House until late.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +When the Crimes Act was finally passed, Mr. Labouchere expressed +himself in _Truth_ as follows: + + +When Mr. Parnell was released from Kilmainham, it was understood that +the Land Act would be amended, that evictions would be stopped by an +Arrears Bill, and that the leaders of the land movement would be +permitted to agitate within fair legal limits in favour of the +political and social changes desired by their countrymen. Had this +understanding been carried out, the breach between the Parnellites +and the Liberals would have been healed. + +{188} + +Mr. Forster was the first to perceive that as a result of a _modus +vivendi_ he would have to disappear with his policy of coercion. He +therefore resigned, in the hope that this would render it impossible +to carry out the Kilmainham compact. Then followed the murder of +Lord Frederick Cavendish. The horror which this created was +skilfully used by the Whigs in the Cabinet, and they succeeded in +promoting a Bill, not so much aimed at outrages as at the Kilmainham +compact. This Bill is a complete codification of arbitrary rule. It +places the lives, liberties, and property of the Irish in the hands +of the Executive, and seeks to suppress every species of political +agitation. + +Unfortunately, Mr. Trevelyan was awaiting his re-election when it was +introduced, and it was left to Sir William Harcourt to carry it +through the House of Commons. Of course, as Sir William is the +head-centre of the Whigs, he delighted in his task. Not only did he +refuse every modification of the Bill, except those which were +rendered absolutely necessary by the absurd way in which it was +drawn, but almost every day he envenomed discussion by transpontine +outbursts against the Irish members. I do not blame him. I blame no +one who plays his cards to his own best advantage. This is human +nature. Sir William knew that if the English Radicals and the Irish +were allied, he and his Whigs would lose all influence, whilst of +Ireland he knew absolutely nothing. + +The result, therefore, has been that the Whigs triumph, and that +several weeks have been wasted in passing a Bill which will do +nothing to hinder outrages, but which will simply increase the +ill-feeling between England and Ireland. + +If the leaders of the land movement are wise, they will not endeavour +to hold meetings. They should declare that public meeting has been +rendered impossible by the Crimes Act; and they should, as an act of +charity, collect funds to aid all who have been evicted, no matter +from what cause, and thus band the Irish tenants together in a +friendly society. At the same time, they should devote all their +energies to increase their numbers in the next Parliament, and they +should submit test questions to every Liberal standing for an English +constituency where there are Irish voters, and make these votes +dependent upon the manner in which the questions are answered. If +Mr. Parnell can {189} hold the balance in Parliament between the +rival aspirants for the Treasury Bench, he may be certain that any +just demand that he may make will be granted. The democracy of +England and Ireland, with Mr. Gladstone at their head, would make +short work of Conservative and Whig obstructive trash. The landlords +in Ireland and the Whigs in England stand in the way of peace and +tranquillity in the former island, and of mutual good feeling in +both.[8] + + +To quote Mr. Labouchere's views on Ireland during the dark and gloomy +period which followed the introduction of the Prevention of Crimes +Bill is to quote Mr. Chamberlain's, for, as is seen by their constant +correspondence, the two were one in their views on Irish discontent. +Mr. Chamberlain made a speech at Swansea in February, 1883, in which +he asked his audience how long they supposed Englishmen with their +free institutions would tolerate the existence of an Irish Poland so +near to their own shores. Was separation the only alternative? He +thought not. Separation, in his opinion, would "jeopardise the +security of this country, and would be fatal to the prosperity and +happiness of Ireland." He, like Labouchere, was prepared to relax +the bond, even by conceding what was then known as Home Rule, which +would not include an independent Parliament or a separate +executive.[9] + +However, in 1883 and 1884, Englishmen had other things to occupy +their minds than the rights and wrongs of Ireland. In order to +follow the political career of Mr. Labouchere we must for a time +leave the Irish question and consider "the policy of Gladstone's +Government in Egypt." + + + +[1] _Northampton Mercury_, March 27, 1880. + +[2] _Hansard_, Jan. 27, 1881, vol. 257. + +[3] _Hansard_, Feb. 25, 1881, vol. 258. + +[4] To their credit, be it said, they generally were amused. + +[5] _Hansard_. Feb. 25, 1881, vol. 258. + +[6] R. Barry O'Brien, _Life of Parnell_. + +[7] _Hansard_, May 14, 1881. + +[8] _Truth_, July 6, 1882. + +[9] S. H. Jeyes, _Mr. Chamberlain_. + + + + +{190} + +CHAPTER IX + +LABOUCHERE AND MR. GLADSTONE'S EGYPTIAN POLICY + +Lord Morley has commented on the irony of fate which imposed on Mr. +Gladstone the unwelcome task of Egyptian occupation. "It was one of +the ironies," he says, "in which every active statesman's life +abounds." Disparity between intentions and achievements is indeed +inevitable in all departments of activity, but nowhere more so than +in cases of what may be called creative policy. Destruction is easy. +But a constructive policy which shall bring about a new and more +favourable state of things, and may, therefore, in this sense be +called creative, is strangely apt either to overshoot its mark or to +deviate into unexpected channels, with results wholly unlooked for by +the statesman responsible for its conduct. + +Certainly this ironic force of circumstances was peculiarly apparent +in the case of Mr. Gladstone's Egyptian policy. The problem of Egypt +was not of his seeking, but was a legacy from the Tories. In 1875 +Disraeli, against the advice of Lord Derby, his Foreign Minister, and +without consulting the other members of his Cabinet, arranged with +the London Rothschilds to purchase Khedive Ismail's shares in the +Suez Canal for four millions sterling. Ismail, whose absolute reign +of eighteen years had cost Egypt[1] no less a sum than four hundred +millions sterling, had been {191} driven by his preposterous +extravagance, and the consequent exhaustion of both his legitimate +and illegitimate methods of procuring revenue, to look abroad for +financial assistance. France, besides being crippled by the war of +1870, was regarded with suspicion in the matter of the canal, and the +only alternative to France was England. A trifle like four millions +was very far from what Ismail really required to give any sort of +financial stability to his government, and, after the loan with +Rothschild had been negotiated, the British Cabinet sent out a series +of commissioners to study the state of affairs on the spot, and to +see what could be done in the interests of Egyptian rule and, +incidentally, of the foreign bondholders. Eventually a settlement of +Ismail's affairs, known as the Goschen-Joubert arrangement, was made, +by which the enormous yearly payment of nearly seven millions +sterling was charged on the Egyptian revenue. Greek usurers attended +the tax-gatherers on their rounds, and the ruined fellaheen were +forced to mortgage their lands to meet these amazing demands. Even +such methods failed of success owing to the famine of the two +preceding years. The obviously juster course was now to let Ismail +become bankrupt and abandon the Goschen-Joubert arrangement, but the +foreign bondholders were naturally opposed to this, and pointed out +reasonably enough that the English Government had guaranteed the +loan. The moment was favourable to their views. Dizzy had succeeded +in converting his colleagues, with the exception of Derby, who +retired and was succeeded by Lord Salisbury as Foreign Secretary, to +his neo-Imperialism in which an Asiatic Empire under British rule was +an element. About this time, too, the secret convention relating to +the lease of Cyprus was signed with the Porte. When, a month later, +the Berlin Congress was called together, such was the suspicion with +which the plenipotentiaries regarded each other that each ambassador +was obliged, before entering the Congress, to affirm that he was not +bound by any secret engagement with the Porte. {192} Disraeli and +Salisbury both gave the required declaration. "It must be +remembered," says Mr. Blunt indulgently, "that both were new to +diplomacy." A few weeks later the _Globe_ published the text of the +Cyprus Convention, bought by that journal from one Marvin, an +Oriental scholar, who had been imprudently employed as translator of +the Turkish text. In London the authenticity of the document was +denied, but the truth had to come out at Berlin. The discovery +almost broke up the Congress. Prince Gortschakoff, the Russian +representative, and M. Waddington, the Ambassador of France, both +announced that they would withdraw at once from the sittings, and +Waddington literally packed his trunks. It needed the cynical good +offices of Bismarck to reconcile the English and the French +plenipotentiaries.[2] There were two very significant points on +which agreement was reached: + +1. "That as a compensation to France for England's acquisition of +Cyprus, France should be allowed on the first convenient opportunity, +and without opposition from England, to occupy Tunis." + +{193} + +2. "That in the financial arrangements being made in Egypt, France +should march _pari passu_ with England." + +This was the source of the Anglo-French condominium in Egypt. + +Sir Rivers Wilson, who was then acting in Egypt as English +Commissioner, received instructions to see that France should be +equally represented with England in all financial appointments made +in connection with his inquiry. Wilson's appointment as English +Commissioner on the nominally International Commission of Inquiry was +almost the first signed by Lord Salisbury on taking over the Foreign +Office from Lord Derby. He was a man from whom much was expected. +In 1878 he was appointed Finance Minister in Egypt. His predecessor, +Ismail Sadyk, had been treacherously murdered by the Khedive Ismail, +but this fact did not dash his confidence. He had great faith in +Nubar, Ismail's Prime Minister. His French education would, he +thought, enable him to preserve the Anglo-French character of the +Ministry. He also had behind him the full interest and power of the +house of Rothschild, whom he had persuaded to advance the loan of +nine millions, known as the Kedival Domains Loan. But his brief +career as Finance Minister (the Nubar Ministry was overthrown in the +February of 1879) was a failure. It is the opinion of Mr. Blunt, and +no one would have been more likely to know the true state of affairs, +that the Khedive himself intrigued against him and that the internal +policy of the country was entirely in the hands of Nubar, who, as a +Christian, was at a disadvantage in governing a Mohammedan country, +and in whose political value Wilson seems to have been greatly +mistaken. The loan which he had negotiated did not relieve the +taxpayer, but went in paying the more immediately urgent calls. His +suggestion of a scheme which would have involved the confiscation by +the Government of landed property to the value of fifteen millions +disturbed the minds of the land-owners, and the mistakes of the +Ministry reached their {194} climax when the native army, including +2500 officers, was disbanded without receiving their arrears of pay. + +The fall of Nubar was brought about by the _émeute_ of February, +1879, skilfully engineered by the Khedive, and Sir Rivers's position +as Finance Minister became very difficult. The Consul-General Vivian +(afterwards Lord Vivian) was a personal enemy of his and refrained +from smoothing his path, and when, in March, the crafty Ismail +arranged a little incident at Alexandria similar to that of February, +the Foreign Office, instead of backing his demand for redress, +advised him to resign, which he accordingly did. Soon, however, he +was able to take a crushing revenge on the perfidious Ismail. On his +return from Egypt he went straight to the Rothschilds and explained +to them that their money was in great danger, as the Khedive intended +to repudiate the debt, sheltering himself behind the excuse of +constitutional government. The Rothschilds brought financial +pressure to bear first on Downing Street and the Quai d'Orsay. Their +efforts in these quarters being in vain, they applied to Bismarck, +who was, perhaps, not sorry to have an excuse to state the intention +of the German Government to intervene in the bondholders' interests +in case the French and English Governments were unable to do so. +German intervention would have been a quite unendurable solution, and +the Sultan was at once approached from London and Paris and begged to +depose his vassal. European pressure was too much for him, and, in +spite of the many millions which he had paid in bribery to the Porte, +Ismail received a curt notice from Sir Frank Lascelles, then acting +English diplomatic agent in Egypt, that a telegram had reached him +from the Sultan announcing that his viceregal duties had passed to +his son Tewfik. Ismail cleared the treasury of its current account +and retired with a final spoil of some three millions sterling. No +one hindered his departure. + +For a few months after Mr. Gladstone formed his second administration +things seemed to have quieted down in {195} Egypt. The new Khedive +was a weak character and the country was practically governed by +French and English Ministers in the Cabinet. Sir Evelyn Baring +(afterwards Lord Cromer) and M. de Blaquières worked together in +perfect harmony. Sir Evelyn Baring had originally come to Egypt as +Commissioner of the Debt, and had worked so successfully towards a +new settlement that when the question of the appointment of an +English controller to advise the Khedive's Ministers arose, he was +the person naturally indicated for the post. "Thus," as he says, +"the various essential parts of the State machine were adjusted. A +new Khedive ruled. The relations between the Khedive and his +Ministers were placed on a satisfactory footing. A Prime Minister +(Riaz Pasha) had been nominated who had taken an active part in +opposing the abuses prevalent during the reign of Ismail Pasha. The +relations between the Sultan and the Khedive had been regulated in +such a way as to ensure the latter against any excessive degree of +Turkish interference. The system which had been devised for +associating Europeans with the Government held out good promise of +success, inasmuch as it was in accordance with the Khedive's own +views. Lastly, an International Commission had been created with +full powers to arrange matters between the Egyptian Government and +their creditors."[3] But, suddenly, as it seemed to those who had +not been watching events on the spot, across this peaceful sky +flashed the red meteor of rebellion, massacre, and arson. + +It is no easy matter to estimate the character of Arabi Pasha. He +seems, from even so friendly an account as that of Mr. Wilfrid Blunt, +not to have been particularly intelligent or particularly brave. It +appears likely that he, at least, connived at the burning and loot of +Alexandria. All this, however, would not have prevented his being a +true patriot according to his lights. As Mr. Herbert Paul observes: +"How far Arabi was a mutinous soldier guided by personal {196} +ambition and how far he was an enthusiastic patriot burning to free +his country from a foreign yoke, would admit of an easier answer if +one alternative excluded the other."[4] One thing, however, is +certain. The movement he led was far more than the merely military +revolt which Mr. Gladstone and everyone in England at first thought +it; it was in fact a genuine Nationalist movement directed rather +against the alien Turk than against the alien Englishman. That the +truth of this is now generally admitted is principally due to Mr. +Blunt and in a lesser degree to Mr. Labouchere and the group of +extreme Radicals of which he was already beginning to be the +unofficial leader in Parliament. During the spring and summer of +1882, Mr. Labouchere's first observations in the House of Commons on +Egyptian affairs were of a thoroughly orthodox nature. On May 12 we +find him asking the Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs (Sir Charles +Dilke) "whether any steps are being taken by Her Majesty's Government +in view of the critical state of affairs in Egypt to maintain our +influence in that country."[5] On July 27 he replies in a vein at +once serious and sarcastic to Mr. McCarthy, who had made a speech in +Arabi's favour. He thought that Mr. McCarthy had drawn on his +imagination for the character of Arabi Pasha. They knew perfectly +well that the most eminent men in the world were frequently great +patriots; and they also knew that military adventurers always called +themselves patriots in order to advance their own ends. They knew +little of the career of Arabi Pasha, but they did know that he had +designedly massacred Europeans in Alexandria, and had deliberately +burnt down one of the noblest cities of his native land. What would +be the effect of the vote[6] they proposed to give if it were +successful? The English nation would have to withdraw entirely from +their present position in Egypt, and the result would be that {197} +we should have behaved in a contemptible manner in the face of +Europe. India would not be worth one year's purchase. He was not a +great believer in prestige; but if we were to retire after our men +had been massacred our Empire in the East would not be worth a year's +purchase. This speech, occupying eight columns of _Hansard_, aims at +cutting away the relations between England and Turkey (which shows +that even at so early a date Mr. Labouchere realised something of the +true nature of the grievance of the Egyptian Nationalists) and +upholding British intervention.[7] Labby among the prophets indeed! + +After the retirement of Arabi from Alexandria, he issued a +proclamation stating that "irreconcilable war existed between the +Egyptians and the English, and all those who proved traitors to their +country would not only be subjected to the severest penalty in +accordance with martial law, but would be for ever accursed in the +next world." Three more towns were plundered and the European +inhabitants massacred. British public opinion was now thoroughly +aroused, and probably no Government could have stayed in power +without taking some overt action. The action taken by Mr. +Gladstone's Government was very definite. On July 22 the Prime +Minister obtained, by a majority of 275 to 19, a vote of £2,300,000. +A force of 6000 men was sent to Egypt from India; 15,000 men were +despatched to Cyprus and Malta. Sir Garnet (afterwards Viscount) +Wolseley was placed in command in Egypt, "in support of the authority +of His Highness the Khedive, as established by the Firmans of the +Sultan and the existing international engagements, to suppress a +military revolt in that country." + +The French Government, while declining to co-operate with the British +troops, assured Lord Granville of their moral support. In the month +of September the battle of Tel-el-Kebir, in which the Egyptian army +was completely routed, was fought. By this event British +intervention was justified {198} in the eyes of the world, and what +became in the long run hardly distinguishable from British rule was +established on the banks of the Nile. It was the battle of +Tel-el-Kebir that convinced Mr. Labouchere of what would be, and in +fact what came to be, the end of the course on which the Government +was embarked, for he very soon sold his Egyptian shares. "They fell +off his back like Christian's burden in _Pilgrim's Progress_, and +Labby became an honest politician," said Mr. Wilfrid Blunt to me. +The following letter to Sir Charles Dilke very clearly expresses his +new views on Egyptian policy: + + +REFORM CLUB, October 10, 1882. + +DEAR DILKE,--The great ones of the earth who, like you, live in +Government Offices, never really understand the bent of public +opinion. This is probably a dispensation of Providence by means of +which Ministers are not eternal. + +Personally, I should be glad to see the Liberal Party, after passing +a Franchise Bill, sent about their business, and the country divided +between Conservatives and Radicals. I speak, therefore, from the +Radical standpoint, and viewing the matter from that point, I see +that the dissatisfaction against your Egyptian policy is growing. + +Arabi (like most patriots) was "on the make." His force consisted in +siding with the Notables in their legitimate demands. + +Now that the war is over, it is really impossible for Radicals to +accept a policy based upon administering Egypt, partly for the good +of its inhabitants, but mainly for the good of the bond-holders. I +am a bondholder, so it cannot be said that I am personally prejudiced +against such a policy. But I am sure that it will not go down, and +indeed that our whole course of action has been so tainted with it, +that there will be great disaffection in the Radical ranks throughout +the country unless the tree be now made to bend the other way. + +You are now the man in possession in Egypt, so you can make terms +with Europe. I would therefore humbly suggest that you should, after +insisting upon an amnesty, call together the Notables and hand the +country over to them, stipulating alone that there should be +Ministerial responsibility, and the control of the purse. {199} The +International Obligation of Egypt to pay its bondholders was _bon à +professer_, when the Expedition had to be defended, but it is in +reality a pure fiction. Moreover, if it were not, we cannot decently +join in a holy alliance to maintain Khedives, and to deprive nations +of what is the very basis of representative government. + +Having handed Egypt over to the Notables, you can then go before +Europe with a clean bill of health--propose that the connection of +the country with Turkey shall be a purely nominal one and that, +henceforward, no European power shall directly or indirectly +interfere with its internal affairs. + +At the same time, you ought to take advantage of your being in Egypt +to establish yourself in some vantage post on the Suez Canal. This +once done, Egypt separated from Turkey, and all European powers +warned off, we remain in reality absolute masters of the position. +Very probably the Egyptians will make a muddle of these finances, but +this will no more affect us than the mistakes of Spanish finances +affect our tenure of Gibraltar. + +Controllers, a swarm of foreign bureaucrats, European administrators, +Khedives ruling against the wishes of their subjects, an English army +of occupation or an army commanded by my esteemed friend, Baker, +composed of black ex-slaves, Ottoman cut-throats, and Swiss cowboys, +are abominations, only equal to that of concerning ourselves with the +payment of interest on a public debt. To attempt these things will +be to keep open a perpetual Radical sore, and in the end will only +land us in another expedition. + +Pray excuse the observations of a humble admirer. The Jingoes, it is +true, are not so hostile as they were, but you do not suppose that +they would vote for the present Government, whilst on the other hand +the Radicals will sulk and not vote so long as Radical principles are +ignored in Egypt. Government has not yet announced its policy, so at +present no great harm is done, but the appointment of Baker, the +handing over of Arabi to the Khedive, the reign of Generals and +diplomatists, the absence of any appearance of consulting the +Egyptians, and various other similar things are producing distrust. +You will say, "What can a fellah know of politics?" To this I can +only answer, {200} "What does a Wiltshire peasant know about +them?"--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +Mr. Labouchere soon began to put forward his reformed views in +Parliament. On October 30 we find him asking Sir Charles Dilke +whether "Her Majesty's Government is a party to any treaty, alliance, +or compact with any foreign power which would oblige it to prevent +the Egyptians from exercising that control over their taxation, +expenditure, and administration which is enjoyed by the inhabitants +of the independent or semi-independent States which formerly were +integral parts of the Ottoman Empire,"[8] and demanding information +as to the cruelty and insults to which it was alleged the Egyptian +prisoners had been subjected. Mr. Labouchere wrote a long article in +_Truth_ under the heading: "Egypt was glad when they departed" (Psalm +cv., 38), the following extracts from which put the situation very +clearly as he conceived it. + + +"That a small body of English troops should remain for a brief time +in Egypt at the expense of that country is, perhaps, a necessity of +the position. But what I contend is, that during their stay the +Notables ought to be called together, that every place of emolument +ought to be filled up by an Egyptian, that the bag and baggage policy +ought to be adopted towards the Turkish officials, who are as +objectionable to the natives as were the Turkish officials to the +Bulgarians, and that a free constitutional government ought to be +established, based on the two corner stones of all constitutional +liberty--Ministerial responsibility and the right of taxpayers over +the purse. In order to carry out this programme--distasteful alike +to professional diplomatists and to professional soldiers--we ought +at once to send to Egypt a stalwart and experienced Liberal, who has +graduated in the school of Parliamentary Government, and not in those +of the Horse Guards, of the Foreign Office, or of the India Office. +Looking round, I see no man better able to fill the post than Mr. +Shaw {201} Lefevre. He is able, he is a skilled and successful +administrator, he is untainted with the creed that all Orientals are +made to be bondsmen for Europeans, and his political principles are +exceptionally sound. + +What our diplomacy has to do is, to discover some means to render the +high road to India through the Canal secure. Obviously we cannot do +in this matter precisely as we should like, which would be to say +that in time of peace all war vessels may pass through the Canal, and +in time of war only ours. I hardly see how we can go beyond making +the passage neutral in times of peace, and excluding from it in times +of war the ships of belligerents. If Egypt were left to herself, I +believe that she could very safely be left in charge of the Canal. +Her people would be glad to be clear of all European complications, +and, in case of war, she would occupy Port Said, and notify +belligerents that their ships would not be allowed to pass." + + +On the question of India he expressed himself thus: + + +I am not at all of the "Perish India" school of politics. If it +could be proved that our Empire would perish if we did not establish +ourselves in Egypt, I am by no means certain but what I should be in +favour of our establishment. But I am a believer not only in the +justice, but in the expediency of an alliance with the people of a +country, and not with its ruler against the people. Any intermixture +in the internal affairs of Egypt on our part is not only opposed to +Liberal principles, but opposed to English interests. To what has it +already led? To a most costly military expedition; to our being +arrayed against rights without which there can be no true liberty or +sound government; to the slaughter of Englishmen and Egyptians with +all the "pomp and pride of glorious war"; and lastly to our soldiers +acting as retrievers, to hunt down and hand over to punishment to an +Ottoman potentate, men many of whom--whether they were ambitious and +whether they were ill-advised--had unquestionably a perfect right to +fight in support of the principle that the only authority of their +nation ought to be its representatives.[9] + +{202} + +A correspondent at once asked him: "How is it that you were in favour +of the control and in favour of the Expedition, and yet now tell your +readers that the control ought to cease, and that having by means of +the Expedition established a firm foothold in Egypt, our next step +ought to be to evacuate the country?" The following number of +_Truth_ delivered itself in reply as follows: + + +The Control, when first established, simply meant that Egypt should +go into liquidation, and pay so much in the pound to its creditors, a +couple of European controllers with half a dozen clerks, being +appointed by the Egyptian Government to receive the composition from +the Egyptian Treasury, and to hand it over to the various classes of +bondholders. To this there could have been no sort of objection; +but, little by little, this simple and semi-private arrangement was +converted into a so-called international obligation on the part of +the Egyptians to remain eternally divested from all control over +their own expenditure, and to allow their entire financial +administration to be placed in the hands of about 1300 Europeans, +with salaries amounting to nearly £400,000 per annum, whilst the +Controllers themselves had seats in the Cabinet, with a veto upon +everything proposed by their Egyptian colleagues. France and England +were the executive officers of this scheme. If the Egyptian officers +had assented to it, nothing further was to be said, except that they +were singularly and curiously wanting in patriotism. However we find +now that they did not, and that we have been under an illusion. The +Notables and the entire country were--to their credit be it +said--opposed to it. Arabi took advantage of this feeling. He sided +with the country, and at the same time made his bargain. "I," he +practically said to the Notables, "support you in your rights; as a +_quid pro quo_ you must support me in what I am pleased to call the +rights of the army--that is to say, that it shall be increased by +18,000 men." Without the army the Notables were powerless; they +accordingly accepted the terms. We therefore find ourselves in the +position that we were fully justified in asserting that Arabi was a +self-seeking military adventurer, but that he was also the exponent +of the legitimate {203} demands of the Egyptian people. The Control +had become political--it was no longer a reasonable financial +arrangement, but an unreasonable and improper attempt to deprive the +Egyptians of their rights, in order to secure high salaries for a +swarm of European locusts, and certainty of interest to European +bond-holders. Those, therefore, who had regarded it in its natural +original conception, as fair and useful, have a perfect right to +assert that this original conception had been so perverted that it +had become a monstrous instrument for the suppression of all national +vitality. + +We, however, were tied to France. If we had not interfered, France +probably would have done so. Moreover, we foolishly had pledged +ourselves to maintain the Khedive in his position. The only way, +therefore, to get out of the complication was to cut the Gordian +knot; but, in order to do this, we were necessarily obliged to adopt +the theory that Arabi was a mere military adventurer, who was +attempting for his own ends to coerce not only the Khedive but the +Egyptian people. + +Our expedition, as was to be anticipated, has proved successful. Our +troops hold Egypt. What then ought we to do? Obviously to hand it +over to the Notables, who are the representatives of the Egyptian +people, and to inform these Notables that we have no intention of +repeating our previous error, but that, experience having shown us +the fatal results of allowing ourselves little by little to be +dragged into an attempt to manage other people's finances with a view +to public creditors being paid interest, we shall leave Egypt and +Egypt's creditors to settle their conflicting interests as they best +please. This is the logical consequence of our having acted upon the +assumption that Arabi was terrorising the Egyptians.... + +It is evident to me, therefore, that the only policy which an English +Liberal Ministry can adopt is to go before Europe with a proposal to +make Egypt an Eastern Belgium, and to base our suggestion upon our +own renunciation of interference in its internal affairs. I hear it +said that the Liberal party is popular owing to its successes in +Egypt. It may, perhaps, be for the nonce popular--or, to put it more +correctly, not quite so unpopular--as it was with Jingoes, but these +same Jingoes will not cease to vote for Conservatives.... + +{204} + +How then about the Canal? Well, I should base my policy upon that +pursued in like cases by the United States. I should explain to +Europe that the Canal is the connecting link between Great Britain +and India, and that consequently the exigencies of geography and an +enlightened self-interest render it absolutely necessary for us to be +paramount there. There might be a little grumbling, but no one would +go to war to hinder this, because its plain common-sense would be too +obvious.[10] + + +In the meantime Arabi was lying in prison at Cairo awaiting his +trial, and Mr. Labouchere took up his case energetically in the House +of Commons. A military tribunal was to be charged with the trial, +and it was no secret that the Khedive was determined that the death +penalty should be inflicted on the heads of the rebellion. Mr. +Wilfrid Blunt wrote, on September 1, a long letter to Mr. Gladstone, +stating his intention of providing Arabi with an English counsel at +his own expense and that of his friends, and hoping that "every +facility will be afforded me and those with me in Egypt to prosecute +our task." Mr. Gladstone, who was deeply hostile to Arabi, replied +through his secretary, that "all that he can say at the present +moment is that he will bring your request before Lord Granville, with +whom he will consult, but that he cannot hold out any assurance that +it will be complied with." + +Mr. Labouchere continued to enquire into the Government's intentions +towards Arabi in the House of Commons. A timely question on October +31 to Sir Charles Dilke secured the intervention of the press at the +trial, and further questions on the following days forestalled the +attempts of the Khedive to wriggle out of the conditions that Mr. +Blunt's advocate had obtained from Mr. Gladstone. Arabi was, on +December 4, condemned to death, and in spite of Mr. Gladstone's being +at first inclined to let the law take its course, the sentence was +commuted to banishment to Ceylon. Mr. Labouchere commented in +_Truth_ as follows: "The farce {205} of the rebel's condemnation to +exile with retention of his rank and with a handsome allowance, is a +fitting conclusion to the trial. I see it stated that Arabi will be +invited to take up his residence in this or that portion of British +territory. It need hardly be said that he may reside in any part of +the world, outside Egypt, that he pleases. There is no existing law +which enables us to detain an Egyptian in deference to the wishes of +an Egyptian Khedive; and it is not likely that we shall ever consent +to convert any portion of our territory into an international gaol, +where all who are in disfavour with foreign rulers are to be +deported, and restrained in their liberty."[11] + +When Parliament met after Christmas, Mr. Labouchere seconded Sir +Wilfrid Lawson's amendment to the Reply to the Speech from the Throne +to the effect that no sufficient reason had been shown for the +employment of British forces in reconstituting the Government of +Egypt. It was certain, he said, that Arabi was supported by the +entire Egyptian nation. He could quite understand why the Opposition +did not challenge the policy of the Government. The Government were +practically dragged into the war by the acts of the Opposition when +in power. Anyone who read the Blue Books must see that. A great +many Liberals and all the Radicals in the country regretted the +Government plunging into the war. There could be no doubt that it +was entered into for the sake of the bondholders and for that reason +only. We were going to place the Egyptian army under an English +General and a financier at the side of the Khedive, and then tell +Europe that the Khedive was an independent ruler and that we had +nothing to do with the Government of Egypt. Why were we there? For +the single object of collecting the debts of the bondholders.[12] + +He wrote to Mr. Chamberlain on January 9, 1883: + + +You people do not seem to have a very clear policy in Egypt. I +cannot understand why you do not settle the French by adopting {206} +the line of "Egypt for the Egyptians" and convert the country into a +sort of Belgium. If you can establish the principle that no one is +to interfere, you have got all that you want. To do this only two +things are necessary: + +1. Fair Courts of Justice where "meum and tuum" is recognised. + +2. A Representative Assembly with a right to vote the Budget. + +As regards the debt there are three loans, secured by special +mortgages; two on land, and one on the railroads. Let the mortgagees +take these securities, when the loans would be converted into +companies, and the interest on them not be dependent upon any +political arrangement. Rothschild has always told me that the +domains, on which his loan of £400,000,000 is secured, are worth +£400,500,000. By handing over to him the security, £500,000 would +therefore be obtained. + +As regards the General Debt (the United), it is a swindle, but +without going into this it might be regarded as the general debt of +the country, and the Egyptians, like any other nation, would be left +to pay or not as they pleased. + +The main swindle of the Goschen-Rivers-Wilson scheme was that the +fellahs had paid £17,000,000 to free the land from a portion of the +land tax after 1886. The law which partially liberated the land was +abrogated, and, instead of the fellahs being treated like +bondholders, although they had paid cash, whereas the latter had +really paid about 20% on the value of the bonds, they were told that +as a _quid pro quo_ they would receive 1% on their £17,000,000 for +fifty years. The Canal question is nonsense. If we hold the Red Sea +we hold the Canal, in the sense that we can stop all traffic. If we +are at war with a maritime power, either we should have the command +of the Mediterranean or we should not. In the latter case, we should +still by our hold on the Red Sea be able to close the Canal; in the +former case we should be able not only to close it to others, but to +use it for our own powers. Protocols and treaties are waste paper, +they never hold against the exigencies of a belligerent; and, if we +were at war with one maritime power, we should not have the others +interfering to maintain our treaty rights, for, differing on many +things, all continental powers regard us as the bullies {207} of the +ocean. An English garrison at Port Said is a reality; as we are not +likely to have one there, our best plan is to leave things alone, +and, in the event of a serious maritime war, at once to occupy Port +Said. + + +The interests of the Egyptian exiles also claimed Mr. Labouchere's +attention. We find him in March putting searching questions as to +their precise legal status, demanding satisfactory evidence of their +support being adequately provided for, and enquiring why the Egyptian +Government had unlawfully deprived Arabi of his title of Pasha. + +In the debate of March 2 on a supplementary estimate of £728,000 "for +additional expenditure for army services consequent on the dispatch +of an expeditionary force to Egypt," he spoke with his accustomed +frankness. He would like to know where the money was to come from. +He had seen it stated in the papers and other organs that it was to +be raised by an increase on the Income Tax. For his part, he should +like to see it raised in one of two ways--one, by raising it from the +landed interest--or, since he was afraid the Government would not +accept that plan--in default, by a general tax on every individual in +the country poor or rich. Let every one of those shrieking Jingoes +who went out calling on the Government to go to war, now here and now +there, understand that they would have to pay for the cost of those +wars. Then he thought they would be less inclined than now to +advance the Jingo policy which he was sorry to see had been adopted +by the Government, and which they had inherited from gentlemen on the +other side of the House. He believed that the war had been a mistake +all through. If we went to Egypt at all we ought to have installed +Arabi instead of the Khedive. He believed that as long as British +troops supported the Khedive and supported him against his own +subjects, England was absolutely responsible for what was going on in +Egypt. No doubt Lord Dufferin did his best to procure trustworthy +information, but he was {208} necessarily very much in the hands of +the Europeans and of the Ministers and friends of the Khedive. He +did not gather from the dispatches that Lord Dufferin had consulted +the people of Egypt. Sir George Campbell, the member for Kirkcaldy, +said that he had read, marked, learned, and inwardly digested Lord +Dufferin's scheme of government. For his own part, although he had +read, marked, and learned it to a certain degree he could not digest +it because it was objectionable to a Radical stomach. Lord +Dufferin's scheme was a perfect sham of constitutional government. +If any species of representative government were established in Egypt +it must be based on control of the purse. But when anything was said +to the noble Lord, the Under-secretary, on this subject, he vaguely +alluded to representative government and international obligations. +Was Lord Dufferin prevented from doing what he thought desirable for +the country by any obligations which the Egyptians were supposed to +be under to pay the interest on their debt? If there was any +obligation on their part it was not our business to go there to carry +it out.... He denied that the people of Egypt were bound by any such +thing, but, supposing they were, it was not England's business to +deprive them of the most elementary and necessary basis of +representative government--the government of the purse.[13] + +On June 11, he proposed the reduction of Lord Wolseley's grant from +£30,000 to £12,000. What, he said, had Lord Wolseley done in Egypt? +He went to Ismailia and from thence marched his men to Cairo. He +took the straight road, and on the road he found a lot of miserable +Arabs entrenched; he advanced and the Arabs marched away. That was +the whole history of the exploit in Egypt.[14] + +Lord Dufferin left Egypt in May, 1883, He was pleased with the +success of his mission. To use his own words--"the fellah like his +own Memnon had not remained {209} irresponsive to the beams of the +new dawn." He left Sir Edward Malet as Consul-General, and resumed +his normal functions at Constantinople. He departed under a shower +of compliments, and he left Egypt apparently prosperous. Arabi was +an exile in Ceylon. Sherif Pasha was the Khedive's loyal and +obedient Minister. Sir Archibald Alison was in command of the +British garrison. The Egyptian army, about six thousand in number, +was under the fostering care of Sir Evelyn Wood. Colonel +Scott-Moncrieff directed the work of irrigation, and another Briton, +Sir Benson Maxwell, superintended the native tribunals. Hitherto the +British Government had made no mistakes, and Egypt had reaped only +benefit from the intrusion of the foreigner. The false position in +which England stood with full authority, ample power, and no legal +right, had not yet led to any consequences of a serious and practical +kind.[15] + +Danger, was, however, creeping up to Egypt from the south. A vast, +vaguely limited country, extending from Assouan to the Equator, and +known as the Soudan, had been claimed as Egyptian territory by +Ismail, who had appointed the famous Gordon Governor-General. On +Ismail's fall in '79, Gordon was recalled and the Soudan fell a prey +to local bandits. The reconstituted Egyptian Government was +incapable of interference, and towards the end of '82 a Mussulman, +Mohamed Ahmed, raised the standard of religious reform and rebellion +against the distant and incapable Egyptian authorities. The Mahdi, +or Messiah, as he called himself, took El Obeid and made himself +master of Kordofan by the end of January, '83. In the summer of the +same year seven thousand Egyptian troops, under the command of Hicks +Pasha, a retired officer of the Indian army, who had entered the +service of the Khedive, were dispatched against him by the Egyptian +Government. Granville was careful to formally disengage the +responsibility of the English Cabinet in this measure. It is +certain, however, that he {210} could have prevented this action of +the Khedive's Ministers, and, as he was perfectly well aware through +the information of Colonel Stewart, who had been associated with +Gordon's administration, of the utter impossibility of Hicks's task, +it is difficult to acquit him of moral responsibility. "The faith in +the power of phrases to alter facts," says Lord Milner in his +_England in Egypt_, "has never been more strangely manifested than in +this idea, that we could shake off our virtual responsibility for the +policy of Egypt in the Soudan by a formal disclaimer." On November +5, the Egyptian force was cut to pieces near Shekan, about two days' +journey from El Obeid, by the Mahdi at the head of forty thousand +men, and Hicks and his staff died fighting at hopeless odds. On the +advice of Sir Evelyn Baring, who had just arrived in Egypt from +India, where he had filled the post of Financial Minister to Lord +Ripon's Government, the English Cabinet recognised at last their +responsibility. It was decided that the Soudan must be abandoned and +that the Mahdi must be induced to allow the Egyptian garrisons, +amounting to about forty thousand men, still remaining there, to +retire. + +Mr. Labouchere wrote to Mr. Chamberlain as follows on December 15, +1883: "I hope that we are not going to undertake the reconquest of +the Soudan. The difficult position in which we are comes from not +having broken entirely with the Conservative policy in Egypt. _They_ +might have annexed the country: we cannot, so we give advice which is +not taken, try to tinker up an impossible financial situation, and +make ourselves responsible for every folly committed by a gang of +corrupt and silly Pashas. The result is that we are now told that we +have a new frontier somewhere in the direction of the Equator, and +that our honour is concerned, etc., etc. If the French are so +foolish as to wish to acquire influence in the Soudan, I cannot +conceive why we should seek to acquire it in order to prevent them. +I believe that the Khedive and his friends are {211} delighted at +what has occurred, because they hope that our evacuation will be put +off; so long as we retain one soldier there, or indeed assume the +part of bailiffs for the locusts who make money out of the country, +something will always occur to force us to remain." + +Mr. Chamberlain replied on December 18: "I do not think there is the +slightest intention of engaging in any operations in the Soudan. The +utmost we are likely to do is to undertake the defence of Egypt +proper, and I hope there is no fear of that being attacked. I wish +we could get out of the whole business, but I have always thought +that, at the time we interfered, we really had no possible +alternative. I am not Christian enough to turn the other cheek after +one has been slapped, and we had unfortunately put ourselves in a +position in which the first slap had already been administered. It +is, however, a warning and a lesson to look a little more closely +into the beginnings of things." + +On the 20th Labouchere wrote again to Mr. Chamberlain: "From all I +hear, matters are in a mess in Egypt. Tewfik is a weak creature, and +he and his entourage intrigue against us, and yet intrigue to keep us +there, as they are afraid of what may happen when we go. If the +fellahs have any opinion, it is dislike of Tewfik as the puppet of +'foreigners.' The Mahdi will never attack Egypt proper, which is the +valley of the Nile and the Delta. If we send more troops there, it +will be the more difficult to evacuate. As long as we retain a +corporal's guard, it will be the object of Tewfik and all the locusts +to get up disturbances in order to compromise us. Surely it would be +easy to come to an arrangement by which Egypt would be neutralised +and left to itself: the reply always is that interest of the debt +would not be paid and that, in consequence of the Law of Liquidation, +some Power would interfere for the benefit of its Egyptian +bondholders. But these worthy people must be comparatively few in +numbers, and except as a pretext, no Power would think of taking up +the cudgels for them, any more {212} than they did for Peruvian +bondholders. The whole thing is a mere bugbear. Even if France did +go there we should not suffer." To which Mr. Chamberlain replied on +December 22: "I think I agree with you on all points of Egyptian +policy, but my hands are so full just now that I have to let foreign +affairs work themselves out, and to content myself with occasionally +giving a push in the right direction." + +Public opinion in England was deeply stirred by the disaster at +Shekan, and one of those popular cries that are so often and so +disastrously interpreted as heavenly voices went up all over the +land. The nation called for Gordon. The question of Gordon's +mission has been exhaustively discussed from every point of view. +The responsibility for his failure and tragic death is apportioned by +Lord Cromer between Gordon himself and the Government who overruled +his (Cromer's) objection to employing him, and went on to make every +mistake they could. Gordon misinterpreted his orders, and the +Government was then made responsible for the consequences of a policy +of which they had never dreamt. He thus placed himself in a +situation from which it was impossible to extricate him in time. Mr. +Wilfrid Blunt, on the other hand, places the responsibility of the +tragedy principally at the door of Cromer. I am not here concerned +with this delicate controversy. Of this at least there is no doubt, +Gordon's mission was understood by the country and Parliament to be +of a purely peaceful nature. Its avowed object was one which +approved itself to Liberal ideas, _i.e._ the disengaging of British +responsibility from a purely Egyptian matter and the rescue of the +Egyptian garrisons. Radicals understood that these purposes were to +be achieved by purely peaceful means. The Mahdi was presumably to be +approached by recognised methods of negotiation. It is well known +that when Gordon got to Khartoum, these instructions went by the +board. He had been nominated, while on his way, at Cairo, +Governor-General of the Soudan, and the Government left, by means +{213} of supplementary clauses in their instructions, a considerable +latitude to Baring under whose orders, at his (Baring's) request, +Gordon was placed. Lord Cromer has told the world in his _Modern +Egypt_ of the difficulties of the situation. Gordon was a mystic and +suffered chronically from "inspirations," which changed a dozen times +a day. He does not seem to have made any attempt to carry out his +mission by diplomatic methods. He soon came to conceive of that +mission as a sort of rival "Mahdism." He became the Angel of the +Lord fighting with Apollyon. All this must have been inexpressibly +disconcerting to the prudent _homme d'affaires_ at Cairo, and no less +so to his nominal superior in Downing Street. + +Mr. Labouchere's attitude in the matter was simple and consistent. +On February 14, four days before Gordon started, the Opposition moved +a vote of censure on the Government in consequence of the Hicks +disaster, and were supported by several Radical members. Sir Wilfrid +Lawson was supported by Mr. Labouchere in an amendment to Sir +Stafford Northcote's motion: "That this House, whilst declining at +present to express an opinion on the Egyptian policy which Her +Majesty's Government have pursued during the last two years with the +support of the House, trusts that in future British forces may not be +employed for the purpose of interfering with the Egyptian people in +their selection of their own Government."[16] On February 25, by +which time news of the conquest of Tokar by Osman Digna, the ablest +of the Mahdi's lieutenants, had reached England, Mr. Labouchere asked +the Secretary for War whether it was within the discretion of General +Graham to advance beyond Suakim against Osman Digna. Hartington +replied oracularly that that appeared to him a question highly +undesirable to answer and that the general object of Graham's +instructions had been already stated to the House. + +{214} + +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt's Diary for April 4, 1884, records the following +conversation with Mr. Labouchere: "Lunched with Labouchere. He is +more practical, and we have discussed every detail of the policy to +be suggested to Gladstone. He will feel the ground through Herbert +Gladstone, which is his way of consulting the oracle. He told me the +history of Gordon's mission. Gordon's idea had been to go out and +make friends with the Mahdi, and to have absolutely nothing to do +with Baring or the Khedive, or with anybody in Egypt. He was going +to Suakim straight, where he counted upon one of the neighbouring +Sheiks, whose sons' lives he had saved or spared, and his mission was +to be one entirely of peace. But the Foreign Office and Baring +caught hold of him as he passed through Egypt, and made him stop to +see the Khedive, and so he was befooled into going to Khartoum as the +Khedive's lieutenant. Now he had failed altogether in his mission of +peace, and the Government had recalled him more than once in the last +few days, but he had refused to come back. Gladstone had decided +absolutely to recall all the troops in Egypt when Hicks' defeat was +heard of, and was in a great rage. The expedition to Suakim had been +forced upon him by the Cabinet, and Hartington had taken care to give +Graham no special instructions, so that he might fight without +orders. This Graham, of course, had done, and Gladstone, more angry +still, had gone down to sulk at Coombe. Now he would stand it no +longer, and he had let Hartington in by the speech he had made last +night. Nobody expected it. Labouchere thought the moment most +favourable for a new move."[17] And on May 19 Mr. Labouchere asked +in the House: "Whether, for the satisfaction of those who believe +that it has never been brought to the knowledge of the Mahdi and of +the Soudanese who are engaged in military operations what the object +of the mission of General Gordon is, he will consider the feasibility +of conveying to them that Her Majesty's Government, {215} in sending +an English General to the Soudan, only desired to effect by peaceful +means the withdrawal of the Egyptian troops, employés, and other +foreigners who many wish to leave the country, and whether he will +take steps to enter into diplomatic relations with the Mahdi, or +whomsoever else may be the governing power in the Soudan, in order to +prevent if possible all further effusion of blood, to establish a +fixed frontier between Egypt and the Soudan, and to effect an +arrangement by which General Gordon and those who may wish to +accompany him will be enabled peaceably to withdraw from the +Soudan."[18] Mr. Gladstone replied to Mr. Labouchere's question, +finishing his remarks with these words: "Whatever measures the +Government take will be in the direction indicated by the +question--to make effective arrangements with regard to putting all +the difficulties at an end." + +Mr. Labouchere, to whom, as a Radical and a Nationalist, the position +of the Mahdi appealed, did not confine himself to work in Parliament. +Mr. Wilfrid Blunt was attempting to negotiate with Mr. Gladstone to +stop the war, which had followed Gordon's death, and had taken Mr. +Labouchere into his confidence. Mr. Labouchere wrote to Mr. Blunt on +February 20, 1885, as follows: + + +DEAR BLUNT,--I had a talk with H(erbert) G(ladstone) last night. He +wants to know what evidence can be given--that the man who came to me +was Arabi's Minister of Police at Cairo, and what was his name--and +that the Mahdi's man is the Mahdi's man. It is clear that so far he +is right. If the latter has no credentials he should get them. Let +us assume that he either has them or can get them. Then there must +be a basis of terms. I would suggest then that the Soudan, with the +exception of the Port of Suakim, be recognised as an independent +state under, if wished, the suzerainty of the Sultan, and that all +Egyptian Pashas who wish to leave it be allowed to leave it. + +If the credentials hold water, and if these terms are agreed to, +{216} then the Mahdi's man should write them out and say that he will +agree to them. + +But it is very essential that nothing should be known about the +matter. I should have to work others in the Cabinet, and, if +necessary, to appeal to Parliament. Clearly we could not send a +mission to the Mahdi, but if an agreement were come to, an emissary +from the Mahdi and one from our Government might meet for details. +What I want is to establish a discussion with the Mahdi--the rest +would follow.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +P.S.--You see, if something is to be done to stop this war, we must +leave the vague, and come to hard and fast facts. + + +In elucidation of the above letter Mr. Blunt writes to me on February +20, 1913: "The person referred to in your uncle's letter of February +20, 1885, is clearly Ismail Bey Jowdat, who acted as Prefect of +Police at Cairo during the war of 1882.... Later he came to London +in connection with negotiations I was attempting to get entered into +by Gladstone with the Mahdi, through Sezzed Jamal ed Din, as to which +I was in communication with your uncle.... I had, no doubt, sent +Jowdat to your uncle, and, at one time, it seemed as if we were +likely to succeed in getting a mission sent or negotiations of some +kind entered into to stop the war.... Jowdat was never himself an +agent of the Mahdi, but he was for the time with Jamal ed Din, who +was in communication with Khartoum...." + +Communication with the Mahdi was apparently not easy, for we find Mr. +Labouchere writing again to Mr. Blunt the following month (March 4, +1885): + + +It appears to me that there will be a pause in our Soudan operations. +It might therefore be desirable to take advantage of this in order to +learn on what terms an agreement might be come to between us and the +Soudanese. Those in Parliament who, like myself, see no reason why +we should interfere in the internal affairs of that country would be +greatly strengthened, were we to know the precise views of the Mahdi. + +{217} + +I would therefore suggest to you that, if possible, his agent should +let us know definitely, and after conversation with the Mahdi, +whether the latter would agree to the following terms: + +1. The recognition on the part of England of the independence of the +Soudan, and of the Mahdi as its ruler. + +2. The Northern frontier of the Soudan to be drawn at or near Wady +Halfa; the Eastern frontier to exclude Suakim and the coast. + +3. The Mahdi to pledge himself not to molest any Soudanese who have +taken our side, and to allow all who wish to leave the country to do +so. + +4. The Mahdi to receive a Consular and Diplomatic Agent at Khartoum; +to allow all foreigners to carry on their business unmolested in the +Soudan. + +5. The establishment of some sort of Consular Courts. + +6. If possible some clause with regard to the export of slaves +forbidding it. + +It is our object to meet the assertion of the Government that the +Mahdi is a religious fanatic with whom it is impossible to treat, +because he does not regard himself, alone, as the temporal ruler of +the Soudan, but as a spiritual leader of Islam against +Christianity--a species of Oriental Peter the Hermit. What we want +to show is that he is the proper ruler of the Soudan, and that, +whilst it will be open to any one outside that country to regard him +as a prophet, he seeks to establish no temporal sway beyond the +Soudan. If the Mahdi would declare his assent to the above terms, I +am convinced that popular feeling here, and the real wishes of the +members of the Government, would soon bring this war to a close, and +that in a very short time we and the Mahdi would be the best of +friends. + + +It seems unlikely that the terms laid down in this letter were +suggested by Mr. Labouchere without consultation with Mr. Herbert +Gladstone. + +He missed no opportunity in Parliament of fighting the good fight of +Radical principles. At one moment he is pointing out the two +cardinal heresies in the policy of the Government--one political and +the other financial: "The {218} political heresy is that we insist on +putting up the Khedive and maintaining him in power against his +subjects. The result is that we are absolutely hated in Egypt, and +wherever we are not hated we are regarded with contempt." The +financial heresy is that "we always insist in our treatment of +Egyptian finance that the payment of interest on the debt should come +first, and the expenses of administration second. The result of this +policy is over-taxation, the postponement of reform, and a +deficit."[19] The policy of the Liberal Government was in reality, +though not in profession, he asserted, Jingo policy, and the Radicals +who had worked for Mr. Gladstone's return to power, relying on his +Midlothian speeches, had been jockeyed. If only Mr. Gladstone would +take his (Labouchere's) advice. No doubt the Prime Minister when +thinking the matter over would say--Why did I not follow the member +for Northampton? I should not have been in such a mess as I am now. +For his own part Mr. Labouchere stood by the policy of the Midlothian +campaign, when the Prime Minister denounced the Jingo policy of +annexation and war. If any one had then said: "You will acquire +power and become the most powerful Minister England has had for many +a day; you will bombard Alexandria; you will massacre Egyptians at +Tel-el-Kebir and Suakim, and you will go on a sort of wild-cat +expedition into the wilds of Ethiopia in order to put down a prophet" +the right honourable gentleman would have replied in the words of +Hazael to the King of Syria--"Is thy servant a dog that he should do +this thing?"[20] + +This kind of sword-play went on day after day in the House, and it is +impossible to doubt that, although Mr. Labouchere was unquestionably +sincere in deploring the policy of the Government, he must have +greatly enjoyed the opportunity which it afforded him of displaying +his wit and humour. Mr. Gladstone did not always appreciate these +{219} qualities, and on one occasion, when Mr. Labouchere was +attempting to divide the House against the Government, his object +being, as he said, "not adverse to the Government, but to strengthen +the good intentions of the Prime Minister in future," that much +enduring statesman turned and solemnly rebuked him for making an +"inopportune and superficial speech."[21] + +The case against the Government from the Radical point of view was, +of course, very obvious and easy to put, nor was there anything +particularly original about Mr. Labouchere's arguments. He rang the +changes incessantly on three points: the essential injustice of our +position in Egypt towards the Egyptians--the underlying venality of +the Government's position owing to their connection with the +bondholders--and the monstrous expense to the British taxpayer of +British military intervention. It was not the matter of his charges, +but the manner in which he made them that delighted the House. +Sometimes he would lay aside his dialectical weapons and let the +facts speak for themselves. One day he asks the Secretary for War if +his attention has been drawn to the following statements in the +_Times_ of May 7: + + +Daylight broke almost imperceptibly. We were nearer the village of +Dhakool, when the friendly scouts came running in with the news that +the inhabitants were at prayer, and that if we attacked at once we +should catch them. General Graham pushed on with a troop of the +Bengal Lancers.... The enemy fled on camels in all directions, and +the Mounted Infantry and Camel corps, coming up, gave chase. Some +two hundred attempted to stand, and showed a disposition to come at +us, but evidently lost heart and disappeared, not before having at +least twenty men killed.... It was curious to witness the desperate +efforts of the enemy to drive their flocks up the steep mountain +side, turning now and again to fire on the Bengal Lancers. The +"Friendlies" tried to cut off the flocks, and succeeded in catching +{220} some thousands of animals.... The village was looted and +burnt.... We also destroyed the well with gun-cotton.... But, for +our being unaware of the existence of some narrow hillock walks up +which the enemy retired, we might have exterminated them. Our loss +has been hitherto only two Mounted Infantry men wounded.... We have +done the enemy all the harm we could, thus fulfilling the primary +object of war. + + +Lord Hartington could find nothing to say, but that such incidents +were unfortunately inseparable from war.[22] + +It may be doubted, however, whether Mr. Labouchere's advocacy did +very much for his cause, or for his own reputation as a serious +politician. The British public (and the House of Commons is a sort +of microcosm of the British public) finds it hard to believe in +sincerity accompanied by banter and persiflage. Not so are +Englishmen wont to express their conscientious convictions. Mr. +Labouchere was, of course, not an Englishman. He was a Frenchman +and, as I have said before, in his mentality a lineal descendant of +Voltaire. He could hardly hope to succeed where John Bright had +failed. + +That Mr. Labouchere's attitude on the subject of Egypt was +appreciated by the Egyptians is proved by a perusal of the letters he +received from Arabi in exile, long after the subject had ceased to be +a stone on which the Radical axe could be ground. I append some of +these, and another letter from Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Wilfrid Blunt on +the subject of the Exiles. + + +COLOMBO, September 15, 1891. + +MY DEAR SIR,--I beg the liberty to trouble you with this in the hope +of your being able to learn more of the state of our health than you +have been hitherto. One of the most eminent medical practitioners in +Ceylon, Dr. Vandort, left for England in the last week in the German +mail steamship _Preussen_. I have asked him to call on you and Sir +William Gregory and inform you of {221} the actual state of such of +us as he has attended on. By the death of Dr. White we lost our best +evidence, and it pleased those in authority not to heed at all the +opinion of our regular medical advisers and to rely on that of +gentlemen who, whatever their high standing and attainments, had but +one opportunity of seeing us. Had they questioned also those who +attended on us and our families for years they might have been better +able to form an opinion. + +I am now suffering very much from my eyes, being scarcely able to +read anything, and am waiting until an oculist from Madras could +examine them and tell me what I may expect. + +Pray forgive me for troubling with this letter. We have so few of +your kind feelings and position to look up to--and if we are too +importunate we would only beg to be pardoned. + +In the hope that you are in the enjoyment of the blessing of health, +and begging the kind acceptance of all respectful regards--I remain, +yours most obediently, + +A. ARABI, the Egyptian. + + +COLOMBO, December 9, 1891. + +MY DEAR SIR,--I had the great pleasure to receive your kind letters +of the 2d and 8th October, and should have replied earlier but for +having had to communicate with my brethren in exile, and for there +being time before the next meeting of Parliament. We beg your kindly +acceptance of our grateful thanks. + +We have been officially informed of the decision of H.M.'s Government +on our memorial to Lord Salisbury, but for which we were prepared by +yourself and Sir William Gregory; and also by Lord de la Warr, who +very kindly sent to me copies of the papers (Egypt, No. 1, 1891), +printed for both Houses of Parliament, in March last, and of his +speeches and Lord Salisbury's reply in May and June last. I now send +copies as requested of the medical certificates had by Toulba Pasha +and the late Abdulal Pasha since the memorial, also the Colonial +Secretary's letter to us and my reply. [All these were enclosed with +this letter.] + +You will permit me to ask your notice of Riaz Pasha's Memorandum of +July 9, 1890, to the Foreign Office concluding with: "H.M's +Government should in any case remember that the exiles were pardoned +and allowances granted to them on the express {222} condition that +they should remain at some distant spot, such as the island of +Ceylon." On this rather qualified assertion it would quite do to +refer to Mr. Broadley's book _How we Defended Arabi and his Friends_, +where the terms of the arrangement which put an end to the +proceedings in connection with our "trial" will be found. Mr. +Broadley and Mr. Napier could not, as I cannot, in honour reveal more +than they have done, but my steadfast friend, Mr. Blunt, was not so +constrained to be reticent, and his communications to the _Pall Mall +Gazette_ showed what even the great noble-minded General Gordon +believed the nature and extent of our exile to be. + +We should not perhaps however complain of our not being permitted to +end our days in the land of our birth, although what harm that, or +our being in Cyprus, could now do I cannot conceive. That none of us +have desired or sought in the least to be disloyal to our parole the +testimony of Sir Arthur Gordon to our conduct should be sufficient. +If all my correspondence, family and other, for the last nine years +were read, or any of the hundreds of my visitors, from every part of +the world, were questioned, nothing would there be to show the least +wish to disturb or stay the progress of my loved native land since my +poor efforts failed. + +If you would kindly refer to Mr. Broadley's book you will find Lord +Dufferin's scheme in 1883 for the reorganisation of my country, and +my views on Egyptian reform in 1882. After nine years, when almost +the whole of that scheme and so many of my humble views have been +successfully carried out, is it possible that any one beyond my +personal enemies in my own country could deem me capable of even +dreaming of doing anything to see her in misery again? My greatest +trust is yet what it was when I wrote to the _Times_ from my prison +in 1882: "I hope the people of England will complete the work which I +commenced. If England accomplishes this task, and thus really gives +Egypt to the Egyptians, she will then make clear to the world the +real aim and object of Arabi the Rebel" (Mr. Broadley's book, p. +349). I cannot hope to see the time, but it must come under such +auspices when Egypt will cease to be a "reproach to the nations," +Islam although she be. + +My fellow exiles and I have considered much on the subject {223} of +the parole you suggest in regard to Cyprus. Our simple parole was +all that Lord Dufferin required of us when exiled. We gave it, and +he was satisfied. We have honourably kept our word, and it is only +now, when we find our place of sojourn proving so increasingly +injurious to the health of most of us and our families, that we pray +for a change to a more congenial climate. In every other respect we +could not dream nor hope for a better home of exile. We leave +everything to your judgment. If you think a repetition of our parole +necessary, or of any use, we shall gladly give it again, although our +first, religiously observed, has been so slighted; and we shall send +it to you as soon as you may desire it. You have done much for us, +and our return for it all could only be gratefully felt, not +expressed; and you will permit us to leave it to you to do for us +whatever more in your judgment may be expedient, and, whatever that +may be, permit us to assure you of our fullest trust. + +If any prospect of the change of residence we seek is hopeless, and +Lord Salisbury should adhere to his wish to keep us here, I may but +beg your best endeavour to obtain the increase of allowance I have +applied for in my letter to the Colonial Secretary, to enable me to +have the benefit of such change as the variable climate of this +island could in some degree afford. + +I had the pleasure last week of two kind visits by Mr. J. R. Cox, +M.P., on his return home from Australia in the _Orizaba_. He +mentioned your request and his promise to see me if he came to +Colombo, and your desire that he should learn from me all I had to +say; and he asked me to give him a statement, which I have done to +the best of my ability both by word of mouth and in writing. He said +he had been long away, and had not seen the papers Lord de la Warr +sent me until then. I need not say how deeply gratifying it was to +hear from him of your interest in us and of your exertions on our +behalf, and of the wide feelings of sympathy you have raised for us. + +You will forgive me for trespassing on your time and work with this +long letter; and if I have been led to say anything that I have +troubled your attention with before, I may only beg the extension of +your indulgence for it. Placed as I am now, able to think only of +the past, and with no hope for life's future on earth, and deprived +more and more of my greatest solace, study, {224} by the growing +weakness of sight, I fear that my communications to you and to those +who have likewise generously extended sympathy to us in our strait +are of too melancholy a tinge. As any prospect of better days seems +all but closed to us, we may but bow in humble resignation and +submission to the Divine Will. When this letter comes to you it will +be your great season of joy and peace. Permit me and my family to +offer you our best regards and wishes for many a happy enjoyment +together and return of the things to you and all dear to you.--And +believe me, yours most gratefully and sincerely, + +AHMED ARABI, the Egyptian. + + +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Feb. 1, 1893. + +MY DEAR BLUNT,--Jingoism under Rosebery reigns supreme. I will, +however, see if anything can be done about Arabi. Your details are +very interesting respecting the late events in Egypt. Cannot the +Khedive be induced to do this?: Get his Chamber to pass a resolution +declaring that Egypt wishes for independence of all European +intervention, and trusts that the British occupation will cease. If +it did this we should be able to meet the persistent statements that +the Fellaheen wants us and loves us. The Turkish Pashas might agree +so as to spite us, but if once the country were left to itself, the +Chamber could assert (?) itself. + +It is difficult to say how long the Government will last. Probably +through the session.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + + +[1] Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, _Secret History of the English Occupation +of Egypt_. + +[2] I have taken this account of the Cyprus Convention and its +results at the Berlin Congress from Mr. Blunt's _Secret History of +the English Occupation of Egypt_. He says in a footnote (_op. cit._, +p. 277): "I have given the story of the arrangement made with +Waddington as I heard it first from Lord Lytton at Simla in May, +1879. The details were contained in a letter which he showed me +written to him from Berlin, while the Congress was still sitting, by +a former diplomatic colleague, and have since been confirmed to me +from more than one quarter, though with variations. In regard to the +main feature of the agreement, the arrangement about Tunis, I had it +very plainly stated to me in the autumn of 1884 by Count Corti, who +had been Italian Ambassador at the Congress. According to his +account, the shock of the revelation to Disraeli had been so great +that he took to his bed, and for four days did not appear at the +sittings, leaving Lord Salisbury to explain matters as he best could. +He said that there had been no open rupture with Waddington, the case +having been submitted by Waddington to his fellow-ambassadors, who +agreed that it was not one that could possibly be publicly disputed: +_Il faut la guerre ou se taire_. The agreement was a verbal one +between Waddington and Salisbury, but was recorded in a despatch +subsequently written by the French Ambassador in London in which he +reminded Salisbury of the Convention conversation held in Berlin, and +so secured its acknowledgment in writing." + +[3] Herbert Paul, _A History of Modern England_, vol. iv., p. 247. + +[4] Herbert Paul, _A History of Modern England_, vol. iv., p. 247. + +[5] _Hansard_, May 12, 1882, vol. 269. + +[6] Vote of credit for forces in the Mediterranean. + +[7] _Hansard_, July 27, 1882, vol. 272. + +[8] _Hansard_, October 30, 1882, vol. 274. + +[9] _Truth_, October 5, 1882. + +[10] _Truth_, October 12, 1882. + +[11] _Truth_, December 7, 1882. + +[12] _Hansard_, February 15, 1883, vol. 276. + +[13] _Hansard_, March 2, 1883, vol. 276. + +[14] _Ibid._, June 11, 1883, vol. 280. + +[15] Herbert Paul, _A History of Modern England_, vol. iv. + +[16] _Hansard_, February 14, 1884, vol. 284. + +[17] Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, _Gordon and Khartoum_. + +[18] _Hansard_, May 19, 1884, vol. 288. + +[19] _Hansard_, March 26, 1885, vol. 295. + +[20] _Ibid._, Feb. 27, 1885, vol. 294. + +[21] _Hansard_, April 13, 1885, vol. 296. + +[22] _Hansard_, May 8, 1885, vol. 298. + + + + +{225} + +CHAPTER X + +HENRY LABOUCHERE'S RADICALISM + +Before dealing further with the part played by Labouchere in Irish +legislation, it will be necessary to consider his view of English +politics as a whole. He had not at first been an enthusiastic +partisan of Home Rule. He had even gone the length at Northampton of +saying that he himself was no Home Ruler. Yet, in point of fact, no +English member was a more zealous advocate of Irish claims than he. +Why was this? His motives, as I have been able to gather them from +many conversations with him on the subject, were twofold: His Radical +soul was disgusted by what, in the face of the Irish attitude, was +the only alternative to Home Rule, namely coercion, and he realised +that the only effective way to "dish the Whigs," whom he hated even +more than the Conservatives, was to use the Irish vote. + +The second motive was by far the stronger. He had a definite +conception of Radical government to which he would undoubtedly have +sacrificed hecatombs of Irish patriots if necessary. As a matter of +fact, the Irish patriots happened to be a useful means towards his +end, the establishment of such a government. Hence his alliance with +them. When Mr. Gladstone and his Whig-Radical Government were faced +in 1880 with the Irish question in so acute a form, Labouchere saw a +real possibility ahead of establishing a Radical as distinguished +from a merely Liberal {226} Government. The protagonist of his +scheme was Mr. Chamberlain, already a member of the Cabinet, and, in +the natural course of events, the almost certain successor of the +already venerable statesman whose name had become the war-cry of +English Liberalism. + +With Mr. Chamberlain as Prime Minister almost anything might happen: +the Lords and the Church might go, England might become, in all save +the name, a republic. Mr. Chamberlain was the one statesman with +whom he found himself in complete agreement as to the articles of the +Radical faith, and in his future he saw the future of the party and +of England. He wrote to him on July 3, 1883: "I was caught young and +sent to America; there I imbibed the political views of the country, +so that my Radicalism is not a joke, but perfectly earnest. My +opinion on most of the institutions of this country is that of +Americans--that they are utterly absurd and ridiculous. Nothing +would give me greater pleasure than to see you leader of the House of +Commons, with a Parliament pledged to the most drastic reforms. This +is the aim of my humble endeavours, but, in the nature of things, a +member below the gangway has not the same responsibilities as a +Minister, and, if he is a Radical, necessarily is more advanced than +a composite Cabinet. He has, too, to make motions or to hold his +tongue. For instance, my amendment yesterday evening on titles was +regarded in the House of Commons as a joke. But go to any meeting of +even Liberals, and you would find that it was essentially a popular +one. The real trouble in the House of Commons is that the Radicals +below the gangway are such a miserable lot, and seem ashamed of their +opinions. The Whigs, on the contrary, out of office act solidly +together. This leads the public to suppose that your views are in a +small minority in the House of Commons. If the Whigs are ready to +pull a coach half way to what they consider a precipice, they must be +greater fools than I take them to be. They do not act openly, but +they conspire secretly. So long, {227} however, as they consent to +work in harness, they ought to be encouraged. You have told them the +goal, and I am certain that this declaration has done more to +strengthen radicalism than anything that has happened for long. So I +am perfectly contented, and quite ready to leave well alone." + +Alas for the schemes of mortals! The very element on which +Labouchere relied for the strengthening of the Radical cause in the +Cabinet was to prove to Mr. Chamberlain himself the parting of the +ways. The statesman who was to reach the highest power on the +shoulders of Irish voters, when it came to the point, would have none +of such support. The corner-stone fell out of the grandiose edifice +that Labouchere had planned, the palace of Armida crumbled in the +dust. Bitter, indeed, was his disappointment. It was characteristic +of him in these circumstances to lose his head and throw up the game. +The reader will remember how, as a boy, he described his own +character at the gaming-table: "In playing even I failed because, +although I theoretically discovered systems by which I was likely to +win, yet in practice I could command myself so little that, upon a +slight loss, I left all to chance." He lacked the patience or the +industry of mind to reconstruct his schemes, and when Mr. Chamberlain +was lost to the Radical party, Labouchere's constructive imagination +seems never to have recovered the blow. He continued the war with +abuse of privilege, absurdity consecrated by tradition, and the other +heads of the hydra with which his party fought, but the tone of his +attacks was not the same as before the Home Rule split. Too often +they degenerated into mere party criticism, the note of personal +invective, one might almost say of spite, becoming more prominent in +them. He had lost faith in success, because the combination by which +he had hoped to win had failed, and he could not, or would not, think +out another. It was this consciousness of failure--of personal +failure as he saw it, so closely had he identified himself with {228} +his hopes--that inspired the peculiar bitterness with which, in and +out of season, he attacked the statesman whom he held responsible for +the altered situation. He did not, as his correspondence will show, +give up hope for some time of Mr. Chamberlain's return to the party, +but, when he had at last given up all such hope, nothing was too bad +for "Joe." In the pages of _Truth_, in the Reform Club, in the lobby +of the House of Commons, he constantly held forth to all who would +read or listen on the "crimes" of the man who had divided the Liberal +party against itself. He manifested no such bitterness against +Bright or Hartington; but when Mr. Chamberlain fell from grace, he +fell as no private individual, but as the symbol of the Radical +party. With him, according to Labouchere, the party fell, and with +the party his immediate hopes for the regeneration of England. Those +hopes had, with ample justification for their existence, run high +when Messrs. Chamberlain and Dilke joined Mr. Gladstone's +administration in 1880. Labouchere based his scheme on the +permanence of Mr. Chamberlain's Radicalism, and upon the fact that, +in the natural course of events, a successor would very shortly have +to be found for Mr. Gladstone. Both these, at the time, reasonable +previsions were falsified by destiny. Mr. Gladstone remained for +another fourteen years leader of the party, and Mr. Chamberlain +became a Liberal Unionist. The years between 1880 and 1887 were, in +so far as his political life was concerned, the most important of +Labouchere's life. Until he saw that his game was finally spoiled by +a totally unexpected fall of the cards, he did not for one instant +relax his efforts to reach the end towards which he had planned to +work. His patience was remarkable, his foresight uncanny, except in +the all-important direction from which the blow that finally +shattered his hopes descended. + +It is interesting, in the light of subsequent events, to read the +article which he wrote for the February number of the _Fortnightly +Review_ in 1884, in which he set forth with {229} characteristic +freedom of expression his views upon Radicals as differing from +Whigs. "A Radical," he declares early in the article, "has been +defined as an earnest Liberal," and he goes on to describe, in +uncompromising terms, the faith of the earnest Liberal--or true +Radical. "The Government Bill," he wrote, "assimilating the County +to the Borough Franchise is to be encouraged, although it does not go +far enough, to the extent, _i.e._, of Adult manhood suffrage. It +will be for Radicals to take care strenuously to oppose every scheme +which is a sham and not a reality. Let us all who are good Liberals +labour to obtain a good suffrage Bill and a good redistribution Bill. +This will strengthen our Parliamentary position, and we may fairly +anticipate that Manhood Suffrage, electoral districts, triennial +Parliaments, and payment of members will follow." The following +extract shows very clearly Mr. Labouchere's opinions on what may be +called the technique of legislation: + +"The life of a Parliament is too long. Three years is the maximum +period for which it should be elected. At the end of this time it is +out of touch with the electorates. Promises and pledges made at the +hustings are evaded, because each member thinks they will be +forgotten before he has again to seek the suffrages of his electors; +whilst Ministers are too apt to put off, until the period for a fresh +election approaches, any drastic legislation to which they are +pledged as leaders of their party. It is probable that, were the +duration of Parliament limited to three years, as much political +legislation would take place in this period as is now the case in the +five or six years which is the average life of a Parliament. The +fear of a speedy reckoning with electors would be ever before the +eyes of Ministers and members. The 'Can't you leave it alone?' of +Lord Melbourne would be replaced by 'We must do much and do it +speedily, for the day of reckoning is near at hand.' Long +Parliaments are as fatal to sound business as long credits are to +sound trade. It is questionable, indeed, whether {230} three years +is not too long for the duration of a Parliament. We should move in +all probability more quickly, were the nation to insist upon an +annual stocktaking." + +The arguments, from the democratic point of view, in favour of the +payment of members are thus set forth: + +"The payment of members would do more to democratise our legislature, +and consequently our legislation, than any other measure that can be +conceived. At present, members, as a rule, are rich men. Many of +them mean well, but they fatally take a rich man's view of all +matters, and are far too much inclined to think that everything is +for the best in a world where, although there may be many blanks, +they at least have drawn a prize in life's lottery. So long as the +choice of the poor men is between this and that rich man, so long +will our legislation run in the groove of class prejudice. The poor +man will not be the social equal of the rich man, and our laws will +be made rather with a view to the happiness and interests of the few +than of the many. All who are Conservative in heart know this, and +for this reason the payment of members, which is the natural outcome +of a recognition that a labourer is worthy of his hire, finds in them +such bitter opponents. If a Minister is paid for being a Minister, +it is only logical that a member should be paid for being a member. +People must live. To refuse payment to members is to limit the +choice of electorates to those very men who are not likely to see +things with the same eyes as the majority of the men who constitute +the electorates. Parliaments should be composed of rich men and of +poor men. No one would advocate the exclusion of rich men. Why, +then, should a condition of things continue which practically results +in the exclusion of the poor man?" + +Never has the Radical view of the House of Lords and the Crown been +more forcibly expressed than in the following: + +"The Whigs seem to know that ---- is in favour of the abolition of a +House of hereditary legislators. Let us hope that they are correct. +We are frequently told that the {231} people love, honour, and +respect the House of Lords. Let any one who entertains this notion +allude to this assembly at a popular political gathering in any part +of the country, and he will find his illusion rudely dispelled. +There are earnest Radicals who hold that there ought to be two +legislative Chambers, and not one; although why they think so, it is +difficult to say, for in every country where the two-Chamber system +prevails, either one of them has become a mere useless court of +registration, or the two are engaged in perpetual disputes, to the +great detriment of public business. No Radical, however, is in +favour of our existing Upper Chamber. If he were, he would not be a +Radical. What an hereditary legislator ought to be is well described +by Burke in his letter to the Duke of Bedford. What our hereditary +legislators are we know by bitter experience. They almost all belong +to one particular class--that of the great landlords. When any +attempt is made to deal with the gross absurdities of our land +system, they rally almost to a man to its defence, not from natural +depravity, but from the natural bias of every one to consider that +what benefits him must be for the best. The majority of them are +Conservatives; even those who call themselves Liberals are the +mildest of Whigs. When a Conservative Administration is in power +they are harmless for good or evil. When a Liberal Administration is +in power they are actively evil. Such an administration represents +the deliberate will of the nation. Before bringing in a Bill, +however, it has to be toned down, lest it should meet with opposition +in the Lords. Nevertheless it does meet with opposition there. The +Lords do not throw it out, but emasculate it with amendments; then +when it comes back to the Commons a bargain is struck that, if the +Commons will agree to some of these amendments, the Lords will not +insist upon the others. Thus, no matter what may be the majority +possessed by a Liberal ministry in the House of Commons, it can never +legislate as it wishes, but in a sense between what it wishes and +what the Conservative {232} majority in the Lords wish. In great and +important questions it almost always obeys its Leader like a flock of +sheep, and thus one man is able to provoke a dissolution, not only +when he thinks that this is in the interests of the country, but when +he imagines it to be in the interests of his party. It is asserted +that the House of Lords is useful because its rejection of a Bill is +an appeal to the country against a House of Commons which is acting +in opposition to the popular will. It is not easy to understand on +what grounds the Lords are supposed to know what the popular will is; +and, indeed, they never do, for there is not one single case on +record where, when the Lords have appealed to the country against a +decision of the House of Commons, the verdict has gone in favour of +the former. Although rich, the peers are not independent. They are, +in fact, remarkable for their abnormal greed. Because they are by +the chance of birth legislators, they insist upon decorations, +distinctions, and salaries being showered upon them and their +relations. In the Financial Reform Almanack for this year there is +an interesting calculation of the amounts that living dukes, +marquises, and earls, and their relations, and those that have died +since 1850, have received out of the public exchequer. The dukes +figure for £9,760,000, the marquises for £8,305,950, and the earls +for £48,181,292; total £66,247,242. The voracity of a vestryman is +nothing to compare with that of the British nobleman. Eighty-three +peers are privy councillors; 55 have received decorations; 192 are +connected with the army and navy; 62 are railway directors; their +total rental is £11,872,333, and they possess 14,251,132 acres; yet +in pay and pensions they absorb annually £639,865, and whenever there +is a change of administration they clamour for well-paid sinecures +about the Court, and other such sops, like a pack of hungry hounds. +_Les soutiens de l'État_ indeed! _Comme une corde soutient un +pendu!_ The greater number of them are obscure thanes, who never +take an active part in legislation or attend in their {233} seats; +and they are summoned to London by their party leader whenever it is +necessary to vote down some Liberal enactment, which has been passed +after long and careful consideration by the elected representatives +of the nation, and for this service to the State they generally +insist upon receiving an equivalent--a ribbon, a Lord Lieutenancy, or +an office for a relative or a dependent.... + +"Radicals are essentially practical, and are not accustomed to waste +or misdirect their energies. They do not approve of the fuss and +feathers of a Court, and they regard its ceremonies with scant +respect, for they are inclined to think that they conduce to a +servile spirit, which is degrading to humanity. They admit, however, +that the scheme of a monarch who reigns but does not rule has its +advantages in an empire such as ours, where a connecting link between +the mother country and the colonies is desirable. Their objection to +the present state of things is mainly based upon financial grounds. +Admitting that there is to be a hereditary figure-head, they cannot +understand why it should cost so much, why funds which are voted to +the monarch should be expended in salaries to noblemen for the +performance of ceremonial service, or why the children of the monarch +should receive such enormous annuities." He quoted an occasion when +the disloyalty of Radicals was supposed to have been amply proved. +One of them had voted for an amendment of Sir Charles Dilke when Lord +Beaconsfield's Government had proposed an allowance of £25,000 per +annum to the Duke of Connaught. "It would have been more to the +purpose to show," he said, "why this young gentleman should receive +so very ample a pension for condescending to be the son of his +parents. Nothing has conduced more to shake that decent respect for +the living symbol of the State, which goes by the name of royalty, +than the ever-recurring rattle of the money-box. Radicals do not +perceive why the children of the monarch should be made public +pensioners any more than the children of the {234} Lord Chancellor. +They know that Her Majesty lives in retirement, and that she has a +wholesome contempt for the costly ceremonies of a Court; they are +aware that as a necessary consequence she has sufficient +accumulations to keep her children in comfort. They ask, therefore, +why their maintenance should be thrown on the country, and why, if +so, this should be on so very costly a scale. They consider, it is +true, that Her Majesty has too large a Civil List; yet although they +are not deceived by the 'pious fraud' which assumes that the monarch +is the owner of the Crown domains and surrenders them on accession to +the throne in consideration of a money equivalent for what they +produce, they have no burning desire to interfere with existing +arrangements during the lifetime of the present incumbent, for they +have a sincere respect for the Queen, not only as the constitutional +head of the State, but also on account of her excellent personal +qualities. They are of opinion, however, that when provision is +asked for the eldest son of the Prince of Wales, this will be a +fitting opportunity to inaugurate an entire change in the financial +relations of the Crown with the country." + +The Established Church, education, and the Land Laws are thus +drastically treated. + +"The income of the Establishment is close upon £5,000,000 per annum. +It is the Church of a minority. The greater portion of its revenues +were acquired by confiscation. Its division of them amongst its +clergy is in defiance of all rule and justice. Cures of souls are +matters of public barter. Only the other day the secretary of a +race-course company bought the next presentation to a living in order +to ensure that the views of the next pastor should be sound on the +question of racing. In every country except this the principle has +been recognised that so-called ecclesiastical property is national +property. In some countries this principle has been pushed to its +ultimate consequences, in others it has received a more restricted +application. Were we all {235} members of the Established Church +there might be some plea for our devoting a portion of our property +to the maintenance of the Church's employés. But the majority of us +are not churchmen. Why then should we perpetuate so invidious an +application of national funds? The vested rights of living +incumbents should be respected, and perhaps it would be only fair +that the Church should retain those funds that she has received from +the liberality of private donors within the last few years. On an +excessive estimate this would amount to £1,000,000 per annum. We +require the remaining £4,000,000 per annum for educational purposes, +and we mean to have them.... + +"Whilst all Radicals are agreed that our land system requires a +thorough reform, all are perhaps not in accord as to the details of +that reform. Some are followers of Mr. George and demand the +nationalisation of land; others--and these are the wiser--whilst +admitting that it is to be regretted that the paramount +proprietorship of the community has been almost entirely ignored, +hardly see their way to resume it absolutely, nor do they admit that +a person who has acquired a legal title to a freehold can be divested +of it without fair compensation. All, however, are agreed that real +estate has, in contradistinction to personal estate, certain inherent +qualities: it is limited in quantity, and it is a natural instrument; +consequently, the State has a right to regulate the conditions of its +tenure, and its transmission from one individual to another. We +would legislate to break up and destroy all huge domains; to make the +occupier to all practical intents the master of the soil which he +cultivates, and to secure to him not only fixity of tenure and +independence of a landlord's rules and caprices, but the enjoyment of +these rights at a fair and reasonable price. A long succession of +landlord legislatures have, in the words of Mr. Cobden, 'robbed and +bamboozled the people for ages.' All our laws affecting land have +been made in order to perpetuate its tenure in the hands of the few +from generation {236} to generation; to render its purchase difficult +and expensive; to free its owners from taxes and obligations, in +consideration of which their predecessors acquired lordship over it +from the State; and to give it an artificial value by securing to its +possessors social and political pre-eminence. That there should be +few Radicals amongst landlords is less surprising than that any one +who is not a landlord should remain outside the Radical pale. To +suppose that when Radicals have the power to place our land laws in +harmony with the good of the greatest numbers, or to imagine that +they will allow the _imperia in imperio_ of huge domains to continue, +is to suppose that they will take to their heart of hearts their +'robbers and bamboozlers.' Landlords are a mistake socially, +politically, and economically. The only true proprietary rights in +land are a reasonable interest on sums spent in rendering it more +productive, and this only so long as the outlay continues to produce +this result; to talk of any other natural proprietary rights is as +absurd as it would be to talk of a man having a natural property in +the air that we breathe. It is too late now, however, to revert to +first principles. We must accept facts and endeavour to make the +best of them. This we propose to do, and, as a preliminary step, we +demand the renewed imposition of the land-tax at four shillings in +the pound upon the full true yearly value at a rack rent; that there +should be no more subventions in aid of local taxation from imperial +funds largely derived from taxation on food and drink; and that +landlords who will not use their land themselves should be made to +give it up to those who are ready and anxious to use it." + +Towards the end of the article Mr. Labouchere delivers himself +somewhat tentatively on the Irish question as follows: + +"It was said in the first session of the present Parliament--and no +one was more fond of using this argument than Mr. Gladstone--that the +limited number of Mr. Parnell's {237} Parliamentary followers proved +that the majority of the constituencies was not with him. Later on, +when the error of this estimate of his strength was perceived, it was +alleged that his influence was alone secured by terrorism. Slowly it +had dawned upon the English mind that the vast majority of Irishmen, +rightly or wrongly, cordially and truly sympathise with him. No one +now questions that he will sweep Ireland at the next General +Election. On the doctrine of probabilities, this will make him the +arbiter between parties at St. Stephen's. How is this to be met? +The only suggestion put forward as yet has been that both parties +should agree that the Irish vote is not to count on a party division. +But does any sane human being imagine that such a scheme is +practicable? The 'ins' would always assent to it, but the 'outs' +would defer their assent until they became the 'ins.' It is indeed +becoming every day more and more clear that we must either allow the +Irish votes to reckon as other votes, or that we must boldly assert +that Ireland shall no longer be represented in Parliament, because we +disagree with the representatives that it chooses. There is no +middle course; and, if we accept the former, we shall have to allow +Ireland hereafter to decide as she best pleases on matters that only +locally regard her. Most Radicals would be of opinion that one +Parliament for the entire United Kingdom is a better system that one +for Great Britain and another for Ireland. But they would go a long +way to establish a fair _modus vivendi_ between the two islands, and +nothing that Mr. Parnell has ever said can be adduced to show that he +does not entertain the same desire. Most of his views recommend +themselves to Radicals, especially those in regard to land.... If +the Irish wish for Home Rule why should they not have it? It surely +would be easy to conceive a plan in which that island would have a +representative assembly that would legislate upon all matters, except +those reserved to the Imperial Parliament. These reservations might +be precisely the same as those which the American Constitution {238} +reserves to Congress in her relations with State Governments. Mr. +Gladstone seemed inclined to accept this solution in 1882, for, in a +speech during the session of that year, he asked the Irish members to +submit their plan to the House of Commons, whilst the only objection +that occurred to him was, that it might be difficult to find an +arbiter between the Imperial and the Irish legislature in case of any +conflict of jurisdiction--a difficulty which a cursory glance at the +American Constitution would have solved. The Irish are sound upon +almost every question; they are even more democratically inclined +than we are. We want their aid and they want our aid. Irish, +English, and Scotch Radicals should coalesce. Mutual concessions may +be necessary, but this is always the case in political alliances. +That the Irish should not love the English connection is hardly +surprising. We are only now beginning to do them justice, and we +have accompanied this modicum of justice with a Coercion Act, aimed +not only at crime, but at legitimate political agitation. If we +remove their grievances, if we make Irishmen the true rulers of +Ireland, and if we cease to meddle in matters that concern them and +not us, there is no reason to suppose that they would wish to +separate from us any more than our colonies. Separation would, +indeed, be as disadvantageous to them as to us." + +A year or two later he gave clear expression to the same Radical +faith in the House of Commons in a speech which he made on his own +amendment to the motion that Mr. Speaker do now leave the chair: +"That in the opinion of this House it is contrary to the true +principles of representative Government, and injurious to their +efficiency, that any person should be a member of one House of the +Legislature by right of birth, and it is therefore desirable to put +an end to any such existing rights." "It has been pointed out to +him," he said, "that these words might include Her Majesty, which, of +course, was not intended ... they had been engaged in democratising, +as far as they could, the Commons {239} branch of the Legislature; +but all their efforts would be abortive, all their efforts at +Parliamentary reform would be illusory, if they allowed side by side +with that House a Legislative Assembly to exist, which, in its +nature, was aristocratic, and which had a right to tamper with and +veto the decisions of the nation, which were registered by the House +of Commons.... Members of the House of Lords were neither elected +nor selected for their merits. They sat by the merits of their +ancestors, and, if we looked into the merits of some of those +ancestors, we should agree that the less said about them the better. +The House of Lords consisted of a class most dangerous to the +community--the class of rich men, the greater part of whose fortune +was in land. It was asserted of them that the House of Lords was +recruited from the wisest and best in the country--that the Lords +were so wise and good that, in some mysterious way, they were able to +transmit their virtues to future generations in _secula seculorum_. +The practice in the selection of those gentlemen was not quite in +accordance with this theory. They consisted generally of two +classes--of those who were apparently successful politicians, and of +those who were undoubtedly successful money-grubbers. He would take +a few examples, and, as he did not wish to be invidious, he would +take them from both sides of the House. They all knew and +appreciated Sir R. Assheton Cross, Mr. Sclater Booth, Sir Thomas +Brassey, and Mr. Knatchbull-Hugessen. What did they think of these +gentlemen? As members of this House everybody respected and liked +them; but they were looked upon as decent sort of mediocrities of the +ordinary quality, which was converted, in course of time, into +administrative Ministers. Take another class. Why were brewers +selected as peers? Simply because they, of late, had accumulated +very large fortunes by the sale of intoxicating liquors, and for no +other reason. The names of Guinness, Bass, and Allsopp had been long +household words in every public house in the country, but who ever +heard of them as {240} politicians? Yet these gentlemen were +considered to be the very best men in the country to be converted +into hereditary peers. Another class who made money were the +financiers. Lord Rothschild inherited a large fortune, and had +increased that fortune, and no doubt spent his money in the most +honourable way; but Lord Rothschild did nothing in the House of +Commons in any way to distinguish himself. With brewers, when one +was made a peer another must be made a peer for advertisement. So +with financial houses; when a Rothschild was made a peer, it was +necessary to fish up some one of the name of Baring, and one was +converted into Lord Revelstoke--a gentleman who, though probably +eminent in city circles, was hardly known to any one in that House, +and who had never taken part in politics. So much for the +composition of the House of Lords.... Deducting representative peers +from Scotland and Ireland, and deducting members of the Royal family, +and deducting bishops and archbishops, he found 470 peers sitting as +hereditary peers in the House of Lords. He found that those peers +had annually distributed among them £389,163, amounting on an average +to £820 each (salaries from appointments under Civil List)--these +rich men who would, with one accord, protest against the payment of +members of the House of Commons. These were the rich men who were +found at public meetings denouncing members from Ireland as a +wretched crew, because, being mainly poor men, they received enough +to enable them to live from their constituents. The peers were +almost as careful of their relations as of themselves. In a valuable +publication he saw it put down that, from 1874 to 1886, no fewer than +7000 relatives of peers had had places of emolument under the +Government.... In the other House there were 120 Privy Councillors, +of whom he ventured to say the majority had never heard. Orders had +to be found for these gentlemen. Almost every one of them had a +decoration. There were three decorations which were absolutely made +for peers and for no other {241} body--the Garter, the Order of St. +Patrick, and the Thistle. Walpole had declined a decoration +'because,' he said, 'why bribe myself?' Lord Melbourne said of the +Garter that its pleasing feature was that there was 'no nonsense of +merit about it.' An impression existed that private Bill legislation +was more independent in the House of Lords than in that House. He +did not think it was.... No men looked better after the class +interests of those to whom they belonged than the peers. They were +great landowners; 16,000,000 acres belonged to them. Yet our Land +Laws were a disgrace to the country and tainted with feudalism.... +This House of Lords was not collectively any worse than any six +hundred men would be. They were _ex necessitate_ a Tory House and a +House of partisans. The assertion that they subordinated public +interests to their private class and party interests was merely +tantamount to saying that they were human beings. A House of +Artisans would act on similar principles.... His amendment went to +the root of the evil. He at first thought of including bishops, but +he struck them out on the principle of _de minimis non curat lex_. +If the hereditary principle were done away with, what the honourable +member for Birmingham called 'the incestuous union between the +spiritual and the political world' would cease of itself. His +amendment would not prejudice the question of whether there ought to +be two Chambers or one only. Personally he was in favour of one, but +those who voted with him need not necessarily support him on that +particular point. Other countries which had two had simply followed +our example, and it was a mere result of chance that we happened to +have two. If they agreed, the second was useless; if they disagreed, +the second was pernicious. If the functions of an Upper Chamber were +to be properly fulfilled by those who soared above party and class +interest, we must not look for its members in this world, but we must +bring down angels from Heaven; but, as that would be difficult, there +was one other alternative. The Conservatives at their meetings {242} +always shouted, 'Thank God we have a House of Lords!' Radicals had +no intention to remain any longer supinely like toads under the +harrow of the House of Lords. They intended to agitate until they +could say: 'Thank God we have not an hereditary House of Lords!'" + +Mr. Labouchere's amendment on that occasion was defeated by a +majority of 61 in a House of 385 members. On November 21, 1884, +Labouchere had moved the following resolution: "That in view of the +fact that the Conservative party is able and has for many years been +able, through its permanent majority in the House of Lords, to alter, +defeat, or delay legislation, although that legislation has been +recommended by the responsible advisers of the Crown, and approved by +the nation through its elected representatives, it is desirable to +make such alterations in the relations of the two Houses of +Parliament as will effect a remedy to this state of things." Sir +Wilfrid Lawson, in seconding the resolution, said that he remembered +a few years ago Mr. Labouchere giving notice of a very similar +resolution. He asked him if he thought a House could be made for it. +Mr. Labouchere had answered, "No, I do not think there will be, for +all the Radicals want to be made peers." The member for Northampton +prophesied truly, for not forty members could be got to come down. + +With untiring patience, however, Mr. Labouchere moved a resolution of +the same nature almost every year that he was in Parliament. His +perseverance on the subject was only matched by the dogged +persistence with which he attacked the ridiculous appurtenances +inseparable from the upkeep of a constitutional monarchy. When he +was asked by Captain Fred Burnaby once at Homburg why he was always +attacking the Royal family, who after all were well meaning people, +he replied: "One must find some very solid institution to be able to +attack it in comfort. If the love of royalty were not so firmly +established in the middle-class English breast, I should not dream of +attacking it, for the {243} institution might topple over, and then +what should I do? I should have all the trouble of finding something +else to tilt against." + +Another expression of his views on the Establishment is found in his +speech on Mr. Albert Grey's amendment on the occasion of the Second +Reading of the Church Patronage Bill. "From a Radical standpoint," +he said, "it was undesirable that there should be an Establishment at +all, and there seemed to be no reason why they should be continually +tinkering up and remedying this and that abuse in connection with the +Church.... He agreed with the Secretary of State that this Bill did +not go far enough, if it granted compensation in the case of those +who now held livings. To sell a cure of souls had always been +regarded as a most monstrous iniquity, and why should they give +compensation to those who were enjoying what was wrong? They might +as well suggest that Simon Magus himself should have had +compensation. There was another preposterous clause in the Bill. +These advowsons could only be sold to the great landlords and the +lords of the manor. If the livings were sold at all, they should be +sold to anybody who might be ready to buy them. But why should the +great landlords--the race he should be glad to see cleared off the +land--why should the great landlords and lords of the manor be +allowed to buy livings while other people were not? ... There was no +doubt that matters would be infinitely improved if the parishioners +had the right to veto the appointment of clergymen. But the +amendment did not go far enough. Why was there only to be a veto? +Why not allow the parishioners to elect any clergyman they liked? +Why was the bishop to be the only person to be allowed to have a +veto? If the majority of the people in a locality were dissenters, +he thought they should not be compelled to elect a Church of England +clergyman. He was opposed to all this tinkering of the Church of +England, which should be disestablished and disendowed.... He was +quite ready to leave the {244} Church such amounts as had been given +to it within the last twenty years; but he had seen calculations made +that, deducting these amounts, a sum of about £5,000,000 per annum +ought to come to the public. That sum was the property not of a +sect, but of the English people who paid it, and he should like to +see a Bill introduced dealing with glebe lands. These glebe lands +were, he believed, the worst cultivated in the country, and it would +be infinitely better to redistribute them in allotments amongst the +deserving labourers of the village than to leave them in the hands of +the clergymen. When his honourable friend brought in a Bill dealing +with glebe lands, and giving back to them the £5,000,000 of which +they were now deprived for the benefit of a sect, then he would give +him his most cordial support." And so on. + +In the June of 1884 he made one of his common-sense speeches on the +subject of the enfranchisement of women. It occurred during the +debate on the Representation of the People Bill. "It may be that we +should enfranchise women," he said, "but because we have enfranchised +men is no reason that we should do so. We may discuss the subject +eloquently, we may refer to Joan of Arc and Boadicea, but, in point +of fact, from the time of Eve till now there has been a distinct +difference between men and women. There are a great many things +which I am ready to admit women can do better than men, and there are +other things which I think men can do better than women. Each have +their separate functions, and the question is whether the function of +electoral power is a function which women would adequately discharge. +I do not think it is. As yet I understand that no country has really +given women the vote; and were it not that honourable gentlemen +opposite, who are generally averse to giving the franchise to any +large body of men, think, and think justly, that a very large +majority of women would vote for Conservatives, I should be surprised +at their making this desperate leap in the dark. Some honourable +{245} members on this side of the House have told us that women are +better than men. That is the language of poetry. But when we come +to facts I am not at all disposed to admit that women are better than +men. It is not a question of whether women are angels or not, but +whether they will make good electors ... the honourable member has +told us that he was convinced of this because Queen Anne was a great +queen; and he told us also that Elizabeth was a great queen. But +Anne was not a great queen, and Elizabeth had the intellect of a man +with the weaknesses of a woman. The honourable member also spoke of +Queen Christina of Sweden, but every one knows that she was one of +the most execrable queens that ever lived, for, after being deposed +by her subjects, she went to Paris and murdered her secretary. We +learn that, by the operation of nature, more women are born into the +world than men, that women live longer than men, and that a +considerable number of men leave the kingdom as soldiers and sailors, +while women remain at home. In consequence of this there are, at any +given moment, a greater number of women than men in the country. I +am told that in every county, with the exception of Hampshire, more +women would be put on the register than men if we had woman suffrage. +And what would be the consequence? They would look to the interests +of women; they would band themselves together, and we should have +them, of course, asking to be admitted to this House; and then, if +they were admitted, instead of being on an equality with them, we +should put ourselves under petticoat government; we should have women +opposite, women on these benches, and a woman perhaps in the chair. +They would, of course, like women everywhere, have their own way. +The honourable member had hesitated as to whether he would give the +vote to married women as well as to unmarried women, and, by his mode +of dealing with the question, it would seem that he gave to vice what +he denied to virtue. As long as a woman remains a spinster, it +appears that she is to have the vote, but that, so soon as {246} she +marries, she is to cease to be an elector; she is to lose her rights +if she enters into the holy and honourable state of matrimony, and, +if her husband dies, she is again to get the vote. When Napoleon was +asked by Mme. de Stael who was the best woman in the State, he said: +'Madame, the woman who has the most children.'" + +It will be seen from the above extract that his opinion of the female +sex was early Victorian, and so it remained to the end of his life. +He was always a bitter opponent of woman suffrage; and when, in 1896, +a petition for the Suffrage signed by 257,000 women from all parts of +the United Kingdom was exhibited, "by kind permission of the Home +Secretary," in Westminster Hall on a series of tables for the +inspection of members, he immediately called the attention of the +Speaker that afternoon in the House to the "unseemly display," and +insisted upon its removal. + +He was indefatigable in his efforts to introduce economical Radical +finance into every detail of government, always assuring his hearers +that he was fighting for the principle of economy, and not merely +against the mere absurdity of the existence of certain traditional +offices and extravagances. In 1885 we find him requesting the +Attorney-General to do his best to suppress the offices of +Trainbearer, Pursebearer, and Clerk of the Petty Bag. He protested +ably against the large sums spent upon the upkeep of the royal yacht, +and upon the "objectionable practice" of asking the Commons to vote a +sum of money for special packets for conveyance of distinguished +persons to and from England. He protested against the nation being +asked to pay the expenses incurred in the ceremony of making the +present King (then Prince George of Wales) a Knight of the Garter. +He was, in short, unceasingly vigilant wherever the spending of +public money was concerned, and his remarks were usually practical +and to the point. A quotation from a letter he wrote to the _Times_ +in the same year on the Graduated Income Tax will be of interest, as +peculiarly illustrative of his clear and simple {247} view of the +rights of the poor man versus those of the rich man. "The income +tax," he wrote, "when first put on by Mr. Pitt, was a graduated tax. +No one then regarded this as a spoliation or confiscation. That a +rich man should pay a higher percentage of taxation than a poor man +is based upon what Mr. Stuart Mill terms 'equality of sacrifice.' It +will, I presume, he admitted by all that the first call upon a man's +income is that portion of it which is necessary for him and his +family to eat, to be clothed, and to secure some sort of home. If a +man earns only £50 per annum, and has an average family of two +children, let me ask what remains after this call has been met? +Nothing. And if he has to pay taxes, he and his family are obliged +to go without a sufficiency of clothing, or without a fitting home. +Now look at the case of a man with £50,000 per annum, and with a +family of the same size. He pays in taxation about 4½% on his +income---let us say 5%. This absorbs £2500. He may secure to +himself and them not only all necessaries, but all comforts, for £500 +per annum. Surely the sacrifice on his part to the exigencies of the +State of £7000 per annum would not be so great a one as would be that +of £2, 10s. per annum by the man with an income of £50 per annum. As +a matter of fact, however, the rich man pays at present a maximum of +5%, and the poor man about twice that percentage...." + +He made a speech in the Radical Club at North Camberwell on November +14, 1885, in which he once more resumed his creed, and with it I must +end this chapter, so as to proceed with the history of the practice +to which he put his theories. "In the House of Commons," he said, +"Radicals had hitherto been in a very small minority, and were not +appreciated, and it was therefore gratifying to him as a strong +Radical to find what they did in the House of Commons was appreciated +by those who made the House of Commons. For his own part he was +bound to say he could not form any clear idea of what 'Conservative' +meant now. In the past, Conservatives {248} were a party banded +together to support the landed interest, but Lord Randolph Churchill +told them that this was to be all forgotten, and that the +Conservatives were to become Tory Democrats. These two words were +utterly antagonistic in themselves, and he could not understand how +men could be fish and fowl at the same time. The only principle +which was guiding the Tories was to get into office and remain there. +No reasonable man could become a Conservative. As for the Whigs they +were more dangerous than the Tories. There were about thirty of them +in the House of Commons. They rarely spoke, but their influence--a +backstair influence--was such that Ministers yielded to them, and it +was to them that the action in Egypt was due, and they were the cause +of the Crimes Bill in Ireland--both of which had been steadfastly +opposed by the Radicals in Parliament. It was easier to deal with an +open enemy than with a traitor in the camp. Happily the Whigs were +expiring, and he did not think any one would care to adopt their +creed. Coming to the Radical creed he said it was that England +should become a democracy, by which was meant the rule of the people +by the people and for the people. He was surprised statesmen could +not see that the people would use the power given them for their own +advantage. They would insist on a Government not mixed, as now, with +an aristocratic element in it. They would deal with the entire +Legislature, the Crown, the Lords, and the Commons; and, if they were +of his mind, they would go in for a much more sweeping franchise. +The vote was a right and not a privilege, and every man, not a +criminal, ought to possess it, or he was defrauded of his right. He +went in for residential manhood suffrage, for free education, for +which he would apply the Church revenues and the misused charities. +He was opposed to all indirect taxation, and advocated what had been +described as equality of sacrifice in general and local +taxation--that was, he would have a graduated income tax, and, in no +case, tax the necessaries of life. In {249} conclusion he said he +hoped Mr. Chamberlain would succeed Mr. Gladstone as Prime Minister, +and as for the Whigs they were welcome to go over to the Tories. He +would not refuse to accept Lord Hartington, if he elected to fight +under the Radical party, but he would refuse to sink his own personal +opinions for any one."[1] + + + +[1] _Times_, October 15, 1885. + + + + +{250} + +CHAPTER XI + +IN OPPOSITION + +(JUNE, 1885--DECEMBER, 1885) + +Mr. Labouchere was not only a zealous friend and advocate of the +Irish members in Parliament, but a variety of circumstances conspired +with his own aptitudes to constitute him an unofficial ambassador +between conflicting parties in the House, and, in particular, between +the Liberal Cabinet and the Nationalist leader. "His real +influence," wrote Sir Henry Lucy recently, "was exercised beyond the +range of the Speaker's eye. Nothing pleased him more than being +engaged in the lobby, the smoking-room,[1] or a remote corner of the +corridors, working out some little plot. By conviction a thorough +Radical, such was the catholicity of his nature that he was on terms +of personal intimacy with leaders of every section of party, not +excepting those who sat on the Treasury Bench. He was one of the few +men--perhaps the only man--whom Parnell treated with an approach to +confidence. He watched the growth of the Fourth Party with something +like paternal interest. Lord Randolph Churchill and he were +inseparable. In these various episodes and connections he delighted +to play the part of the friendly broker."[2] In this way, far more +effectively than by formal speech or resolution, though here too +{251} he was untiring in the fight, he was able to use what is called +"the personal factor in politics." And in his case the personal +factor was no light weight. His extreme opinions, in which he had +never wavered since the days when, as a young man, he had scornfully +declined the succession to his uncle's peerage, secured him the +confidence both of the Irish and of the left wing of the Liberals, +while, by birth, education, and habit of life, he was the welcome +intimate of men who sat on the other side of the House. Eton, +Trinity, and the diplomatic service were an unusual training for an +ultra-Radical and gave an attractive flavour of sacrilege to his +views. No one appreciated this circumstance more than he did +himself, and certainly no one could have put it out to better +interest. + +On June 8, 1885, a coalition of Tories and Irish defeated the +Government by a majority of twelve. The occasion was an amendment +moved by Sir Michael Hicks Beach during the second reading of the +Budget Bill, condemning the increase of beer and spirit duties +proposed by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The combination between +the Opposition and the Irish was due to information having been given +by one of the Opposition leaders to the Irish party to the effect +that the Tories, if returned to power, would not renew the Coercion +Act, which would automatically expire in the following August.[3] +Mr. Gladstone resigned the next day, and, after some delay, Lord +Salisbury accepted office and formed his first administration. The +new Viceroy, Lord Carnarvon, following the precedents of Lord +Mulgrave in 1837 and Lord Clarendon in 1850, himself made the +declaration of the Irish policy of the new Government. That policy +was a complete renunciation of coercion. Ireland was to be governed +by the ordinary law of the land. "My Lords, I do not believe that +with honesty and single-mindedness of purpose on one hand, and with +the willingness of the Irish people on the other, it is hopeless to +look for some satisfactory {252} solution of this terrible question. +My Lords, these I believe to be the views and opinions of my +colleagues." The "honesty and single-mindedness" of this piece of +tactics were severely criticised by Mr. Chamberlain. "A strategic +movement of that kind executed in opposition to the notorious +convictions of the men who effected it, carried out for party +purposes and party purposes alone, is the most flagrant instance of +political dishonesty this country has ever known." + +The Irish party were much impressed by the advances of the +Conservatives, and when Lord Carnarvon arranged to meet Parnell in +conversation on Irish affairs, in the course of which they discussed +whether "some plan of constituting a Parliament in Dublin, short of +the repeal of the Union, might not be devised and prove acceptable to +Ireland,"[4] Parnell may be excused for having thought that salvation +was to come from the Tories. Mr. Gladstone had not yet pronounced +himself. The Liberal Government had imprisoned the Irish leader; its +record in Ireland, with the exception of the Arrears Bill, was summed +up in the word coercion. Liberal politicians were naturally upset at +the new turn of events. Mr. Healy had written on May 25 to Mr. +Labouchere saying that "apart from coercion, it was the policy of the +Irish party to equalise all Liberals and Tories as much as possible +_pour nous faire valoir_, so that the matter will have to be looked +at by us apart from the renewal of coercion, though of course, I +imagine, if we thought we could trust the Liberals to avoid obnoxious +legislation and to stick to reform, we should support them strongly. +But how can we have any guarantee of the kind?" Mr. Healy continues +further on in the letter: "I think a little time in the cool of +Opposition would do your party a world of good.... If we supported +your party next time, the Lords would throw out or render worthless +any Bill the Commons passed, and time has proved that the Whigs won't +face the Lords. If that institution were abolished we should be +great fools not {253} to be friendlier with the Liberals, but they +are almost powerless to help us, even if they were sincere, so long +as the Lords are all-powerful." In a letter to Mr. Labouchere, dated +July 18, Mr. Chamberlain made the following significant statement as +to his feeling in the matter: + + +The present attitude of the Irish leaders is not at all encouraging +to Radicals. They take no account whatever of our difficulties or of +the extent to which we have, in the past, supported Irish claims, and +now that a Tory Government is in office they are ready to accept from +them with joy and gratitude the merest crumbs of consolation, while +they reject with scorn and contumely the offers of further +legislation which we have made. I think, under these circumstances, +we must stand aside for the present. The Irish Members "must stew in +their juice" with the Tories until they find out their mistake. +Whether the support of the Radicals will still be forthcoming is a +question. My information from the country satisfies me that further +concessions to Irish opinion are not at all popular even with our +Radical constituents, and, under all the circumstances, I am not +unwilling to keep silence for a time and await the course of events. + +The Parnellites, as I understand, cannot count upon two things: + +First, on holding the balance after the next General Election. I am +convinced that they are mistaken, and we shall have a majority over +them and the Tories combined. + +Secondly, they believe in the readiness of the Tories, under the +stress of party exigency, to make concessions to them in the shape of +Home Rule and otherwise, which even the Radicals are not prepared to +agree to. In this, also, I am convinced they are mistaken. To +whatever lengths Randolph Churchill may be willing to go, his party +will not follow him so far, and, sooner or later, the Parnellites +will find that they have been sold. I believe the experience will be +a healthy one for them and for us. + + +The situation appealed strongly to Mr. Labouchere, and he took up the +part of the "friendly broker" with zest. {254} On July 22, he saw +Mr. Healy and wrote the following account of his interview to Mr. +Chamberlain: + + +Healy favoured me to his views during three hours to-day. I told him +that we were sure to win without the Irish, but that if he and his +friends wished for any sort of Home Rule, he must understand that his +only chance was to ally himself with the Radicals and to support you. +I said that I had tried to impress this upon Parnell, but that he +talked rubbish about Grattan's Parliament, and seemed to me to be +thoroughly impractical. Healy said that Parnell in his heart cared +little for the Irish, particularly since a mob ill-treated him in +1880. He regretted to be obliged to admit that personal feeling +actuated his leader's policy at times, but Parnell felt his dignity +offended by his arrest and his present feeling was revenge on +Gladstone and Forster. + +I suggested a rebellion. But he said that this was impossible +because the present policy of all Irishmen was hanging together, for +they attributed all their troubles to divided councils. He said that +Parnell is very astute. He generally finds out which way the feeling +is amongst his followers before he suggests anything, but, in one or +two cases, he has put his foot down, when he obtained his way. + +I asked him about Davitt. He laughed at the idea of his being of any +use to the Liberals. He is a very difficult man, he said, and a +trouble to Parnell, who would like him to go against us openly, for +this would smash him; he cares neither for Tories nor Radicals. If +Parnell joined the latter he would coquette with the former and vice +versa. + +As regards the present situation he said that there never was +anything which could be called a treaty with the Conservatives, but +that there was an understanding that, if they helped the Tories to +turn out the late Government, and generally supported them during the +remainder of the Session, there was to be no coercion. "Churchill +talks to us vaguely about Home Rule, but we do not pay much attention +to this. We are now paying our debt that we have incurred." +According to present arrangements, the Party is to put out a +manifesto calling upon all Irish in England to vote solid for the +Conservative candidates. This policy was adopted, he continued, in +order to hold the balance. {255} I went into figures to show him +that we should win without the Irish, and said that the balance +policy would only end in their tying themselves to a corpse. + +He admitted that this was possible, and said that personally his +sympathies were with the Radicals, but that it was impossible to +trust the Liberal party, and to hope that the Liberal party could do +anything even if they wished to, owing to the House of Lords. "No +alliance," I said, "is worth anything which is not based upon mutual +interest. We shall win at the election, but we shall have to count +with the Whigs. The English electors will be indignant at your +conduct, and we shall naturally take our revenge on you for your +supporting the Tories. Now, if you would join us, we should be +strong enough to hold our own against Whigs and Tories. We want your +votes in the House of Commons; you will find that you will do nothing +without ours. What do you say to Chamberlain's scheme of Home Rule +in the _Fortnightly_? He said: "... there are ... some things that I +object to in it, but Chamberlain could not carry it. Even if he got +it through the House of Commons, the Lords would throw it out."[5] + +Well, we went on discussing. At last he said: "Can we have any +assurance that Chamberlain's scheme would be one on which a Radical +or Liberal Ministry would stand or fall? Will Gladstone declare for +it?" "What would you do if you could be certain of a big scheme +forming part of the Liberal platform?" I asked. "Our party really is +guided by about six men. What we decide," he said, "the others +accept. I would propose that we do not compromise ourselves with the +Tories, that we should issue no manifesto, leaving Irish electors to +vote as they like. When the plan is put forth in the next +Parliament, we should have to say that it does not go far enough, +etc., but it might merely be a dummy opposition. Whether I could +carry this I don't know, but I think that I could." ... Finally he +said that he would be back at the commencement of August, and that, +if any arrangement could be made, he would do his best to further it. + +There are two points in your scheme that he wants modified, and these +I will explain to you when I see you at the House, and {256} you have +a moment's spare time. He told me to tell you that those who wished +that you should be ill received in Ireland would not have their way, +and that you may count on a perfectly friendly reception. + +This letter is long, but I thought that you would like to know +Healy's ideas, as he is by far the most honest and ablest of the +Irishmen.... It is all very well expecting to win the elections, but +the Irish vote is an important factor, and if only we could square +the eighty Irish in the House, and turn them into your supporters, +Whigs and Tories would be dished. Certainly there is no love lost +between the Allies. W. O'Brien, Healy told me, declines to speak to +any of them, regarding them as intriguers with whom they are allied +because of the Coercion Acts. + + +Mr. Healy wrote again to Mr. Labouchere on August 2, and his letter +concluded with the following decisive words: "Of course, however, I +should be bound by the majority, and would steadfastly carry out +Parnell's policy, whatever it is declared by the Party to be." + +On August 11, Parliament was prorogued and politicians soon began the +campaign in the constituencies with a view to the General Election, +which was to take place in November. Lord Salisbury had made the +first bid for the Irish vote in a speech at the Mansion House on July +29, in which he defended Carnarvon's policy as the logical outcome of +the Franchise Act of 1884. On August 24, Parnell made a very +important speech at Dublin, in which he said that the Irish platform +would consist of one plank only--legislative independence. The +English press was roused to vehement denunciation. The _Times_ said +that an Irish Parliament was "impossible." The _Standard_ besought +Whigs and Tories "to present a firm uncompromising front to the rebel +chief." The _Daily Telegraph_ hoped that the House of Commons would +not be seduced or terrified into surrender. The _Manchester +Guardian_ declared that Englishmen would "condemn or punish any party +or any public man who attempted to walk in the path traced by Mr. +Parnell." {257} The _Leeds Mercury_ did not think the question of an +Irish Parliament worth discussing; while the _Daily News_ felt that +Great Britain could only be saved from the tyranny of Mr. Parnell by +a "strong administration composed of advanced Liberals."[6] The +right wing of the Liberals, represented by Lord Hartington, and the +left by Mr. Chamberlain, both protested. Hartington, speaking on +August 2, referred to Parnell's manifesto as "so fatal and +mischievous a proposal." Mr. Chamberlain, speaking at Warrington in +the early days of September, said very definitely: "Speaking for +myself, I say that if these and these alone are the terms on which +Mr. Parnell's support is to be obtained, I will not enter into +competition for it." The veteran leader, for the moment, was silent, +having retired for repose and meditation to Norway. But though he +said nothing himself, he stimulated others to speak. Mr. Barry +O'Brien was approached in August by a well-known English publicist, +who begged him to write some articles on the Irish question of a +"historical and dispassionate nature." The publicist made this +request "at the suggestion of a great man--in fact a very great man." +The very great man was Mr. Gladstone. The first article was +published in November under the title of "Irish Wrongs and English +Remedies." On September 18 Mr. Gladstone issued the famous Hawarden +Manifesto admitting the necessity for Home Rule. + +Mr. Labouchere was busy all the autumn trying to get at the various +shades of opinion prevalent among the Irish members. Michael Davitt +was often a thorn in Parnell's side, and the following letter he +wrote to Mr. Labouchere on October 9 is very interesting as +indicating clearly the way in which the two patriots often came into +collision: + + +There is a general impression among the rank and file of Irish +Nationalists that the G.O.M. will come nearest to Parnell's demand. +There is no English statesman more admired by the {258} mass of the +people, notwithstanding what _United Ireland_ and platform speakers +may say to the contrary. But the priests and bishops would rather +have the Tory party attempt the solution of the Home Rule problem, +owing to the fact of the Conservatives being in favour of +Denominational Education. Men like Healy, strange to say, are also +pro-Tory in this respect, as they fear that if Chamberlain and his +party become dominant, the Radical or democratic element in the Irish +Nationalist movement will be able to settle the Land question on more +advanced lines than those of the Parliamentary party. In fact we +have Tory Nationalists and democratic Nationalists in our ranks, and +the latter would like to see men like Chamberlain, Morley, and +yourself in a position to arrange the Anglo-Irish difficulty. +Parnell's attitude on Protection is absurd. If we had a National +Assembly in Dublin to-morrow, he could not carry a measure in favour +of Protection. Three-fourths of our people live by agriculture, and +these want to export their surplus produce, and would, beyond doubt, +be in favour of Free Trade. Since Parnell's Arklow speech I have +more than once attacked Protection, and, in his recent Wicklow +pronouncement, he considerably modified his views on the question. +How singular that the volunteers in Grattan's time demanded Free +Trade from England, and that England squelched our manufactures +by--Protection! + +I wish to Heaven Chamberlain had not made that Warrington "30 to 4" +speech of his. He has played into the hands of the Tory Nationalists. + +Have you read my suggestions about a possible _modus vivendi_ between +England and Ireland in the concluding chapter of my book? Parnell +took his One Chamber idea from it. There is no room for a Custom +House in my simple plan, and the Irish people would jump at such a +scheme of self-government, while every soldier now in Ireland might +be removed without any danger to the integrity of the Empire, if such +a plan of settlement were adopted.... + + +No more vivid light can be thrown on Mr. Labouchere's political +activities at this period than is derived from his letters. He was +in communication with all parties. The {259} following selection +from his correspondence illustrates the delicacy and importance of +the negotiations with which he was concerned. The most interesting +of these letters are undoubtedly those exchanged between himself and +Mr. Chamberlain. In them we see clearly enough what was the main +interest of Mr. Labouchere's life at this time. I have already +pointed out how completely he subordinated all other political +questions to his wide-reaching plans for the Radicalisation first of +the Liberal party and secondly of the country. Irish or Egyptian or +South African politics were but pawns in his game. In this +correspondence we see how that dominant interest came to be +identified in his mind with Mr. Chamberlain himself. His frank +admiration of and political devotion to Mr. Chamberlain may be read +between the lines of all his letters. A note that may almost be +called pathetic creeps into the later letters, when he has realised +at last that his glorious schemes are going to be frustrated by the +man on whom he had so completely relied for their success. The +dramatic quality of some of the letters is intense. The angel +wrestles with Jacob and knows it is in vain. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Oct. 15, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--A number of us had a long chat with Parnell on +Saturday, and he seems quite confident that whether Liberals or +Tories get in, Home Rule will be granted. I quite agree that, if the +Tories get in with our votes and are kept in by our help, they will +come to terms, but I am not at all so sure that if the Liberals get +in they would have the courage (even if they had the will--did we +oppose them) to face the question. + +It is no use discussing our attitude from any other than the +expediency standpoint. We have to make the best fight we can for a +small country, and clearly, if we could put the Tories in and hold +them dependent on us, that is our game. With the House of Lords +behind them and our help, they could play ducks {260} and drakes with +the Union, were they so minded. I confess, however, I am so ignorant +of the English campaign that I don't find myself able to speculate on +the outcome of the ballot box, but I can hardly believe that there is +much prospect of the Liberals being beaten. What you have not +touched upon in any letter to me is the point which always ghosts +me--if the Liberals bring in a bold scheme how will they overcome the +House of Lords? You must remember that the Tories would then raise +the anti-Irish cry and the Lords would be in no unpopular position in +rejecting a scheme which they would allege meant dismemberment. Of +course, if the Liberals then promised to dissolve, it is hard to +believe that with our support they would not win, but it must be +remembered that Liberals are not united in our favour, and though Mr. +Gladstone could keep them together, yet men like Hartington and +Harcourt would secretly sympathise with the Tories, and would +certainly not show enthusiasm in rallying the constituencies on an +Irish cry. I don't believe a bit in principle being of any account +with English parties. Look at the way Chamberlain spoke of Ireland +when he was baulked of coming over. Read--to take a minor +creature--Osborne Morgan's speeches. Mr. Gladstone is the only one +who has shown no bitterness and has kept the controversy in what the +Germans call the _heitern regionen wo die reinen formen wohnen_. Of +course I admit that we have given great cause for bitterness, but I +maintain that we could not have fought successfully in any other +style, whereas the English, with their bayonets to rely on, need not +grudge us Billingsgate--though certainly we have not been allowed the +exclusive use of this feeble weapon. + +I was glad to read Childers' speech, which produced an excellent +impression here by its moderation and practicalness. With regard to +a plan, Parnell asked Sexton and myself to try and draw up something, +but we were so busy--that without a good library, which we have not +here, easily available, the task is appalling. Parnell's idea is to +abolish the Lord Lieutenancy, strike a financial balance between the +two countries, giving, as our Imperial quota, an average on ten +years' returns of Irish contributions with the cost of ruling Ireland +deducted. This would get rid of the Irish Parliament voting or +refusing supplies, as the sum would be a fixed one, and if we did not +pay it we could {261} very easily be compelled. He would be for +retaining the Irish members at Westminster, and I suppose there would +not be much trouble in the arrangement being made in that case, that +they should be summoned by the Speaker to debate affairs which he +declared Imperial or Irish, and in the English Legislature taking +them at a particular period of the Session for the sake of +convenience. I think we should have full power over everything here +except the Army and the Navy, as I cannot see what other interest +England has here. If we pay her a due taxation, what possible care +of hers is it how else we order our affairs? As for the minority, +the Protestants would soon realise they were safe with the Catholics +(and they would be the pets of our people). Let there be, by all +means, every guarantee given for their protection however. If the +Tories come in they would give us Protection, I am sure, but would +stipulate for terms for the landlords.--Faithfully yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Oct. 18, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Just before the end of the Session Herbert +Gladstone came to me, and asked me to endeavour to arrange some sort +of _modus vivendi_ with the Irish. His father, he said, required +time, if any joint action was to be taken in the next Parliament, to +gain over the Whigs, and he was determined not to lead unless he had +a united party behind him. I told Herbert Gladstone that I was +convinced that Parnell, for various reasons, did not want an +arrangement and that he would prefer to remain an irreconcilable, but +that it might be possible to influence him through Healy and others. +So I sent to Healy, who came over to England. Healy explained that +personally he was strongly in favour of an arrangement, but that any +one going against Parnell would be nowhere just now, because the +Irish had got it into their heads that union was strength. But he +promised to do all that he could. Then I went abroad. On my return +Herbert wrote to ask what had been done. Healy replied that a +Committee consisting of Sexton, T. P. O'Connor, etc., had been +appointed to look into federations generally, and {262} to report +thereon, but that Parnell hardly spoke to his followers upon +political matters, beyond such as concerned the Irish elections, and +he went into various details as to what he thought would prove +satisfactory. This letter I sent to Hawarden, and got back a letter +stating the views of the G.O.M., the phrase being always "I" or "I +think my father" as had been agreed. The G.O.M. says that he is +disposed to grant the fullest Home Rule etc., but that he does not +think it is desirable to formulate a scheme before the elections, and +he again presses for the Irish minimum. I have sent this to Healy. +Evidently the game of the G.O.M. is to endeavour to unite the Party +on Irish Legislation, and to make that his _cheval de bataille_; but +he says that he will do nothing unless he can get some assurance that +the Irish will in the main back him up. I don't think that they +will, but, with such strange creatures, there is no knowing. + +I spent yesterday morning with our friend Randolph. He says that the +Conservatives count upon 280 returns in their favour, and that if +they get anything like this they will not resign, and they hope to +remain in office for two or three years, owing to the coalition +between the Whigs, the Irish, and the Radicals. He says that +Hartington, who up to now has been very guarded in his observations, +now in private denounces you, and vows that he will not stand it. In +his (Randolph's) opinion, he will withdraw from politics. If he does +not, Randolph anticipates that the outcome will be an Aberdeen +Ministry. Randolph looks very ill, though he says that he is pretty +well. He is taking digitalis for his heart, and says that he is +certain that the late hours in the House of Commons will knock him +up.... + +What is the real feeling in the country I do not know, but I have in +the last fortnight attended some of the meetings of the nonentities +who are contesting the Metropolitan Constituencies, and here you are +first and the rest nowhere. The Whigs seem to have disappeared +entirely. My impression is that they have all gone over to the +Conservatives, and that the Whig leaders are--if the country is to be +judged by the metropolis--entirely without followers. When you +allude to Goschen there are groans, when you allude to Hartington +there is silence; and you have to get up a cheer for the G.O.M. by +dwelling upon his noble heart and that sort of trash. I think, +however, that {263} the Conservatives will gain more seats in London +than we anticipate. + +By the way, I do not think that the alliance of Randolph with the +Irish is going on very smoothly. He complained to me that it was +impossible to trust Parnell, and that the Maamtrasna business had +been sprung as a surprise. Before the Conservatives came in, Parnell +told me that he would support the Conservatives on no Coercion Bill, +a scheme for buying out the landlords, and money expended in further +works. No sooner were they in than he told me that the feeling in +Ireland was so strong for Home Rule that it must be pushed forward. +My own experience of Parnell is that he never makes a bargain without +intending to get out of it, and that he has either a natural love of +treachery, or considers that promises are not binding when made to a +Saxon.... + +Would it not be possible to have one grand Bill for local government +in both islands, and settling the difference between local and +Imperial Sessions. It might be made so as to oblige English +Conservatives to oppose it in their own interests, and sufficiently +strong to make it difficult for the Irish to reject it on the second +reading?--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Oct. 20, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--Thanks for your most interesting letter, which +confirms my suspicions as to the intentions of our great chief. I +was led to them in the first instance by the speeches of H. G. at +Leeds--he is generally inspired, I think. Mr. G. himself was +cautious with me at Hawarden, though he did not conceal that his +present interest was in the Irish question, and he seemed to think +that a policy for dealing with it might be found which would unite us +all and which would necessarily throw into the background those minor +points of difference about the schools and small holdings which +threaten to drive the Whigs into the arms of the Tories or into +retirement. But I agree with you that the _modus vivendi_ cannot be +found. First, because all Liberals are getting weary of making +concessions to Parnell, {264} and will not stand much more of it, and +secondly, because Parnell cannot be depended on to keep any bargain. +I believe, therefore, that Mr. G.'s plans will come to naught. + +I hope Randolph Churchill is all out in his calculations. I do not +give the Tories more than 200. Of course the future depends on the +result of the Elections, but my impression is that Hartington will +yield, grumbling as usual, but still yielding. + +The effect of the campaign I have just completed has surprised me. I +really had no idea at first of giving more than a "friendly lead" to +candidates in the new constituencies. The idiotic opposition of the +Whigs and the abuse of the Tories has turned my gentle hint into a +great national policy--and now it must be forced on at all hazards. +The majority of new County candidates are pledged to it--ditto Scotch +members, ditto London. In Lancashire it is not so strong, as there +are signs of rebellion in the constituencies against the half-hearted +orders of the local Caucus. + +I fear we cannot run English and Irish Local Government in one +Bill--the present conditions are so absolutely dissimilar--but we +will consider this again, if we have the opportunity. I am glad to +say there is a good chance that Goschen will be defeated at +Edinburgh. The working men are dead against him. + +On the whole I am satisfied with the outlook. The first difficulty +is to find fellow-workers: the rank and file are all right, but there +is an awful lack of Generals, and even of non-commissioned +officers.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Oct. 20, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I send you enclosed to look at.[7] I have +forwarded copy to Healy. Evidently the G.O.M. is getting a little +anxious about the Election, and is now trying to persuade the +Parnellites that they must try and get pledges from the +Conservatives, because he knows that they cannot. As he says, the +Land question is the difficulty, because he is not prepared to admit +that its regulation in Ireland is involved in {265} Local Government, +and that it in no way affects the integrity of the Empire, whether +land in Kilkenny belongs to this man or that. I have pointed out to +Healy that the difficulty might perhaps be turned by supporting your +plan of compulsory purchase by local authorities in both islands, and +I have explained to him the meaning of a fair price--viz. such an +amount as would give the landlord the same net income in consols or +Government bonds, as he gets now from his land, or ought to get, and +I have urged upon him that if such a Bill were passed, and if there +were Home Rule in Ireland, the Irish might surely make things so +uncomfortable to the landlords that they would be glad to clear out +for very little. + +Would it not be a good plan to have one grand Bill, coupling together +local self-government here, and Home Rule in Ireland? We should in +that way get the Irish votes for England, and if the portions of the +Bill really do give substantial Home Rule in Ireland, I greatly doubt +whether the Irish would venture to vote against the second reading. +They might develop their views and swagger in Committee. If this +Bill were coupled with another on your lines respecting land, the two +questions could be solved, or your purchase claims might form part of +the Bill. At the bottom of the difficulty is the G.O.M. He still +hankers first after the Whigs, and is not sound on the land +question..., and is bent upon that difficult task of making oil and +water combine. Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Oct. 23, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--My last letter has partly anticipated yours of +21st. I return H. G.'s communication. He has apparently his +father's capacity for mystification, for I cannot possibly make out +what he is really driving at. + +Does he imagine that the Tories can be committed beforehand to +support a small Liberal majority in some scheme of advanced Local +Govt.? + +He must be an _ingenuus puer_. For my part I believe in leaving the +Irishmen to "stew in their own juice." My proposal is the {266} +maximum that English Radicals will stand and a great deal more than +the Whigs will accept. It had practically been agreed to by Parnell, +and yet he threw it over at the last moment. It is impossible to +depend on him and it is much better policy now to play the waiting +game. If Randolph is right we shall be the better for not being +pledged. + +I am sure, however, that he is wrong, but even then we shall be much +stronger in negotiation when we have a majority at our backs. + +If the G.O.M. were ill-advised enough to propose a separate +Parliament, he will find very little support from any section of the +party.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 12, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This is the last communication from Healy, +which he wants sent to the G.O.M. So I send it through the usual +channel. After saying that he will do his best for Lefevre, he says: + + +"It is very difficult for us to adopt a piecemeal policy, although it +certainly is the intention to issue instructions that in regard to +half a dozen Liberals, they shall be supported at all hazards, but so +far as I can gather the working of Parnell's mind up to the present, +it is not certain that he will go against the Liberals bald-headed, +if at all. T. P. O'Connor is strong for supporting the Tories. If +we could have an understanding with the leaders, it would settle this +and every other question. It seems to me curious that we are now to +be asked to define our demands, on a question on which English +Statesmen do not need much instruction, seeing that in 1881, when the +agrarian question was certainly complicated, nobody dreamed of asking +our opinion, but on the contrary the beauty of the measure was that +it was supposed to be disapproved by the Nationalists. I cannot, +therefore, help feeling that this demand for a plan from us is simply +a desire for our discomfort, and the profit of the English. If there +is really earnestness in the Liberal {267} Party next Session (should +they be in a majority) to settle the Irish question, I do not think +they will find us unreasonable. God knows it is time we were at +peace, but if they insist on forcing on us a Bill, which we denounce, +and which we shall wreck in the working, the contest between the two +countries will grow more aggravated than ever. Spencer and Forster +were hit a thousand times more than Trevelyan, and yet they never +went pushing about, spitting gall as he has done. The G.O.M. is the +father of them all, and I do urge him to develop a little the lines +of his first speech which I have just read." + + +And then he goes into a puff of the G.O.M.'s Article against Darwin, +which, it seems, delights the Roman Catholics. + +Could you not give them a few smooth words in a speech, particularly +in regard to land. They have taken it into their silly heads that +you are now their enemy, and as they have eighty votes it is just as +well to clear this illusion away.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 16, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This is the proposal to the Irish, which I +forward.[8] It is in reply to Healy's last communication. You will +see that the question of the land etc., being under the control of +the Irish Chamber, is shirked.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Nov. 22, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--You see, Parnell has gone against the Liberals. +I felt certain he would. He has been playing with those around him +and has intentionally deceived some of his own friends. I really +think he will force us all, Radicals and {268} Liberals, to reject +all arrangements with him. If we had a good Speaker with dictatorial +powers he could stop Irish obstruction and P.'s power in Ireland +would be shaken as soon as the people saw he was impotent in +Parliament. + +We are having a much harder fight than we expected. I think we shall +win all our seats here, but it is a hard pull. The Tories are very +confident and are regaining courage in the counties. My hope is that +the labourers will lie courageously--promise to the Tories and vote +for us....--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Nov. 25, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--That undaunted sportsman the G.O.M. is still +hankering after the Irish and his general scheme of pacification. I +get a letter from Rosebery every day, asking for this and that +information. I have written to say that if the Liberals get a +majority, it may be possible to negotiate, but that at present it is +a mere waste of time to try anything. + +We have been losing for a very clear reason. You put forward a good +Radical programme. This would have taken. But no sooner had you put +it forward than Hartington and others denounced it. Then the G.O.M. +proposed that any question should be shunted to the dim and distant +future, and that all should unite to bring him back to power, with a +Coalition Ministry--in fact the old game which had already resulted +in shilly shally. I think the inhabitants of towns have shown their +wisdom in preferring even the Conservatives to this. I want to find +the people on our side, who are against disestablishment. Some Peers +and leaders are, but the masses go for it. They are simply sulky at +being told that everything must knock under to Peers and Whigs. This +is how I read the elections. Our only hope now is in the "cow," and +here too I am afraid that the Whigs will have thrown cold water on +all enthusiasm. I am not myself particularly sorry at what is +occurring. A year or two of opposition will be far better--from the +Radical standpoint--than a Cabinet with a Whig majority in it. With +all the elements of disintegration, we surely shall {269} be able to +render Conservative legislation impossible, and to force on a +dissolution very soon, when your Caucus must come out with a clear +and definite programme. Milk may be good for babes, but Whig milk +will not do for electors. The Whigs have dished themselves, thank +God. Even Gladstone's name goes for little at public meetings. +Yours is the only one which makes any one stand up and cheer.--Yours +truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 1, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I quite agree with you. But would it not be +well to make it clear that the Election was run on the Whig and not +on the Tory Programme?[9] + +I should imagine that the Irish will come round. The aim of the +Conservatives will be to keep in a short time with their aid, then to +quarrel with them, and to seek to hold their own against the Irish +and the Radicals by a combination with the Whigs. This scheme +Randolph Churchill explained to me a short time ago. If G.O.M. still +hankers after an alliance with the Irish, it may be possible to +arrange one, which would cause a split between him and his Whig +friends. He was always wanting to know as soon as possible what +could be effected, because he said that he wanted time to gain over +some of his late colleagues. + +I am not the least surprised at results. Putting aside the Irish +vote and bad times, was it likely that there would be great +enthusiasm for a cause, which was explained to be to relegate +everything of importance to the dim distant future, and to unite in +order to bring back to power the old lot, with all their doubts and +hesitations, under a leader who was always implying, without meaning +it, that he meant to retire?--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +SIGN MANSIONS, BRIGHTON, Dec. 3, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This afternoon I got a telegram {270} from +Randolph to say he was coming down, and I have had him here all the +evening. + +He says (but don't have it from me) that, if a vote of want of +confidence is not proposed, they will adjourn for three weeks after +the Speaker is chosen. If they have a majority with the Irish, he +says that they are inclined to throw their Speaker as a sop to the +Irish, and evidently he has a scheme in his head to get Hicks-Beach +elected Speaker, and to take his place himself. + +He told me that he had given in a memorandum to Lord Salisbury about +the state of parties in the House of Commons, in which he puts down +Hartington as worth 200 votes, and you for the balance. They intend +to give a _non possumus_ to all proposals for Home Rule, and they +expect to be supported by Hartington, even if the G.O.M. goes for +Home Rule. Salisbury is ready to resign the Premiership to +Hartington if necessary, and the new Party is to be called the +"Coalition Party." It appears that the G.O.M. (but this I have vowed +not to tell) has given in to the Queen a scheme of Home Rule, with a +sort of Irish President at the head, who is to be deposed by the +Queen and Council, if necessary. + +Should they not be turned out, they will at once start a discussion +on Procedure. + +Is not the cow working wonders for us? Next time we must have an +urban cow.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 4, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,-- ... The "urban cow" is the great difficulty. I +put my money on free schools, but, judging by London, the electors do +not care much about it. + +Things are going better for us. I was forced to speak yesterday at +Leicester, and you will see I had a dig at the Whigs. I will drive +the knife in on the 17th. + +Surely Hartington will not be such a fool as to make a coalition. If +he is inclined that way I should be happy to give him a lift. It +would be the making of the Radical party. + +If the Tories go against Peel they will irritate Hartington and the +Moderates. I don't care a straw either way. + +{271} + +I should warmly support any proposals for amendment of Procedure +which gave more power to the majority.--Yours truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +_P.S._--We must keep the Tories in for some time. If R. Churchill +will not play the fool, I certainly should not be inclined to prefer +a weak Liberal or Coalition Government to a weak Tory one. His best +policy is to leave us to deal with the Whigs and not to compel us to +unite the party against the Tories.--Yours, + +J.C. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 7, 1885. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,-- ... The G.O.M. is very anxious to come in again. +I am not, and I think we must sit on his Irish proposals. It will +require a careful steering to keep the Radical boat head to the +wind.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +Foljambe is out, for which I am devoutly thankful. There goes +another Moderate Liberal and Hartington's speech did not help him. I +hope E. Cavendish will go too. He is not safe. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Dec. 7, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--Thanks for your postings. As far as I can make out your +party will be in a minority of 5 or 6 when all is over a couple of +days hence. We shall have 86 in our party. I have not seen Parnell +for over a fortnight and know nothing of his mind except that I think +it significant he should have told his interviewer that he expected +Home Rule from the Liberals. This, of course may have been a hint to +prick up Salisbury, and it remains to be seen how it will work. But +in my opinion we have no course but to turn out the Tories. Eighteen +of their men are Irish, who would oppose tooth and nail every +concession to us, and as they would vote against their own party on +H. R. (supposing "Barkis is willing") that would count 36 against +{272} them, which, of course, would hardly be made up to them by +Liberal votes, as your party, with three or four exceptions, would +stand coldly aside and rejoice to see them and us, combined, put in a +minority. Looking at the matter in the most cynical manner, +therefore, I don't see what P. can do but put out the Conservatives. +With us you would have such an immense majority that you could spare +the desertion of a score of rats amongst the Whigs, while many of the +Borough Conservatives who owe their seats to us might abstain from a +H. R. division. + +As to the means of putting them out, I assume, if we were agreed as +to terms, that it would be easy to move an amendment to the Address +which we could support. Whether this should have relation directly +to Ireland is a matter for the strategists of your party to consider, +as while it would suit our book perfectly it might not rally all your +men and might lead to inconvenient debate. It would, however, look +odd in us, after denouncing you so bitterly, to put you in +straightway on some by-issue, not in relation to self-government, +and, moreover, as we should be strictly "dark horses" as to which +side we should support, an Irish amendment would have the advantage +of extracting from ministers certain expressions or promises in order +to fetch us, which could be made great capital out of afterwards by +you. Without having thought deeply on the strategical aspect of the +situation, it occurs to me that the best thing would be to have an +understanding with the Liberals and "play" the Government for a few +weeks with the Irish fly to see would it rise, without actually +landing them. Both you and we would then get time to see their +programme and how their party swallowed it--so as to corner them +afterwards. + +It is clear no scheme of Home Rule can be carried through the Lords +without a dissolution, and then, with our help, you could have a +majority of 200 over the Tories. But we should have a good +registration of Voters' Bill passed first and some amendments of the +Ballot Act. I think your people should at once get into touch with +Parnell. He went to England this morning and should be seen by some +one from your side. I agree with you that Mr. Gladstone alone can +settle the Irish question. He is the only man with head and heart +for the task, and the only man who can reduce to decency the +contemptible cads who so largely {273} composed the last Liberal +party. I thank God that so many of the howlers and gloaters over our +sufferings have met their fate at the polls.--Yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +BRIGHTON, Dec. 8, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have just got a letter from Herbert +Gladstone, which I have sent on to Healy.[10]... + +I have replied that it is very questionable whether any sort of +arrangement can be come to with Parnell, but that, if so, it will be +necessary for "Herbert" to explain precisely "logical issues and +solid facts"--or, in other words, to let us have the maximum of +concession. + +I doubt Parnell agreeing to any scheme which "Herbert" may propose, +their views are so divergent. But suppose that he does --would it +not be well to use the G.O.M. to settle this question and get it out +of the way. If he agrees with Parnell, he will not agree long with +his Whig friends. So soon as the Irish question is over, something +might be done to separate the Whigs entirely from the Radicals--or at +least something to cause the G.O.M. to begin those ten years of +probation which he requires before meeting his Maker.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Dec. 10, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--Better try, would a letter to Parnell at 9 Palace +Chambers, Westminster, find him, and ask him to make an appointment +with you. There is no necessity to refer him to the correspondence +that has taken place, but tell what you feel in a position to say on +behalf of your party leaders. He must see that Gladstone must come +in if we are to get anything, and the only thing I see to be settled +is the ritual to be observed in {274} bowing the Government out. I +presume he will move an amendment to the Address, unless he has some +satisfactory pledge from Salisbury, which I don't believe, and I +don't believe in the power of Salisbury or anybody else to throw dust +in Parnell's eyes. "Hard cash"[11] or a Catholic University won't +bait the Tory hook for us to swallow. I'm for the whole hog or none. +I think it would be important if we could have some understanding as +to the procedure, we, in the opinion of your leaders, should adopt as +to the terms of an amendment to the Address. They might prefer it +should be one they could speak on and not support, or both support +and speak on. The latter seems most convenient in case it is thought +better to turn the Government out immediately, so as to allow of the +re-election of the new Ministers. My view, however, is (and it is +not a strong one, because I have not heard the arguments contra) that +it would be better to keep the Tories in a little for the reasons +previously given, and also for the additional one that once they +accept our help they will all be tarred with the Irish brush, and +cannot afterwards complain of your party accepting an alliance by +which they are not ashamed to profit. "Sour Grapes" would then be a +complete answer to them in opposition. + +The stupidity of men like Harcourt calling us "Fenians" is +inconceivable. Personally I should not object to the epithet, which +I regard by no means an ignoble one, but I can well forecast the use +Churchill would make of it in opposition with Sir William in power by +grace of the "Fenian" vote. "The Gods themselves fight in vain +against stupidity." + +If you exercise any control over the _Daily News_, it ought to keep +your party straight by purging it of the rancour of defeat. Swear at +us in private as much as you like, but avoid flinging bricks of the +boomerang make. The _Daily News_ calling the Anglo-Irish voters +"clots of turbid intrigue" must have cost you a trifle at the polls. +We can slang you _de droit_ because we are powerless and +irresponsible, but a governing body shall go "all delicately marching +in most pellucid air." Excuse the philosophy!--Yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +{275} + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S. W., Dec. 11, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--There is much in what you say, but the fear is +that anything like a bargain with the Irish would be resented by the +English and Scotch workmen and that a Tory-Whig Coalition appealing +to their prejudices against a Radical-Parnellite alliance would carry +all before them then. This is a real danger. I am convinced, from +personal observation, that the workmen will not stand much more in +the way of Irish conciliation or concessions to Parnell. + +I am clear that we had better bide our time and rub the Tories' noses +well in the mess they have made. Till the 16th.--Yours, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Parnell to Mr. Labouchere_ + +IRISH PARLIAMENTARY OFFICES, + +LONDON, S. W., Dec. 17, 1885. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I have only just opened your letters, as I have not +been in London for some time. I will try and give you notice the +next time I am in town, but my present impression is that it would be +better to await events, and see what attitude the two English Parties +may take towards each other at the commencement of the new +Parliament.--Yours sincerely, + +CHAS. S. PARNELL. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S MANSIONS, + ST. JAMES'S PARK, Dec. 19, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I wrote to Hawarden in the sense we agreed on +respecting your views--keeping, however, a good deal to the vague. + +Yesterday morning came a letter from Parnell. Had only just received +my letter, was passing through London, would say when he was coming +back. Dilatory as usual. In the afternoon Healy arrived. He stayed +six hours. + +The sum of all amounted to this: + +{276} + +Parnell is half mad. We always act without him. He accepts this +position; if he did not we should overlook him. Do not trouble +yourself about him. Dillon, M'Carthy, O'Brien, Harrington, and I +settle everything. When we agree, no one can disagree. We are all +for an arrangement with the G.O.M. on terms. We are forming a +"Cabinet." We shall choose it. We shall pass what we like in this +Cabinet. We have never yet let out any secret. The Kilmainham +revelations were let out by Forster and O'Shea. + +_Terms_.--G.O.M.'s plan. + + +_Details_.--We agree to nomination for two Parliaments or five years; +we like it, for we want to hold our own against Fenians. Protestant +religious bodies may, if wished, elect representatives. + +On contracts, we would agree to an appeal to the Judicial Committee +of the House of Lords. + +We would agree to any landlord having the right to sell his land to +Irish State on valuation by present Commissioners, provided that all +value of tenants' improvements were deducted. We do not go so far in +land matters as Chamberlain--certainly not further. + +On veto. We could not accept the veto of the Imperial Parliament. +This is the corner-stone of independence in the minds of Irishmen. +Several plans were suggested--two-thirds majority, etc. I think +something might be worked out by means of a sound Privy Council. + +We would assent to reasonable amendments by the Lords, but we should +ask to be consulted. + +We have no objection to a Prince. This would be a great sop to the +"Loyalists." + +Of course we must have the Police. We would reduce them to +3000--there are too many. + +We claim to pay a quota--to raise this quota as we like; there is no +fear of Protection. Parnell and some Belfast manufacturers are the +only Protectionists in Ireland. Perhaps, however, we might give +bounties for a time. If we did, we should pay them, not you. + +If Bill thrown out in Lords, an Autumn Session; if thrown out again, +to be brought in again in 1886, unless Mr. Gladstone prefers a +dissolution. + +{277} + +No Procedure resolutions until Home Rule settled. + +There are only three Judges to whom we object. One is old and deaf +and wants to retire, another is dying (Lawson). + +If terms agreed to, never to come out that there were negotiations. +We would regard ourselves as members of the Liberal party; +occasionally indulge like you Radicals in a wild-cat vote, but vote +with Liberals on all Parliamentary issues. + +I have sent this with a lot more details to Hawarden. + +Rosebery writes to tell me that the "revelations" are well received +in Scotland, and that there will be no difficulty there.[12] + +Do pray think how very advantageous it will be to get rid of these +Irish.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, ST. JAMES'S PARK, + Sunday, Dec. 21, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Healy came again to-day, and he tells me that +the whole gang are now ready to accept the terms--provided that they +are the terms. He stands absolutely against an Imperial Parliament +veto and says that it is impossible. + +I proposed this: + +A Royal Prince--a sort of King Log. + +The reorganisation of the Irish Privy Council on a fair and +reasonable basis. + +The veto to be the Governor acting by the advice of the Privy +Council--_i.e._, of a majority. + +The Governor to be changed on petition of two-thirds of the Assembly. + +He thinks that this would do, and I have sent it to Hawarden. + +Healy has seen Parnell, and, without speaking to him about +negotiations, he came to the conclusion that there will be no +opposition there. + +The Conservatives, I hear, have it in consideration to submit the +Queen's Speech immediately, and to put up one of their men {278} to +propose a vote of confidence, if there be no amendment on our side. + +I asked Healy what the Irish would do then? He said, "If nothing is +settled, walk out probably." "Then?" I asked. "Go with the +Conservatives and turn out the Liberals." + +But it seems to me that, without being sure of the support of the +Irish, Mr. Gladstone could hardly take office. + +If so, what then? Hartington? + +Hartington is cuts with Churchill. He says that he has insulted him +in his speeches, and that he will never speak to him again. + +Churchill told me a few weeks ago that the Conservatives were +determined to dissolve, if Home Rule were attempted, in order to +protect the House of Lords. Would they have the courage to dissolve +at once? Are they not rather calculating on Mr. Gladstone not being +able to form a Government, and either coming back with the Whigs, or +dissolving on the ground of a deadlock? + +How the revelation came out was this: + +Herbert Gladstone told Reed of the Leeds paper his father's views. +Reed told Mudford. Could this have been stupidity, or was it +intentional by order of Papa? + +The _Pall Mall_ of yesterday was directly inspired from Hawarden. +The channel was Norman. Certainly the ways of Mr. Gladstone are +rather more mysterious than those of the Heathen Chinee. My reading +of it is that he is simply insane to come in.... The Irish are +suspicious of him, and intend to have things clear before they +support him. Parnell says that he has a way of getting people to +agree with him by the enunciation of generalities, but that when he +has got what he wants, his general principles are not carried out as +might have been anticipated. This is so true that I could not deny +myself the pleasure of letting him know it. In this case, he will +have to be a good deal more definite, if he is to count on the Irish. + +My own conviction is that if the Irish get Home Rule, they will--with +the exception of the land question--surprise us by their +conservatism. Their first thing will be to pass some sort of very +drastic legislation against the Fenians. + +What the next step will be, I don't exactly know. The Irish too want +to know.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{279} + +_Lord Randolph Churchill to Lord Salisbury_ + +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 22, 1885. + +... Now I have a great deal to tell you. Labouchere came to see me +this morning. He asked me our intentions. I gave him the following +information. I can rely upon him: + +(l) That there would be no motion for adjournment after the 12th, but +that business would be immediately proceeded with after three or four +days' swearing. On this he said that, if we liked to go out on a +motion for adjournment, he thought the other side might accommodate +us. I told him that such an ineffably silly idea had never entered +our heads. Then he told me that he had been asked whether he could +ascertain if a certain statement as to a Tory Home Rule measure which +appeared recently in the _Dublin Daily Express_ was Ashbourne's +measure, and if the Tories meant to say "Aye" or "No" to Home Rule; +to which I replied that it had never crossed the mind of any member +of the Government to dream even of departing from an absolute +unqualified "No," and that all statements as to Ashbourne's plan were +merely the folly of the _Daily News_. Then I was very much upset, +for he proceeded to tell me that, on Sunday week last, Lord Carnarvon +had met Justin M'Carthy, and had confided to him that he was in +favour of Home Rule in some shape, but that his colleagues and his +party were not ready, and asked whether Justin M'Carthy's party would +agree to an enquiry, which he thought there was a chance of the +Government agreeing to, and which would educate his colleagues and +his party if granted and carried through. I was consternated, but +replied that such a statement was an obvious lie; but, between +ourselves, I fear it is not--perhaps not even an exaggeration or a +misrepresentation. Justin M'Carthy is on the staff of the _Daily +News_. Labouchere is one of the proprietors, and I cannot imagine +any motive for his inventing such a statement. If it is true, Lord +Carnarvon has played the devil. Then I told Labouchere that if the +G.O.M. announced any Home Rule project, or indicated any such project +and, by so doing, placed the Government in a minority, resignation +was not the only course; but that there was another alternative which +might even be announced in debate, and the announcement of which +might complete the squandering {280} of the Liberal party, and that +his friend at Hawarden had better not omit altogether that card from +his calculations as to his opponents' hands. Lastly, I communicated +to him that, even if the Government went out and Gladstone introduced +a Home Rule Bill, I should not hesitate, if other circumstances were +favourable, to agitate Ulster even to resistance beyond +constitutional limits; that Lancashire would follow Ulster, and would +lead England; and that he was at liberty to communicate this fact to +the G.O.M.[13] + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, + Dec. 22, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I got a long letter from Hawarden this morning. +The substance is, "Let the Irish get a positive assurance from the +Conservatives that they will do nothing, and his tongue will be +free." This I send to Healy. + +I have been spending the morning with Churchill. His plan is this. +Queen's Speech at once--in address an expression of confidence. +Liberals to draw G.O.M., Churchill to get up and say that obviously +he intends to propose Home Rule. If so, adverse vote will be +followed by dissolution. Will they dare to do this? Churchill says +that they will, and that I might privately tell Mr. Gladstone this. + +He vowed that Brett had given Parnell a written statement from Mr. +Gladstone. + +Healy told me to ask whether there were any direct negotiations with +Parnell. + +Hawarden replies: "There are no negotiations going on between Parnell +and my father, who has constantly from the first, declared, etc., +etc." + +Who are we to believe? Mr. Gladstone, as we know, has a very +magnificent conscience, but he will finish by being too clever by +half, if he tries to play Healy off against Parnell, who, as I told +you, is not much more than a figurehead.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{281} + +_P.S._--Churchill says that they hear that Goschen has been playing a +double game--that to win over Hartington he became a Balaam. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 23, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Has this occurred to you? The Whigs evidently +will not stand Mr. Gladstone's proposals. If you therefore were to +rally to them, you would clear the nest of these nuisances, and, as +Mr. Gladstone cannot last very long, become the leader of the +Opposition or of the Government--a consummation that we all want. + +I think that the Customs matter would not be a _sine qua non_. + +Imperial matters would be few. We are against wars. The main +Imperial question would be for extra money--in case of wars. In the +main the Irish would be with us--their views about land are much +yours--I should fancy therefore that, provided we have a clear +distinction between local and imperial affairs, we should soon be the +very best of friends. + +That Mr. Gladstone will go on, I think pretty certain, +because--excellent and good man as he is--he sees that his only +chance is, to get the Irish. He is now engaged in a game of dodging. +He has invented as usual a "principle"--that he can go into no +details until he officially knows that the Government will do +nothing. The object is to get the Irish on generalities. They, +however, are quite up to this, and even supposing that they were to +vote with us, they would at once turn him out, if he were to play +pranks. I do not quite therefore see how he could come in without +some sort of secret understanding with them. + +Now, what would satisfy them? + +On customs, as I have said, there would be no great difficulty. + +Ditto on protection to minorities. + +Remains the veto. + +They are anxious to get over it, but cannot accept the Imperial +Parliament. Would it be to our advantage that they should? We +should be continually having rows in Parliament about their Acts. + +When I saw Healy on Sunday I suggested this: + +{282} + +A King Log in the person of a Member of the Royal Family. The veto +to be exercised by King Log with the consent of his Privy Council. + +The Privy Council to be entirely reorganised, or the present lot to +be swamped by men--not ultras, but of moderate character. + +Things would then work out by some of the Irish Ministers being made +Privy Councillors. + +This he said the Irish would accept. + +Now, with such a plan, with nominated Members for five years, and +with representation of Protestant Synods and such like bodies, would +there be much fear? + +What the Irish are afraid of are the Fenians. This is why they snap +at nominated Members, although they may perhaps openly protest. + +If I can get hold of Morley, I will have a talk with him; he is, I +think, of a secretive nature. + +Suppose that the worst occurs--an immediate dissolution--the rural +cow would still do its work, for it might be put that the Tories are +really dissolving not for Ireland but to prevent the cow being given. +On other urban cows Mr. Gladstone would be very much in your hands, +for to get into power, I really believe that he would not only give +up Ireland, but Mrs. Gladstone and Herbert. + +Churchill is going to Ireland. It is an old promise, he says, to go +for Christmas to Fitzgibbon, and nothing to do with politics. Did I +tell you that when I said that I knew that Carnarvon had been +intriguing with Archbishop Walsh, he said that Walsh was a very +ambitious man, and would not long remain under Parnell, and that +Carnarvon had tried to square the Education question with him? + +Let us even suppose that we are beaten at the elections. There would +a Tory-Whig Government. How long would it last? + +Hartington seems to be on bad terms all round. Churchill tells me +that he (Hartington) declines to meet him or speak to him on the +score of his speeches. Evidently he is confederating with Goschen, +and probably Forster will become a third in the triumvirate? They do +not strike me as precisely the men who will ever act with you, unless +you knock under to them. + +{283} + +It is by no means certain that we should be beaten at an election. +Mr. Gladstone is still a power. Rosebery says that the Scotch are +all right. The Irish vote has turned and will turn many elections. +Our cards, therefore, if boldly and well played, are by no means such +as would warrant the hands being thrown up.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--Is Churchill reckoning with his party when he talks about an +immediate dissolution? How will its Members like being sent back to +their Constituents? Many are hard up. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Dec. 23, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--Thanks for your views. If Churchill and his lot want to +stay in, in order to thwart us and Mr. Gladstone, then I say, by all +means, let them have a few months office, and let us give +them--well--purgatory for a bit and see how they take it. It seems +to me that opinion is not quite ripe enough yet amongst your party to +swallow strong meat. I therefore think a while in the cold would +teach them whether Mr. Gladstone was wiser than the tuppence ha-penny +intelligence of his rank and file. What the God-fearing Radical +evidently wants is a course of Tory slaughter abroad, and sixpence on +the income tax, and we are just the boys to help them to it. Opinion +here in loyalist circles seems to take it for granted that Gladstone +needs a check from his own party, and I confess it has somewhat the +aspect of it. So it seems to me we shall have to turn round and +"educate" the Liberal party, since they won't allow the greatest man +they ever had to do so. A pretty mess they will be in, unless they +seize this opportunity under his leadership of consolidating their +party. I should like to know what would become of them without +Gladstone? You would have Chamberlain and Hartington cutting each +other's throats and the Tories standing laughing by, profiting by +your divisions! And what should we be doing? You may be sure +whatever was worst for the Liberal party. You may dissolve fifty +times, but until you dissolve us out of existence, there we'll be, a +thorn--aye, a bayonet in your sides. Here we were with the chance of +getting all Ireland {284} round to some moderate scheme that would +end for ever the feud between the two countries, and now it appears +that some gentlemen who were born yesterday, and couldn't tell the +difference between a Moonlighter and an Orangeman, propose to spoil +the whole thing--and in the interest of the "Empire" forsooth. I +venture to think that the statesman who had the boldness to think out +some proposition for the pacification of this island--small as it +is--is the best friend the Empire has had for many a long day! My +heart is sick when I read the extracts telegraphed from the English +papers to think these are the idiots we have to deal with and to +argue with. It is almost a justification of O'Donovan Rossa. They +have Moses and the Prophets, but they want a sign from Heaven. Of +course, I know there are ten thousand difficult details to be +settled, but these men don't want to settle anything. They have some +party dodge to serve, and Ireland is their happy hunting ground. Let +them take care that the quarrel is not a poisoned morsel for their +dogs. Churchill babbles of coming over to rouse the Orangemen! _Je +lui promets des emotions_. He had better bring Gorst with him to +rally the "re-actionary Ulster members." If these men think as well +as talk this blague, England is very lucky in her rulers. + +But to quit apostrophe (which you must pardon) what are we to do? +Can we expect Mr. Gladstone to bear the battle on his single shield? +Is it not plain that if we plunge into Home Rule plans just now +before your intelligent public apply their enlightened minds to it we +shall get far less than what we should get by waiting and worrying +you for a few years? We are all young, and though British saws won't +bear me out, you are a very fickle and unstable people, while ours +has the tenacity of 700 years to carry us through. We can wait +awhile and see who gets the worst of it, and if we are beaten in our +time--well, there are plenty of young men and young women in Ireland +to breed future difficulties for you. Some of us thought as +Nationalists we were making a great sacrifice in being willing to +give up our ideals, but the spirit in which we are met shows how much +our surrender is appreciated by the individuals who subscribed for +cartridges for the Hungarians, Italians, and Poles. The curse of +being the sport of your two parties is in itself the best argument +for the necessity of Home Rule. + +{285} + +As for Churchill, a great deal of what he told you I take to be +bluff--told for the purposes of intimidation. I don't believe they'd +dissolve, and if they are so inclined we ought not to give them the +chance but help them over the stile, in order to trip them up at some +better opportunity. When we beat them a few times, say on their +estimates, and worry them on adjournments and motions, they will be +in a much less heroic mood than they are now. Slow poison is a +better medicine for them than the happy dispatch! By hanging on +their skirts for a few weeks, snubbing them and humiliating them at +every opportunity, they will be in a much more reasonable frame of +mind than they are now, and meantime perhaps your young lions could +be reduced to reason and your old ones have their claws trimmed. It +is no good talking about the details of Home Rule, when the very +mention of the word gives half the Liberal party the shivers. The +men that won't take Mr. Gladstone for a leader to-day will have to +take Mr. Parnell to-morrow, for assuredly things cannot rest as they +are. Mr. Gladstone's enemies just now are England's and Ireland's +worst enemies also. He alone can settle the question moderately and +satisfactorily, yet he is assailed by his own party as if he were +some reckless junior acting not from the ripeness of knowledge and +sagacity, but through some adolescent's lust of untasted power! Your +party ought to get up an altar to Mundella and put his long nose in +the tabernacle. It is sweet to know that he has controlled the +education of British youth. + +A happy Christmas to you, my dear Labouchere. + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 23, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--Surely Randolph's policy will not work. A +dissolution within a few weeks of the General Election would be very +unpopular and indeed unjustifiable, unless the whole Liberal party +followed Mr. Gladstone in a Home Rule proposal. But it is clear he +will be left in the lurch, if he proposes it, by the majority of the +party, and in these circumstances {286} a dissolution would not help +the Tories, and would probably unite the Liberals under +Hartington--while Mr. Gladstone would retire. + +I should have thought the Tory game would have been to go out and to +leave Mr. Gladstone to form a Government if he can. + +Unless he repudiates Home Rule this would be impossible, while if he +does repudiate it he would have the Irish against him and could not +get on for a month. + +I shall be in London on the 4th January, and could dine with you to +meet Randolph on that evening--if convenient. + +I shall not be up again till the 11th. Have they finally settled to +go straight on with the address and without any adjournment?--Yours +very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere_ + +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 24, 1885. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I am engaged to be at Hatfield on the 4th. That +compared morally with your proposed "festin" will be as Heaven is to +Hell, but my sinful spirit will sigh regretfully after Hell. I am +making enquiries as to your letter which you suggested to me +yesterday, but have not yet received a reply. + +I thought over Justin M'Carthy's story about Carnarvon. It must be a +lie, for on Sunday last the latter was in London. He came over on +the Friday previous for the Cabinets on the following Monday and +Tuesday.--Yours ever, + +RANDOLPH S. C. + +_P.S._--The weak point of your accusation in this week's _Truth_ of +treachery on the part of the Government is that the announcement of +Gladstone's having written a letter to the Queen first appeared in +_The Daily News_![14] + +Now we are not likely to take Mr. Hill[15] as our confidant. + + +{287} + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 24, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Churchill writes: + +"I am engaged to be at Hatfield on the 4th. That, compared with the +society of you and 'Joe,' ought to be as Heaven is to Hell, but my +sinful spirit sighs regretfully after Hell." + +They go on without adjournment, estimating that the swearing can be +done in three or four days. + +Rosebery writes to say that he has heard nothing from Hawarden since +he wrote urging silence, a suggestion which he supposed was not +appreciated. All I know, he says, is that Mr. Gladstone is devilish +in earnest about the matter. + +Supposing that the Radicals went against Home Rule, the fight with +the Irish would be long. Don't you think that the country would +think that it would be better fought by the Conservatives than by the +Radicals? They would--with pleasure--make it last long. It would be +like the French wars to Pitt. + +I saw Harcourt yesterday. He told me that he had been to see you, +and seemed to me sitting on the fence. "What I am thinking of," he +said, "is that if the Irish found that they could get nothing, they +would resort again to dynamite." I told him that I thought that +_his_ life would not be worth a week's purchase. Was there ever such +a timorous Sambo? + +Henry Oppenheim tells me that Hartington dined with him a few days +ago, and that so far as he could make out he seemed inclined to stand +by Mr. Gladstone.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 24, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I do not think the Irish proposals are possible. +If they refuse control of Imperial Parliament, there is really +nothing left but separation. A hybrid arrangement with nominations, +Privy Councils, etc., would not stand {288} examination and would be +a perpetual source of friction and further trouble. + +I do not believe in their Conservative legislation. They mean it, +but the American Fenians would be too strong for them. + +There is much fascination in your suggestion of Radical policy, +especially in the chance of dishing the Whigs whom I hate more than +the Tories. + +But it won't do. English opinion is set strongly against Home Rule +and the Radical party might be permanently (_i.e._ for our time) +discredited by a concession on this point. + +We must "lie low" and watch--avoiding positive committal as far as +possible. + +Did I tell you that the G.O.M. thanked me for my last speech? + +I doubt if he has made up his own mind yet or formulated any definite +scheme. + +He has several times repeated the phrase "supremacy of Parliament." + +I am informed on good authority--the best in fact--that there is no +truth in the statement that he has submitted a statement to the +Queen. As Randolph is quite wrong about this, he must be taken as a +doubtful authority in other matters also. + +I suppose that if he is going to Ireland he will not be back in time +for dinner on the 4th.--Yours ever, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, ST. JAMES'S PARK, + Christmas Day, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This is Churchill's statement about the Queen. +When they came in they were told that there was a Home Rule scheme of +Mr. Gladstone's and it was shown to Salisbury. I suspect that it is +true, for no sooner was Mr. Gladstone out than Herbert began--on the +ground that his father wanted exactly to know the Irish minimum, in +order to have time to treat the matter with his friends. + +I place as the basis of Mr. Gladstone's action an almost insane +desire to come into office. Now he knows that so far as _he_ is +{289} concerned, this can only be done by squaring the Irish. At 76 +a waiting policy may be a patriotic one, but it is one of personal +effacement. This is not precisely the line of our revered leader. + +Randolph says he is only going to Ireland, as he has done on previous +years, to pass Christmas with Fitzgibbon.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--Healy and I have elaborated a letter containing the Irish +minimum. + + +_Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere_ + +INDIA OFFICE, Dec. 25, 1885. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,--My correspondent with whom you thought you might +correspond with advantage does not wish now to be drawn. + +_Very Private_. G.O.M. has written what is described to me as a +"marvellous letter" to Arthur Balfour, to the effect that he thinks +"it will be a public calamity if this great question should fall into +the line of party conflict," and saying that he desires the question +should be settled by the present Government. He be damned!--Yours +ever, + +RANDOLPH S. C. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Xmas, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--It may be that Brett is the go-between, and therefore +that Gladstone could use the views of others to head off Parnell. +Now as I believe we should speak with one voice and chime the same +note, I don't think it would be well for me to say anything at +present beyond thanking you for all your kindness. I mean anything +to any one but yourself. Harcourt's views quite interest me, and he +is quite right, for if our people are disappointed after the visions +held out to them, they cannot be held in. This country could easily +be made ungovernable so far as the collection of rent or legal +process is concerned, and the obstructors would find they were not +dealing with playboys but {290} with resolute men. It is because I +am for peace and feel the necessity for it that I am willing to +accept any reasonable settlement, as things could not go on as they +are for very long. If prices next year are as bad as this the +country will not be habitable in any case for rackrenters. + +I can hardly believe the Tories would dissolve if your party shows +itself united. It is on your divided counsels they reckon. If a big +vote goes against them it will knock the bottom out of their +mutterings. Besides supposing the dissolution goes against them, +they must count the cost. Defeat would mean the instant carrying of +any schemes Gladstone liked to put forward and no nonsense from the +Lords. The Peers could not reject it, and if they did and Gladstone +threatened to dissolve against their existence--_bon soir_! I am +firmer therefore in my opinion that Randolph's talk was mere +funkee-funkee, a train laid to explode in Hawarden, and I shall be +surprised if it goes off. + +Your fellows will never realise the price they will be willing to pay +us until they see the Market opened and a wretched minority sitting +and smiling across the floor from the seats they themselves should +recline on! Their teeth won't begin to water till the 12th Jan. +Therefore I believe a waiting game is our game, for surely it is of +as much consequence to your men that they should govern England as it +is to ours that they should govern Ireland? The fact that Parnell's +reserve is so provoking to the English is his best justification in +our minds. Chamberlain's point about whether the Imperial Ministry +which enjoyed the confidence of the English on Home affairs should +resign if defeated by our help on foreign questions is a poser. It +seems to me the federal idea cannot work unless you too have a local +and an Imperial Parliament.--Yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to "The Times"_[16] + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W., Dec. 26, 1885. + +"WHAT THE PARNELLITES WOULD ACCEPT." + +SIR,--During the last Parliament I voted frequently with the Irish +members against the Government. I did so because I was {291} opposed +to exceptional measures of coercion, and believed that the remedy for +Irish wrongs consisted in allowing Ireland to manage her own affairs, +subject to full guarantee being given for the maintenance of the +integrity of the Empire. In this view it would appear that I was +only in advance by a year or two of the opinions of many Liberals and +Radicals and of some Conservatives. + +Owing to the course of action which I pursued, I was thrown into +personal and friendly relations with many of the Irish and +Parliamentary party, which relations I have maintained, and I think I +am able to form a pretty accurate estimate of their views. First, +however, I will say with your permission a word respecting Irish +opinion, and the position, so far as I can judge it, of the Irish +political leaders. Among those of them opposed to the present state +of things the majority are not separatists, some because they are in +favour of the Union with the British Isles, others because they are +aware that separation is practically impossible. Those who aspire to +separation are an infinitesimal minority, and they subordinate their +opinions to those of their colleagues. + +Throughout Ireland a passionate desire for Home Rule is entertained +by all with the exception of the landlords, the officials, and the +Orangemen. A good many of the landlords are disposed, however, to +rally to it, while the area over which the Orangemen hold sway is +growing smaller and smaller every year. Many of the Presbyterians of +Ulster have already thrown in their lot with the Home Rulers. There +is now but one single northern Irish county left which does not +return a Parnellite--viz. Antrim. In four Ulster counties--Monaghan, +Cavan, Donegal, and Fermanaugh--no one but Parnellites have been +chosen. The desire for Home Rule is irrespective of any wish to +alter the land system, although this wish is an important factor in +Irish feeling. Agriculture is almost the only industry in Ireland, +and one reason why the landlords are disliked is that, with some few +exceptions, they have set themselves in antagonism to the aspirations +of the nation for Home Rule. The Land Act has disappointed and +dissatisfied every one, for, while the landlords declare that their +property has been confiscated, the farmers cry out that their +property--_i.e._ their improvements, have been handed over to be +rented for the landlords' benefit in the teeth {292} of the Healy +clause. It is hopeless to suppose that an Imperial Parliament, +composed of a majority of gentlemen, who know very little about the +real merits of the case, can settle this great question, at which it +has been tinkering for generations, and I, as an Englishman, object +to have my time taken up in discussing it any more, and trying to +accommodate the differences between Irish renters and Irish rentees. +Mr. Chamberlain has rightly objected to the Imperial Exchequer being +saddled with purchase money to be paid to the landlords, and I think +our duty to them would be performed if we were to insist, in any +settlement of the Irish question, that they shall be entitled to call +on the Irish treasury for a fair price for their estates whenever +they want to sell them, due regard being had to the tenants' +statutably recognised ownership of his improvements. Thus the +landlords, if they object to live in an island, the inhabitants of +which enjoy the advantage of self-government, would be able to leave +it with the equivalent for their land in their pockets in hard cash. +With their departure the police difficulty would disappear, and with +it the necessity of England paying £1,500,000 per annum for the Royal +Irish Constabulary, although the Irish insist that they only require +a force of ¼ this size, and are willing to pay for it themselves. + +Speaking generally, and if the land system were satisfactorily +settled, it may be said that the Irish are not Radicals in one sense +of the word. Their habit of thought is Conservative. They are, like +the French, somewhat too inclined to look and state interference in +everything. Their tendency is, as M. Guizot said of the French, to +fall into a division between administrators and administered. Their +hostility to law is not to law abstractedly, but to the law as +presenting what they regard as an alien ascendency. I am inclined to +think that, had they a Parliament of their own, they would surprise +us by their Conservative legislation. + +Apart from the Nationalists, who form the great bulk of the nation, +are the Fenians. They are comparatively speaking few in number. +Their strength consists in being able to tell the Irish that Home +Rule never will be granted, and that Ireland must either separate +from us, or be ruled by us in local as well as in Imperial affairs. + +{293} + +That the Nationalists have to a certain extent acted with the Fenians +is true. But could they do otherwise? They had to fight against a +common opponent. Between a Nationalist and a Fenian there is as much +difference as between the most moderate Whig Squire who sat in last +Parliament on the Liberal benches and me. Yet we both voted +frequently together against the Conservatives. The Nationalists are +the Girondists, the Fenians are the Jacobins. Like the Girondists +they make common cause against a common enemy. (_He carries on this +simile lengthily._) Mr. Parnell and his political friends have +substituted constitutional agitation for lawless and revolutionary +agitation. He has only succeeded in this by persuading his +countrymen that his action will result in success. If he be doomed +to failure, the Fenians will once more gain the upper hand in Ireland. + +The _Times_ has more than once suggested that the Irish Parliamentary +party should state precisely what they want. They want a Parliament. +How possibly can they be expected to say officially to what +limitations and to what restrictions they would submit for the sake +of a definite settlement before some responsible English statesman, +with a strong following at his back, is prepared to give them a +Parliament? They would indeed be fools were they to make such a +tactical blunder. In any negotiation of which I have ever read, +bases are agreed on before either party--and certainly before the +weaker party--specifies details. + +I think, however, I am not far wrong in saying the following scheme +would be accepted: + +1. Representation in the Imperial Parliament upon Imperial matters +alone. This would require a hard and fast definition as to what is +Imperial and what is local, together with, as in the United States, +some legal tribunal of appeal. + +The Army, the Navy, the protection of the British Isles, and the +commercial and political relations with foreign nations would be +regarded as Imperial matters, and probably there would be no +insuperable difficulty--if it were deemed expedient--in arranging a +Customs Union, such as that of the German Zollverein before the +German Empire came into existence, leaving it to the Irish to foster +their industries, if they please, by means of bounties. There would +be an Imperial budget, which would be submitted each year to the +Imperial Parliament with the Irish {294} sitting in it. Each country +would contribute its quota according to population and property. If +more were required, the proportions would be maintained. Each island +would raise its quota as it best pleased. + +2. The Government of Ireland--a Viceroy, a Privy Council, a +Representative Assembly, Ministers. + +(1) The Viceroy--a member of the Royal family, with a salary of +£25,000 per annum. + +(2) The Privy Council.--The present Privy Council consists of about +fifty individuals, all of them anti-Nationalists, and some of them +virulently so. The Council would have to be reorganised. This might +be done by nominating 100 new Councillors, men of moderate views, but +who would frankly accept the arrangement and endeavour to give +practical effect to it. The Council would gradually be increased by +the admission of the Irish Ministers. + +(3) House of Representatives.--Its members would be elected as with +us according to population. As a concession, however, it would be +agreed that one-fourth of the members might be nominated, either +during two Parliaments or for five years. + +(4) Ministers.--They would be selected from the Parliamentary +majority as with us. The Viceroy would call upon the leader of the +majority to form a Cabinet. He would, however, retain the +constitutional right of the Queen to dissolve. + +3. The Veto.--This would be reserved to the Viceroy, with the consent +of his Privy Council. Of one thing I am absolutely certain. It is +that no arrangement is possible which would give the veto to the +Imperial Parliament. The Irish object to this, because they consider +that it would convert their assembly into a mere debating Society. +We--although we seem just now enamoured with it--should soon find +that all legislation in England would soon be brought again to a +standstill, as we should be perpetually debating Irish bills. The +Irish would also object to the Queen exercising the veto by the +advice of her Council, for, practically, this would mean the veto of +those representing the majority in the English Parliament. The Privy +Council is, unfortunately, historically odious in Ireland. But were +it recast, it is probable that the Irish would not object to the Veto +which I have suggested. + +{295} + +4. Protection of Minorities.--They would already be protected by the +veto, by the nominated members and by the Orangemen, who would return +a considerable contingent; but the Irish would go even further than +this. + +(1) No contract existing or entered into could be set aside by Irish +legislation. In the event of any one feeling himself aggrieved in +this matter, he might appeal to the Judicial Committee of the House +of Lords. + +(2) Any Landlord would have the right to insist upon his land being +bought by the Irish state on the estimate of its value, by the Land +Judges, due consideration being taken of tenants' improvements. + +5. The Army in Ireland and the Fortresses would be under the orders +of the Imperial Ministry, much as is the case in the United States of +America. + +I am far from saying that the Irish, if left to draw up the +settlement, would insert these conditions. Many of them savour of +tutelage and distrust. But I am pretty certain that, although in +discussion they might claim more, they would, if they could not get +more, accept this scheme with an honest intention to make it +workable. Less they would not accept, and for a very good reason. +If their leaders are to be responsible for the peace, tranquillity, +and prosperity of Ireland, they must have full powers to act, and the +scheme of Government must in the main be acceptable to the majority +of the governed. + +At present we have arrived at a Parliamentary deadlock. No measure +dealing with Ireland can be passed in the existing House of Commons +without the aid of the Irish contingent. If a Coalition Government +were to succeed in passing, either in this Parliament or a subsequent +Parliament, a half-hearted measure, the Irish would decline to accept +it. They would simply refuse to act on it, and thus confusion would +become worse confounded. Experience has proved that any proposal not +to count on the Irish vote is outside the area of practical politics. +Experience has also shown that the rival political parties will not +subordinate their differences to any anti-Irish policy. Such schemes +are like the kiss of peace of the French Assembly during the French +Revolution. They sound all very well but last about half an hour. + +{296} + +We have then to decide whether we will try the experiment of +federalisation under the restrictions for the unity of the Empire, +and the protection of the minority in Ireland such as I have roughly +indicated; or whether we will embark in a career of what practically +amounts to war between the two islands. + +Many Conservatives are excellent citizens, others are party men. The +latter would probably not object to the latter alternative. It would +unquestionably have the effect of the French wars in the days of +George III. They, I fully admit, would be better able to carry out a +system of repression than the Radicals. They therefore would in the +main hold office. Domestic reforms would be neglected, the Radical +chariot would stand still. You, Sir, I apprehend, are not a Radical, +and though you may not be influenced by this arrest of the chariot, +you would not regret the _propter hoc_. But it ought to lead any +Radical to pause and reflect. + +I did not show myself a fanatical worshipper of Mr. Gladstone during +the last Parliament, in fact I must have voted against him as often +as I voted for him. In my address to my constituents I said that I +should raise my voice against any Administration, no matter what it +be called, that lags on the path of progress or that falls into +error. My constituents have been good enough to leave it to me to +decide what is lagging and what is error. If the Conservatives will +at once bring in a Bill dealing with Ireland in the manner I have +indicated they shall have my vote as far as that Bill is concerned. +But I gather that they have determined to oppose a _non possumus_ to +all such demands and not to go beyond including Irish in any general +scheme for local Government in both islands. + +I turn therefore to Mr. Gladstone. His public utterances lead me to +believe that he is prepared to sacrifice his well-earned ease, and to +endeavour to settle the question in a manner satisfactory to us and +to the Irish. His experience is vast, his patriotism is undoubted, +his tactical skill is unrivalled. I would suggest therefore that we +should give him full powers to treat for us with the Irish, and that +we should support him in any arrangement which meets with his +sanction. The Irish have always had a {297} sneaking affection for +him; they will recognise that he has to count with English public +opinion, and they will concede far more to him than to any other +negotiator that we might select. I have seen that Lord Hartington +and Mr. Forster have pronounced against Home Rule, and that the +former is negotiating with Mr. Goschen. Lord Hartington generally +pronounces against a measure as a preliminary to accepting it; I do +not therefore ascribe much importance to his declaration. Mr. +Forster, during the last Parliament, distinguished himself by +uttering, in season and out of season, gibes and sarcasms against his +former colleagues. Mr. Goschen, a man of great ability and honesty, +could not find one English Liberal Constituency to return him, and +sits in Parliament by the good favour of the Edinburgh Conservatives. +With all respect therefore to the two gentlemen, I hardly think that +the Liberals will accept a policy from them. If we are to judge by +what happened in the last Parliament they have no followers.... Let +Mr. Gladstone then boldly declare himself for a well considered +measure of Home Rule.... + +H. LABOUCHERE.[17] + +To the Editor of the _Times_. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 26, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Hawarden writes:...[18] + +This is rather my plan--commerce would fall within the province of +Imperial matters--religion, too, might; taxation is a little more +difficult, for it would require much definition.[19] + +{298} + +Will the Irish trust Mr. Gladstone, and go with the Liberals on +general assurances? They may, and they may not; they are very +suspicious. Were I they, I should, and then upset him if he dodged +later on. + +Anyhow, I think that we may take it that Mr. Gladstone is determined +to have a try at Irish legislation if he gets the chance, and the +fact that the Irish can at any time stop him in his career will lead +him to go great lengths.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere_ + +2 CONNAUGHT PLACE, W., Dec. 26, 1885. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,--You have definitely captured the G.O.M. and I wish +you joy of him. He has written another letter to A. Balfour, +intimating, I understand, without overmuch qualification, that if +Government do not take up Home Rule he will. + +It is no use your writing to Lord Salisbury. The Prime Minister +cannot disclose the intentions of the Government except in the +ordinary course when Parliament meets. + +I shall look forward to Monday's _Times_.--Yours ever, + +RANDOLPH S. C. + +I think Joe had much better join us. He is the only man on your side +who combines ability with common sense. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 26, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--The G.O.M. is sulking in his tent. No one can +get a word from him--he has not replied to letters from Hartington, +Rosebery, and myself. + +Further consideration convinces me that no scheme on the lines of +Rosebery's proposal is worth attention. + +There is only one way of giving _bona fide_ Home Rule, which is the +adoption of the American Constitution: + +{299} + +1. Separate legislation for England, Scotland, Wales, and possibly +Ulster. The three other Irish Provinces might combine. + +2. Imperial legislation at Westminster for foreign and Colonial +affairs, Army, Navy, Post Office, and Customs. + +3. A Supreme Court to arbitrate on respective limits of authority. + +Of course the House of Lords would go. I do not suppose the five +Legislations could stand a second Chamber apiece. + +Each would have its own Ministry responsible to itself. + +There is a scheme for you. It is the only one which is compatible +with any sort of Imperial unity, and once established it might work +without friction. + +Radicals would have no particular reason to object to it, and if Mr. +Gladstone is ready to propose it--well and good! + +But I am sick of the vague generalities of John Morley and the _Daily +News_, and I am not going to swallow Separation with my eyes shut; +Let us know what you are doing. + +The best thing for us all is to keep the Tories in a little longer. +Let them bear the first brunt of the situation created by the state +of Ireland and the disappointment of the Nationalists. But how the +devil is this to be managed? If the Irishmen choose they can turn +the Government out at any moment. Can you not persuade them that it +is clearly to their interest to keep them in for one session--while +Mr. Gladstone is preparing public opinions?--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HIGHBURY, BIRMINGHAM, Dec. 27, 1885. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I thought the scheme alleged to have been +submitted to the Queen was one of recent date. + +If the rumour refers only to the time of the late Government, there +is not much in it. Mr. Gladstone had no scheme then--only the +vaguest ideas as to the necessity of doing something. + +It is pretty evident that whatever else he may do to "crown his +career" he will break up the Liberal party. + +His proposal about veto is a transparent fraud. It could not last as +an effective control for a single Parliament. I wish {300} some one +would start the idea of a Federal Constitution like the United +States. I do not believe people are prepared for this solution yet, +but it is the only possible form of Home Rule. It is that or nothing. + +In my opinion Mr. Gladstone cannot carry his or any other scheme just +now, and if the Irishmen force the pace the only result will be a +dissolution and the Tories in a working majority. + +Let them refuse to put the Tories out just yet unless Mr. Gladstone +publicly declares himself. If they were to put the Tories out +to-morrow, and then turn on the Liberals in a month, they would +secure only a strong Coalition both in the House and the country for +resistance to all Irish claims. + +I believe the true policy for every one except Mr. Gladstone is to +"wait and see."--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 28, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--If I might venture to criticise--you assume +that the Conservatives and the Irish would both act as you wish. +Neither would. The Conservatives are sharp enough to decline to +retain power in order to be discredited warming-pans, and the Irish +must demonstrate, now that they have carried the country. + +Writing to Hawarden, I have hinted at your views, and asked whether a +below the gangway amendment would be accepted, stating generally that +the Irish question must be dealt with. If the G.O.M. and if you were +to vote for this, we should still be beaten. The party would not +have pledged itself to it as a party; the Irish would be satisfied, +and if on some issue in a month or two we had an election, we should +get the Irish vote. + +I should say myself that it would be far better not to have the Irish +at Westminster at all; this would meet the conundrum of an Imperial +and an English Ministry. As a statistical fact, Ireland does not now +contribute much more than the cost of her civil Government to the +Imperial Exchequer. Let her contribute nothing, or some fixed sum +for armaments (which she probably {301} would not pay). She would be +like the Dominion. We should hold the country through the army and +the fortresses, and if she tried to separate, we should suspend the +Constitution. But as a matter of fact, she would not try. The Irish +"idea of patriotism is to serve the country at a good salary, and to +get places for cousins, etc. You would see that Irish politics would +become a perpetual vestry fight for the spoil.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Dec. 30, 1885. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This is the last from Hawarden, which I +transmit to Healy. The "channel" is in reply to a letter from Healy +saying that if Mr. Gladstone prefers other channels, he (Healy) must +take leave to withdraw. It is all very well, but Parnell will not be +such a fool as to show his hand for the benefit of Mr. +Gladstone....[20] + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Dec. 30, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--I have been in the country holidaying. The statistics +you want I think could be got from Col. Nolan's return, which alas +shows that you profit £3,000,000 per annum out of us. I speak from +memory. Go to Smith in the House of Commons' Library, and ask him to +find it out for you. He can get you this and any other statistical +facts you need. But some thirty years ago your people dropped +showing a separate Irish account and bulked the whole thing in order +to diddle us, and {302} therefore it is net easy to reckon the +figures out. O'Neill Daunt, however, can supply everything you can't +get elsewhere. I think Randolph must have pulled the longbow rather +taut to you in every way. I don't believe anything he has been +saying. As to Chamberlain he must be crazy to write that way to +Morley. Give the G.O.M. power and he could form a Cabinet in a week +minus Joe, and the Gates of Birmingham should not prevail against it +(it is "Hell" in the original). Your letter ought to do much good. +You greatly improved it. It has been quoted into all the Irish +papers and commented on. I am glad it appeared, but of course, I +know nothing of the genesis. I agree with you about representation +in the Imperial Parliament. Your people seem to shy at it, and it +would be better for us not to have it, unless your side insists. +Still there will be many Irishmen loath to surrender all +representation, but they cannot have everything. I don't think +Fottrell can physic Chamberlain's disease. He's going to be a +Mugwump. I wish him joy of the profession. His chance was to be +first Lieutenant to the G.O.M. _cum jure suc_, and he is going to +degenerate into a kind of small Forster species of Sorehead. I note +what you say about our papers. Like Brer Rabbit we ought to "lay +low" just now. Small wonder if Gladstone should be intimidated into +minimising coercion. The Heathen rage very furiously against him. I +mistrust Grosvenor's influence on Hawarden. If the old man was ten +years younger, I'd be for keeping in the Tories till we got County +Boards out of them in order to chasten your party in the cold winds +of opposition. Our people won't have any fraud of a Bill made for +the Whigs to swallow. We shall be reasonable, but so must your +party. We can wait, for we are used to it. Your party leaders +represent personal ambition, and are in more of a hurry.--Faithfully +yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Dec. 31, 1885. + +MY DEAR L.,--I return H. Gladstone's letter which I regard as most +important. I am very glad to think Gladstone is not being +intimidated out of his position by the pitiless storm beating {303} +upon him. I agree that nothing satisfactory can be done until the +House meets, and we shall then have a week before the Address is +read, and our party will have met, and we shall know its mind, while +personal communications will have become possible amongst the Liberal +leaders also. I think Chamberlain is ruining himself. If Gladstone +sticks to his text he can easily form a Cabinet without him or the +Mugwumps, and then where will they be? Trevelyan's speech to-day is +very bad too, but they are all ciphers until Gladstone puts his one +before their noughts. + +I have your letters safely and will return all your former enclosures +to-night. I am not writing this from my house or I'd send them with +this. I have kept copies of nothing and burn your letters, as the +police could always find a pretext here to walk in on you and read +your billets-doux.--Faithfully yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + + +[1] The present Strangers' Dining-room. + +[2] Sir Henry Lucy, _Sixty Years in the Wilderness_, vol. ii. + +[3] Morley, _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. + +[4] Barry O'Brien, _Life of Parnell_. + +[5] Mr. Healy wrote an attack on Mr. Chamberlain's article, as soon +as it appeared, in _United Ireland_, under the title of "Queen's +Bench Home Rule." + +[6] Barry O'Brien, _Life of Parnell_. + +[7] The enclosure was letter from Mr. Herbert Gladstone dated October +18. + +[8] The proposal was contained in a letter from Mr. Herbert Gladstone +to Mr. Labouchere, which Mr. Labouchere quoted in full for Mr. +Chamberlain's information. It enumerated six conditions as the basis +of a settlement of the Irish Government question. + +[9] The election ran from Nov. 23 to Dec. 19. The result was that +333 Liberals were returned, 251 Conservatives, and 86 Parnellites. + +[10] Mr. Labouchere quotes the greater part of a letter from Mr. +Herbert Gladstone, dated Dec. 7, in which Mr. Herbert Gladstone urges +the all importance of the Irish question, and the necessity of +ascertaining the plans of the Irish leaders. + +[11] The term "hard cash" is quoted from the letter of Dec. 7, from +Mr. Herbert Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere, already referred to (see +note page 273). + +[12] Statement as to Mr. Gladstone's Home Rule Scheme was published +in the _Leeds Mercury_ and the _Standard_ on December 17, and in the +_Times_ and other London papers of December 18. + +[13] Winston Spencer Churchill, _Lord Randolph Churchill_, vol. ii. + +[14] In _Truth_ of December 24, Mr. Labouchere commented on his own +assertion that a letter Mr. Gladstone had written to the Queen was +communicated by her to Lord Salisbury, who, in his turn, communicated +some of its contents to the _Standard_. + +[15] Editor of the _Daily News_ from 1868 till 1886. + +[16] _Times_, Dec. 28, 1885. + +[17] An old Radical M. P. writes criticising this letter: "Mr. +Labouchere has never been regarded by us as a Radical at all, but as +a Separatist, and we have always profoundly distrusted his advice +upon the few occasions on which it was possible to regard it as +serious."--_Times_, Jan. 4, 1886. + +[18] Mr. Labouchere here quotes a letter he had received from Mr. +Herbert Gladstone, stating Mr. Gladstone's determination not to +formulate any scheme which might be taken as a bribe for Irish +support, nor to shift from his position, before the Government had +spoken, or the Irish party had, in public, terminated their alliance +and put the Tories in a minority of 250 to 330. + +[19] Mr. Gladstone's idea of a veto was that it might be exercised by +the Crown on ordinary matters on the advice of an Irish Minister, +but, on certain questions, _e.g._ religion or commerce, perhaps +taxation, by the Imperial Ministry. + +[20] Mr. Labouchere here quotes in full a letter from Mr. Herbert +Gladstone to himself, stating that, if communications have to take +place with the Irish party, only one channel will be recognized, viz. +Parnell. But he adds he does not think there is any chance of +bringing their party to the scratch before Parliament meets, because +of the insufficiency of the knowledge they possess to enable them to +decide on any action, before the Address debate is actually in +progress. He also points out how impossible it would be for Mr. +Gladstone to adopt Mr. Chamberlain's policy of waiting, and adds that +if the Liberal Party chooses to break up over an Irish Parliament it +cannot be helped. + + + + +{304} + +CHAPTER XII + +THE SPLIT IN THE LIBERAL PARTY + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 1, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--No, I do not think that he (Mr. Gladstone) is +hedging; from his personal standpoint, he knows that his only chance +of coming in is to get over the Irish, and then to get over his own +party. Waiting games may suit others, but he cannot wait, and +already considers that he has been out for very long. He thought so +a week after Salisbury came in, and at once commenced with the Irish. + +This, I should imagine, is his game. On the Address, he will +endeavour to put the Tories in a minority, with or without the Irish. +He then expects to be called upon to form a Government. He will at +once begin to enter privately into terms with the Irish. These terms +will be much the same sort of thing as I wrote in the _Times_, or +non-appearance at all in the Imperial Parliament, after the manner of +Canada. If he cannot make terms, it may be that his desire for +office will lead him to come in, but if he is to be believed, he will +not. What will then be the position? He cannot well dissolve, so +there must inevitably be a Palmerston-Hartington Government, whilst +the Radicals would be split up, some going for the Irish, others +against. This, it seems to me, means the destruction of the Radical +Party for many a year. Mr. Gladstone knows that he is too big an +individuality to be the head of a Coalition Government, moreover he +has burnt his ships. + +Suppose, on the other hand, the Conservatives dissolve at once, after +Mr. Gladstone has pronounced in favour of Home {305} Rule. On what +cry should we go to the country, if not on Home Rule? Evidently +those opposed to it would give the preference to the Conservatives, +for they one and all would have put their foot down, whilst we should +be tainted with the unholy thing, even if we had made a Jonah of Mr. +Gladstone. So long as the Irish question is not settled, the Tories +must have the pull in the country, and the Radicals must remain +discredited and disunited. + +This being so, is it not worth while to take the other course? It is +by no means certain that we should be beaten at an election. Mr. +Gladstone is still a power. The Irish have votes which would turn +several places. The electors may be divided into people who think +about the question of Ireland, and those who don't. For the latter a +"cow" might be invented, whilst many of the former would say that as +one English party has gone for Home Rule, it must come, and if so as +speedily as possible. + +The real enemies of the Radicals are the Whigs, and they are +essentially your enemies. It is a mistake to undervalue them. They +have always managed to jockey the Radicals. They hang together; they +have, through Grosvenor, the machine; they dominate in Clubs and in +the formation of Cabinets. They may ally themselves with you _re_ +Ireland, but this will be for their benefit, not yours. Nothing +would give them greater pleasure than to betray you with a kiss, for +you are their permanent bogey. Once you are out of the way, and the +sheep of Panurge, _i.e._, the vast majority of the Liberal M.P.s, +would be boxed up in their fold. At every election we should have +shilly-shally talk, very vague and apparently meaning much, followed +by half-hearted measures. + +All this is why I still hold that the Radical game is to go with Mr. +Gladstone on Irish matters, and to use him in order to shunt them +and, if possible, the Whigs--not that this course is not full of +danger, but that it seems to me to present less danger than any +other.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, Jan. 3, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--The more I look at the thing, the less I like +it. Whatever we do we shall be smashed for a {306} certainty. The +question is whether it is better to be smashed with Mr. Gladstone and +the Parnellites or without them. + +I believe the anti-Irish feeling is very strong with our best +friends--the respectable artisans and the non-Conformists. + +One thing I am clear about. If we are to give way it must be by +getting rid of Ireland altogether, and by some such scheme as this. + +Call Ireland a protected state. England's responsibility to be +confined exclusively to protecting the country against foreign +aggression. + +England's authority to be confined exclusively to the measures +necessary to secure that Ireland shall not be a _point d'appui_ for a +foreign country. + +The financial question to be settled by a fixed annual payment to +cover: + +1. Ireland's share of the Debt. + +2. A sinking fund to extinguish it in fifty years. + +3. The cost of the military garrison. + +_Query_: Should we hold the customs till this Debt is extinguished, +or find some other security for payment? + +In order to gild the pill for the English sympathisers with +Protestant and landowning minorities: + +Ireland to be endowed with a Constitution--the elements to be: + +1. A Governor with power to dissolve Parliament--no veto. + +2. A Senate, probably elected but with some qualifications to secure +a moderately Conservative Assembly. + +3. A House of Commons. + +To meet the prejudices of English manufacturers and workmen, a +Commercial treaty pledging Ireland not to impose duties on English +manufactures. (Bounties might be left open.) + +In this case Ireland could have no foreign relations. It is +impossible to allow her to communicate direct any more than Australia +and Canada. But this was a great source of complaint by Irish +patriots in the time of Grattan's Parliament. + +The difficulties of any plan are almost insurmountable, but the worst +of all plans would be one which kept the Irishmen at Westminster +while they had their own Parliament in Dublin. + +{307} + +I end as I began. We shall be smashed because the country is not +prepared for Home Rule.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 4, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I think your scheme an excellent one; only +Ireland is so wretchedly poor a country, that it will not pay its +contribution; that, however, is a detail. + +I am perfectly certain that Mr. Gladstone is determined to go on, and +that any idea of a Whig cum Radical demonstration to induce him to +keep quiet will not avail. Rosebery writes, "He is boiling over with +the subject," and you know how, when once an idea gets hold of his +mind, it ferments; as Hawarden said in a recent letter, he is +determined to stand or fall by it. + +I suspect that this scheme is passing through his ingenuous mind. To +get in by the Irish vote, then to ask the Conservatives to consult +with him as to a plan. The Irish, however, are quite cute enough not +to help him in, until, one way or another, they are secured against +this. + +I have just received this from Churchill: + +"The Queen's Speech will be delivered on the 21st. No mention of +Home Rule. What a blessing it would be if we could get rid of the +Whigs and the Irish at one coup. But I am afraid that this will be +impossible, and that the former as usual will knock under." + +--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to the "Times"_ (_Extract_) + +REFORM CLUB, Jan. 2, 1886. + +You, sir, possibly have not been brought closely in contact with the +Irish leaders. I have; and more practical, sensible, I may indeed +say, more moderate men, when not under the influence of temporary +excitement, I never came across.... I have indeed been greatly +struck with their largeness and broadness of view, which contrasts +advantageously with our supercilious mode of treating political +opponents who have not the advantage of {308} being Anglo-Saxons, our +insularity, and our want of facility to grasp new ideas, or to +realise the necessity of adapting ourselves to circumstances, as +Bunsen--one of our great admirers--said, what most struck him during +his residence here was "the deficiency of the method of handling +ideas in this blessed island."--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE.[1] + +To the Editor of the _Times_. + + +_Lord Randolph Churchill to Mr. Labouchere_ + +INDIA OFFICE, Jan. 7, 1886. + +DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I should be delighted to dine with you on the 12th +or 15th, if that would be convenient and agreeable to you. I think +Joe is quite right to walk warily. After all, if the G.O.M. goes a +mucker it may be a good thing for everybody. He has always disturbed +the equilibrium of parties and done no good to any one except +himself. However, you will probably think me prejudiced.--Yours ever, + +RANDOLPH S. CHURCHILL. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 7, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Churchill will come on the 15th if that suits +you. Is there any other Conservative or Liberal you would like? + +I suspect that Mr. Gladstone will not give the necessary pledges to +the Irish. They have an idea that he might get in by their votes, +and then try to make terms with the Conservatives, and bring in a +milk and water measure. He talks of faith in him. Singularly enough +they have not that amount which they ought to have. + +There is also the possibility that they will take a bird in the hand +from the Conservatives--in the form of some local county measure, +which would strengthen them in Ireland, and which would give them +leverage. + +If this be so, how about a resolution in their favour--somewhat {309} +vague--which would win them over to us in case of an election, and +which would not be carried?--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. T. M. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Jan. 7, 1886. + +MY DEAR L.,--I am afraid I badly repay all your letters. I greatly +fear that Chamberlain's tone shows that even if he accepts the +proposals in principle, he will help the Whigs to make Mr. Gladstone +minimise them, and thus they may prove inacceptable to Ireland. Then +it will be the Land Act misery over again, or rather your party would +not be let in by us to pass a maimed measure, and so the Tories would +reap the profit of our dissensions. _Beati possidentes!_ However, I +think when your men get blooded by a few skirmishes with the Tories, +they will be willing enough to patch things up to turn them out. +With regard to Morley's point about the Veto, I recognise that the +bigger powers we get the more natural would be your desire for some +guarantee against their abuse--the better the Parliament, the more +effective the Veto. As the scientist would say, you want it +increased according to the square of the power. A Governor-General, +I think, would meet this, and, for my part, I think it would capture +or render quiescent a lot of the loyalists if he were a prince. A +few Royal levees and some judicious jobs would probably bring most of +these gentry round in a short time. + +Your letters have been admirable, and I am sure have done good, +though none of us could write to the _Times_ or acknowledge it in any +way. Moreover, except through extracts in the _Express_, none of us +see it here. A single copy of any newspaper from across the Channel +does not enter the office of _United Ireland_! However, as we are +not your rulers this is no crime. + +The usual stuff I see is being talked about Home Rule leading to +separation, and how the American-Irish would not accept the +settlement, nor the Fenians. The fellow who writes as "an old +Fenian" in the _St. James' Gazette_, extracts from which I have seen, +is Dick Piggott, late of the _Irishman_ newspaper, who swindled {310} +every Fenian Fund he could milk, and whom the boys would not touch +with the tongs. I undertake to say that if a suitable Home Rule +scheme be proposed, though Parnell said he could offer no guarantees, +that we could call a National Convention to ratify it, and therefore +could treat as a traitor every one who afterwards opposed it, or did +not loyally abide thereby. Moreover, terrible as are the +American-Irish in English eyes, I believe--and I have visited and +spoken at every big city from New York to San Francisco, and from +Galveston on the Mexican Gulf to Montreal in Canada--that we could +summon a representative Convention in Chicago, including the Clan na +Gael, the ancient Order, and the Rossa crowd which would endorse the +settlement and thereby effectually dry up the well-springs of +revolutionary agitation. But to do this we must get no sham vestry, +but an assembly that would gratify the national pride of the Celtic +race. Our people in America will only be too glad to be allowed to +mind their own business, and many of the wealthy among them will come +back and settle down here, investing their capital and teaching the +people the industries they have learnt abroad. The mass of them are +as Conservative as any in the world, and when I told a crowded +meeting the night of the Chicago Convention in 1881--referring to +wild advice that had been offered--"that the Irish leaders were no +more to be bought by American dollars than by English gold," the +sentiment was cheered to the echo and was mutilated accordingly in +the report of the _Irish World_. + +However, this is running a long way ahead of events, and this idea of +mine is not one that I have yet broached to my colleagues. + +I expect to be over on Tuesday, but hope to be allowed to run back +then till the 21st, as I suppose we shall have nothing to do in the +interval. I don't suppose we shall make up our minds as to whether +we shall move an amendment to the Address, till after we hear it +read. Even then this, I presume, would depend as to whether a _modus +vivendi_ with you was arrived at, for if the Tories are in earnest +with their threat to dissolve, the best tactics would be to have no +Irish Debate and to cook their goose on a side issue--Egypt, Burmah, +or what-not.--Truly yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +{311} + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, Jan. 8, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--The 15th will suit me. Many thanks. I fancy +Randolph Churchill will be more talkative if we are alone, unless you +know any one whom he likes to meet. I leave it entirely in your +hands. + +Mr. Gladstone has asked me to meet him on Tuesday. Perhaps he may be +explicit, but I am not sanguine. + +If the Irish are ready to give the Tories a chance, by all means let +us wait and see results. + +I could not support any resolution at present. If it were vague, the +Irish would not thank us--if it were definite, I doubt if it would be +good policy to vote with it. + +We are sure to have an opportunity on the Local Government Bill--if +we desire to take advantage of it.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 9, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I had a letter from Healy yesterday. So far as +I understand the matter, things are in this position. + +Mr. Gladstone is in his tent. He will do nothing until the Address. +He then, I think, inclines to an understanding with the Irish, for +this is a _sine qua non_ of his coming in. + +Healy says that the Irish will decide nothing until the Address. +They will not aid in turning out the Tories unless there is a +specific understanding as to what Mr. Gladstone's Bill is to be. If +such arrangement be satisfactory, they will agree to vote them out on +Burmah, Egypt, or anything else, so as to render it difficult for the +Tories to dissolve. They perceive the difficulties of Mr. +Gladstone's position and are just now in a yielding mood, but beyond +a certain point they cannot go, as their own people would turn +against them.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{312} + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 12, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have just got a long letter from Herbert +Gladstone. So far as I can make out, Mr. Gladstone has in reality +abandoned none of his projects. But he is cornered by the fact that +the Irish will not aid him to get in without very definite assurances. + +Healy writes to say that he will be here on Thursday, and that +nothing has been decided as to the course of the Irish. He +suggests--if some agreement can be come to--saying not one word on +Home Rule, but turning the Government out upon a bye issue, Egypt, +Burmah, or anything. I have written to ask whether the following +plan would be assented to: + +(1) Turn out Government on bye issue. (2) Have some sort of +temporary scheme for governing Ireland. (3) Appoint some sort of +dilatory Commission. (4) Bring in Bill next year. I have explained +that this would only be possible if Mr. Gladstone could, in some way +or other, make it clear to the Irish what the Bill is to be, and also +that he would stand or fall on it. + +This would give time to educate public opinion, and to have good +Bills on English subjects, whilst it would render it impossible for +the Conservatives to dissolve. + +I don't know whether I could get the Irish to assent--supposing that +Mr. Gladstone does--but I should be sanguine of doing so. They have +now so arranged their party that practically Healy, O'Brien, +Harrington, and Parnell can do precisely what they like. Parnell I +put last, because he will agree to the decisions of the other +three.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--I write this, because I shall not be able to explain it to +you this evening before Randolph Churchill. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 15, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I should have been delighted to {313} dine with +you on the 31st, but I have already asked some people to dine with me +on that day. + +Harcourt favoured me during an hour yesterday with his views. They +are vague and misty. He has got it into his head that the Government +mean a Coercion Bill. If they are wise, I should think that they +would bring one in, and thus split up the Liberals at once. + +Mr. Gladstone is evidently meditating some coup on his own account, +and to retire in a blaze of Irish fire-works. He does not want to +wait, but if he acts, he holds that he must act at once. He is by no +means in a good humour with his late colleagues.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Jan. 15, 1886. + +MY DEAR MR. L.,--Herbert Gladstone is totally wrong about me. I +neither saw nor heard from nor communicated with Churchill or any +member of the Government since the House rose--I except the Irish law +officers whom I meet daily in Court, but whom I never exchange a word +with on politics. I am now just of the same opinion I always held, +but I don't see what we can do till your party move. It would play +the devil with us were we to put the Liberals into office and then +have them to turn round on us, by proposing a settlement we could not +accept. We cannot buy a pig in a poke. You may say we could turn +them out at a minute's notice. That seems very easy on paper by +counting parties, but if we are going to play this game successfully +the fewer ministries we turn out the better, as any naked exhibition +of our power in a gratuitous way would be sure to get you a majority +if you dissolved on that issue. No, we prefer instead of having to +put you out, not to let you get in, until there's a straightforward +arrangement made. At least this is what seems to me to be +commonsense. I know nothing of the Tory plans. Of course, if they +are fools enough to play your hand by proposing coercion our hands +may be forced--I only write on the assumption that they have sense. +What I say is let Mr. Gladstone satisfy Parnell and the whole thing +is settled. {314} Was it from Grosvenor's experience and anecdotes +of the Irish party that the Duke of Westminster called us +_debauchees_? Were we too lax in our attendance on Parliament to +please Lord Richard--prowling round St. John's Wood, when we ought to +have been braking his coach? So we must please our fastidious +censors by arranging that the new party will sit up of nights in the +House, instead of sporting about town as His Grace suggests the old +one did. Shall be over on Thursday. + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Healy to Mr. Labouchere_ + +DUBLIN, Jan. 17, 1886. + +MY DEAR L.,--I don't think I could say anything fresh until Thursday, +when I shall go fully into matters with you. I quite feel the +difficulties of Mr. Gladstone's position and think our party fully +appreciate them, and would even strain points to obviate them, if +this can well be done by men in our straits. However, I would point +out that on his side we have had nothing but a repudiation of the +principles attributed to him by the "Revelations," and this, _plus_ +good intentions, is not sufficient ground for eighty-six men to +consult and decide on. If no communication is made to Parnell, as I +think it ought to be, for our meeting, we shall probably let things +drift and do nothing. I would have preferred all along not to have +been the repository of any views held by your Leaders, lest it might +be supposed I was trenching on the prerogatives of Parnell's +position, and now I think the time has come--if he is to be +approached at all for some communication to reach him otherwise than +through me. If I can be shown any honourable basis, on which we +could vote your party into power, I shall rejoice and will press my +views strongly on our men.--Faithfully yours, + +T. M. HEALY. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Jan. 22, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I send this to you by hand, {315} because if +you are inclined to go on with the plan you suggested, it will be +necessary to act. + +Parnell is quite ready--without prejudice--that is to say, he says +that he does not absolutely assent, but thinks that he will, which +you know, with him--who is more hesitating than Fabius--means that he +will. His lieutenants agree--although he does not know this. + +But he says that, admitting that Mr. Gladstone can give no pledges, +he must know two things: + +1. That Mr. Gladstone, if called upon by the Queen to form a +Government, will form one, _i.e._, if Goschen, Hartington, etc., +decline to join, that he will not throw up the sponge, for, with +considerable point, he says that he prefers the Conservatives to a +Hartington Government, supported by the Moderate Liberals and +Conservatives, and you as a Radical. Such a Government he might not +be able to turn out, and it might remain master of the situation. + +2. He wants an understanding that if Mr. Gladstone comes in he will +act on his speech, and at once bring in his scheme for the Government +of Ireland. + +I saw Herbert Gladstone, and he is to explain these two demands to +his father. + +Herbert Gladstone says that his father would take office without +Hartington, but that his main difficulty is the Peers. He hopes that +he will be able to get over this difficulty very soon. + +I have replied that at any moment the Irish may break out, and that +if once we get to Procedure we shall all fall to pieces, and that the +determination of the Irish to fight against Procedure will very soon +make us too. + +I begged J. Collings to put off his amendment, and told him that +perhaps I might get him some votes. Randolph Churchill tried to +bring the general debate to an end last night, but this we stopped, +and Sexton moved the adjournment. + +Grosvenor asked me how long the debate would last? I said the Irish +meant to keep it up. He said that he did not want them to. I said +that they were not asking him whether he did or not, but that he was +asking me now long it would last. He told me that he would prevent +the G.O.M. ever going for Home Rule, and then spoke about the Party. +He said, "You or _Truth_ {316} are making a great mistake. You +assume that the Radicals constitute the majority of the Liberal +Party, but really the Whigs do." I asked him what would happen if +the G.O.M. were to retire; he replied, a Whig Administration under +Hartington with you--that you and the Radicals would soon perceive +that you were not masters of the situation, etc. + +I, of course, did not tell him about Collings's amendment, but it +will be very difficult to get him to whip for it, and you will have +to put your foot down about it. Parnell agrees, if they are to be +bought off, that the Irish shall appear not to take much interest in +the matter, but to vote up before the Whigs know what is to occur. + +Parnell is more than reasonable. In his present mood, he is all for +a fair scheme. His two _sine qua nons_ are, that there should be an +Assembly called a Parliament for local matters, and that he should +have the Police. He says that it would be absolutely impossible for +him to keep down the Fenians without this, and that he is fully +determined not to accept the responsibility. About the veto, etc., +he will make concessions, and give any guarantees that are required. + +He made a most conciliatory speech last night. Before making it he +said, "There shall not be one word in it to which any one can +object." He is very anxious to know about your feeling on the matter +of Mr. Gladstone's plans. + +With regard to Ireland, he says that the people really cannot pay +their rents in some places, and that he is certain that if nothing be +done there will be rows in a few weeks. But he is doing all that he +can to keep things quiet, and next week he will dissolve some of the +most bumptious of the Local Branch Leagues. + +I told Herbert Gladstone that you had suggested to me the Collings +amendment.[2] Could you not see Mr. Gladstone and push the matter? +I also told Herbert Gladstone that Grosvenor was not to be trusted. + +I shall, I suppose, see you in the House this afternoon. Never shall +we have a better chance, but if we do not use our chances, they will +disappear.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +{317} + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., Feb. 15, 1886.[3] + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--... As regards out future policy I can say +nothing at present, but I think that a closer inspection of the +difficulties in the way has brought Mr. Gladstone nearer to me than +he was when he first came to London. If Parnell is impracticable my +hope is that we may all agree to give way to the Tories and let them +do the coercion which will then be necessary. They will be supported +for this purpose by a clear majority in the country and probably in +the House. As for passing Home Rule resolutions at the present time, +I utterly disbelieve in its possibility.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_[4] + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, March 31, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--There would be much joy in the Radical heaven +if things could be hit off with you, and they would all be ready to +put Elijah's mantle on you if they could come to some agreement as to +this damned Irish question. + +The feeling is, I think, this: they are in favour of Home Rule, and +do not particularly care about details, provided that the scheme +settles the matter. They do not love the Irish, but hate them, and +would give them Home Rule on the Gladstone or Canada pattern to get +rid of them. Home Rule, therefore, whatever the Whigs may say, will +be carried. They are dead against any employment of English credit +for the Irish landlords or Irish tenants. This--whatever the detail +of Mr. Gladstone's plan may be--will be lost. + +I rather suspect that the revered G.O.M. is playing a game; he is +bound to Spencer, therefore he is to bring in his Land Bill. But, if +it meets with disapproval, is it likely that he will throw {318} up +the Home Rule sponge for the sake of Spencer and the Irish landlords? +Will he not rather say that it is a detail of a great project, and +not an essential one? + +Now, just see what would be the position if we could act with you on +these lines? The Whigs would be cleared out. If Gladstone is +beaten, we would soon upset a Hartington cum Conservative Government. +We might have grandiose revolutions--giving cows to agriculturists, +and free breakfast tables to artisans. We should be against Tories, +Whigs, and Lords. With you to the front we should win at an +election, or if not at once, later on. There never was such an +opportunity to establish a Radical party, and to carry all before it. +Is it worth while wrecking this beautiful future, for the sake of +some minor details about Irish Government? You may depend upon it, +that the Irish, if not granted Gladstone's Home Rule, will never +assent to anything else. Coercion would follow, and this would give +power to the Tory Whigs for years. For my part, I would coerce the +Irish, grant them Home Rule, or do anything with them, in order to +make the Radical programme possible. Ireland is but a pawn in the +game. If they make fools of themselves when left to themselves, it +would be easy to treat them as the North did the South, rule by the +sword, and suppress all representation.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +REFORM CLUB, April 7, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Any number of Radicals expressed their hope +this afternoon in the House that you would see your way to approve of +Mr. Gladstone's amended Bill. They are all most anxious that you +should be the Elisha of the aged Elijah, and aid in getting this +Irish question out of the way. + +I believe that the old Parliamentary Hand means to throw out that, on +details, discussion can take place in Committee. The line, I hear, +on Excise and Customs is: Do you want the Irish Members? if not, you +must give them Excise and Customs; if you do, this is not necessary. + +I was asked to sound Parnell a couple of days ago about {319} +annexing Belfast and the adjacent country to England. I did not see +him, but I learnt that he is strongly against it. The project is, I +think, now abandoned, for the Scotch seem likely to go straight +without it, and the Belfast people do not want it. + +To the best of my belief the real number that Hartington has got is +sixty. We cannot make out about Ponsonby calling on Hartington, +unless the Queen is anticipating events, and sounding him about what +she must do, if asked to dissolve. Randolph tells me that Lord +Salisbury called upon him to settle details about the debate. I +doubt whether this is precisely true.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 8, 1886.[5] + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--Nothing would give me greater pleasure than, to +come back to the fold. Unfortunately I am told to-day on the highest +authority that the scheme to be proposed to-night will not meet the +main objections which led to my resignation. I am very sorry, as I +was and am in the most conciliatory mood.--Yours very truly, + +J. L. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, April 15, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Some friends of yours are urging that there +should be an interview between you and Mr. Gladstone. They asked me +what I thought? I said that it was doubtful whether this would lead +to much beyond vague talk by Mr. Gladstone. + +You objected to (1) Members being excluded, (2) Magistrates not being +appointed by England, (3) Excise and Customs. No. 3 is given up. +No. 1 is an open question, which is practically yielded. There +remains, therefore, only No. 2. As regards the two Orders, I presume +that Mr. Gladstone alluded to them, when he said that he did not +himself deem guarantees necessary. {320} There is no reason +therefore why we should not throw them out in Committee, or if they +pass, and there is a Radical majority in Parliament later on, +reconsider the matter. So the Bill has been remodelled on your +pattern. + +As regards the Land Bill,[6] I hear that Lord Spencer says that if it +is thrown out in the House of Commons, he will not complain. Mr. +Gladstone therefore avoids trouble by bringing it in, and as the +Conservatives cannot well vote for it, I am sure that we can throw it +out on the Second Reading. + +Your coming over would ensure the passing of the Irish Government +Bill; it would go to the Lords. Then Queen, Lords, and Whigs would +be on one side, and the Radicals on the other. Mr. Gladstone must +soon come to an end. You would be our leader. The Whigs would be +hopelessly bogged. Radicalism would be triumphant. Does not this +tempt you? It really does seem such a pity with the promised land +before us, that we should wander off into the wilderness, on account +of small differences of detail. There is no scheme which the mind of +man could contrive that would not be open to criticism. A better one +than that of Mr. Gladstone is conceivable, but show me how any body +of men would be found to agree upon any other scheme? There is +nothing more easy than Constitution making, except criticising the +Constitutions made by others, and there always are, and always will +be, a number of people to go against any scheme.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 17, 1886. + +No. 1. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I really made a great effort last night to come +to an arrangement, and whether it is successful or not depends now on +Mr. Gladstone's inclination to meet me half way--rather perhaps I +should say it depends upon the action of yourself and other Radical +members who agree with my views and are in a position to bring +sufficient pressure to bear upon the Whigs to make reconciliation a +certainty. + +{321} + +I am quite convinced, from the information that reaches me, that +unless some such reconciliation is effected the Liberal party will be +hopelessly divided at the general election. + +The majority will very likely go with the party machinery and with +Mr. Gladstone, but a sufficient number will stand aloof to make +success impossible. + +We cannot leave the matter uncertain till after the 2nd reading. I +know enough of Parliamentary tactics to be sure that in that case we +shall get nothing, but be beaten in detail on every division. All I +ask is that Mr. Gladstone should give some sufficient assurance that +he will consent--first, to the retention of the Irish representation +at Westminster on its present footing according to population, and at +the same time the maintenance of Imperial control over Imperial +taxation in Ireland; and secondly, that he should be willing to +abandon all the so-called safeguards in connection with the +Constitution of the new legislative body in Dublin. + +You can get this assurance if you like, and the matter is therefore +in your hands.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, April 17, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I made it quite clear and distinct both to +Herbert Gladstone and to Arnold Morley what you wanted, after seeing +you. Herbert is to tackle his father on the subject. I have no +doubt that we can arrange the matter. Arnold Morley would hold that, +anyhow, you would vote for the Bill. I said that this was not quite +so certain, and that your proposal was a reasonable one. Herbert +Gladstone said that his father did not in the least undervalue your +support, and considered that your present attitude was paralysing the +party outside Parliament. Some friends of yours were getting up a +memorandum to Mr. Gladstone about the Bill, asking him to promise +this and that. Do pray stop them. If once we get to memorandums we +shall have counter ones from the Whigs, and they put Mr. Gladstone in +a hole. + +Herbert Gladstone says that the real _bona fide_ difficulty of his +father is, that he cannot devise a scheme. Could you not let {322} +me have one? This would settle this nonsense. How would it be if +proxies were allowed in respect to the Irish?--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--What day is your meeting at Birmingham? + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., April 17, 1886. + +No. 2. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--Since writing you I have received your card. It +is necessary that I should say that nothing will induce me to vote +for the second reading, unless I get some assurance of Mr. +Gladstone's willingness to maintain the Irish representation. I do +not think there is any practical difficulty in the way greater than, +or as great as, the difficulties already attempted to be overcome in +the Bill. I am told that Morley stands in the way of a +reconciliation as he considers himself pledged by his Chelmsford +speech to the exclusion of the Irish members from Westminster. + +As regards the memorandum, I understand that it is only to the Whips +for their information, and not for Mr. Gladstone. I think it may +safely be allowed to go on. I believe a number of the Whips would be +quite willing to sign it and to accept the compromise. + +My meeting at Birmingham is on Wednesday. I will try and maintain a +conciliatory attitude, but the position becomes increasingly +difficult. I am bothered out of my life to attend Radical meetings +in different parts of the country. I have already received +invitations from Manchester, Rochdale, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Woolwich, +and other places. + +I need not say that I do not want to start on a campaign unless it is +absolutely necessary.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 19, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I write you a line to catch the post. Herbert +Gladstone told me that he had talked with his {323} father on the +matter last Saturday. The difficulty of Mr. Gladstone seems to be +this: he has no great objection himself to the Irish Members sitting +here. But he does not like to consult his Cabinet, for fear of +resignations, and does not like to give a pledge without consulting +them. He considers that he has already said a good deal in his +speeches to show how open his mind is. + +Now, would it not be possible for us all to vote for the Second +Reading, and to announce that we shall go for the Members sitting in +Committee? It is true that we risk being beaten. But, according to +the Whips--and so far as I can make it out they are correct--there is +a majority for the Bill on the Second Reading. In the main the +Members will vote for the principle of Home Rule on the Second +Reading, however opposed they may be to certain details. The +estimate is that this majority will be from fifteen to twenty. As a +rule, however, doubtfuls gravitate into the party fold, so it +possibly will be more. It cannot, however, be sufficiently large to +make the Government independent of us in Committee. We shall be the +masters of the situation, and Mr. Gladstone will completely bleed to +death instead of being murdered by us, for the odds are that the Bill +will never come out of Committee. + +I venture, therefore, to think that, seeing the difficulties of Mr. +Gladstone giving any specific pledge, seeing the tone of Members, and +seeing the objections to going against the vast majority of Radicals +and with the Whigs, it would be well to rest satisfied, if Mr. +Gladstone will distinctly agree to leave the matter an open question. +I think that we can get a majority of Radicals both on the "Member" +question and on the "Order" question. The course I propose seems to +be the best practically. + +We have a meeting at the St. James's Hall, on Thursday, at which I am +to take the Chair. The Resolution is conceived in the above spirit, +and I have already had rows with some of the Members who are to +attend, because they say it looks like knocking under to Chamberlain. +It assents to Second Reading, but trusts that the measure will be +modified in a democratic sense in Committee. This we shall carry. + +I do not myself believe in Morley's resignation, nor indeed in +Harcourt's. It is possible, however, that the Lord Chancellor will +be firm, though I understand that he likes his salary. {324} +Supposing that you voted against the Second Reading with ten +followers. This would be a tactical fiasco. If, however, you +carried all the Radicals with you--or almost all--in Committee, this +would be a tactical success, whilst the Radicals would be delighted +with your acting with them on the first, and would act with you on +the second. Had we begun sooner, I think that we could have got up a +pronouncement against the Bill, if the point were not yielded. But +most of the Radicals have now compromised themselves. + +I talked to Hartington and some of the Whigs this evening. They +seemed to me rather down-hearted. I suspect that they are not +getting the support that they anticipated. This is always the case +with a big cave.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 19, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Your letters will go to Mr. Gladstone this +evening. If he is wise he will make terms about the Members sitting. +I hear that he was very much put out about your speech, and no one +dared to speak to him before he left for Hawarden. + +John Morley is going to speak on Wednesday. He will be conciliatory, +and say, "If a plan can be devised, etc." + +Mr. Gladstone should ask you for your plan, as he says that he cannot +make one. + +I don't well see how he can promise to go against the guarantees. He +has already said that they are inserted for weaker brethren. They +will, if retained, and if we vote against them, keep the Irish on our +side. + +Don't forget that if you do not get what you want, there is still the +Third Reading.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 20, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--You will see our resolution in the _Daily News_ +of to-day. Do you see your way to write me a little {325} letter, in +reply to a supposed one from me asking you what you think of the +resolution and expressing a hope that the Radical party will be +united, etc. It would not do if you were to say that you should vote +against the Second Reading, but could you not blink this--say +something about the principle of the Bill being the principle of +justice, and that in Committee the Radicals must unite to insist upon +the admission of Members and the abrogation of the orders. If you +could not absolutely do this, you might leave it vague, allowing some +to think that you will vote for the Second Reading and others to +think that you will not. + +I am writing to Dilke to ask him if he can see his way to write a +similar letter.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, April 21, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--The Resolution which you send me, and which is +to be proposed at your meeting to-morrow night, seems well designed +to unite the Radical party. We are all fortunately agreed that the +principle of Home Rule in some shape or another must be accepted, and +we only differ, if at all, as to the methods by which it is to be +carried into effect. For myself, I firmly believe that Home Rule may +be conceded in such a form as to join the three Kingdoms more closely +together. On the other hand, I fear that the effect of the Bill in +its present shape would be to bring about absolute separation at no +distant date. I hope the Government may see its way to accept the +modifications which Radicals advocate, and if any assurance to this +effect is given I shall gladly support the Second Reading in the hope +that minor improvements may be effected in it.--I am, yours truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, April 22, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--My speech last night will show you {326} where I +am. I cannot say that I am surprised at the desire of the friends of +the Government that objectors should accept the Second Reading and +reserve their opposition for the Committee stage; but the advice is +too transparent and cannot possibly be accepted. + +I do not believe there is really the least difficulty in allowing the +Irish Members to come to Westminster and there to vote only on +questions which are not referred to them at Dublin. John Morley's +difficulties are childish and perfectly insignificant as compared +with the difficulties which Mr. Gladstone has already surmounted in +the preparation of his Bill. + +Bradford election shows what will be the end of it all. In spite of +the large Irish vote now transferred to the Liberal candidate the +majority of 1500 has dwindled to half that number! I am being +bullied to attend Radical meetings in all parts of the country, but +at present I have replied that I am not willing to undertake anything +in the nature of a campaign against Gladstone. At the same time I am +pressing all my correspondents to try to bring about an arrangement +by mutual concession. I confess I am not very sanguine of +success.--Believe me, yours truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, April 24, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I cannot authorise the change you suggest in my +letter, which I only wrote as you asked me for it, without much idea +that it would be useful. + +I think the chance of any reunion is very slight. I certainly could +not agree to vote for the second reading without preliminary +assurances as to retention of the Irish representation. + +I have no doubt that the result of my action will involve temporary +unpopularity with the Radical party, but they will probably want my +help again at some future time, and will then exhibit as short a +memory and as little consistency as they are doing now on the +question of Irish Government. + +{327} + +In the meantime the honour of leading a party so uncertain appears to +me less clear than it did some months ago.--Believe me, yours very +truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Sir Charles Dilke_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 24, 1886. + +MY DEAR DILKE,--Chamberlain sent me a letter for the St. James's Hall +meeting, but it came too late. It would not, however, have helped +matters, for he sticks to the phrase "the Government accepts." I had +a letter from him this morning, much in the same tone, also one from +Morley, who says that Chamberlain's speech is an attempt to coerce +the Government, and that they won't stand coercion. + +I have been trying to get Chamberlain to agree to vote for the Second +Reading, on condition that the Government makes the admission of +Irish in Parliament a _bona fide_ open question, on which the House +may vote without official leading and without the Whips telling. If +he would do so, this would reconcile these two babies. I really +don't see how Gladstone can accept modifications, before Committee, +urged in this _sic volo sic jubes_ style. Could you suggest from +Chamberlain (as from yourself) that he might be satisfied with the +open question. He says that he would be beaten in Committee. But I +don't see this--and even if it were so, he would have many +opportunities hereafter to get back his friends, the Irish, if he +really wants them. The great point is to find some _modus vivendi_ +which would keep the Radicals together, and to this he ought to +subordinate much, instead of making difficulties. The Radicals do +not take his point about the objections to fight in Committee, and +there will be a row about his bullying the G.O.M. On so big an +issue, his position is untenable--the Whig one is more reasonable. +If only once a negotiation could be started upon the open question +basis, Mr. Gladstone would manage to dodge him into voting for the +Second Reading, and this is all that is wanted in Chamberlain's own +interest.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +{328} + +_Sir Charles Dilke to Mr. Labouchere_ + +PYRFORD, WOKING (undated). + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--It looks as though the Second Reading will be +rejected, and, if Mr. Gladstone appeals to the constituencies, it +will, I fancy, be a rout. But I quite agree as to the great +importance of patching up the fued between Chamberlain and Mr. +Gladstone, for the sake of everybody and everything, and I shall +continue to do all I can in that sense. I had a letter from +Chamberlain as to Ireland on Saturday to which I replied. I think my +reply will bring another, and on that I can try again in your +sense.--Yours, + +CHAS. W. DILKE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, April 24, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Naturally the Radical Associations want to hear +you, for even so humble an individual as I am gets a dozen letters +every morning asking me to go to meetings at all sorts of places. + +I think that the feeling in the country is this: + +They regard the principle of the Bill to be a Domestic Legislation +for Ireland. The Radicals are in the main opposed to "orders" and to +exclusion of Irish. They do not like the idea of Radicals voting +with the Whigs and Tories against the principle, and the view that it +would be impossible for successful opposition to take place in +Committee against the "orders" and the "admission" is too complicated +for their understandings. In fact they don't want a Party division +to be spoilt, and wish to humble the Tories and the Whigs. + +Morley writes to me to-day to say that your speech means coercion. I +have replied that in all things there must be a give and take. + +I am sure that if you can get an assurance that the question of the +admission is to be a _bona fide_ open one, that we should win on +it--assuming that the Conservatives go for it. Such an arrangement +avoids the necessity of either side marching under the harrow. + +{329} + +Once the question left open, in the interval between the Second +Reading and Committee, we could get up a strong agitation for the +"admission," whilst no one would be opposing us, and you would have +all the credit of the alteration.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, April 30, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I think that you must now see that the Irish +Bills in their present form are doomed. + +I have a list of 111 Liberals pledged against Second Reading. Of +these I know of 59 who have publicly communicated their intentions to +their constituents. I believe most of the rest are safe, but, making +all allowances for desertions, there is not much chance of forcing +the Second Reading through. + +I know of many men who are pledged like yourself to vote for +amendments in Committee, and some who are pledged to vote against +Second Reading if the amendments are not carried. + +The Land Bill has no friends at all. + +It is difficult to say what my own following as distinguished from +Hartington's is, but I reckon that something like fifty would vote +for Second Reading, if my amendments were conceded. + +It is time that a final decision was taken. The fight is growing +hotter every day and the division of the party will be irretrievable +if the controversy is pushed much further. I am not surprised at the +action of the Caucuses. I know them pretty well, and they consist of +the most active and thoroughgoing partisans. But it is the men who +stay away who turn elections, and there will be a larger abstention +on this Irish question than we have ever had before in the history of +the Liberal party. + +I believe the issue is in the hands of Radicals like yourself. If +you exert the necessary pressure the Bills may be recast. Much has +been done by their introduction. The Party as a whole has accepted +their principle of Home Rule, and we might come to an agreement about +the details. But this will be out {330} of the question if we go +into opposite lobbies on the Second Reading. + +There is no necessity to withdraw the Bill at once. If the +Government will give the necessary assurance of amendments to retain +Irish Representation and Imperial control of taxation, we might carry +Second Reading and then the Bills could be committed _pro forma_ for +the necessary changes, or withdrawn for the session. + +All our people would be delighted at the postponement of the +dissolution, and in the interval we might kiss and be friends. I do +not suppose the Chief will listen to this, but I have thought it +right to make one more effort before the battle is finally +engaged--Yours truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 1, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have been doing my best to get some sort of +_modus vivendi_ in which the honours of war would be divided. + +I had a letter from Morley yesterday in which he promised to be most +conciliatory at Glasgow. He said: + +"I don't think there is a pin of difference between you and me as to +the desirableness of passing the Second Reading at almost any cost. +But Chamberlain wants us to go down on our knees, and this cannot be +done for the money." + +He had previously suggested to me what he said, I see, at Glasgow +about the Irish Members coming back in three years. I replied that +this might possibly form a basis, but that it must in this case be +understood that they came back without any further legislature on the +subject. To this he demurred, but I think that he would not make +difficulties. + +I do not dispute your figures, but I would point out to you that some +of your fifty can be manipulated. As a rule a big cave does not hold +together. Some of its Members in the end take refuge in voting for a +Party Bill, and give as a pretext some {331} phrase used by the +Minister for having done so, and in the G.O.M. you have a past master +in these sort of catching phrases. + +I was brought up in diplomacy. When two countries send each other +their ultimatums, a third country desirous of peace proposes +something between the two, and peace is made upon its adoption by the +belligerents. + +I have been suggesting that Mr. Gladstone should agree to leave the +question an open one, the word "open" being understood to signify +that the Whips do not tell, and that every one--Ministers +included--should be allowed to vote as they please. I don't well see +how the G.O.M. could go further. Although we may call it a detail, +the exclusion of Irish Members is really a fundamental principle in +the Bill, and were he absolutely to agree to change it, this would +be, as Morley says, going down on his knees to you who, whether right +or wrong, are the head centre of the Radical minority, and not of the +majority. Would you, yourself, eat humble pie to this extent? +Moreover, I think that, if he had to submit this proposal to his +Cabinet, there would be suspicions, and the Cabinet just now can +hardly stand another split. + +I have never gathered that Mr. Gladstone himself is opposed to the +retention of the Irish. All that he says is, "The problem is a +difficult one: show me a good plan and I have no objection to adopt +it." + +There is another way of meeting you, but I don't know whether Mr. +Gladstone would accept it. It is this. Leave matters as they now +are with respect to the Irish Members, by eliminating all clauses +excluding them. Their position would thus be left to future +legislation on the subject. They would in this case sit as they are, +and vote upon Imperial and English local issues until the entire +question is treated in a separate Bill. + +A third plan might be that of John Morley's, to exclude them for +three years, and for them at the end to come back as they are now, +unless any alteration during the interval be legislatively made in +their position. + +Parnell is very much opposed to the retention. He puts his +opposition upon the difficulty of getting Irishmen to come over. He +asks whether there are to be two separate elections, or only {332} +one. In the first case, he complains of the expense and of the +difficulty of finding men, in the second he asks how men can sit and +vote in both Parliaments when they are both sitting at the same time. + +Do pray be conciliatory in the matter, and be satisfied with the +substance. If the "open question" were granted, I am sure that you +would have a majority of Radicals, who agree with you in the main, +but think that they ought to regard the Second Reading at the +conservation of the principle of a domestic Legislature for Ireland. +After all, a General Election with a Radical split would either give +Mr. Gladstone a majority against you, or would end in a Conservative +victory, neither of which would be a gain to you. + +I take Brand's constituents of Stroud, and the constituency of +Ipswich as specimens of public feeling, for I have been at both of +them this week. + +At Stroud we had a meeting. The Whigs did not attend. Winterbotham +took the chair. He announced that he should vote against the Bill. +There were groans and "three cheers for Gladstone." I went for the +Bill, but explained that it was desirable that the Irish Members +should be retained, and that this was your view. There were shouts +of "let him vote with Gladstone on the Second Reading." At the end +some overzealous ass proposed "three cheers for Brand." This was met +with a chorus of howls and groans. I enquired later on what was the +real position, and was told that all the Radicals were against Brand, +but that there would be no use calling upon him to resign, as about +five hundred Whigs would stick to him, and these with the +Conservatives would secure his return. + +At Ipswich the meeting was entirely for the Second Reading. I +praised up Collins, etc. They cheered his name, but whilst dead +against the Land Bill, went for the other Bill, and did not seem to +care much for details. Two of the County Members spoke. They had +been returned--mainly through Collins's exertions--but they told me +that the agricultural labourers wanted the question settled, and did +not care much how it was settled.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +{333} + +_P.S._--You have never let me have your "plan" in reply to the +observation, that the idea is good in theory, but that the practical +difficulties are insuperable. + + +_Telegram, Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HAWARDEN, May 1, 1886. + +Herbert Gladstone expected from Scotland to-night letter from me to +Midlothian will shortly appear.[7] + +GLADSTONE. + + LABOUCHERE, + 10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +POPE'S VILLA, TWICKENHAM, May 1, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have just got this telegram. If Mr. +Gladstone has not told you that he is going to write his letter, +don't please let it out. I sent him yesterday your figures as to the +division, and preached as strongly as I could conciliation, telling +him that some sort of give-and-take _modus vivendi_ should be arrived +at, otherwise the Bill might be lost.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 3, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Mr. Gladstone has your ultimatumest of +ultimatums. My impression is that he will assent. I had a talk with +Morley this morning, and knocked it well into his head that the +question, as you say, is to be or not to be as regards the Bill. + +{334} + +The decision will depend very much upon the figures. Of course they +don't take yours _au pied de la lettre_, but they evidently are +thoroughly uncomfortable about them. They admit that the feeling +throughout the country is in favour of the Irish remaining. Harcourt +blustered fearfully in the Cabinet about his intentions. Perhaps it +might be well if you were to write him a letter. If we can bring +about an arrangement, it will be a great thing for the party--put +aside the Bill.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 3, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I am pretty sure now that your terms will be +accepted.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 3, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Since writing to you Arnold Morley asked me to +come into his room. He said that he had been shown your letter, and +wished to ask me whether I thought that the terms were the lowest +that you would take. I said "Yes," that I thought they were. Was I +quite certain that you would not vote for the bill if there were no +concession? Quite certain. Was it to be understood that you would +vote for it if Mr. Gladstone said that the Government would support +or bring in a clause granting representation to Ireland, leaving it +for Committee to say how many constituted representation? I said, +that I understood this, but that he had better consult your letter. + +I see that there would be a row at once if Mr. Gladstone were to go +into details, so I should think that it would be better to leave them +alone. I told him that moreover Members (one had) had told me that +they would only vote for the Bill if you were satisfied, and that he +must perceive that the Radicals were in favour of the Irish remaining +here. He admitted this, and {335} promised to explain this to Mr. +Gladstone; he had, he said, in fact represented this to him ten days +ago, only then your terms were not so limited as now. + +Perhaps it might be well if you would write me a line (not in answer +to this, or as though I had written to you) urging a speedy +settlement--for Mr. Gladstone is apt to wait for something to turn up +to his advantage. + +His letter to his electors is good clap-trap.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +BIRMINGHAM, May 4, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--My list alters every day as I receive further +reports from my correspondents. I have only had notice of two +deserters, and the total figures now stand as follows: + + Promised against, 133 + Absolutely pledged, 84 + + +I have not heard anything from Mr. Gladstone, but have written to +Harcourt as you suggest. I am unable to make more of Mr. Gladstone's +manifesto than of many other of his public utterances, but I note one +point with satisfaction. He says in effect that the retention of +Irish members is a mere detail: to me it is vital, but if it is only +a detail to him surely there is no excuse for his not publicly giving +way.--Believe me, yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + + HIGHBURY, MOOR GREEN, + BIRMINGHAM, May 4, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I have a number of enquiries as to what I am +going to do. I thought I had made it all clear in my speeches, but I +reply to every one that I shall certainly vote against Second Reading +unless I can get satisfactory assurances beforehand; and that I will +not vote for Second Reading unless I know that the Government will +keep the Irish Representation {336} on its present footing. That +means, of course, either 103 members or a reduction according to +population. Any other representation would be illogical and absurd. +The interest of Ireland in Imperial questions is in proportion to +population and not to her share of total taxation. It might be in +proportion to her share of the taxation for _Imperial_ objects. +Surely the best plan would be to accept your suggestion and for the +Government to agree to drop the clauses about Representation at +Westminster, leaving it an open question for Committee whether there +should be any reduction, or any restriction on their liberty of +speaking and voting on non-Imperial subjects. + +But will not Mr. Gladstone be content to secure the affirmation of +the principle by Second Reading, vote, and then commit the Bill _pro +forma_ for amendments or withdraw it for the session? + +If anything is to be done it should be at once, otherwise I doubt if, +even with my assistance, the Second Reading can be carried. The +opposition is more numerous than I supposed, and is growing.--Yours +very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +In a previous letter I have sent you my latest figures. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 6, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Morley would have agreed to leave out the +clause. Mr. Gladstone would not. He has elaborated some alternative +scheme, which is to come before the Cabinet to-morrow. + +From your personal standpoint I should say "take it." It will be a +substantial concession, and will be made to you. If you do not, very +possibly several of your followers will accept it. + +I really don't believe that you will get more. It will fully +recognise the paramount character of the Imperial Parliament, enable +Irish to vote on taxation, Imperial matters, etc., and I doubt +whether the feeling is in favour of their voting on English issues. + +Anyhow, you get your principle recognised. The Bill, if it passes +here, will be thrown out in the Lords. We shall go to {337} the +country, not on details of any Bill, but on a domestic legislature +for Ireland, and many things may happen before next year.--Yours +truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--Don't say anything about this yet, for it is not definite, +and won't be until to-morrow's Cabinet. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 7, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--The Cabinet yesterday was not a formal one; +there is to be one to-morrow. Some, I understand, are in favour of +cutting out the clause respecting the exclusion of the Irish, and +leaving the matter to future legislation--others suggest alternative +schemes. Of this I am certain, it may be that terms will not be +agreed to before the discussion on the Second Reading, but, provided +that the Bill cannot be carried without you and your friends, the +point will be yielded. I regard therefore the matter as done, so +don't pray act as though it were not. Any one takes a certain time +to make grimaces before he consumes his humble pie, and does not gulp +it down, so long as he has any hope of being able to avoid doing +so.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, May 8, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have just been reporting progress at Downing +Street. Wolverton, who was there, quite agreed that if you want +ninety Irish, you ought to have them; and, in fact, the simplest +thing is to leave the lot as they are. + +It was admitted that the Bill would require modifications, if the +Irish are to sit. Objection was taken to our collecting all revenues +on the score that the presence of the hated Saxon throughout the +country would put the backs of the Irish up. + +You will perhaps remember that Parnell entirely objects to the amount +of the quota, and so, by showing him that he will lose by the whisky +system, we might get him to unite in insisting upon an alteration. + +{338} + +The idea of Herschell--which I put forward as mine, and said that you +did not seem to object--took. If they can hit it off in the Cabinet +by four o'clock, they are to let me know, and I will send you a +telegram. + +Things being as they are, I go to Hastings, with _Thérèse Raquin_ to +read in the train, with the hope that we are again a happy family. + +Don't with Herschell make it too clear that the food on which our +friends are browsing is humble pie. The substance is everything, and +no sooner will it be known that you mean to vote for the Second +Reading, and that Mr. Gladstone knocks the bottom out of his tub as +regards the exclusion of the Irish, than the Tories and the Whigs +will point the moral. + +I read out the words which Mr. Gladstone was to use in his speech. +"What then are the modifications?" they asked. I said that as he was +not wanted to specify them, they ought to rest and be happy with the +phrase. I said that all that I had written down was in no sort of +way binding on you, and, so far as you were concerned, was +non-existing, and that they were to be treated as my own pious +opinions.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--I said that I gathered that you would not be in this +afternoon, but to-morrow morning. + + +_Telegram, Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +May 8, 1886. + +Stansfield who was in train says all went right at meeting this +afternoon Herschell not there thought to be out of town if you do not +hear from him this is why. + +LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Arnold Morley to Mr. Labouchere_ + +12 DOWNING STREET, S.W., May 8, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--Herschell had to leave town before the end of +the Cabinet, and on his return on Monday he will be sitting in the +House of Lords. + +Perhaps later on it may be arranged. + +{339} + +Would you or would you not telegraph to him to explain his not +coming?--Yours truly, + +ARNOLD MORLEY. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +Sunday, May 9, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--On coming back here from Hastings, I have found +this letter from Arnold Morley. I think that the "cave in" is +complete, and if you only seize the first opportunity to accentuate +it and to recognise it, your triumph will be complete--details are, +comparatively speaking, unimportant. If you get into a discussion +about them you lose your triumph. You went for "full +representation," and, as I understand it, you get it. At the meeting +at Hastings a speaker alluded to you--dead silence. The man next me +said, "A few months ago they would have all cheered." When I spoke I +said that I thought Mr. Gladstone would agree to Irish +Representatives, in which case I thought that you would vote for +Second Reading upon which the audience cheered again and again. This +shows how the cat jumps even in a place like Hastings, which is not +very Radical.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Sunday, May 9,1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Morley has just been here. He don't want you +to be told more than that you will be satisfied. I told him that I +had seen you, and had said generally that you were mistaken in +supposing that the Cabinet did not intend to yield, and that I had +gathered from you that if they did, you would probably vote for the +Second Reading. They are, I find, in some trouble about their +definite statement about the third point--the right of the Irish to +come here by requisition of the Dublin Parliament on all Imperial +matters. They are prepared to elaborate some plan for them to +legislate--or to have the power to legislate--upon such matters, but +they have not yet themselves made out the plan to their satisfaction, +nor can they agree as to what is Imperial and what is not. Mr. +Gladstone therefore will {340} be rather guarded on this head, but he +will (says Morley) make it quite clear that they accept the +principle, and they _bona fide_ are prepared to give it effect. They +are, moreover, rather afraid of being too definite, because they have +not seen nor heard anything from Parnell, and will not have the +opportunity to do so before the debate commences. They assert that +practically representation and taxation involve pretty well all +Imperial measures--and this is to a great extent the fact, for the +Crown declares war, makes treaties, etc. Anyhow they are quite ready +to meet you on this, and if you think that Mr. Gladstone's words are +too vague, or can suggest any others, Herschell will consult with +you. Morley says that they are not going to take the debate next +week, _de die in diem_. So if needed, anything can be cleared up on +Tuesday. But he, of course, is anxious that you should declare your +acceptance of the Bill as soon as possible. + +I finally told him to impress upon his great chief, that he must be +clear. I really think that they are fully prepared to satisfy +you.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., Sunday. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--What does your letter mean? It seems to me that +you are being bamboozled by the old Parliamentary hand. Both Mr. +Gladstone and Herbert Gladstone told people yesterday that they were +not going to give way. + +I am not going to leave the matter to Committee; unless the +assurances to-morrow are precise and definite, I shall certainly vote +against the Second Reading.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Monday, May 10, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Morley did not leave until one o'clock this +morning, when I had a letter posted to you. I think that I put it +perhaps too strongly about the "On Imperial matters," but I had been +fighting for the exact words, and was cross {341} about their not +being precisely as I understood they were to be. Morley vowed that +they would be. I said that they were not. Practically they are. I +really do believe that they have not got a definition of "imperial," +and they only do not want to bind themselves to the Irish Parliament +being obliged to _demand_ representation. I said "peace and war." +Morley replied, "this belongs to the Crown, and is raised by +supplies." I suggested "a commercial reciprocity treaty." He +replied, "this too is in the hands of the Crown, and is raised by a +change in taxation." + +I do not think that there is any _mala fides_, but a desire to avoid +hostile criticism, on "what is Imperial." Morley vowed to me again +and again that there was no intention to dodge, and that having given +up the principle they asked for nothing better than to make it full. +I suggested, "all questions not excluded by the Bill." He replied, +"state what questions, not involved in taxation, you mean, and show +where one does not overlap the other." + +As regards the Committee, they still hold to it, and this will cover +most of the questions. + +Please think this over, and if you can suggest any definite line of +demarcation, and will give it me in the House, I will let Mr. +Gladstone have it before he speaks. + +My last words to Morley were: "Chamberlain is quite fair on his side: +he has a natural distrust of the old Parliamentary hand, and will not +be humbugged. He no doubt will not quarrel over mere words, but he +must have the substance. Knock this well into Mr. Gladstone's head." + +I write you this, because, thinking it over, I may have exaggerated a +thing in which there is nothing important.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, Monday, May 10, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I gave Arnold Morley three questions to take to +Mr. Gladstone. + +1. Would he propose the retention of Irish Members for all questions +of taxation? + +2. Would they come here like English Members? + +{342} + +3. Would taxation include everything which was involved in Imperial +taxation affecting them? + +He answered "yes" to all, but said that in regard to taxation he had +suddenly thought that the tea tax is renewed every year, and that he +had not put this before the Cabinet, but he personally had no sort of +objection to their voting on it, and did not suppose that the Cabinet +had. + +I suggested that Herschell should see you. He writes to say that he +will be engaged all Tuesday and suggests Wednesday. + +I have told them--which they all know--that the speech has produced +the most deplorable effect, and that you are quite right in being +indignant; and that unless they definitely make up their minds to +explain everything satisfactorily, the Bill is lost. This they admit. + +I am urging on them to agree to introduce themselves a clause about +"other Imperial matters," and I tell them that unless they are frank +and yield on such points it is utterly vain to hope to win over you +or any one else. + +The funny thing is that Mr. Gladstone has walked off under the +conviction that his speech was most satisfactory.--Yours, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Telegram, Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, May 11, 1886. + +I think they are quite conscious of their mistake, and ready to +capitulate along the line. Would it not be possible to see the +emissary to-morrow or Thursday? + +LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., May 11, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--In the remarkable speech of the Prime Minister +last night,[8] nothing impressed me more than the passages in which +he spoke of the advantages of public declarations in the House of +Commons as contrasted with the inconvenience of underground +negotiations carried on elsewhere. + +{343} + +Under all circumstances you will, I am sure, approve my decision not +to enter on any further private discussions of the proposals of the +Government. + +If they have any fresh modifications to suggest, I hope they will +state them in the House, when I am sure they will receive the most +favourable consideration from all who, like myself, deeply regret the +differences of opinion which have arisen in the Liberal Party. + +I am engaged all Wednesday, but this is of no consequence, as in the +present position of matters no good could come of any private +interview.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +Mr. Labouchere appends a note to this letter as follows: + +"This is in reply to a letter I wrote Chamberlain last night to say +that he would do well to keep quiet, as probably Herschel, would see +him on Wednesday--not having been able to see him last Saturday." + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +TWICKENHAM, May 17, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--If I speak to-day or to-morrow, I shall say +nothing about negotiations. + +This is, I think, about what occurred. Mr. Gladstone was ready to +yield and bring in the "Imperial matters" Clause before the Saturday +Cabinet. At the Cabinet he was asked whether he had elaborated such +a clause, which previously he had said was impossible to devise. He +had to admit that he had not, and so a lot of asses, some of whom did +not understand the exact point, and the necessity of sticking to any +agreement, talked on until it was time for them all to go away. + +On Sunday, when I first saw Arnold Morley after receiving your note, +he vowed that it was all agreed to, and as I told you I wrote down +the three points in his presence. When he came in the evening, after +having sent to Mr. Gladstone, he explained that it was impossible +absolutely to say that Mr. Gladstone would pledge himself to bring in +the Third Clause, because he had not framed any Clause, and could not +give a definite promise until he knew whether he could frame it. I +urged him not to leave {344} Mr. Gladstone until he had framed it, +and there was a Cabinet on Monday. Still it was not framed. Hence +Mr. Gladstone's extraordinary shilly-shally speech. They all +perceived what fools they had been, except those who were anxious +that no agreement should be come to with you (notably Harcourt who is +playing for the succession), and it was hoped that Herschell would be +able to smooth down matters. There was to be a Cabinet on Thursday, +and I think the Clause would have been framed, only by this time they +did not see why they should yield, if concession would not ensure the +Bill, and Mr. Gladstone (as usual) thought that time should be taken +to see how things developed themselves. + +In the House, as you know, there is a feeling that the Bill should be +read as a declaration of the principle of "a local legislature," and +nothing more. Mr. Gladstone has not said a word about this. It +would be a bitter pill, and he is just now in a prophetic state of +belief that, if he dissolves, he will carry everything before him. +What the Constituencies will do, neither you, nor he, nor any one +else can predicate. It may be that with the Irish vote, the desire +to settle, the belief in him, and the notion that he has been treated +ungenerously, he will win. My impression is that we shall be much as +we are, except that the Tories will be strengthened at the expense of +the Liberal and Radical seceders. + +Now, I put this to you for my private information. It is no proposal +from Government. They hold that you are irreconcilable, and are +sulking. Supposing that he would withdraw the Bill after Second +Reading, could you have a better and a bigger triumph? Read +Salisbury's speech. Does this look like real union? Randolph is +used to promise privately, but Salisbury has a vague idea of honour, +and so he explains what such promises are worth. + +Of course I don't know what Hartington promises.[9] But {345} does +he love you? No. The Whigs are all running about boasting how they +have you in their toils. + +You may believe me or not, but I really do want to see a way to a +reconciliation, because I want you to be our leader. A +reconciliation is still possible on the basis of withdrawing the Bill +after reading it a second time. To withdraw it before would be too +much humble pie, and Mr. Gladstone sees--and no doubt you do--that +this would ruin him. Moreover, the man has some feeling in the +matter. + +Supposing that you were to announce on Thursday that the Government +must withdraw after Second Reading. If Mr. Gladstone was to do this, +afterwards, he would be knocking under completely, and yet almost all +the Radicals (except Illingworth and Co.) would endorse your +suggestion. + +By autumn many things may happen. Mr. Gladstone would have brought +in a Bill, he would have withdrawn it on your demand, and you may +depend on it, he never would bring in one again in the same shape, +but one satisfactory to Radicals and unsatisfactory to Whigs and +Conservatives. + +This therefore seems to me far better than discussing concessions, +whilst from your own standpoint I emphatically say that it is better +for you than to go to the country against Mr. Gladstone, against what +is called the party, and with such a lot as Salisbury and the Whigs, +who regard you as the devil incarnate. Let the latter gravitate to +the Tories. + +There is also this: sentiment is a factor in politics. The notion +that you are in any way acting ungenerously to Mr. Gladstone renders, +or will render, the Radicals rabid against you, and after all they +are the only persons who agree with you in politics, or who have any +real idea of being _your party_. + +I write this for your _private eye_. I shall not say to any one that +I have written to you. + +If, however, you hold to the idea of the Second Reading and the +withdrawal, I would work in that direction.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--Your Ulster fervour does not wash. They are utter humbugs, +these worthy Orangemen. + + +{346} + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., May 17, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I have never doubted your sincere desire to +bring about an arrangement. I do not intend to make any allusion in +public to the negotiations. I blame no one for their failure--there +were misunderstandings on both sides. But I cannot conceive how Mr. +Gladstone could have supposed that the terms of his speech were +calculated to meet the objections taken. As regards the present +situation I am pledged now to vote against the Second Reading, and I +must do so, whatever may be said as to subsequent withdrawal. + +Our friends feel--and I think they are right--that they cannot treat +a vote for Second Reading of a Bill as though it were only an +abstract resolution. + +I admit the truth of nearly all that you say as to the prospects of +the party. No man can foretell the results of the General Election, +but I expect with you that the Tories will gain. I think they will +gain chiefly at the expense of the supporters of the Bill, but in +this I may be mistaken. + +I cannot struggle against the torrent of lies and slanders directed +against my personal action. I can only say that I have been, I +believe, more anxious for reconciliation that any one of my followers +or present allies. I have not to my knowledge said a single bitter +word about Mr. Gladstone, or expressed either in private or in public +anything but respect for him and belief in his absolute sincerity. +Yet in spite of this the supporters of the Government are more bitter +against me than against any one else. + +For the present I shall maintain the same reserve, and shall not +attempt reprisals; but if the discussion goes on much longer on the +same terms I suppose I shall have to defend myself and to say what I +think of some of those gentlemen who, having swallowed their own +principles and professions, are indignant with me because my +digestion is less accommodating. + +I have an enormous correspondence, some of it hostile, but most of it +friendly. The breach in the party is widening, and in a short time +it will be beyond repair. + +All I can say is that I have done all in my power to heal {347} +it--short of giving up my conscientious convictions and assenting to +measures which I believe are totally wrong. I have not the least +feeling against Mr. Gladstone; he is sincere in all that he is +doing--but I cannot think favourably of many of those who are loud in +his support, but who to my certain knowledge are as much opposed to +his Bills in their hearts as I am myself.--Yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +_P.S._--Salisbury's speech is as bad as anything can be.[10] + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + TRUTH BUILDINGS, CARTERET STREET, + QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, S.W. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Herschell and one or two others were to meet +(or possibly have met) to-day to decide upon what proposals were to +be submitted to you. But I will let them have your letter. If the +G.O.M. loses his Bill, it will be from not having been able to be +clear for five minutes in his seventy-seven years,--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +Tuesday--or rather Wednesday Morning, May 25, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I am pretty certain that unless wiser counsels +prevail, Mr. Gladstone will not consent to withdraw the Clause. +Childers, who has been doing all that he can to induce him to do so, +finds that the Cabinet (so far as they have an opinion) are against +it, and Mr. Gladstone strongly so. Morley vows that he would rather +die, and that sort of thing. I cannot find that they have any valid +reason for this, but so it is. + +Mr. Gladstone will, I think, in as plain words as possible (if he can +be plain for a few minutes), fall back upon the programme {348} that +we were negotiating, and say that he will so modify the Bill in +Committee that it will give the Irish Representation here on Imperial +matters, and he seems to have a notion floating in his brain of +announcing that if the Second Reading be passed he will either +withdraw or defer the Bill. + +The notion seems to be that the Liberal opponents may be put down at +100, and that this will reduce them to 70; these calculations, +however, are evidently upon exceedingly vague data. + +It is pretty clear that a number of the opponents do not like the +idea of a dissolution, and that they are very anxious for an +arrangement. It is therefore quite possible that they will come in +upon some such basis. + +Do pray think the matter over, and consider whether it is not worth +your while taking these assurances as a concession to you. Of course +it is not certain that they will be definite, but you might insist +upon their being made definite in the House of Commons. + +I think that it is a proof of astounding weakness not giving up the +Clause. These people can never make up their minds either to fight +or to make peace. The G.O.M. has a natural love of shilly-shally, +and those around him encourage him in this for their own purposes. +My own belief is that they don't want you to vote for the Bill, and +that you would spoil their game if you did. The G.O.M. cannot last, +and if only you would rally you would be certain of the mantle, +whereas with Goschen and Hartington you never possibly can get +on.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, The Derby Day, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--If you can agree to anything less than the +excision of the twenty-fourth Clause, and consider that it would be +useful to let Mr. Gladstone know this, could you write me a letter +stating your views? This I could let Mr. Gladstone have to-morrow +morning, as a letter to me and _not intended_ for him to see, with +the understanding that it is for his {349} private reading and not +for his Cabinet. It might probably lead him to go farther than he +otherwise would in his concessions. He, no doubt, wants to pass his +Bill, and although he believes that he would sweep the country at an +election, he must in his calmer moments know that he may possibly not +do so. But I am certain that there are men in the Cabinet who, +whilst pretending to be in favour of conciliation, are doing all they +can to prevent it--some arbitrarily, and some because their private +ambitions point to your being forced into a position of antagonism. +I do not think that Mr. Gladstone will be likely to change in regard +to the Cabinet decision respecting the twenty-fourth Clause. The +point therefore is to find some other mode of ensuring what is +practically a surrender in respect to Irish representation here. The +excision of the Clause is the simple and direct method, but when did +our venerable friend ever take the direct method? If, however, he +_clearly_, _distinctly_, and _definitely_ pledges himself to +introduce a Clause having the same object as the excision, and to +incorporate it in his Bill, the result is the same, although the road +may not be quite as straight. He might easily be parried in the +House by your saying, "I understand the Prime Minister to, etc., +etc.," and then you might fairly say that you have got precisely what +you want, and thus bear off the honours of war. You have never +publicly insisted upon the particular mode by means of which the +desired end is to be attained.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, Wednesday. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I have just got your note and have privately +let Mr. Gladstone know your position. I have suggested this, that if +he intends to insert a Clause giving the Irish Representation, he +must necessarily withdraw the twenty-fourth, and that consequently he +can use the word "withdraw," which might get over the difficulty. +But whether he will do this, I don't know. Except that the Cabinet +would not hear of the withdrawal, and leaving matters as they are in +regard to {350} Irish Representation until future Legislation, they +seem to have left him a free hand.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +Thursday, May 26, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--There is no doubt about the prorogation. It +was settled last night, much against the wishes of some, who regard +it as too much of a surrender. I have been urging that Fowler, who +is to speak after some Conservative who has got the adjournment for +to-morrow, should translate from one hour of Gladstonese into five +minutes of English. The absurd objection to this is (as yet) that he +is not in the Cabinet. My impression is that most of the Radicals +will return to the fold. They don't like a dissolution, with a +Liberal enemy against them. This is all very well for you, but the +fry will go to the wall in these localities. Some of the Scotch have +also come in. + +After all, if Mr. Gladstone withdraws his Bill and agrees to bring in +another, in which Clause twenty-four is to be reversed--the exclusion +being inclusion--he does more than withdraw the clause, and the +prorogation was really only decided on by Mr. Gladstone in order to +give you full satisfaction. Caine, I hear, says that he never will +vote for the Bill--probably not, considering the influence of the +Cavendishes at Barrow. If he did, he would not get in.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +May 29, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--I think that I have arranged for a written +antidote which will appear on Monday to the "responsible frivolity" +of our loquacious and indiscreet friend. I am not yet quite sure +whether it is arranged, so please don't say anything to _any one_ +about it, or, if it appears, say that I had anything to do with it. +_He_ insists that he said in the House exactly what {351} he had said +at the Meeting.[11] Reading his speech, it is difficult to pin him +to any particular passage--the only thing that can be said is that he +used phrases, which might cover a wider principle than "a domestic +Legislature for Irish affairs." I was asked to put on paper my +objections to the speech. + +I took these points: (1.) that he made a vote cover a general +recognition of the Bill; (2.) that he studiously limited all +"reconstruction" to a particular point; (3.) that he implied, and +almost stated that the Bill was to be introduced, and made no clear +offer to consider the whole subject of the details which were to give +effect to the principle of his domestic Legislature principle, and +did not say that he would consider any suggestions offered to him by +leading persons in the Liberal Party. + +These are, in point of fact, your criticisms, not mine. + +_He_ was astounded at any one not finding all this in his speech, but +I said that, surprising as this might be, no one friend or foe had +found anything of the kind. + +It seems to me that the real object of all should be to tide over the +present conjunction, and to leave everything "without prejudice" for +this autumn Session. The public do not know the object of their +adoration as we do. He is still their fetish, and they regard any +doubt of his divine character as sacrilege. + +I should have thought that Henry James' idea of not voting would have +suited both you and Hartington. It certainly is the most logical +outcome of the position. He says that the Bill is a mere declaration +of principle. You say that it may be more. He offers to withdraw +the Bill, after the principle has been ratified by a vote. You +cannot quite believe him in anything beyond that the Bill will be +withdrawn. This being so, if all of you were to agree to leave him +and his principle to find their level in the House of Commons--to say +that you are for a domestic legislature, and therefore cannot vote +for the Bill, but that you are not for more, and therefore that you +cannot vote for a Bill which may involve more. I think that this +would put you quite right with the Radicals, and leave you a free +hand, although it may {352} be doubtful whether the Whigs, who go +against principle and details, would be quite so wise to accept this +solution. + +If, however, the Whigs do vote, and if you and your people abstain, +it is not quite certain that we should carry the Bill; in which case +the outcry would be against the abstainers, and they would be cursed +for precipitating a dissolution against the idol. + +According to the Whips, Saunders has again got salvation. Half of +these people are like women, who are pleased to keep up the "I will" +and "I won't" as long as possible in order to be counted. Generally +this ends in "I will." + +Akers Douglas told the Whips last night that the debate was not to +end before Thursday; they could not quite make out whether this was +official or not.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 5, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--At the desire of a large number of Radical +Members of Parliament, I write to make an appeal to you with regard +to your attitude upon the Government for Ireland Bill. They are all +of them amongst your warmest admirers, and they have always looked to +you as the leader of their phase of political thought. They +advocated your "unauthorised programme" at the last General Election, +and they have persistently defended you against the attacks and +aspersions of all who have denounced you and your views upon +political or social issues. With much that you have said upon the +Irish Bill they agree, and they think that they have a right to ask +you to give a fair consideration to any request that they may make to +you in order to maintain the union which they are anxious should +exist between you and them. In your speech upon the Second Reading +of the Bill, you said that you were in favour of the principles of a +separate domestic Legislature for Ireland, with due reservations, but +that you did not consider that Mr. Gladstone had made it sufficiently +clear that voting for the Bill would mean nothing but a recognition +of this principle, and would leave its supporters absolute +independence of judgment with regard to the new Bill that he might +introduce in an autumn {353} Session. I think that he has met this +objection in his letter to Mr. Moulton that has been published +to-day. We think, therefore, that perhaps you could not respond to +our wishes, and either vote for the Bill or--if you could not go so +far as this--abstain from voting. The issue of the division on +Monday is, we believe, entirely in your hands. Should the Bill be +lost there will be a General Election at once, which will disturb the +trade and commerce of the country; and it will take place at a time +which, as no doubt you are aware, will be the worst period of the +year for the Radicals, owing to the Registration Laws now in force. +It is impossible to shut our eyes to the fact that a General +Election, without you on our side, may lead to a Whig-Tory, or +Tory-Whig Government, which would relegate to the dim and distant +future all those measures which you and we so ardently desire may +become law. Under these circumstances is it too much for us to ask +you to make an effort to avert all these contingencies? When +Achilles returned to his tent, the Greeks were defeated. What would +it have been had Achilles lent the weight of his arm to the Trojans? +I fully recognise how conciliatory your attitude has been, and how +anxiously you have sought to see your way from disruption during all +the discussions which I have had with you. I still cannot help +hoping that, in view of the distant assurances of Mr. Gladstone in +his letter to Mr. Moulton, and in view of the wishes of so many of +your warmest admirers in the House of Commons, you will see your way +to defer to the request which, through me, they make to you.--Yours +truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +June 5, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--This letter is really written at the desire of +a lot of Radicals. They were pestering me all last evening. + +The position is this: 316 pledged for, 136 pledged against, leaving +out the Speaker and those absent; there are about 26 not absolutely +pledged on either side, or inclined to reconsider their pledges. We +have got some to promise to abstain or to follow the Maker Pease in +voting for the Bill. But we have not yet enough, and so far as I can +see at present the Bill is lost. + +{354} + +The issue therefore really depends upon you. Surely it would be well +to stave it off by saving the Bill. Much may happen before autumn. +We may lose the G.O.M., who has a very collapsed look. Anyhow, if he +does bring in _his_ Bill again, it will never pass in the autumn, but +will be lost by a large majority. + +I am really writing to you without speaking to any one of the +Government, nor at the suggestion of the Government. You might yield +very gracefully to the Radicals, and I make the letter an appeal +_forma pauperis_. Were you to do so, you would become the most +popular man in England, with all who are honestly your political +adherents, for I need not say that the Whigs and Tories are not +likely to adore you for long. It would be delicious to spring a +correspondence on the Government and the public on Monday morning. I +am going down to Twickenham this afternoon until Monday. If you +think it any good I would meet you anywhere before going. + +This occurred to me yesterday. Mr. Gladstone might adjourn the +debate till some day in the autumn Session, and then carry it on, +after stating all the changes he will make in his Bill. The +difficulty of this is, that he vows that it is against all +Parliamentary rule to legislate after the Approbation Act. I don't +know whether he could meet this by votes on account. Then, too, is +it certain that he would have a majority? If however you approve of +this, I would again suggest it.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +40 PRINCE'S GARDENS, S.W., June 5, 1886. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I thank you for your letter of this morning, and +sincerely appreciate the spirit in which it is written, but +especially your recognition that my attitude has been conciliatory +throughout these unfortunate differences, and that I have been at all +times most anxious to prevent the disruption of the Liberal Party. + +You do not give me the names of the friends on whose behalf you +write, and who now urge me to vote in favour of the Second Reading of +a Bill with many of my objections to which they themselves agree. I +do not know therefore whether or no they {355} have already pledged +themselves to take the course which you urge upon me, but I assume +that this is the case as I have not myself received any +communications in the same sense from any of those who have declared +their inability to support the Second Reading. + +I am unable to accept your reference to my speech as quite accurate, +but I adhere on every point to the words of the original report. I +quite admit that Mr. Gladstone has given ample assurance that he will +not hold any member who may vote for the Second Reading as committed +thereby to a similar vote for the Second Reading of the Bill when +reintroduced in October, but the question still remains whether such +members will not be obliged to take this course in order to preserve +their own logical consistency. + +Up to the present time Mr. Gladstone has given no indication whatever +that the Bill to be presented in October will be materially different +from the Bill now before the House. On the contrary, he has +distinctly stated that he will not depart from the main outlines of +the present measure. It is, however, to the main outlines of the +present Bill that the opposition of my friends and myself has been +directed, and it appears to me that we should be stultifying +ourselves if we were to abstain at the last moment from giving effect +to our conscientious convictions. We are ready to accept as a +principle the expediency of establishing some kind of legislative +authority in Ireland subject to the conditions which Mr. Gladstone +himself has laid down, but we honestly believe that none of these +conditions are satisfactorily secured by the plan which has been +placed before us. I share your apprehension as to the General +Election at the present time; but the responsibility for this must, I +think, rest with those who will have brought in and forced to a +division a Bill which, in the words of Mr. Bright, "not twenty +members outside the Irish party would support if Mr. Gladstone's +great authority were withdrawn from it."--I am, yours very truly, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + +_P.S._--As I understand that many Radical members are cognisant of +your letter, I propose to send it together with my reply for +publication in the _Times_. + + +{356} + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + +10 QUEEN ANNE'S GATE, June 5, 1886. + +MY DEAR CHAMBERLAIN,--Yes, I thought of publishing if you were to +agree--but if not--I rather think it would not conduce to the Second +Reading. It might even if you said that you would advise others to +abstain, or something of that sort. The G.O.M. will die rather than +withdraw his Bill, but he might perhaps be induced to adjourn the +debate until autumn, if you were to suggest this. I am off to +Twickenham, as I have Palto and Ellen Terry coming down, who (thank +God) probably have never heard of the infernal Bill. Randolph is, I +believe, coming, but I suppose it is no use asking you to join such +frivolous society. My conviction is that the Radicals are damned for +years if we are defeated to-morrow. + +If you can write anything comforting, and send it here tomorrow +morning, I will tell some one here to bring it down at once to Pope's +Villa.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + + +[1] The _Times_, January 4, 1886. + +[2]It was upon this Amendment that Lord Salisbury's Government was +defeated. + +[3] The lull in Mr. Labouchere's correspondence is accounted for by +the fact that Lord Salisbury's Government, finding itself in a +minority of 79 on the early morning of January 27, resigned, and, on +February 26, Mr. Gladstone became Prime Minister for the third time. +Mr. Chamberlain became President of the Local Government Board. + +[4] Mr. Chamberlain had resigned his post in the Cabinet on March 16. + +[5] On April 8 Mr. Gladstone moved the first reading of the Home Rule +Bill. + +[6] Land Bill introduced and the First Reading on April 16. + +[7] On May 3, a manifesto was issued from Mr. Gladstone in which he +intimated that the Land Bill was no longer to be an essential article +of the Liberal faith, and that, in the Home Rule Bill, all questions +of detail were subsidiary. The only important thing was to support +the principle of establishing a Legislative Body in Dublin empowered +to make laws for Irish as distinguished from Imperial affairs. + +[8] Motion made for Second Reading of Home Rule Bill and amendment, +on May 10th. + +[9] On May 14th, a meeting summoned by Lord Hartington met at +Devonshire House, at which Mr. Chamberlain was present. It was +calculated at this meeting that the "dissenting Liberals" would +amount to something over one hundred. The important point of the +meeting was that Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Hartington agreed, for the +time, to act together and to vote against the Second Reading. + +[10] Mr. Chamberlain was probably referring to Lord Salisbury's +speech of May 15th, in which he suggested that the Irish belonged to +the races incapable of self-government, such as--the Hottentots! + +[11] On May 27th Mr. Gladstone held a meeting of Liberals at the +Foreign Office, when, in a conciliatory speech, he declared that the +Government desired, by a vote on the Second Reading, no more than to +establish the _principle_ of a measure, which was to give Home Rule +to Ireland. + + + + +{357} + +CHAPTER XIII + +SOME CONSEQUENCES OF BALFOUR'S COERCION POLICY + +When Mr. Gladstone's Government was defeated on June 9 by 341 votes +to 311, the Prime Minister immediately dissolved Parliament, and the +General Election was over before the end of July, the Unionist +majority being 118. Mr. Gladstone resigned on July 12, before the +final returns were sent in, and, when Parliament met again in August, +Lord Salisbury was Prime Minister, Sir Michael Hicks-Beach, Chief +Secretary for Ireland, and Lord Londonderry, Viceroy. The second +great Home Rule battle had been fought and lost. + +Of course Irish affairs immediately occupied Parliament, but on +September 21 the Land Bill, introduced by Parnell, and upon which, he +warned the House, the peace of Ireland depended, was rejected by a +majority of 95 votes. On October 23, the Plan of Campaign was +launched and furiously denounced by the Conservatives in the House of +Commons and on every platform throughout the country. Sir Michael +Hicks-Beach resigned the Chief Secretaryship on account of his +failing eyesight, and was replaced by Mr. Balfour. The first +Parliament that met in 1887 was given notice of two measures for +Ireland--a Coercion Bill to be introduced in the House of Commons and +a Land Bill in the House of Lords. The Coercion Bill was the most +stringent of its kind ever introduced. It abridged and destroyed the +{358} constitutional liberties of the people of Ireland and created +new offences. It withdrew the protection of juries, and gave full +powers to resident magistrates of dealing with cases of intimidation +and of holding public meetings against the will of the executive. It +was proposed, moreover, that the measure should be a permanent one, +and not restricted to one or a limited number of years.[1] + +Two extraordinary events occurred in that year, in both of which Mr. +Labouchere played an important part. They both had their indirect +origin in the coercive measures which Mr. Balfour succeeded in +passing through the House. The first took place during the spring, +when the _Times_, in order to strengthen the hands of the Government, +in their remorseless warfare on Irish liberties, published, during +the course of a series of articles called "Parnellism and Crime," the +facsimile of a letter supposed to have been written by Mr. Parnell to +Mr. Patrick Egan in 1882, referring brutally to the Phœnix Park +murders. The letter was contained in the fourth article of the +series. The reader will easily perceive from the following short +extracts the spirit in which these articles were conceived: "Be the +ultimate goal of these men (the Parnellites) what it will, they are +content to march towards it in company with murderers. Murderers +provide their funds, murderers share their inmost counsels, murderers +have gone forth from the League[2] offices to set their bloody work +afoot, and have presently returned to consult the 'constitutional +leaders' on the advancement of the cause," occurred in the first +article. The third article declared that "even now" the Parnellite +conspiracy was controlled by dynamiters and assassins, and proceeded +thus: "We have seen how the infernal fabric arose 'like an +exhalation' to the sound of murderous oratory; how assassins guarded +it {359} about, and enforced the high decrees of the secret conclave +within by the ballot and the knife. Of that conclave to-day, three +sit in the Imperial Parliament, four are fugitives from the law." +The first series of the articles finished up with this appeal: "Men +of England! These are the foul and dastardly methods by which the +National League and the Parnellites have established their terrorism +over a large portion of Ireland. Will you refuse the Government the +powers which will enable these cowardly miscreants to be punished, +and which will give protection to the millions of honest and loyal +people in Ireland?" + +It is very certain that all Liberal Unionists, and even a few of the +more educated Tory statesmen, realised that the articles were merely +theatrical appeals to the contracted imaginations of those armchair +politicians, whose ways of influencing voters in rural districts were +all powerful, but it was not to be expected that the man in the +street could understand them as such. On him they made a profound +impression. + +The first article appeared on March 7, the second on the 14th, and +the third on the 18th. On the 22nd Mr. Balfour gave notice of his +Coercion Bill. "Parnellism and Crime" had prepared the way for him. +The Bill was read for the first time in the beginning of April, and +on the last day of the debate on the Second Reading, April 18, the +_Times_ published its _pièce de résistance_--what has since become +known as "the facsimile letter." It ran as follows: + + +15/5/82. + +DEAR SIR,--I am not surprised at your friend's anger, but he and you +should know that to denounce the murders was the only course open to +us. To do that promptly was plainly our best policy. But you can +tell him and all others concerned that though I regret the accident +of Lord F. Cavendish's death, I cannot refuse to admit that Burke got +no more than his deserts. You are at liberty to show him this, and +others whom you can {360} trust also, but let not my address be +known. He can write to House of Commons.--Yours very truly, + +CHAS. S. PARNELL. + + +I have before me the photograph of the facsimile letter, used in the +Parnell Commission, and also the letters received by Mr. Labouchere +at different times from the Irish leader, and it seems incredible, on +comparing the general style and caligraphy of the former with the +latter, how the _Times_ agents and Mr. Soames could have been +deceived for one moment; but I must not anticipate in this place the +verdict of the Commission on the forgery, in the obtaining of which +Mr. Labouchere played such a characteristic part. The whole of +England was indignant when the issue of the _Times_ containing the +facsimile letter appeared on their breakfast tables, and even +comparatively tender-hearted persons began to think seriously that no +treatment of Ireland by the English could be savage enough to avenge +the cold-hearted, calculating cruelty of Parnell. + +Mr. Balfour's Coercion Bill had not, however, yet become law, and the +_Times_ continued its popular articles, which were greedily devoured +by the public, the body of the second and third series consisting for +the most part of an accumulation of evidence to prove that, in the +year of the Land League, the conspirators had succeeded in getting +the American Clan na Gael and the Irish Parliamentary party into +line. It did its work so well that, by the 8th of July, when the +Coercion Bill passed its Third Reading, under which, subsequently, +fully one-third of the Nationalist members charged in its columns +were put into prison, there were very few English people outside the +Radical faction who did not think that Ireland had got no more than +her deserts. + +It was, in the _dénouement_ of the series of events, following upon +the publication of Mr. Parnell's supposed letter, that Mr. Labouchere +played such an important part, and, as it was nearly two years before +the mystery was completely {361} unravelled, the story of the forged +letter must now be left, so as to take up in chronological order the +second event of 1887 in which Mr. Labouchere was vitally concerned. + +Mr. Labouchere kept himself well in touch with what was going on in +Ireland, and the following detailed letter that he received from Mr. +T. M. Healy towards the end of 1886, gave him a vivid picture of the +state of things there during the first half year of the Conservative +Government, and assisted him much in the line of policy he +consistently followed then and throughout the ensuing years: + + +The country is really perfectly quiet, and the misfortune is that the +Tories are reaping the benefit of Gladstone's policy, and will, of +course, claim the credit for their "resolute Government." Moreover, +they are putting all kinds of pressure on the landlords to grant +abatements. Buller is Soudanizing Kerry à la Gordon, and giving the +slave-drivers no quarter, so that with the stoppage of evictions +there, moonlighting is coming to an end and the people believe that +Buller won't let them be turned out of their cabins. He has a good +man with him as Sec.--Col. Turner--who was aide to Aberdeen during +the late Viceroyalty. Turner is a staunch Radical and Home Ruler who +sympathizes with the poor, and we know very well that the brake has +been put on against the local Bimbashis. They are cursing Buller +heartily, and yesterday he had to issue an official contradiction of +the undoubted truth that he is obstructing evictions by refusing +police. There are more ways of killing a dog than choking him with +butter. How they would storm against Liberals if any such officer +were sent to Kerry to override the law, and how they denounced Morley +for exercising the dispensing power, because of a few sympathetic +sentences. What I am afraid of in all this is that the tenants +nowhere are getting a clear receipt, and that they will afterwards be +pressed for the balances unless there is an Arrears Act. Probably +the Tories meditate muddling away the rest of the Church surplus in +benefactions to the landlords to recompense their benevolence. Of +course only the September rents are due yet, and September and March +are much less frequent gale months with us than November and May. +The November rents will be {362} soon demanded, and then we shall +really know what the landlords will do. I think they will surrender, +for if they don't they won't be paid. Every one of them is sick of +the fight. Their retainers and bailiffs who made a profit out of +evictions, and the attorneys who promoted them for the costs, have +not been paid for a long time as they used long ago, and like a +stranded vessel on the rocks it is only a question of the fierceness +of the gale how soon the entire system will go to pieces. They were +in much better blood for fighting in '81 and what have those of them +got who stood out? Desolate farms that no one will touch, while the +sight of emergency occupants no longer terrifies the tenants, who +know that they are costing the master three times the rent and that +their labours are as profitless as a locust's. These fellows are the +riffraff of the towns who idle away their time in the next +public-house or play cards with the police sent to protect them. +They burn everything that will light for firing, and their occupation +of the premises is about as husbandman-like as that of a party of +Uhlans. Such is the prospect for the gentry who refuse abatements, +and as they know the people have not got money, I believe they will +make a virtue of necessity. Then the Government are known to be +against them, and they cannot appeal from their own friends to the +Liberals, so what are they to do? They distrust Churchill +completely, and believe he is capable of anything. If, however, they +hold out we shall have warm work. I have refrained from addressing +agrarian meetings so far, though Dillon and O'Brien have gone on the +warpath, because it is not clear to me yet what is the best line to +take, and besides I think Parnell should give the note, so that +nobody may get above concert pitch. What Parnell's views are I don't +know, and he is the man on the horse. The consciousness of the +people that they have Gladstone on their side would in any case, I +think, take all the uglier sting out of the agitation, now that they +feel a settlement to be only a matter of time. It is very hard for +any one to advise them when the responsibility is directly on +Parnell, but if he intervened popular opinion would blaze like a +prairie fire. + +Thanks for your enquiry about my return to the House. There are now +three Irish vacancies, but I don't feel anxious to go in now that I +am out of the hurly-burby. It is a heavy {363} monetary loss to me, +still, if it seemed my duty, I would stand again. O'Brien hates +Parliament and vows he won't go back, but if he would consent so +should I. The English have no idea what a beastly nuisance it is, +giving up your work in order to live in London, and then to be +blackguarded as hirelings and assassins for our pains. I cannot +think that there is much chance of turning out Randolph for a long +time to come. Even if we could win over Chamberlain, he has few +followers, and Hartington could still give the Ministry a majority. +I think the pair of them are trying to kill Gladstone, and that this +is quite as much a purpose of their policy as to prevent Home Rule. +I feel sure that no modifications of the late Bill that we could +agree to would induce either of them to come over. + +In a Parliamentary sense Mr. Gladstone is a better life than +Hartington, as when the Duke of Devonshire dies his influence will +abate, and his followers in the House cannot be so well kept +together. Joseph and he hate each other too much to agree on +anything else than disagreeing with Gladstone, so that I cannot see +any land ahead just yet. I fear there is nothing for it but to trust +to the chapter of accidents. Cloture cannot, if carried, do us much +harm. If used to promote coercion then you will have outrages and, +for aught I know, dynamite once more in the ascendant, so that while +they may get rid of the pain in one part of the system the disease +will break out somewhere else. Every one here wants peace, and the +wisdom of Gladstone's policy is more manifest to me every day. There +is an entire change in the temper of the people, and it would even +take some pretty rough Toryism to make them take to their old ways +again. + +If the present Government were wise they would take advantage of this +frame of mind, but there is little prospect of their doing so. + + +In the monster demonstration which took place in Hyde Park, after the +reading of the Coercion Bill for the first time, Mr. Labouchere had +been one of the group of eloquent orators, including Mr. Michael +Davitt, Mr. Sexton, Mr. Hunter, and Professor James Stuart, who, from +a long semi-circle of pavilions, had led upwards of a quarter million +{364} demonstrators, poured out from the Radical Clubs and +Associations of London, in protest against the tyrannical methods +contemplated by the Government. A short extract from the speech of +Mr. Baggallay, made in the House of Commons on April 14, gives an +interesting little picture of Mr. Labouchere on the occasion of the +demonstration: "I see the member for Northampton in his place," he +said; "I am glad to see him back again after his short holiday, a +holiday which I was sorry to see that he himself had cut short by +unnecessarily making his appearance on a waggon in Hyde Park. May I +be allowed to tell him that I was in Hyde Park also, although I was +not in a waggon. I am prepared to admit that the crowd there was +orderly. It has been asserted that there were a great many rowdies +present. No doubt there were, but, for a Bank holiday, and for Hyde +Park on a fine day, I think the congregation assembled there was +fairly respectable. But, sir, what did they go there for? A great +many were out for a holiday, but I believe that a very large number +went there in order to see the leader of the Liberal party, or rather +the real leader of the Radical party. I was asked over and over +again, 'Where's Labby?' There can be no doubt that the point of +attraction was the platform at which the member for Northampton +presided. The language Mr. Labouchere used in reference to this +Coercion Bill was not perhaps quite so moderate as it might have +been. He told his audience that the policy of the Government was +like the ruffianism of Bill Sikes, and he added that if the Bill +became law he hoped Irishmen would resist it." (Mr. Labouchere: +"Hear, Hear!") "I do not know if Mr. Labouchere is prepared to +repeat those words in the House--(Mr. Labouchere: "Most +unquestionably I repeat them.)"[3] And so on. + +The protest had, of course, nothing but a moral value, minimised as +much as possible by a slashing leading article in the _Times_, +followed by a double dose of "Parnellism and {365} Crime." But, in +the September of that year, Mr. Labouchere, in company with four +other members of Parliament (Mr. T. E. Ellis, Mr. Brunner, Mr. +Dillon, and Mr. John O'Connor), went over to Ireland, in order to +address the historic meeting at Michelstown. + +Everybody knows the outline of what occurred--how the police, +escorting a Government reporter, tried to force a passage through a +hostile crowd to the speaker's platform, and how they were eventually +driven back into their barracks, through the windows of which they +fired at random, killing three men and mortally wounding two others. +The meeting occurred on September 9, and on the 12th the matter was +discussed during the debate in the House of Commons. Mr. Balfour +pronounced instant and peremptory judgment, although his information +on the subject must have been obtained with incredible rapidity.[4] +He told the House that he was of opinion, "looking at the matter in +the most impartial spirit, that the police were in no way to blame, +and that no responsibility rested upon any one except upon those who +convened the meeting under circumstances which they knew would lead +to excitement and might lead to outrage."[5] Mr. Labouchere, +following Sir William Harcourt and Mr. Balfour, made a characteristic +speech, in the course of which he gave an inimitable account of what +actually did happen at Michelstown. + +"Now, sir," he said, "I was there. I was in a position which enabled +me to see very clearly what took place. I am not a novice in these +matters. I have been in a great many _ententes_ on the continent. I +have been a reporter in some cases, and I have not only been in a +position to see, but I have also been in the habit of chronicling +what I did see.... We went down, and the train arrived at Fermoy. +This is about fifteen miles from Michelstown, and when we were within +a mile of the latter place, we were met by a {366} procession with +flags and trumpets, and a certain crowd accompanying it.... We +entered the town with this procession, and pulled up in the +market-place. Michelstown is a very small provincial town with very +wide streets and few of them. In the midst of the town there is this +marketplace, which is perhaps as large as Trafalgar Square. The +market-place slopes, and at the top, is the main street of the +village, and--I ask the House to remember this--there are two police +barracks. One is the permanent police station ... and the other a +temporary police station, used by the police on this occasion, and +faces the market-place. When we arrived there we got into a brake, +which formed one part of the procession. This brake was mainly +tenanted by priests, the Mayors of Cork and Clonmel, and a few other +gentlemen. Mr. M'Carthy, a parish priest of the neighbourhood, was +appointed chairman, and the crowd naturally gathered around. Mr. +Dillon said to me: 'Let us cut this as short as possible: they will +send the police and military into the town. They will attempt +something, and something may occur if we go on long. I suggest we +say a few words and ask the crowd to disperse.' I at once assented. +Dillon then got up on the front side of the brake to say a few words, +and at that time, or perhaps a few minutes before, I saw a body of +police drawn up in a line in the lower part of the market-place. +They had a reporter with them, and they pushed their way to within a +short distance of the platform.... They could get no further. The +people were so tightly packed. I will give an instance of this. +When we got there we got out of our carriage, and we were all going +on to the brake, which was, I suppose, five yards away. I was +delayed a moment, and I was delayed at least two moments trying to +get through these five yards, the people being so crowded that it was +almost impossible to push through them. How then was it possible for +the police, three abreast, without great violence, to push their way +through such a dense mass as this? Our brake was at the top of the +market-place, {367} the people were all in front. Why on earth did +not the reporter go to the outside of the meeting, and down the other +side? He could easily have got in that way, and we should have been +glad to welcome him there. But the police deliberately tried to +force their way right in front where the people were wedged in as +much as possible. I then saw these dozen policemen, with the +reporter in their midst, stop. I supposed then they were satisfied +and saw they could get no further. Dillon made one or two +observations, and then the police fell back, and I thought perhaps +they were going round. Let me observe we did not see the Resident +Magistrate at all. If the Resident Magistrate had shown himself, and +said he wanted the reporter to pass, one would have let him pass. +The difficulty was that the reporter did not come alone, but with +this body of police. Dillon went on speaking, and the horsemen--not +this wonderful regiment I see mentioned in the _Times_, but some +twenty horsemen--closed round outside the meeting in order to hear. +Suddenly, after the advance guard had fallen back, and joined the +other police, they (the police) all rushed forward. I am told they +came to where these horsemen were, and one of the policemen drew his +sword, and wounded one of the horses. I believe Mr. Brunner saw this +done. Immediately there was a scrimmage.... The police commenced +and continued it. The next thing that happened was that the police +ran away. Captain Seagrove may have been amongst them, but it +appears he deserted them on this occasion, and went to a neighbouring +inn on the right of the market-place.... The police ran into the +barracks.... Brunner and Ellis got on the brake, and joined the +Mayor of Cork in urging the people to clear the streets for fear of +further bloodshed, and I remained on the brake, because I was anxious +to see what would take place." He continued his speech, urging with +great ability the futility of pursuing in Ireland such tactics, which +amounted to nothing in the world but the forcing upon a weaker +country {368} the tyranny of a stronger. "The Chief Secretary tells +us," he continued, "that, by these means, he hopes to create a Union +between England and Ireland. What sort of a Union does he expect to +create? Does he expect to create a Union of hearts and affections? +Does he hope to create an affection for the English Government? I am +happy to see that in Ireland the people are making a wide distinction +between the people of England and the Government of England. They +know their troubles are only temporary, that a new alliance exists +between the democracies of England and Ireland, and that the classes +will not be able to hold their own against such an alliance. I hold +that the right hon. gentleman (Mr. Balfour) is indirectly responsible +for what has occurred at Michelstown, and that those who are directly +responsible are R. M. Seagrove and Inspector Brownrigg. I accuse +these men of gross and deliberate murder."[6] + +After Mr. Labouchere sat down, there was really very little to be +said on the other side. Lord Randolph Churchill, however, +endeavoured to do his duty by his party, and commented thus on +Labouchere's speech, craftily criticising its style and ignoring its +substance: "And then, Sir, we had the statement of the member for +Northampton, which seems to me to resemble in its nature certain +newspapers which are now current, and, to some extent, popular in the +metropolis, which convey their news to the public in paragraphs. The +statement of the hon. gentleman did not seem to me to be altogether +connected. It was really a series of paragraphs, which succeeded +each other without much connection as far as I could make out. I put +aside the statement of the hon. member for Northampton, because I +have difficulty in regarding him as altogether serious in this +matter."[7] + +It is difficult to see why Lord Randolph Churchill did not regard Mr. +Labouchere's statement on the subject as serious. Had he been +commenting on Mr. Balfour's speech on the {369} occasion, one might +have understood a certain amount of scepticism as to the speaker's +good faith. + +In the following February Mr. Labouchere, in a speech on Mr. +Parnell's amendment in answer to the Address from the Throne, +referred again to Mr. Balfour's airy dismissal of any serious +consideration of the Michelstown affray: "What the Chief Secretary +had stated in the House about the matter was absolutely incorrect. +He had always thought that the right hon. gentleman would be +especially careful in matters of evidence, for, as a philosopher, he +was his (Labouchere's) favourite philosopher. He had sat at the feet +of that Gamaliel, he had read his _Defence of Philosophic Doubt_, +until he had almost doubted of his own existence. Yet, when the +right hon. gentleman became Irish Chief Secretary, he forgot all his +philosophy. The reason was that there were exigencies required of an +Irish Secretary that were not to be found in the calm fields of +philosophy. It was a melancholy thing for a philosopher to be +plunged by the exigencies of his position into matters like this--to +have vile instruments to carry out his orders, and to believe them or +rather to pretend to believe them...."[8] + +The note of persiflage contained in all Labouchere's speeches on the +Michelstown affair may have deceived his hearers as to the +profoundness of his feelings of indignation, but his measured, +well-considered utterances in _Truth_ were for all who read them a +sufficient guarantee of his good faith. Immediately after the +affray, he wrote thus of the head of the constabulary force in Co. +Cork: "I came across a person of the name of Brownrigg the other day. +The ferocity, the insolence, the brutality of this man never were +exceeded and rarely equalled by Cossack or Uhlan in a country +occupied by Russian or German. I strongly recommend him for +promotion. He is a man after the heart of our Tory despots, for he +seemed to me to unite in his person every characteristic that goes to +make up an official ruffian, {370} armed with a little brief +authority. On this man the responsibility of the Michelstown murders +rests. He caused them, either deliberately, or from stupidity and +brutality combined. If he has furnished Mr. Balfour with an account +of what took place there, he adds to his other virtues the capacity +of being one of the best liars that the world has ever produced, for +the statement of Mr. Balfour in the House of Commons of the +Michelstown affair, from 'official information,' is one long tissue +of deliberate falsehoods."[9] + +At the inquest which was held upon the victims, the jury returned a +verdict of wilful murder against the chief police officer and five of +his men. _Truth_ pronounced as follows upon the inquest: +"Immediately after the Michelstown meeting I had occasion to call +attention to the conduct of Brownrigg, the chief of the constabulary +there. This ruffian has given evidence, and his evidence is one long +tissue of lies, so impudent that Mr. Irwin, the District Police +Inspector, has borne testimony against him. When Mr. Irwin stated +what the nature of his evidence must be, Brownrigg, it would appear, +called his men together and tried to drill them into perjury, in +order to obtain confirmation of his mendacity. I am not surprised at +anything which this man may do, for I found him vain, irascible, +insolent, and muddleheaded beyond all conception." + +Mr. Labouchere's article, called "The Michelstown Murders, "giving in +more detail than he had been able to do in the House, the real facts +of the affray, is a masterpiece of judicial summing up. It is too +long to quote in full, but the following extract will show how close +was his reasoning, and how unanswerable his arguments: + + +Three men were killed, and two were wounded. Two of the men killed +received each two bullets. This proves two things: 1. That the +police deliberately aimed. 2. That there could not have been a +crowd. Never yet was a crowd fired into, and, of {371} the three men +killed by the discharge, two each be struck twice. Any one can see +that this is mathematically so improbable as to be impossible. + +Station No. 1 is a house with an iron door, and iron shutters to the +windows. Even if it had been attacked, an unarmed crowd could not +have got into it; all the more as there were military within call +ready to act, and Captain Seagrove was not in the station, and +consequently could have at once called up the soldiers. It is +admitted that there are 160 panes of glass in the windows, and that +only six of these panes were broken by stones. The police therefore +were not in danger of their lives, nor in any danger.[10] + + +The verdict of the inquest was afterwards quashed (Feb. 10, 1888) in +the Queen's Bench on the ground that the coroner had perpetrated +certain irregularities of form, and, as Lord Morley remarks, "the +slaughter of the three men was finally left just as if it had been +the slaughter of three dogs." No other incident of Irish +administration stirred deeper feelings of disgust in Ireland, or of +misgiving and indignation in England.[11] Meanwhile the _Times_ +articles "Parnellism and Crime" seemed to have been forgotten, except +by Mr. Labouchere, who had in _Truth_ chaffingly suggested to the +_Times_ the appointment of Mr. Brownrigg to write a few instalments +of the sensational serial pamphlet. The poison, however, had worked, +and goodwill towards Ireland had nearly died in English breasts. +Parnell had declared in the House of Commons on the day of its +publication that the facsimile letter was a clumsy fabrication. +"Politics are come to a pretty pass," he said, "in this country when +a leader of a party of eighty-six members has to stand up at ten +minutes past one in the House of Commons in order to defend himself +from an anonymous fabrication such as that which is contained in the +_Times_ of this morning."[12] + +{372} + +Nobody except his Radical friends believed him, and the affair would +probably have sunk into oblivion if a former member of the party, a +Mr. F. H. O'Donnell, had not, after mature reflection, conceived that +he had been libelled in the famous articles. In the summer of 1888 +he prosecuted the _Times_ for damages, and lost his case, for, as a +matter of fact, Mr. O'Donnell had not been mentioned in the articles, +and it almost appeared that something like a guilty conscience had +prompted him to bring the action. But the prosecuting counsel's +method of presenting the case not only compelled Sir Richard Webster +to reproduce and exhaustively comment upon the "Parnellism and Crime" +articles, but furnished him with the opportunity of startling London +and the world with a long series of other letters, some of them more +damning even than the facsimile letter, five purporting to be from +Pat. Egan, the former treasurer of the Land League, addressed to +various agitators and felons including James Carey, the informer, and +three supposed to be from Parnell. It is only necessary to this +narrative to quote one which was read out on July 4, 1888, by the +Attorney-General in his address to the jury. It ran as follows: + + +9/1/82. + +DEAR E.,--What are these fellows waiting for? This inaction is +inexcusable, our best men are in prison and nothing is being done. +Let there be an end of this hesitancy. Prompt action is called for. +You undertook to make it hot for old Forster and Co. Let us have +some evidence of your power to do so. My health is good, +thanks.--Yours very truly, + +CHAS. S. PARNELL. + + +"Dear E." meant Patrick Egan. In January, four months before the +Phœnix Park murders, Mr. Parnell was in Kilmainham Prison. Well +might the Attorney-General say, as he solemnly read out the letter in +Court: "If it was signed by Mr. Parnell, I need not comment upon it." +{373} He also made the announcement that the "facsimile letter," as +the first one published in the _Times_ has always been called, as +well as the ones he had produced in Court that day, had been for some +time in the possession of the _Times_. Presumably the _Times_ had +kept them in the hopes that the Irish leaders would sooner or later +bring an action for libel against the paper, when they would +triumphantly have produced the letters and so confounded the whole +party. As it turned out, their production at that moment rather +resembled the killing of a fly with a sledge-hammer, for Mr. +O'Donnell's case was one of such palpable insignificance. An +important reason may be mentioned here, for explaining what may seem +to be an extraordinary lack of initiative on Mr. Parnell's part. He +had not been willing to prosecute the _Times_ because he was firmly +convinced that Captain O'Shea had been concerned in the production of +the letters, and, to add to his unwillingness, his friends in England +had pointed out to him the immense improbability of a jury of twelve +Middlesex men, being, at that moment, sufficiently without racial +prejudice, to pronounce a verdict in his favour. After the +Attorney-General's declaration that the _Times_ would retract +nothing, and the implied challenge in his admission that, if false, +no grosser libels were ever written, Mr. Parnell took action. On the +day of the delivery of the verdict in the case of O'Donnell _v._ +Walter, he formally denied the authenticity of the letters, and asked +for a Select Committee of the House to enquire into the matter. His +request was refused, but finally it was suggested from the Treasury +Bench that the enquiry should be entrusted to a Commission of Judges +appointed by Act of Parliament. A Bill embodying this suggestion was +read for the second time on July 24, and the names of the +Commissioners were added in the Committee stage. Sir James Hannen +was chosen as President of the Commission, and with him were +associated Sir Charles Day, an Orangeman, and Sir Archibald Levin +Smith. Mr. H. Cunynghame, a junior barrister (now Sir {374} Henry +Cunynghame), was appointed Secretary to the Commission.[13] + +Mr. Labouchere had, of course, scented in the whole business a +chapter of _chronigues scandaleuses_ after his own heart. He set to +work to study it at once _con amore_, and very soon came to the +conclusion that all the letters had been forged by one Richard +Pigott, the story of whose chequered career was soon to become the +property of a marvelling public. "Immediately on the Egan letters +being produced in the O'Donnell _v._ Walter case," he writes in his +own account of the affair, "Mr. Egan telegraphed to me that he was +sending over Carey's letters to him. (Mr. Egan was then in America.) +These letters followed. They referred to a municipal election, and, +being written at the same time as a forged letter of Mr. Egan to +Carey, they proved conclusively that the latter could not be genuine. +Whilst the discussion was taking place in Parliament about the Royal +Commission, Mr. Egan again telegraphed that he had been comparing the +letters ascribed to him in the O'Donnell trial with the drafts of +certain letters which he had written to Pigott about the purchase of +the _Irishman_,[14] and the letters ascribed to Mr. Parnell, with the +copies of two letters written by that gentleman to Pigott in relation +to the sale, which copies were in his (Egan's) possession. He said +that he had found such a similarity of phrase in the genuine letters +and in the forged letters that he was certain that the latter were +fabricated from the former. An emissary soon after came over with +the Egan drafts and with Pigott's letters (one of which contained +that blessed word 'hesitancy'), to which the former were replies, and +with the copies of Mr. Parnell's letters. One of the drafts had been +{375} published previously as a part of a correspondence between Egan +and Pigott in the _Freeman's Journal_, and the copies of Mr. +Parnell's letters were in the handwriting of Mr. Campbell.[15] Now +it was utterly impossible that the similarities, amounting in one +case to three consecutive lines, could be a mere chance. It was, +therefore, a mathematical certainty that Pigott had forged the +letters, while it was obvious that Mr. Egan's drafts were genuine, +for they could have been at once disproved, if incorrect, by Pigott +producing, at the investigation, the original of them, which, it was +to be presumed, he had in his possession. I showed the Carey letters +to Mr. Parnell alone, and the Egan correspondence with Pigott to Sir +Charles Russell and Mr. Parnell alone, and then locked them up. On +Mr. George Lewis being retained, I handed them over to him, and he +proceeded to get up Pigott's 'record,' only a portion of which came +before the Court, but a portion amply sufficient to show that he had +lived for years on blackmailing, forgery, and treachery."[16] + +Mr. Labouchere then went off to Germany for his summer holiday, and, +while abroad, a chance conversation revealed to him that the +incriminating letters had been already shown by Mr. Houston, the +Secretary of the Loyal and Patriotic Association, to Lord Hartington. +Houston was therefore immediately subpœnaed, and it later +transpired that he had offered them to the _Pall Matt Gazette_ before +he sold them to the _Times_. "Two facts were consequently certain," +said Mr. Labouchere. "Houston had sold the letters, and Pigott had +forged them. Although we were ourselves certain of the latter fact, +it was possible that, as we had only the drafts of the Egan letters, +it might be said (as indeed it was said, by Pigott in the +witness-box) that Egan had written his drafts from the _Times_ +letters, instead of the _Times_ letters having been fabricated from +the Egan letters. + +"About the middle of October," continued Mr. Labouchere, "Mr. Egan +sent over here a trusty emissary, with {376} orders to report to me, +and to see whether it would not be possible to buy of Pigott the +original of the Egan drafts, for he knew his man, and believed +(rightly) that he would have no objection to sell anything that he +possessed for a consideration. I sent this emissary to Kingstown, +where Pigott was residing. The emissary told him that Egan wanted +these originals. Pigott declined to deal with the emissary, and said +that he must be put in communication with some one whom he could +trust. On this I told the emissary that Pigott could see me at my +house on a certain evening. I went down to the Commission which was +sitting on that day, and informed Mr. Parnell and Mr. Lewis of what +had been arranged. It was agreed that they should both be present." + +Mr. Labouchere's letter to Pigott making the appointment for this +interview has, with its hint to come "by the underground," been so +often referred to that it is worth while giving it here in full: + + +24 GROSVENOR GARDENS, S.W., Oct. 25, 1888. + +DEAR SIR,---I shall be here at 10 o'clock to-morrow morning, and +shall be happy to see you for a confidential conversation, which, as +you say, can do no harm, if it does no good. I will return you your +letter when you come. I think this house would be the best place, +for it certainly is not watched, and it would be as easy to throw off +any one coming here as going elsewhere. Your best plan would be, I +should think, to take the underground, and get out at Victoria +Station. The house is close by.--Yours faithfully, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +It may be mentioned in parenthesis that Mr. Labouchere had misdated +his letter. It was really written, as was proved by the postmark on +the envelope, on October 24, and the interview took place on that +evening at 10 o'clock, as he changed the time of the appointment by +telegram. + +Both Mr. Labouchere and Pigott were very well aware {377} that 24 +Grosvenor Gardens, if not being watched at the moment when the above +letter was penned, would be so as soon as Pigott was inside it, for +the unhappy forger was dogged in all his footsteps by the _Times_ +agents. Mr. Labouchere had, however, nothing to fear, and poor +Pigott had very little to lose, and a vague expectation of something +to gain. The upshot of the interview was that, in the presence of +Mr. Parnell and Mr. Lewis, Pigott confessed that he had forged the +letters and suggested that he would give a full confession, and write +to the Attorney-General and to the _Times_ that he was the forger, if +Mr. Lewis would withdraw his subpœna and let him go to Australia. +But it was not Pigott's confession that Mr. Lewis and Mr. Labouchere +wanted. It was the originals of the drafts of the Egan letters. Mr. +Parnell and Mr. Labouchere withdrew to another room, leaving Mr. +Lewis to do what he could with the slippery Richard. "Soon," to +continue the narrative in Mr. Labouchere's own words, "Mr. Lewis came +into the dining-room, and said to me, 'Pigott wants to come to me +to-morrow and give me a full statement. He is going away and wants +to speak to you'; adding, 'Mind, whatever you do, don't give him any +money; if you do he will bolt.' I left Mr. Lewis with Mr. Parnell, +and went back to Pigott. + +"That worthy at once came to business, and said that the _Times_ had +promised him £5000 to go into the box, and asked what I would give +for him not to do so. I replied that I would give nothing, but that +Egan's emissary had already told him that, acting for Egan, I wanted +the original of the Egan drafts, as these would prove the forgery up +to the hilt, and that if he had them and they were satisfactory, I +would pay for them. He asked whether I would give £5000 for them. +When I declined, he asked whether I would give £1000. I said it +would be more like one thousand than five, but that I must first see +the documents. I then asked whether the signature of the Parnell +letters, which is at the top of a page, was forged, or whether it was +an autograph which had {378} fallen into his hands, and he had +written the letter on the other side. 'Why do you want to know +this?' he asked. 'Mere curiosity,' I replied. On which he said that +it was forged. He then left." + +Nothing definite as to the original Egan letters was obtained by Mr. +Lewis when he called the next day, and neither did he obtain the +promised statement. The interview with Messrs. Labouchere, Lewis, +and Parnell at Grosvenor Gardens, and the subsequent private one with +Mr. Lewis, were reported to the _Times_ agents by Pigott with a +fanciful account of what took place at each. He shortly afterwards +returned to Ireland, and Mr. Labouchere continued his efforts to +procure all possible evidence on behalf of his Irish friends. He was +considerably helped by his acquaintances in America, who were able to +furnish him with invaluable details and scraps of knowledge about the +various witnesses for the _Times_, which came in appositely more than +once in Sir Charles Russell's masterly cross-examinations. It is +interesting to notice, in perusing many of the curious letters +received by Mr. Labouchere at this period from Irish patriots living +beyond the Atlantic (what Mr. Labouchere had so often heard from the +lips of Mr. Parnell himself),[17] how far from popular Parnell was +with most of them. He was too meek and mild for them, and they could +not understand his patience under injury and abuse. In one of these +letters occurs the following anecdote about the intrepid Irish +leader: "I want to tell you," says the writer, "something about +Parnell in 1883--ask him: two men called on him when he was in Cork +and said (recollect the two were extremists), 'Mr. Parnell, unless +you give us £1000 for extreme measures we will shoot you before we +leave Cork.' Parnell simply replied, 'Well, I certainly have a +choice, for which I am obliged--to be shot now or to be hung +afterwards. I prefer the former. You will never get £1000 from me +for the purpose you mention.' One and all of these patriots, {379} +however, at this crisis of Parnell's career were determined to uphold +him, and to allow whatever grievances they had against him to stand +over until after his political character had been vindicated in the +eyes of the hated English. + +Mr. Labouchere remained in communication with Pigott throughout the +winter. Pigott dangled before him the possibility of further +important communications, and on November 29 Mr. Labouchere wrote to +him as follows: + + +As I understand the position it is this--Mr. Lewis holds that we can +prove our case against the _Times_ in regard to the letters +conclusively, and this, you will remember, Mr. Parnell told you. We +prove it in a certain way. You say that you wish to be kept out of +it, and not be called as a witness. If such a course can strengthen +our case, and prove it still more conclusively, I do not see why it +should not be adopted, for the object is to prove irrespective of +individuals. Evidently, some one must know how you propose to do +what you want, and what you say you can do. If you like to confide +in me, I will tell you what I think, and, if I agree with you, it +will be then time for you either to assent or dissent to Mr. Parnell +or Mr. Lewis being informed. But you are a practical man--so am I. +Mere assertion, neither you nor I attach much importance to, without +documentary or some other clear confirmation. + + +Pigott answered as follows: + + + ANDERTON'S HOTEL, + FLEET STREET, E.C., Dec. 4, 1888. + +DEAR SIR,--I have arrived here, and write a line to ask you to make +an appointment, as I know that your house is watched--as is also Mr. +Lewis's Office--and as I am "shadowed" wherever I go outside a +certain limit, perhaps you could kindly arrange that we should meet +somewhere else to-morrow afternoon or Thursday, or in fact any other +day you choose.--Faithfuly yours, RD. PIGGOTT. + + +What occurred at the meeting which took place as the result of the +above correspondence is best told in {380} Mr. Labouchere's own +words: "Pigott came about ten and stayed till one A.M. Again he +explained that he had forged, and gave me a good many details about +the way in which he had done it, telling me, amongst other things, +that he had given Houston three names as the sources of the letters, +two of which were efforts of his imagination, and the third a real +person. He seemed rather proud of his skill, and by encouraging this +weakness I got everything out of him. I asked him how Houston could +have been so easily fooled, and whether he was an absolute idiot? He +replied that he was clever up to a certain point, but thought himself +twice as clever as he was, and that these sort of persons are easily +trapped. In this I agreed with him, and he told me that Houston had +told him that he wanted letters, because it was intended to publish a +pamphlet, and that the letters were to be held in reserve to be +sprung upon the Court if there was an action for libel, adding that +such an action would be certain not to be brought. Again and again, +with weary iteration, he came back to his plan to confess in writing, +and then to go to Australia. I told him that he surely must be sharp +enough to see to what accusations this would subject me, and how +hurtful it would be to our case, which I assured him was of such +strength that it would smash him, quite irrespective of anything he +might say or do. 'Why, then, do you want documents?' he said. +'Because,' I replied, 'the issue is a political one. We have to deal +with prejudiced Tories who have already compromised themselves by +pinning themselves to the genuineness of the letters, and +consequently our case cannot be too much strengthened. With such +people you must put butter upon bacon.' 'What documents do you +want?' he said. 'Egan's letters, the original signatures from which +you traced those of Egan and Parnell, and a few letters forged in my +presence,' I said. 'I have not got Egan's letters: I destroyed them. +I have not got the signatures. I gave Houston the letter of Parnell +from which I took his signature. I will, if you like, forge the +letters in {381} your presence. I will give you the names of the +three men from whom I told Houston I got the letters, and I will give +you the letters that Houston wrote to me,' he answered. I said that +I would not give sixpence for these without the two items that I had +mentioned, and he reiterated that he had not got them. 'Why,' I +suddenly said to him,' did you write to Archbishop Walsh about the +letters?' 'The Archbishop,' he replied, 'has not got my letters; he +sent them all back; to reveal anything concerning them would be to +violate the confidence between a priest and a penitent.' 'Well,' I +finished by saying, 'think it over. I am going out of town. When I +return, come and see me again, and in the meanwhile try and find the +originals of Egan's letters. I will let you know when I come back.' +He said that he would think it over, and, on wishing him good-night, +I asked him what he contemplated doing? He said that he was in a +terrible mess, but that he saw no other course open for him but to go +into the box and swear that he had bought the letters, and that if +they were forgeries he had been deceived. 'You will be a fool if you +do,' I said, 'but that is your affair, not mine. If I were in your +place I should tell the truth, and ask for the indemnity.' 'That is +all very well,' he said, 'but on what am I to live?' And so we +parted." Mr. Labouchere did not see Pigott again until he saw him in +the witness-box more than two months later. Pigott returned to +Ireland about the middle of December and the Commission adjourned +until January 15. Patrick Egan had written to Mr. Labouchere on +December 2 from Lincoln, Massachusetts saying: "I hope you will be +able to squeeze the truth out of Pigott in the way you say, as I +should dislike terribly to see him profit in any way by his villainy. +I do not believe there is a single thing in the suspicion against +O'Shea.... The fellow is incapable of playing the role of heavy +villain. I am quite convinced that the forgery part of the scheme +was the sole work of Pigott. You will perceive that all your +injunctions with regard to secrecy have been {382} observed on this +side, but everything gets out from London and Dublin. Yesterday we +had on one of our Lincoln evening papers a cable (probably a copy of +a New York Herald cable) giving all particulars about the watch that +is being kept on Pigott and the discovery that C. is doing detective +work for the _Times_, that F. was mixed up with the forgeries and +other matters." + +It must be borne in mind that, when the Commission adjourned in the +middle of December, the all-important question of the letters had not +yet been touched upon. "The objects of the accusers," says Lord +Morley, "was to show the complicity of the accused with crime by +tracing crime to the League, and making every member of the League +constructively liable for every act of which the League was +constructively guilty. Witnesses were produced, in a series that +seemed interminable, to tell the story of five-and-twenty outrages in +Mayo, of as many in Cork, of forty-two in Galway, of sixty-five in +Kerry, one after another, and all with immeasurable detail. Some of +the witnesses spoke no English, and the English of others was hardly +more intelligible than Erse. Long extracts were read out from four +hundred and forty speeches. The counsel on one side produced a +passage that made against the Speaker, and then the counsel on the +other side found and read some qualifying passage that made as +strongly for him. The three judges groaned. They had already, they +said plaintively, ploughed through the speeches in the solitude of +their own rooms. Could they not be taken as read? 'No,' said the +prosecuting counsel, 'we are building up an argument, and it cannot +be built up in a silent manner.' In truth it was designed for the +public outside the court, and not a touch was spared that might +deepen the odium. Week after week the ugly tale went on--a squalid +ogre let loose among a population demoralised by ages of wicked +neglect, misery, and oppression. One side strove to show that the +ogre had been wantonly raised by the Land League for political +objects of their own; the other, that it was the {383} progeny of +distress and wrong, that the League had rather controlled than' +kindled its ferocity, and that crime and outrage were due to local +animosities for which neither League nor parliamentary leaders were +responsible."[19] The Nationalists were impatient for the real +business to begin, for it was felt by every one that, if the letters +were proved to be genuine, the case was practically won all round for +the _Times_, whereas, if they proved to be forgeries, public opinion +on the subject could have but one bias. Indeed, Mr. Chamberlain +himself had said: "To lead the inquiry off into subsidiary and +unimportant matters would be ... fatal to the reputation of the +_Times_--fatal to its success." And again, "If the _Times_ fails to +maintain its principal charges, I do not think much attention will be +attached to other charges. Any attempt, as it appears to all, on the +part of the _Times_ to put aside those principal charges or not to +put them in the forefront will redound to their discredit."[19] The +delay, however, gave this advantage to the Nationalist side--they had +more time in which to accumulate confirmatory evidence against the +forger, and the forger was given more time in which to further +involve himself, in the net which his fowler had spread for him, by +writing foolish letters and telling needless lies. Pigott had +promised Mr. Labouchere to return to London whenever he sent for him. +Parnell wrote to Mr. Labouchere during the Christmas vacation of the +Commissioners: + + +HOUSE OF COMMONS, Jan. 14, 1889. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I am anxious to see you before your Irish friend +returns to London. Kindly give me an appointment, and let it be if +possible after four o'clock.--Yours sincerely, + +CHAS. S. PARNELL. + + +{384} + +He wrote again as follows on the 21st: + + +I do not think you need send for your Dublin friend this time, as the +_Times_ will probably do that for you, and you will hear when he is +in London. Another forged letter of Egan's was produced in Court +last week, and sworn to by Delaney, evidently one of the Pigott +series. I am laid up with a cold, but hope to be out tomorrow, when +I will try and call to see you in the afternoon.--Yours very truly, + +CHAS. S. PARNELL. + + +The Irish friend was, of course, Pigott, and Delaney was a convict--a +witness for the _Times_. He was one of the Phœnix Park criminals, +and was described by the _Daily News_ reporter, present in court, as +of "over middle height, stoutish in build, reddish-yellow haired, and +with features which were more of a Russian than an Irish cast. He +wore a short jacket of check tweed, and a big white cravat about his +neck." He had been brought up from Maryborough prison, where he was +doing his life sentence. His brother was hanged for the Phœnix +Park murders, and so would he have been himself if he had not +confessed, and, in consequence, had his sentence changed from +execution to penal servitude for life. He had sworn to the +handwriting of Patrick Egan on one of the letters produced in court. +"Are you an expert?" asked Sir Charles Russell carelessly. No, Mr. +Delaney was not an expert, but he remembered the signature after so +many years, and he identified it when he was shown it "yesterday +evening" by the _Times_ agent. He was able to identify it because +Carey, seven or eight years ago, showed him three of Mr. Egan's +letters.[20] + +Pigott had been subpœnaed by the _Times_ as a witness early in +December. On January 24, Mr. Labouchere wrote to him saying: "I see +that Sir R. Webster talks about soon getting to the letters. When +are you likely to be over? If you wish it, I will send your expenses +to come over." At the end of the month he sent Pigott £10. +Labouchere's letter and the {385} £10 note were confided at once by +Pigott to Mr. Houston, who handed them over to Mr. Soames, and, of +course, they were produced in court and a rather different +interpretation put upon them to the one the recipient knew was +warranted. + +Pigott was not called into the witness-box, the ordeal which he so +justly dreaded, until the fifty-fourth day of the Commission's +sittings. He at once gave an account of the way he had obtained the +first batch of incriminating letters. It read like a romance, as +indeed, it was in every sense of the word--how Mr. Houston had begged +him, if possible, to find some authentic documents to substantiate +accusations against the Irish leaders, how he had set forth for +Lausanne, all his expenses handsomely paid, and had met there an old +friend who had told him about a letter written by Parnell which was +in Paris, and might be obtained; how he had then proceeded to Paris +and by a marvellous stroke of good luck had run up against an +Irishman in the street who was able to give him more details about +the Parnell letter, and other documents of a similar kind, which had +been found in a black bag in a Paris lodging-house. He had not +immediately bought the bag and its contents, because there were many +difficulties in the way, but he had gone back to London and told Mr. +Houston the whole story, and returned to Paris ready to clinch the +bargain. But the Irish friend was not easy to bring to terms. He +said Pigott must, before he could get possession of the letters, go +to America and obtain the permission to buy them from the Fenians +there. To America he accordingly went, and returned with a letter +from John Breslin to the Irish friend authorising the sale of the +Parnell letter (afterwards known as the "facsimile letter") and the +rest of the papers. Houston came over to Paris and paid him £500 for +the contents of the black bag, and gave him £105 for his own trouble. +It must be remembered that all his travelling expenses had been paid, +as well as £1 a day for hotels--not a bad remuneration for a needy +man such as Pigott was, who, it turned out later, was making what +living {386} he could by the sale of indecent photographs and books +to all who cared to buy them. Doubtless the black bag was useful to +him in his book and picture business, which was why he did not sell +it with its temporary contents to Mr. Houston. The said contents, as +bought by Houston, were as follows: Five letters of Mr. Parnell's, +six of Patrick Egan's, some scraps of paper, and the torn-out leaves +of an old account-book. The black bag was supposed to have been left +in Paris by an Irish patriot (Frank Byrne or James O'Kelly) and had +been taken possession of by the Clan-na-Gael. Subsequently two other +batches of letters were obtained by Pigott in Paris, and likewise +sold to the _Times_. + +The Attorney-General, in the course of his examination of Pigott, +drew from him the following remarkable account of his visit to Mr. +Labouchere's house on October 24: + + +_The Attorney-General_. Tell us, as nearly as you can, what passed +between you, Mr. Labouchere, and Mr. Parnell, and if, at any part of +it, Mr. Parnell was not present, just tell us and draw the +distinction--what passed as nearly as you can: how did the +conversation begin? + +_Pigott_. I think, as well as I recollect, Mr. Parnell commenced the +conversation, and what he said was to the effect that they held +proofs in their hands that would convict me of the forgery of all the +letters, and he asked me, with reference to my statement to the +effect that I wished if possible to avoid giving evidence at all, how +I proposed to do that. I explained that I had not been subpœnaed +by the _Times_ up to that date, that the only subpœna I received +was the one Mr. Lewis had served me with, and it occurred to me then +that probably, if I could induce Mr. Lewis to withdraw his +subpœna, I might avoid in that way coming forward at all. Mr. +Parnell was of opinion that that could not be done, that Mr. Lewis +could not withdraw his subpœna, that I would be obliged to appear. +Then, I think, Mr. Labouchere took up the running, and he was rather +facetious. + +_The Attorney-General_. What did he say, please? + +_Pigott_. He made a proposition to me right out, that I should {387} +appear in the witness-box and swear that I had forged the letters, +thereby ensuing--entitling myself to receive from the Commissioners a +certificate of immunity from any proceedings, legal or criminal. He +said that was his reading of the law, and Mr. Parnell agreed with him +that such was the case, that it was an extremely simple matter; it +was merely going into the box, taking an oath, and walking out free. + +_The Attorney-General_. I want just to get this: did the suggestion +that if you went into the witness-box, and said that you forged the +letters, that you would get your certificate, come from Mr. +Labouchere? + +_Pigott_. Distinctly. + +_The Attorney-General_. What else, please? + +_Pigott_. He urged me, as a further inducement to do this, that I +would become immensely popular in Ireland, the fact that I had +swindled the _Times_ would be sufficient of itself to secure me a +seat in Parliament to begin with, and then, if at any time I wished +to go to the United States, he would undertake that I should be +received with a torchlight procession from all the organisations +there. Of course, I could scarcely believe that he was serious, but +still----[21] + + +Here almost uncontrolled merriment burst out all over the court, in +which Mr. Labouchere himself joined more heartily than any one. + + +_The President of the Court_. I must say, whether this is true or +not, it is not a fit subject for laughter. + + +But whether the President would or no, it was impossible to prevent +constant ripples of laughter from breaking out all over the court +while Pigott was narrating his version of the first meeting at Mr. +Labouchere's house. Pigott told how Mr. Lewis had arrived on the +scene, and had also denounced him as the forger of the letters--"Mr. +Lewis assumed his severest manner," said Pigott. He continued his +evidence after some further questions from the Attorney-General. + + +{388} + +_Pigott_. Mr. Labouchere beckoned me outside the door into the hall, +and he there said--I forgot to mention that in the course of +conversation I stated that I had--I do not know exactly whether I +said I had been promised £5000 by the _Times_ or that I had demanded +it. + +_The Attorney-General_. One or the other? + +_Pigott_. One or the other. So referring to that Mr. Labouchere +said that they were prepared to pay me £1000--that he himself was +prepared to pay me £1000, but, of course, I was not to mention +anything about it to Mr. Parnell or to Mr. Lewis. + +_The President_. One moment before you go further. "He beckoned me +outside"--where was he then? + +_Pigott_. That was at Labouchere's house. + +_The President_. I know, but where was it? + +_Pigott_. Outside into the hall. + +_The President_. Was it a whole house or was it a flat? + +_Pigott_. It is a whole house. He took me into the entrance hall, +the room that we were in was the front room. + +_The President_. A dining-room or library or what? + +_Pigott_. A library. + +_The Attorney-General_. Is that the end of the conversation that +then took place? + +_Pigott_. Up to that time, yes. + +_The Attorney-General_. What did you say to Mr. Labouchere when he +said he was prepared to pay you £1000? + +_Pigott_. I said I thought it was a very handsome sum; I did not say +whether I would take it or not. As well as I can recollect, however, +I raised no objection. I took it that he understood me to agree to +that sum. Then, on returning to the room, I said distinctly--very +distinctly--that nothing under heaven would induce me to go into the +witness-box and swear a lie--nothing would. Then Mr. Lewis explained +to me the necessity for my going into the witness-box might be +avoided by the course that he suggested: that is that I was to write +to the _Times_ to state that I believed the letters were forgeries, +or that I had forged them myself, if I preferred it. At all events I +was to acquaint the Manager of the _Times_ with the fact that the +letters were actual forgeries, and that thereupon the _Times_ would +naturally withdraw the letters, and the thing would drop, and of +course Mr. Labouchere's {389} offer would stand. Well, Mr. Lewis did +not say that, but of course I understood it. + + +Pigott proceeded to give his account of his interview with Mr. Lewis +on the following morning. He said that Mr. Lewis had taken notes of +what he (Pigott) said, and he (Pigott) had told Mr. Lewis all he had +told Mr. Soames with reference to the hunt for and discovery of the +incriminating letters in Paris. Mr. Soames's evidence, given in +court on February 15, of what Pigott had told him on this subject +differed very considerably from what, according to Mr. Lewis's notes, +he had told the latter. For instance, Mr. Pigott told Mr. Lewis on +October 25 that he had sold the letters to Mr. Houston, never +believing for a moment himself that they were genuine. In court, on +February 21, Pigott denied the accuracy of Mr. Lewis's notes, made +during his conversation with him at Anderton's Hotel on October 25. + +All Pigott's correspondence with Mr. Lewis and Mr. Labouchere was +then read out in court, with the replies of the two gentlemen to Mr. +Pigott. The Attorney-General ended his examination as follows: + + +_The Attorney-General_. The only other matter I want to put to you +is this: these gentlemen told you--Mr. Parnell and Mr. +Labouchere--that they had copies of letters, which they had written +to you? + +_Pigott_. Yes. + +_The Attorney-General_. From which it was alleged that you had +copied these documents? + +_Pigott_. Yes. + +_The Attorney-General_. Did they produce any to you? + +_Pigott_. No. + +_The Attorney-General_. Did they at any time, either at Mr. Lewis's +office or at Mr. Labouchere's, offer to show you any of them? + +_Pigott_. No. + + +As the Attorney-General, rearranging his gown, was {390} slowly +resuming his seat, a loud murmur of conversation broke out over the +court. It stopped suddenly. Scarcely was the Attorney-General +seated when Sir Charles Russell stood bolt upright. He had a clean +sheet of paper in his hand. There was such a silence in the court +that even the fall of a pin would have been heard. Pigott's little +day of peace was over. Poor fellow! He had done his best to keep +his share of the business in the black shadows where such deeds are +wont to skulk, but the gloom was about to be dispelled by the light +of truth. + + + +[1] Lord Eversley, _Gladstone and Ireland._ + +[2] The Land League founded by Parnell in 1879 for the purpose of +bringing about a reduction of rack rents, and facilitating the +creation of a peasant proprietary. Egan was the treasurer of the +Land League. + +[3] _Hansard_, April 14, 1887, vol. 313. + +[4] Morley, _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. + +[5] _Hansard_, September 12, 1887, vol. 321. + +[6] _Hansard_, September 12, 1887, vol. 321. + +[7] _Ibid._ + +[8] _Hansard_, February 14, 1888, vol. 322. + +[9] _Truth_, September 15, 1887. + +[10] _Truth_, September 22, 1887. + +[11] Morley, _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. + +[12] _Hansard_, April 18, 1887, vol. 313. + +[13] The Counsel for the _Times_ were Sir Richard Webster, the +Attorney-General, Sir Henry James, Mr. Murphy, Mr. W. Graham, Mr. +Atkinson, and Mr. Ronan; Sir Charles Russell and Mr. Asquith, M.P., +appeared for Mr. Parnell. + +[14] The Irishman was a Fenian newspaper owned by Pigott, and sold by +him to Parnell in 1881. + +[15] Mr. Parnell's secretary. + +[16] _Truth._ + +[17] See letters to Chamberlain in Chapter IX. + +[18] Morley, _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. + +[19] Macdonald, _Diary of the Parnell Commission_, July 6, 1887. + +[20] Macdonald, _Diary of the Parnell Commission._ + +[21] _Special Commission Act_, 1888, vol. v. + + + + +{391} + +CHAPTER XIV + +THE COLLAPSE OF RICHARD PIGOTT + +Sir Charles Russell's cross-examination of Pigott on the fifty-fourth +and fifty-fifth days of the Commission's sittings is generally +considered to be one of the finest things of the kind, from a +technical point of view, ever heard. A friend who was much with him +at that time relates that, on the day the cross-examination +commenced, he was irritable and depressed and unable to eat, and that +he could not have been more nervous had he been a junior with his +first brief instead of the most formidable advocate at the Bar. But, +as he stood facing the forger, his whole appearance changed. He was +a picture of calmness, self-possession, and strength, there was no +sign of impatience or irritability, not a trace of anxiety or +care.[1] In the profound silence that had fallen upon the court he +began, in tones of great courtesy: + + +Mr. Pigott, would you be good enough, with my Lord's permission, to +write some words on that sheet of paper for me. Perhaps you will sit +down in order to do it. [He gave him the sheet of paper he had in +his hand.] Would you like to sit down? + +_Pigott_. Oh no, thanks. + +_The President_. Well, but I think that it is better that you should +sit down. Here is a table upon which you can write in the ordinary +way, the course you always pursue. + +_Sir Charles Russell_. Will you write the word "livelihood"? {392} +Just leave a space. Will you write the word "likelihood"? Will you +write your own name, leaving a space between each? Will you write +the word "proselytism," and finally, I think I will not trouble you +any more at present, "Patrick Egan" and "P. Egan" underneath +it--"Patrick Egan" first and "P. Egan" underneath it? There is one +word more I had forgotten. Lower down, please, leaving spaces, write +the word "hesitancy" with a small "h." + + +Pigott, after he had written what he was told, handed back the sheet +of paper, and, as soon as Sir Charles Russell had glanced at it, he +knew that he had scored a great point for Mr. Parnell. The word that +he had told Pigott to write last, and with a small "h," as if that +were the significant part of the experiment, was the word which +Pigott had misspelt in one of the letters supposed to be from Parnell +to Egan which the Attorney-General had produced at the O'Donnell _v._ +Walter trial. Pigott had again spelt it wrong. Hesitancy on the +piece of paper which he handed back to Sir Charles Russell was spelt +"hesitency." + +The cross-examination of Pigott occupied the rest of that day, and +before the end of it the wretched man had fallen into hopeless +confusion. The production of some of his correspondence with the +Archbishop of Dublin (Dr. Walsh), in which he offered, for a +consideration of course, to avert the possibility of a blow which was +about to fall upon the Nationalist party (presumably the publication +of the facsimile letter), almost finished his brazen self-command. +The day's sitting ended in a roar of laughter, for Pigott's silly, +aimless reflections, elicited by the advocate's remorseless, +persistent questions, were ludicrous, and it was easy to see what the +climax of the affair would be. The next day things went worse and +worse for Pigott. A correspondence which he had with Egan in 1881 +was produced, in which he had misspelt the word "hesitancy" as he had +done the day before in court. Egan's answers to Pigott were not +forthcoming, for reasons which the forger made known later on, but +the {393} drafts of these answers, produced by Mr. Lewis (who had got +them direct from Mr. Egan through Mr. Labouchere), bearing a +remarkable similarity to the Egan letters produced by the _Times_, +were read by Sir Charles Russell. Copies of letters written by Mr. +Parnell to Pigott in 1881 were also read out, coinciding word for +word in parts with the "facsimile letter" and the others put in by +the accusers of the Nationalist party. Then Pigott was made to +acknowledge how he had blackmailed Mr. Forster, and Mr. Wemyss Reid +produced the Pigott-Forster correspondence in court. Before the +reading of this correspondence was finished, the densely packed +audience in the court, according to the _Daily News_ reporter, was +wrought up to the highest pitch of amusement and excitement. The +court usher had long since ceased to cry out "Silence!" The +merriment was almost continuous. The judges themselves were unable +to repress their feelings. A loud ringing roar of laughter broke +forth as Sir Charles Russell read one letter containing Pigott's +application for £200 to enable him to proceed to Sydney, and some +hints as to the pressure which was brought to bear upon him to +publish the Forster letters. Mr. Justice Day, bending forward, +reddened and shook with laughter. In this letter Pigott wrote: "I +feel this is my last chance, and if that fails only the workhouse and +the grave remains." Poor Pigott looked as if he would prefer even +the grave to the witness-box. He changed colour; the helpless, +foolish smile flickered about the weak heavy mouth; his hands moved +about restlessly, nervously. Then came the climax--Pigott's letter +to Mr. Forster, saying that he felt tempted to reveal to the world +how he had been bribed by Mr. Forster to write against the interests +of Ireland. The notion of Pigott's appearing in the character of +injured innocence sent the audience off once more into a fit of +laughter. It was now four o'clock, and, in the uproar and confusion, +Pigott descended from the box, smiling foolishly.[2] That he had +forged {394} the letters no one now doubted for a moment. The way he +had actually done it was not yet absolutely clear, but the ingenuous +Pigott was not going to leave any mysteries unsolved. The court was +adjourned until the following Tuesday. + +The story of how the court met on February 26, and when Pigott was +called upon to enter the witness-box there was no answer, and how it +was subsequently elicited that he had disappeared from his hotel on +the previous afternoon and not been seen again, has been graphically +told by more than one writer. Who had given him the money to bolt, +and who had assisted him to evade the constables who were supposed to +be watching him, has never been positively revealed, but the fact +remained--there was no Pigott there to tell the end of his squalid +tale. The court adjourned for some thirty minutes, and then Sir +Charles Russell made the startling announcement that Pigott, without +an invitation from any one, had called upon Mr. Labouchere in +Grosvenor Gardens on the previous Saturday, the day after his +disastrous cross-examination, and had then and there dictated to him +a full confession. This confession had been signed by Pigott and +witnessed by Mr. George Augustus Sala. Mr. George Lewis, to whom Mr. +Labouchere had communicated the confession, had refused to have +anything to do with the document, and sent it back to Pigott with the +following letter: + + +ELY PLACE, HOLBORN, Feb. 25, 1889. + +SIR,--Mr. Labouchere has informed me that on Saturday you called at +his house and expressed a desire to make a statement in writing, and +he has handed to us the confession you have made, that you are the +forger of the whole of the letters given in evidence by the _Times_ +purporting to be written respectively by Mr. Parnell, Mr. Egan, Mr. +Davitt, and Mr. O'Kelly, and that, in addition, you committed perjury +in support of the case of the _Times_. Mr. Parnell has instructed us +to inform you that he declines to hold any communication directly or +indirectly with you, and he further {395} instructs us to return you +the written confession which we enclose, and which for safety sake we +send by hand.--We are, sir, yours obediently, + + LEWIS & LEWIS. + Richard Pigott, Esq. + + +On the following day Sir Richard Webster made the announcement to the +court that a letter had been received in Pigott's handwriting, posted +in Paris, addressed to Mr. Shannon, the Dublin solicitor, who had +been assisting Mr. Soames. The letter had not been opened, and he +handed it to the President of the Commission, who passed it down to +Mr. Cunynghame, and asked him to open and read its contents. It was +Pigott's confession made to Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Lewis's letter to +Pigott quoted above. The envelope contained also a note from the +irrepressible Pigott as follows: + + + HÔTEL DE DEUX MONDES, + AVENUE DE L'OPERA, PARIS, Tuesday. + +DEAR SIR,--Just before I left enclosed was handed to me. It had been +left while I was out. Will write again soon.--Yours truly, + +R. PIGOTT. + + +The confession, as far as the letters were concerned, ran as follows: + + +The circumstances connected with the obtaining of the letters, as I +gave in evidence, are not true. No one save myself was concerned in +the transaction. I told Houston that I had discovered the letters in +Paris, but I grieve to have to confess that I simply myself +fabricated them, using genuine letters of Messrs. Parnell and Egan in +copying certain words, phrases, and general character of the +handwriting. I traced some words and phrases by putting the genuine +letter against the window, and placing on it the sheet of which +copies have been read in court, and four or five letters of Mr. Egan, +which were also read in court. I destroyed these letters after using +them. Some of the {396} signatures I traced in this manner, and some +I wrote. I then wrote to Houston telling him to come to Paris for +the documents. I told him that they had been placed in a black bag +with some old accounts, scraps of paper, and old newspapers. On his +arrival I produced to him the letters, accounts, and scraps of paper. +After a brief inspection he handed me a cheque on Cook for £500, the +price that I told him I had agreed to pay for them. At the same time +he gave me £105 in bank-notes as my own commission. The accounts put +in were leaves torn from an old account book of my own, which +contained details of the expenditure of Fenian money entrusted to me +from time to time, which is mainly in the handwriting of David +Murphy, my cashier. The scraps I found in the bottom of an old +writing-desk. I do not recollect in whose writing they are. + +The second batch of letters was also written by me. Mr. Parnell's +signature was imitated from that published in the _Times_ facsimile +letter. I do not now remember where I got the Egan letter from which +I copied the signature. + +I had no specimen of Campbell's handwriting beyond the two letters of +Mr. Parnell to me, which I presumed might be in Mr. Campbell's +handwriting. I wrote to Mr. Houston that this second batch was for +sale in Paris, having been brought there from America. He wrote +asking to see them. I forwarded them accordingly, and after keeping +them three or four days, he sent me a cheque on Cook for the price +demanded for them, £550. The third batch consisted of a letter +imitated by me from a letter written in pencil to me by Mr. Davitt +when he was in prison, and of another letter copied by me from a +letter of a very early date, which I received from James O'Kelly when +he was writing on my newspapers, and of a third letter ascribed to +Egan, the writing of which, and some of the words, I copied from an +old bill of exchange in Mr. Egan's handwriting. £200 was the price +paid to me by Mr. Houston for these three letters. It was paid in +bank-notes. I have stated that for the first batch I received £105 +for myself, for the second batch I got £50, for the third batch I was +supposed to receive nothing. + +I did not see Breslin in America. This was part of the deception. + +With respect to my interview with Messrs. Parnell, Labouchere, {397} +and Lewis, my sworn statement is in the main correct. I am now, +however, of opinion that the offer to me by Mr. Labouchere of £1000 +was not for giving evidence but for any documents in Mr. Egan's or +Mr. Parnell's handwriting that I might happen to have. My statement +only referred to the first interviews with these gentlemen. I had a +further interview with Mr. Labouchere, on which occasion I made him +acquainted with further circumstances not previously mentioned by me +at the preceding interviews. + + +There was a pause after Mr. Cunynghame finished reading the +extraordinary document. It was an awkward moment for the +Attorney-General, but, in an extremely dignified speech, he informed +the court that, on behalf of his clients, he asked permission to +withdraw from the consideration of the Commission the question of the +genuineness of the letters which had been submitted to them. On that +day Mr. Parnell appeared for the first time in the witness-box, and +in answer to Sir Charles Russell's questions swore to the forgery of +his signature on all the letters in question. There was no attempt +to cross-examine on the part of Sir Richard Webster. Mr. Labouchere +entered the witness-box on March 3. He gave his evidence very slowly +and realistically, rather in the style perhaps of what Lord Randolph +Churchill described as newspaper paragraphs, but there was no lack of +connection in his descriptions of his various interviews with Pigott. +When it came to the final interview on the preceding Saturday the +questions of the great advocate became very close. + + +_Sir Charles Russell_. He came to your house? + +_Mr. Labouchere_. He did. + +_Sir Charles Russell_. Did you expect him? + +_Mr. Labouchere_. No. + +_Sir Charles Russell_. Had he given you any warning he was coming? + +_Mr. Labouchere_. No. + +_Sir Charles Russell_. Or had you asked him to come? + +{398} + +_Mr. Labouchere_. No. + +_Sir Charles Russell_. Now tell us what took place on the occasion. + +_Mr. Labouchere_. He came in. I did not catch the name when the +servant introduced him. I was writing at the table, and looked up, +and saw him standing before me, and he said to me, "I suppose you are +surprised at seeing me here?" And I said, "Oh! not at all. Pray +take a seat." + +_Sir Charles Russell_. I said what----? + +_Mr. Labouchere_. "Not at all." Nothing would surprise me about Mr. +Pigott. He sat down. He then said that he had come over to confess +everything; that he supposed he should have to go to prison, and he +was just as well there as anywhere else. I said that he must +thoroughly understand if he did confess, the confession would be +handed to Mr. Lewis, and that I must have a witness. + + +Of the historic interview in Mr. Labouchere's study in Grosvenor +Gardens there has been no more graphic an account written than the +one by its only witness, the veteran journalist, George Augustus Sala: + + +In February 1889 [he wrote] I was the occupant of a fiat in Victoria +Street, Westminster, and one Saturday, between one and two P.M., a +knock came at my study door, and I was handed a letter which had been +brought in hot haste by a servant who was instructed to wait for an +answer. The missive was of the briefest possible kind, and was from +my near neighbour Mr. Henry Labouchere, M.P., whose house was then at +24 Grosvenor Gardens. The note ran thus: "Can you leave everything +and come here at once? Most important business.--H.L." I told the +servant that I would be in Grosvenor Gardens within a quarter of an +hour, and, ere that time had expired, I was ushered into a large +library on the ground floor, where I found the senior member for +Northampton smoking his sempiternal cigarette, but with an unusual +and curious expression of animation on his normally passive +countenance. + +He was not alone. Ensconced in a roomy fauteuil, a few paces from +Mr. Labouchere's writing-table, there was a somewhat {399} burly +individual of middle stature and more than middle age. He looked +fully sixty, although I have been given to understand that his age +did not exceed fifty-five; but his elderly aspect was enhanced by his +baldness, which revealed a large amount of oval _os frontis_ fringed +by grey locks. The individual had an eyeglass screwed into one eye, +and he was using this optical aid most assiduously; for he was poring +over a copy of that morning's issue of the _Times_, going right down +one column and apparently up it again; then taking column after +column in succession; then harking back as though he had omitted some +choice paragraph; and then resuming the sequence of his lecture, ever +and anon tapping that ovoid frontal bone of his, as though to evoke +memories of the past, with a little silver pencil-case. I noted his +somewhat shabby genteel attire, and, in particular, I observed that +the hand which held the copy of the _Times_ never ceased to shake. +Mr. Labouchere, in his most courteous manner and his blandest tone, +said, "Allow me to introduce you to a gentleman of whom you must have +heard a great deal, Mr.----." I replied, "There is not the slightest +necessity for naming him. I know him well enough. That's Mr. +Pigott." + +The individual in the capacious fauteuil wriggled from behind the +_Times_ an uneasy acknowledgment of my recognition; but if anything +could be conducive to putting completely at his ease a gentleman who, +from some cause or another, was troubled in his mind, it would have +been the dulcet voice in which Mr. Labouchere continued: "The fact is +that Mr. Pigott has come here, quite unsolicited, to make a full +confession. I told him that I would listen to nothing he had to say, +save in the presence of a witness, and, remembering that you lived +close by, I thought that you would not mind coming here and listening +to what Mr. Pigott has to confess, which will be taken down, word by +word, from his dictation in writing." It has been my lot during a +long and diversified career to have to listen to a large number of +very queer statements from very queer people; and, by dint of +experience, you reach at last a stage of stoicism when little, if +anything, that is imparted to you excites surprise. Mr. Pigott, +although he had screwed his courage to the sticking place of saying +that he was going to confess, manifested considerable tardiness in +orally "owning up." Conscience, we were justified in assuming, had +{400} gnawed to an extent sufficient to make him disposed to relieve +his soul from a dreadful burden; but conscience, to all seeming, had +to gnaw a little longer and a little more sharply ere he absolutely +gave tongue. So we let him be for about ten minutes. Mr. Labouchere +kindled another cigarette. I lighted a cigar. + +At length Mr. Pigott stood up and came forward into the light, by the +side of Mr. Labouchere's writing-table. He did not change colour; he +did not blench; but when--out of the fulness of his heart, no +doubt--his mouth spake, it was in a low, half-musing tone, more at +first as though he were talking to himself than to any auditors. By +degrees, however, his voice rose, his diction became more fluent. It +is only necessary that, in this place, I should say that, in +substance, Pigott confessed that he had forged the letters alleged to +have been written by Mr. Parnell; and he minutely described the +manner in which he, and he alone, had executed the forgeries in +question. Whether the man with the bald head and the eyeglass in the +library at Grosvenor Gardens was telling the truth or was uttering +another batch of infernal lies it is not for me to determine. No +pressure was put upon him, no leading questions were asked him, and +he went on quietly and continuously to the end of a story which I +should have thought amazing had I not had occasion to hear many more +tales even more astounding. He was not voluble, but he was +collected, clear, and coherent; nor, although he repeatedly confessed +to forgery, fraud, deception, and misrepresentation, did he seem +overcome with anything approaching active shame. His little +peccadilloes were plainly owned, but he appeared to treat them more +as incidental weakness than as extraordinary acts of wickedness. + +When he had come to the end of his statement Mr. Labouchere left the +library for a few minutes to obtain a little refreshment. It was a +great relief to me when he came back, for, when Pigott and I were +left together, there came over me a vague dread that he might +disclose his complicity with the Rye House Plot, or that he would +admit that he had been the executioner of King Charles I. The +situation was rather embarrasing; the time might have been tided over +by whistling, but unfortunately I never learnt to whistle. It would +have been rude to read a book; and besides, to do so would have +necessitated my taking my eyes off {401} Mr. Pigott, and I never took +them off him. We did get into conversation, but our talk was curt +and trite. He remarked, first taking up that so-often-conned +_Times_, that the London papers were inconveniently large. This, +being a self-evident proposition, met with no response from me, but +on his proceeding to say, in quite a friendly manner, that I must +have found the afternoon's interview rather stupid work, I replied +that, on the contrary, so far as I was concerned, I had found it +equally amusing and instructive. Then the frugal Mr. Labouchere +coming back with his mouth full, we went to business again. The +whole of Pigott's confession, beginning with the declaration that he +had made it uninvited and without any pecuniary consideration, was +read over to him line by line and word by word. He made no +correction or alteration whatsoever. The confession covered several +sheets of paper, and to each sheet he affixed his initials. Finally, +at the bottom of the completed document he signed his name beneath +which I wrote mine as a witness.[3] + + +The history of the Commission subsequent to Pigott's disappearance +does not belong to this biography. It is enough to say that it +terminated its business on November 20, 1889, after having sat no +less than 126 times. + +On the 8th of March, eight days after his last appearance in the +witness-box, the news of Pigott's suicide reached London. It +appeared that after his interview with Mr. Labouchere and Mr. Sala, +he treated himself to an evening's amusement at the Alhambra Music +Hall. He left on Monday morning for Paris, whence he posted the +envelope containing his confession and other enclosures to Mr. +Shannon. He reached Madrid on Thursday, where he put up at the Hotel +des Ambassadeurs, and spent the afternoon and following morning in +visiting the churches and picture galleries. He would not have been +tracked so quickly by the detectives if he had not sent a wire to Mr. +Shannon--the Dublin solicitor who had assisted Mr. Soames--asking for +the money "you promised me," which gave the clue to his {402} +whereabouts. On the following afternoon, when he was informed by the +hotel interpreter that a police officer wanted him, he retired to his +bedroom and shot himself through the brain.[4] + +Richard Pigott had one redeeming feature in his character--unless his +complete lack of self-consciousness in evil doing be counted as +another--an intense love for his motherless children. There were +four of these. Mr. Labouchere's compassion for the wretched man had +early been aroused in connection with the really pathetic state of +his domestic affairs, and, although his "underground" relations with +Pigott prevented him from being able to promise definitely to give +him any assistance for his children in the event of the _Times_ or +Parnell prosecuting him as a consequence of his confession, it is +easily to be imagined that Pigott would have perceived during his +visits to Grosvenor Gardens the extraordinary tenderness of feeling +that Mr. Labouchere could never conceal where there was a question of +any suffering to be saved to a child. In his examination by Sir +Charles Russell Mr. Labouchere had said: "Pigott said to me, 'I shall +go to prison, but perhaps I am better there than anywhere else; the +only thing I regret is the position of my children, who will starve.' +I said: 'Well, I think they won't starve, or anything of that sort, +but if you want me to make any terms about your children, you must +not expect it from me.'" Poor puzzled Pigott! He had done +everything he could to please every one round him, and yet he could +get no one at this crisis to do the one thing that would have set his +fluttering mind at ease. No one would promise to befriend the four +little boys at Kingstown. Truly, as he had told Mr. Labouchere, he +was in a terrible mess. + +But as soon as the poor fellow was dead, and his motives could no +longer be impugned by the vigilant Tories, Mr. Labouchere set himself +with energy to see that the children were cared for. He sent a +friend to Kingstown to report to {403} him on the condition of the +orphans, and she wrote to him as follows: "I had a long chat with the +housekeeper who is to my mind an excellent woman. A more +self-forgetful creature I never saw, and nobody ever wrapped truths +in softer garments. She pitied her master. She says that Pigott +adored these children, and that it was his desire to give them +comforts and education which drove him into such crimes. I do hope +that something will be done for these poor friendless children, to +whom the father was a most indulgent parent. I saw lying in the room +little toy yachts and tricycles, bearing evidence that there was +softness as well as weakness in the character of the dead man. The +only relative that the housekeeper knows of is an uncle, who holds a +good position under the Government. She wrote to him and got no +reply." A fund was started for the benefit of the children, and in +the pages of _Truth_ Mr. Labouchere pleaded their cause with +eloquence. In May Archbishop Walsh wrote to him as follows: + + + 4 RUTLAND SQUARE, + DUBLIN, May 23, 1889. + +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,--There are two ways in which effect can be given +to your charitable purpose. The trust can be executed direct through +me, or I can arrange to have the matter carried out by the parish +priests of the place where Pigott lived--Glasthule close by +Kingstown, Dublin. I may say to you that two generous offers were +made to me immediately after the suicide. One was a proposal to take +charge of the two elder boys with a view to their emigration to the +U.S. or Canada, where something would be done to give them a fair +start. The other was an offer to take one of the younger children +and practically to provide for this little fellow by an informal +adoption. + +In both cases I pointed out that there is, I fear, a serious +difficulty in the way of my interfering in any prominent way in the +case, and indeed in the interference of anyone who is an active +sympathizer (as was the case in the two offers) with Home Rule, etc. + +{404} + +The Liberal Unionists of Dublin who brought the unfortunate father +into temptation have a heavy responsibility towards the poor +children. It is worse than mean of them to shirk it. But they not +only shirk it, they try to throw the responsibility on to the other +side. The insinuation made by many of them is that Pigott was got +out of the country by sympathizers with Mr. Parnell, and that the +suicide even may have been managed for a consideration. + +A very serious question then arises as to what can be prudently done +in the case of the children. Of course they must not be neglected. +But, so far as I can see, there is no present danger on that score. +The two elder boys are at school at Clongowes, a high-class school +for lay pupils, conducted by the Jesuit Fathers. Their schoolfellows +have, throughout the whole case, shown a splendid spirit towards +them. The two younger boys are safely placed in charge of the former +housekeeper in a place where they are not known, not far from Dublin. + +My advice would be to let matters lie until the school holiday time +comes on, about the beginning of July. + +In the meantime I shall communicate with the persons who made the +offers of which I have told you. + +When the case comes to be dealt with, I should suggest that the best +way to act would be through Canon Harold, the parish priest. + +Meanwhile should not something be done through the newspapers to work +up the call, which can be most legitimately made, on the Irish +Liberal Unionists to do at all events something really substantial in +the case?--I remain, dear Mr. Labouchere, faithfully yours, + +WILLIAM WALSH, Archbishop of Dublin. + + +The statement of Dr. Walsh that there were people in Dublin who +insinuated that Pigott had been got out of the country by the friends +of the Nationalists seems almost incredible, but it is a fact that, +even in England, in country places, lectures were given, under the +auspices of the Primrose League, to persuade rural voters, who might +have been reading the newspapers, that the forgery of the Pigott +letters {405} had never been proved, and even more ridiculous +statements were made in some places. Mr. Labouchere wrote in _Truth_ +on March 7: + + +I feel it my duty solemnly to affirm that (incredible as it may +appear to Primrose Dames) I did not bribe Pigott to commit suicide by +promising him an annuity. It is somewhat fortunate for me that I can +prove an alibi; otherwise I make no doubt that I should have been +accused of having been concealed in Pigott's room at Madrid, and +having shot him. Well, well, I suppose that allowance must be made +for the crew of idiots who have gone about vowing that the _Times_ +forgeries were genuine letters, and who are now grovelling in the +mire that they have prepared for themselves. + +Nothing can exceed my sorrow that we were not privileged to hear in +court the evidence of the expert in handwriting, Inglis. So great, +indeed, is my regret that I will willingly (if the _Times_ is in want +of money) pay the sum of £20 for his "proof." I have always regarded +these experts as the most dreary of humbugs, and in this view I am +now confirmed. I myself subjected the photographs of the _Times_ +forgeries to the limelight in a magic-lantern, and I soon discovered +that there were signs of tracing. In some of the words--and +particularly in the signatures--there is a small white line, where +the ink had not taken over the tracing. If Inglis had done the same, +he would not probably have made so ridiculous a fool of himself. + + +It must be owned that Mr. Labouchere made himself exceedingly +annoying in the pages of _Truth_ on the subject of the forged +letters. His taunts and scathing witticisms at the expense of the +prosecuting side and Messrs. Soames, Houston & Co. were almost past +enduring, and more than one apology was furiously demanded of him, to +which he usually replied by heaping more ridicule on the unfortunate, +writhing victim. Some abortive attempts were made to hoax him and +make a fool of him as he succeeded so frequently in doing of others. +In the winter of 1889 a somewhat unpleasant case was brought before +the Central Criminal {406} Court, the only event of public interest +connected with which was the departure from England of a well-known +nobleman on the very eve of the day that the warrant was issued for +his arrest, and it was in connection with this affair that someone +tried to put salt on Labby's tail. Whoever the joker was he must +have felt rather sold when he read the following paragraph in the +next issue of Labby's journal; + + +I have received through the post the following letter and enclosure. +Evidently someone is attempting to Pigott me. I do not hesitate to +say that the letters are not from those by whom they profess to be +written. It is really shameful that two such good men and true as +Lord Salisbury and Mr. Houston should be selected for this +reprehensible hoax. + + + PRIMROSE LEAGUE CENTRAL OFFICES, + VICTORIA STREET. + +SIR, I enclose you an autograph letter of Lord Salisbury. I obtained +it from a man of the name of Hammond, whom I promised to reward if he +could get me any letters likely to injure the character of Tory +leaders. He tells me that a client of his in Cleveland Street called +upon him and produced it from a black bag. I have already offered +the letter to Lord Hartington and to the Editor of the _Pall Mall +Gazette_, but they have both declined to have anything to do with it. +If you use it I must request you to send me a cheque for £1000, and +you must pledge yourself never to give up the name of Hammond. He is +a very worthy man, and he fears that if it were known that he had +given me the letter some Tory would shoot him.--Your obedient servant, + +E. C. HOUSTON. + +(_Enclosure_) + +HATFIELD HOUSE, Oct., 17. + +MY DEAR LORD***,--There is a good deal of evidence against you, +although the Lord Chancellor and the Attorney-General have decided +that the evidence of identity is not sufficient, but I hear a rumour +that more evidence can be obtained. I can count upon the Chancellor +standing to his guns, but I am not quite so sure of Webster. He, you +know, will have to answer that {407} scoundrel Labouchere in the +House of Commons, when he brings on the subject and he is getting +shaky. Perhaps he will be forced to issue a warrant.--Yours very +truly, + +SALISBURY. + + +Another hoax practised on Mr. Labouchere came off, and a considerable +time elapsed before the perpetrator of it was discovered. He +eventually turned out to be a member of one of the most staid and +respectable clubs in London. Here is the story of the hoax, as Mr. +Labouchere related it in _Truth_: + + +During the last few weeks I have received a number of anonymous +letters, all in the same handwriting, couched in terms the reverse of +complimentary. Some of them were on the paper of the East India +United Service Club, St. James's Square. This did not trouble me, as +I receive so many of such letters that I am accustomed to them. On +Thursday last, however, my anonymous friend sent orders signed in my +name to a number of tradesmen desiring them to send me goods. He +ordered two hearses each with two mourning coaches, and requested a +representative of the cremation company to call and arrange for my +cremation. He also ordered a marriage cake of Messrs. Buzzard, a bed +of Messrs. Shoolbred furniture of Messrs. Maple, Messrs. Druce, and +Messrs. Barker & Co.; coal of Messrs. Whiteley, Ricketts, Herbert +Clarke & Co.; Cockerell & Lee; a coat of Mr. Cording, caps of Messrs. +Lincoln & Bennett, a billiard table of Messrs. Thurston, prints of +Messrs. Clifford, carpets of Messrs. Swan & Edgar, beer, spirits, and +wine from several firms, some of which was delivered, and a vast +number of other goods from West End houses, including an umbilical +belt for hernia from a city firm. He also sent letters to various +physicians in my name, and they have favoured me in reply with +prescriptions for divers diseases. He further engaged cabins for me +to India and to the United States. Not content with this he ordered +a salmon to be sent in my name to Mr. Gladstone, a Stilton cheese to +Sir William Harcourt, a travelling bag to Mr. Asquith, and a haunch +of venison to Sir George Trevelyan. And he supplemented these +liberal orders {408} by issuing invitations in the name of a mythical +niece to a party at Twickenham and a dinner at my London house. All +this is far more annoying to the tradesmen than it is to me, and I +would therefore suggest to my friend to revert to his old plan of +anonymous letters. Neither of the hearses came, owing to +representatives of the firms having called to know how many men would +be required to carry my corpse downstairs. Had the hearse arrived it +would have been curious, as the mutes would probably have disputed in +which I was to be moved off, and would have had to appeal to me +eating my marriage cake and arrayed in my umbilical belt to decide to +which I would give my preference. + + + +[1] Barry O'Brien, _Life of Lord Russell of Killowen._ + +[2] Macdonald, _Diary of the Parnell Commission._ + +[3] _Life of Sala_, written by himself, vol. ii. + +[4] Macdonald, _Diary of the Parnell Commission._ + + + + +{409} + +CHAPTER XV + +MR. LABOUCHERE NOT INCLUDED IN THE CABINET + +There is no doubt about the fact that Mr. Labouchere was always at +his best when he was in Opposition. This characteristic was not +peculiar to him, but was shared by Sir William Harcourt, and, in a +marked degree, by Lord Randolph Churchill. During the six years of +Lord Salisbury's second administration (August, 1886-August, 1892), +he stood out prominently as a man of ability and independent courage +in what was an extremely weak and inefficient Opposition. Always +true to his Radical principles, he protested ably whenever the +questions of Civil Service estimates were to the fore--the expenses +incurred in the removal or restoration of diplomatic and consular +buildings, or in the organisation of missions and embassies to +foreign countries, all the involved expenditure that is comprehended +under the term, so mysterious to the lay mind, of "miscellaneous +legal buildings," in the upkeep of the royal parks and palaces. The +annual expenditure for the warming and lighting of Kew Palace +especially aroused his ire. He had, he said, hunted for the building +and at last perceived over an iron gate a tumble down, +depressed-looking house in which he could not imagine that anyone +less insane than George III. in his later years could be expected to +wish to reside, and if there were any such, they might, at least, +warm and light themselves without any application to the British +taxpayer. As for Kensington Palace, to vote an annual sum for its +{410} maintenance was merely dropping water into a bottomless well. +It was dilapidated and useless. Why not pull it down or turn it into +a large restaurant--an investment which would certainly pay--and put +money into the taxpayer's pockets for a change? Of course he should +advocate that only temperance drinks should be sold upon the +premises, but even with that restriction a profit would be certain. +Then he would attack the extravagance of the House of Commons. Oil +lamps in the committee rooms! Were Ministers a species of patron +saints before whom perpetual lamps had to be kept burning in order to +secure their favours? Electric light had been installed in the +House, and yet the annual sum spent on oil lamps was undiminished. +Perhaps, replied the long-suffering Mr. Plunkett, after the +expenditure on oil had been ruthlessly gone into and shown to be +superfluous, the hon. member for Northampton will soon be a Minister +himself and will then know the awkwardness of attending in the House +from three in the afternoon to one in the morning and having to turn +up or down an oil lamp every time he went from one room to another. +In short, Mr. Labouchere's obstructionary tactics were magnificent. + +His speeches on the Triple Alliance were marked by an intimate +knowledge of European politics acquired by a long and sympathetic +frequentation of the best politicians in Europe and as different as +possible from the accumulation of facts out of text-books which +formed the mental equipment on the subject of many of his colleagues. +The point of departure of his first speech on the Triple Alliance was +a statement made in the Italian Parliament on May 14, 1891, by a +deputy named Chiala to the effect that the Italian position was now +secure by land and sea, English interests being identical with +Italian. On June 2, 1891, he asked Sir James Fergusson whether +special undertakings were entered into in 1887 between England and +Italy of such importance as to justify Signor Chiala's remark, which +had met with no challenge in the Italian Chamber, and he spoke {411} +with characteristic eloquence both then and on July 9, against the +renewal of the Triple Alliance, which obliged England, he said, to +side with Italy against France, under the pretext of maintaining the +status quo in the Mediterranean. Mr. Gladstone wrote him the +following letter on the subject: + + +HAWARDEN CASTLE, CHESTER, July 11, 1891. + +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,--So far as I can understand I think you have +left the question of the Triple Alliance and our relation to it +standing well in itself and well for us. If ever there was a +complication from which England ought to stand absolutely aloof it is +this. I would take for a proof apart from all others the astounding +letter of Mr. Stead in yesterday's _Pall Mall Gazette_, who founds an +European policy on the isolation of France still perhaps at the head +of continental civilisation. I fear with you that Salisbury has +given virtual pledges for himself which in all likelihood he will +never even be called upon to redeem, and which Parliament and members +of Parliament may with perfect propriety object to his redeeming. +What a little surprises me is that the Italians should not better +understand the frailty of the foundation on which I fear they have +built their hopes. + +In the _Daily News_ yesterday Mr. White says the alliance was first +concluded in 1882. If so it was certainly without our approbation, I +think without our knowledge.--Yours faithfully, + +W. E. GLADSTONE. + + +In Mr. Labouchere's attacks on Lord Salisbury's Foreign Office +administration, he found many of the opportunities which he loved of +pouring ridicule upon the whole institution of diplomacy. He told +the Committee, during the discussion on the Foreign Office vote, how +the service is recruited. A friend of his, he said, who reached the +top of his profession, presented himself for examination. Of the +questions put before him he could answer none, being completely +ignorant of the subjects upon which they were supposed to test him. +Great was his surprise when the results of the examination {412} were +made known. He found himself not only passed but at the top of the +list of candidates. "How can these things be?" he asked the examiner +when he next met him. "Well," replied the great man, "we saw you +knew nothing, but your manner was so free from constraint under what +to some people would have been embarrassing circumstances, that we +decided: 'That's the very man to make a diplomatist,' and so we +passed you." That this little anecdote was introduced to the notice +of Sir James Fergusson as a prelude to Mr. Labouchere's bland +explanation that, according to his personal experience, +Under-Secretaries for Foreign Affairs and members of the diplomatic +body generally were of all men the most ignorant, did not rob it of +any of its sting. Across the Channel, Mr. Labouchere's abilities, +where foreign politics were concerned, were rated at their true +value. In February, 1892, the _Voltaire_ published a long article +dealing with the personality of this "remarkable man" and his +knowledge of European affairs, which concluded with these words: "Mr. +Labouchere is one of those grand Englishmen who do credit both to the +party which they defend and to the party which they condescend to +attack. Moreover, shortly he will be a member of the Cabinet, and +Mr. Gladstone depends on his co-operation to finish the last struggle +with the dying Tory party." + +That Mr. Labouchere's name was not included in Mr. Gladstone's +Cabinet of 1892 was an omission that struck not only European +politicians but the public of England, both Conservative and Radical, +as curious. Mr. Gladstone, who had intended him to have one of the +most important offices in the Cabinet (not the Post Office, as has +been so often asserted), was himself taken aback, and so much so that +when he was made aware that the Queen would object to Mr. +Labouchere's name being submitted to her, he went the length of +privately asking Mr. Labouchere to write him a letter stating that he +should not accept office were it offered to him. Had Mr. Labouchere +been under the necessity of {413} wishing to improve his political +position in the country, there is no doubt that this would have been +his opportunity for doing so. Such a course of action would have +appeared to the superficial observer to fit in with his Radical +principles, and he could have pretended to his followers that he +considered his power greater below the gangway than on the pedestal +of office, and (a matter, however, which was of supreme indifference +to him) his enemies could not have pointed the finger of scorn at +him. Incidentally, too, Mr. Gladstone would have been saved from an +imputation of ingratitude to a follower who had stood by him, through +thick and thin, to win the cause that the Grand Old Man had nearest +his heart, to wit, Home Rule for Ireland, and a follower, who, +throughout a long and original political career, had never once +failed towards his leader in any detail of the minutiæ that went to +make up the etiquette of political intercourse in the last century. +But, as Mr. Labouchere explained to a near relative at the time, he +couldn't stand the humbug of the suggestion, and he would, moreover, +have been pledged to support the Ministry. Besides, that the Queen +should have objected to him was not a surprise. Nobody was able to +appreciate better than himself, with his tolerant view of human +nature, the fact that tastes differ, and to realise more fully that, +in so far as personal feelings went, he might very easily be a +_persona ingrata_ where Court favour was concerned. "So that the +good ship _Democracy_ sails prosperously into Joppa," he wrote at the +time, "I care not whether my berth is in the officers' quarters or in +the forecastle. Jones or Jonah it is all the same to me, and if I +thought that my being thrown overboard would render the success of +the voyage more certain, overboard I would go with pleasure--all the +more as I can swim." But, in his surmise as to why the Queen had +objected to him he was mistaken, and he did not know the real reason +until several years afterwards. He imagined it was because he had so +persistently protested against the Royal grants, whenever {414} they +had appeared to him excessive.[1] It is difficult to see why Mr. +Gladstone, _having told him as much as he did_, did not tell him +more--to wit, the actual facts. It would have been perfectly +straightforward and perfectly consistent, and the explanation was one +that Mr. Labouchere could have accepted with dignity, and all +appearance of a slight put upon an eminent politician, by treating +him as a nobody to be passed over without any kind of justification, +would have been avoided. The fact of Mr. Labouchere's being the +proprietor of and "chief writer" in _Truth_ was the ground of the +Queen's objection, and if my readers have followed the course of this +biography with care, they will very easily be able to imagine how +early, and also how very reasonably, the Queen's dislike to the +publication had taken root. + +Mr. Labouchere's jest about Mr. Gladstone laying upon Providence the +responsibility of always placing the ace of trumps up his sleeve was +a good one. In one of his private letters I find the quip worded a +little more pungently. "Who cannot refrain," he says, referring to +the then Prime Minister, "from perpetually bringing an ace down his +sleeve, even when he has only to play fair to win the trick." +Clearly in the case of the exclusion of Mr. Labouchere from his +Cabinet, Mr. Gladstone had only to play a simple and straightforward +game for the trick to be his. In fact, it was his with the Queen. +There was no necessity for any further ruse, and the matter would +have ended. + +{415} + +Mr. Labouchere, still in the dark about the reason of the slight put +upon him, replied thus to one of his supporters at Northampton, who +questioned him as to the fact that he was not included in the +Cabinet. He seems to have made an effort to put the matter as well +as he could for his leader: + + +5 OLD PALACE YARD, Aug. 19, 1892. + +DEAR MR. TONSLEY,--The Queen expressed so strong a feeling against me +as one of her Ministers that, as I understand it, Mr. Gladstone did +not think it desirable to submit my name to her.--Yours truly, + +HENRY LABOUCHERE. + + +The following correspondence ensued. In reading it, it must always +be borne in mind that Mr. Labouchere did not at that time know the +precise grounds upon which he had been excluded from the Cabinet: + + +_Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HAWARDEN CASTLE, Aug. 22, 1892. + +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,--My attention has been called to a letter +addressed by you to Mr. Tonsley, and printed in the _Times_ of +to-day, and I have to assure you that the understanding which has +been conveyed to you is not correct. I am alone responsible for +recommendations submitted to Her Majesty respecting the tenure of +political office, or of the absence of such recommendation in any +given instance. I was aware of the high position you had created for +yourself in the House of Commons and of the presumption which would +naturally arise that your name could not fail to be considered on any +occasion when a Government had to be formed. I gave accordingly my +best consideration to the subject, and I arrived at the conclusion +that there were incidents in your case which, while they testified to +your energy and influence, were in no degree disparaging to your +honour, but which appeared to me to render it unfit that I should ask +your leave to submit your name to Her Majesty for a political {416} +office which would involve your becoming a servant of the +Crown.--Believe me very faithfully yours, + +W. E. GLADSTONE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Gladstone_ + +5 OLD PALACE YARD, Aug. 23, 1892. + +DEAR MR. GLADSTONE,--I beg to acknowledge your letter of yesterday's +date, and to thank you for its kindly tone towards myself. I had +been away from home, and only got it when it was too late to alter +anything that I had written for this week's _Truth_ upon the matter, +as the paper goes to press on Tuesday at 12 o'clock. I feel sure +that you will recognise that I have never asked you--directly or +indirectly--for any post in your administration. I should indeed not +have alluded publicly to the the matter, owing to its personal +character, had it not been that the newspapers were discussing why I +was not asked to become a member of your administration, the +implication being that I had urged "claims," and that I resented +their being ignored. I fully perceive the difficulty of your +position, and, whilst I cannot admit that the Sovereign has a right +to impose any veto on the Prime Minister that she has selected in the +choice of his colleagues, I admire your chivalry in covering the +Royal action by assuming the constitutional responsibility of a +proceeding, in regard to which I must ask you to allow me to retain +the conviction that you were not a free agent. + +With respect to myself, it is a matter of absolute unimportance that +I am not a servant of the Crown, or--as we Radicals should put it--an +Executive servant of the Nation. The precedent, however, is a +dangerous one, as circumstances might occur in which the Royal +ostracism of some particular person from the public service might +impair the efficiency of a Liberal Ministry representing views not in +accordance with Court opinion. Of this there is no danger in the +present case. My personality is too insignificant to have any +influence on public affairs, and I am--if I may be allowed to say +so--far too stalwart a Radical not to support an administration which +I trust will secure to us Home Rule in Ireland; true non-intervention +abroad; and many democratic reforms in the United Kingdom. My only +regret {417} is that the Liberal party has not seen its way to +include many other and more drastic reforms in its programme, notably +the abolition of the House of Lords and the Disendowment and +Disestablishment of the Church of England. + +It will always be a source of pride to me that you thought me worthy +of being one of your colleagues, and that, in regard to the incidents +which rendered it impossible for you to act in accordance with this +flattering opinion, you consider that they testify to my energy and +influence, and are in no way disparaging to my honour. + +With the sincerest hope that you may long be preserved as the +People's Minister, I have the honour to be yours most faithfully, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Gladstone to Mr. Labouchere_ + +HAWARDEN CASTLE, Aug. 25, 1892. + +DEAR MR. LABOUCHERE,--I cannot hesitate to answer your appeal. At no +time and in no form have I had from you any signification of a desire +for office. You do me personally more than justice. My note to you +is nothing more nor less than a true and succinct statement of the +facts as well as the constitutional doctrine which applies to them. +I quite agree with you that men in office are the political servants +of the country, as well as of the Crown. There are incidents +attaching to them in each aspect, and I mentioned the capacity which +alone touched the case before me.--Believe me very faithfully yours, + +W. E. GLADSTONE. + + +It would be idle to deny that the fact of not being in the Cabinet +was, temporarily, a very great disappointment to Mr. Labouchere. +Faithful Northampton forwarded to him, through the Executive of their +Liberal Association, the following resolution, the sentiment and +kindly feeling of which was appreciated to the full by Northampton's +member: "That this Executive records its warmest praise for the +brilliant defences of democracy put forth by the senior member {418} +for Northampton, and rejoices at his fealty to the ties of party, +notwithstanding the personal affront of unrequited services; and, +further, it is more than satisfied that, by this tactical error, he +continues free to serve the cause of the people, in which in the past +he has so signally distinguished himself." It was to Northampton +that Mr. Labouchere frankly expressed where the real sting of his +treatment by his party lay: "Mr. Gladstone handsomely testified," he +said, "that I had never asked for office. It is, however, one thing +not to desire office, and another thing to be stigmatised as a +political leper unfitted for it owing to incidents which, while +testifying to my energy and influence are in no way disparaging to my +honour."[2] + +Mr. Labouchere spent his summer holiday as usual at Cadenabbia, and +his mind soon resumed its equable habit of thought. The return of +Sir Charles Dilke to the House of Commons had been a genuine pleasure +to him, and he was in constant correspondence with him during his +holiday, which he extended some weeks beyond its usual limits. His +letters dealt largely with the, to him, all-absorbing subject of the +renewal of the Triple Alliance. + +"Notwithstanding," he wrote on September 17, "the excitement about +the Italian workmen in France (which has now cooled down) I very much +doubt whether the King will be able for long to keep going the Triple +Alliance. The customs Union with Austria has not been a success, and +the taxes are so enormous that there must come a crash. The +Socialists and the Anarchists are joined by many who simply want to +live, and who put down the heavy taxation and the want of a market to +the policy of the Government. As for the Army, it is not worth much, +as they have depleted the line regiments of good men in order to form +a few crack regiments. If the French were to play their cards well, +they might soon force the King into a friendly understanding. I +{419} wonder when Parliament will meet next year, if it sits until +Xmas. I suspect that our revered leader is angling to be able to get +south in January and possibly February. If he can he will dodge +every question except H.R." + +Another sentence from a letter to the same correspondent I cannot +resist quoting. It is so easy to picture how very much he must have +enjoyed reading the German and Italian papers to which he refers, for +the details of the great Italian statesman's policy were almost like +spelling-book knowledge to him. "I have been amused," he wrote on +September 10, "at the comments of the German and Italian papers upon +Mr. Gladstone's declaration that Cavour would have been for Irish +Home Rule." Here is another charming letter written from Cadenabbia: +"A man who is owned by a dog has a troublous time. I am owned by a +child, who is owned by a dog. I have a daughter. This daughter +insisted on my buying her a puppy which she saw in the arms of some +dog stealer when we were at Homburg. My advice to parents is, Never +allow your parental feelings to lead you to buy your daughter a dog, +and then to travel about with daughter and dog. This puppy is the +bane of my existence. Railroad companies do not issue through +tickets for dogs. The unfortunate traveller has to jump out every +hour or so to buy a fresh ticket. I tried to hide the beast away +without a ticket, but it always betrayed me by barking when the guard +looked in. I tried to leave it at a station, but the creature (who +adds blind fidelity to its other objectionable qualities) always +turned up before the train started, affectionately barking and +wagging its tail. The puppy, being an infant, is often sick, +generally at the most undesirable moments for this sort of thing to +happen. When it is not sick it is either hungry or thirsty, and it +is very particular about its food. I find bones surreptitiously +secreted in my pockets. I am told that they are for the puppy, and +if I throw them away I am regarded as a heartless monster. Yesterday +he ate a portion of my sponge. I did not interfere with him, for I +had heard {420} that sponges were fatal to dogs. It disagreed with +him, but alas, he recovered. I take him out with me in boats, in the +hope that he will leap into the lake, but he sticks to the boat. I +am reduced to such a condition on account of this cur that I +sympathise with Bill Sikes in his objection to being followed +everywhere by his faithful dog. Am I doomed, I ask, to be for ever +pestered with this animal? Will he never be lost, will he never be +run over, will he recover from the distemper if fortune favours me by +his having this malady? Never, I repeat, buy your daughter a dog, +and travel with daughter and dog."[3] + +Mr. Labouchere did not return to London before the middle of October. +The question of foreign affairs interested him unceasingly throughout +Mr. Gladstone's fourth administration. When the composition of Mr. +Gladstone's Cabinet had been published in the continental papers, +many comments had been made upon the appointment of Lord Rosebery to +be Foreign Secretary, and the _Temps_ published a pointed leading +article on the subject. It declared that Lord Rosebery was regarded +by many persons as the incarnation of Imperialism and Chauvinism, but +it went on to reassure its readers by saying that after all, as Mr. +Gladstone would be so occupied with his Home Rule scheme and minor +social questions, the hankerings of the Foreign Office after national +glory would be suppressed. In any case, it added, Mr. Labouchere +will, if necessary, criticise and protest against dangerous ardour. +The subject of Uganda occupied the English Parliament early in 1903, +and Mr. Labouchere moved an amendment to the Address to the effect +that he hoped that the Commissioner sent by Her Majesty to Uganda +would effect the evacuation of that country by the British South +African Company without any further Imperial responsibility being +incurred. He gave an account of how the treaty with the King of +Uganda had been obtained, culled from Captain Lugard's own report. +Captain Lugard {421} arrived in the country, he said, with a +considerable force of Zanzibaris with breech-loaders and two Maxim +guns. A warm discussion arose on many points. Some of the chiefs +were for signing, but the King held back and giggled and fooled. He +demanded time. "I replied," reported Lugard, "by rapping the table +and speaking loudly, and said he must sign now. I threatened to +leave the next day if he did not, and possibly to go to his enemies. +I pointed out to him that he had lost the southern half of his +kingdom to the Germans by his delay, and that he would lose more if +he delayed now. He was, I think, scared at my manner, and trembled +very violently." ... And so on. The speech was one of remarkable +power. Although it covers over ten pages of _Hansard_, the reader's +interest does not flag for an instant. It was replied to by the +Prime Minister with appreciation and vigour. + +On February 13 Mr. Gladstone introduced his Home Rule Bill,[4] and +the speech Mr. Labouchere made during the debate is his last +utterance on the subject that I shall quote. He was true to his +great leader to the very end, although that end had been extended to +a date far beyond the period that might reasonably have been +expected. It was a remarkable fact, said Mr. Labouchere, that in +1886 they were told that Home Rule would ruin Ireland and the proof +was that securities had gone down. They were now told that Home Rule +would ruin Ireland because securities had gone up! As a matter of +fact, balances at savings banks had gone up because of certain Land +Acts and Rent Acts, by which a good deal of money which used to go +into the landlord's pockets now went into the savings bank.... A +matter like the Home Rule scheme was necessarily very complicated. +They had two islands, one a large one and one a small one. The {422} +object of the Bill was to enable them to produce such a state of +things as would enable them to have a local Parliament in Ireland +dealing alone with Irish matters, and a Parliament in England dealing +with British local matters, and also with Imperial matters. It was +very much like trying to put a square peg into a round hole. He +quite agreed that the angles of the peg would remain. They could not +get the fit geometrically perfect, but the great object was to get +the best fit they could under the circumstances. It must always be +remembered in this matter of Home Rule that they had to choose +between two alternatives. After the Bill of 1886 the Unionists went +before the country saying that there was a third course, that of some +species of local government. When they got into power where was the +third course? It entirely disappeared.... The Duke of Devonshire +had tried to terrify them the other night about the House of Lords, +that the House was going to defend the liberties of the United +Kingdom by running counter to the will of the people. For his part, +he had never been strongly in favour of an assembly like the House of +Lords. He could not understand why some six hundred gentlemen should +interfere with the decisions of the representatives of the people. +If they did they would find that additional force would be given to +the intention of the democracy to put an end to their existence.[5] +It is interesting to note that in this, his last Parliament, the +Prime Minister himself was converted to Mr. Labouchere's views on the +Upper Chamber. When his Home Rule Bill was thrown out by the Lords, +and his Parish Councils Bill maimed and emasculated, he came to the +conclusion that there was a decisive case against the House of Lords. +"Upon the whole, he argued," says Lord Morley, "it was not too much +to say for practical purposes the Lords had destroyed the work of the +House of Commons, unexampled as that work was in the time and pains +bestowed upon it. 'I suggested dissolution to my colleagues in +London, where half {423} or more than half the Cabinet were found at +the moment. I received by telegraph a hopelessly adverse reply.' +Reluctantly he let the idea drop, always maintaining, however, that a +signal opportunity had been lost."[6] + +In spite of Mr. Labouchere's activity during the winter of 1892-3 his +health was not good. He suffered from constant colds and coughs, and +his throat, too, was troublesome. The desire for change was upon +him, and his mind went back to the happy days of his youth in +America. He would have liked to be made Minister at Washington. The +idea had occurred to him at Cadenabbia when some American friends had +suggested to him how popular such an appointment would be on the +other side of the Atlantic. The climate would have suited him, and, +above all, the friction which was so inevitable between him and the +Cabinet would have been avoided. Washington was quite removed from +any of those quarters of the globe where Mr. Labouchere's and Lord +Rosebery's foreign policy might possibly come into collision. But +his desire was not to be fulfilled. Perhaps naturally, Lord Rosebery +thought that his appointment to such an important post would look +rather as if he were trying to get rid of a formidable opponent, or +at least as if he were trying to bribe him into silence. His refusal +to grant Mr. Labouchere's request was unqualified, and Mr. Labouchere +acknowledged the repulse, with his usual philosophic calm. +"However," he wrote to Lord Rosebery, on December 8, 1892, "as the +matter rests with you, and as you are averse to the suggestion, I can +only say that all is for the best in the best of worlds." + +Mr. Gladstone resigned the Premiership on March 3, 1894, and Lord +Rosebery became Prime Minister. The life of the Liberal Government +was short, and Mr. Labouchere soon found himself again in his native +air of Opposition, when his old interest in Parliamentary matters +revived. It was a matter of common knowledge that Mr. Labouchere was +strongly opposed to the Premiership of Lord Rosebery, as {424} anyone +possessed of his strong Radical nature was bound to be, but that he +had anything to do with the snap division which ended Lord Rosebery's +Ministry[7] is clearly contradicted by an interview which was +published in the _Globe_ on the very day after the fall of the +Ministry. The _Globe_ correspondent found Mr. Labouchere in the +highest spirits smoking his "eternal cigarette" in his study at Old +Palace Yard. "What do you think of the present condition of things?" +he asked. + +"Well," replied Mr. Labouchere, "I have only just become aware of +what happened. I was sitting on the terrace yesterday evening just +about seven with Sir William Harcourt, who was joking about the +quietness of things, and saying it was a dull day without a crisis, +when the division bell rang. I said, 'Great Heavens! What's that +for? I want to get home to dinner.' With that I rushed into the +division with Sir William, and really didn't know what it was +about--you know you can get into the Lobby now direct by a special +door. Well, having recorded my vote I hurried off to the theatre, +and didn't wait to enter the House. Of course, if I had known what +was going to happen I should have waited to see the row. I heard +nothing of the affair until this morning, when I read it here," added +Mr. Labouchere, pointing to the newspaper beside him. + +"I see," said the interviewer, "that you voted with the Government?" + +"Oh yes. I want less cartridges--not more, and anything in that +direction gets my support. As far as I could see it was only a +rag-tag division." + +"Do you mean one of those dinner-time snatches, like your House of +Lords amendment?"[8] + +"Oh no, not even as good as that; just the swing of the pendulum."[9] + +{425} + +The question on South Africa was soon to agitate England, and all +matters of lesser interest must be left now to show the impassioned +part which Mr. Labouchere played in an affair which cannot be said +even to-day to have found its final solution. + + + +[1] The following paragraph from one of Mr. Labouchere's Draft +Reports, composed when he was member of a committee to investigate +the whole question of Royal grants in 1891, shows how reasonable this +surmise was: + +"In conclusion, your Committee desires to record its emphatic +opinion, that the cost of the maintenance of the Members of the Royal +Family is already so great, that under no circumstances should it be +increased. In its opinion, a majority of Her Majesty's subjects +regard the present cost of Royalty as excessive, and it deems it, +therefore, most undesirable to prejudice any decisions that may be +taken in regard to this cost, when the entire subject will come under +the cognisance of Parliament, by granting, either directly or +indirectly, allowances or annuities to any of the grandchildren of +the Sovereign." + +[2] Letter to Mr. Fredk. Covington, Chairman of the Northampton +Liberal and Radical Association, Sept. 13, 1892. + +[3] _Truth_, September, 1892. + +[4] The first reading took place on Feb. 20. It was passed through +Committee on July 27. After a scene of uproar it passed the House of +Commons on Sept. 2, by a majority of 34. It was thrown out by the +Lords on Sept. 9, by a majority of 378. + +[5] _Hansard_, Feb. 16, 1893, vol. viii., Series 4. + +[6] Morley, _Life of Gladstone_, vol. iii. + +[7] The Government was defeated on the night of June 21, 1895, upon a +vote taken in Committee on the Army Estimates. + +[8] _The Globe_, June 22, 1895. + +[9] On March 13, 1894, Mr. Labouchere had moved an amendment to the +Address, praying the Queen to withdraw the power of the Lords to veto +Bills. The division was called during the dinner hour, when the +House was comparatively empty, and the Government were found to be in +a minority of 2. Sir William Harcourt, who reproved Mr. Labouchere +for the levity with which he approached a great constitutional +question, got out of the dilemma by moving a new Address. + + + + +{426} + +CHAPTER XVI + +THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA + +On Sunday, December 29, 1895, an armed force commanded by Dr. Jameson +and Captain Willoughby invaded the territory of the Republic of the +Transvaal. The object of the Jameson Raid was to combine with a body +of disaffected Englishmen, living at Johannesburg, in order to upset +the Government of the Transvaal, and, thereby, to provoke the +intervention of the neighbouring British Commissioner, and so lead to +the remission of the grievances of the Uitlander population. Such +intervention, in the opinion of those responsible for the Raid, was +not intended to result in the absorption of the South African +Republic by the British Empire, though this point has never been made +altogether clear. The English in Johannesburg, the Uitlanders as +they were called in Dutch, failed, however, to meet the invaders, and +Jameson and his men were captured without difficulty by the troops of +the Republic, and were handed over to the Imperial Government to be +tried and punished. Subsequently, a select Committee of the House of +Commons was appointed to investigate the causes of the Raid. The +Committee, which numbered amongst its members Mr. Labouchere, met for +the first time on February 5, 1897. The directors of the British +South Africa Company, Messrs. C. J. Rhodes, Jameson, Alfred Beit, +Lionel Phillips, and Rutherford Harris, were represented by Counsel. +Mr. Labouchere frequently told me that he had never felt altogether +{427} satisfied with the composition of the Committee. There were +not enough stalwart Radicals on it. It was composed as follows: Sir +Michael Hicks-Beach, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Mr. +Chamberlain, the Attorney-General, Mr. Cripps, Sir W. Hart Dyke, Mr. +Jackson, Mr. Wharton, Mr. George Wyndham, Sir William Harcourt, Sir +Henry Campbell Bannerman, Messrs. John Ellis, Sidney Buxton, Blake, +Labouchere, and Bigham (now Lord Mersey). Mr. Labouchere found his +chief support in Mr. Blake, but even he fell off towards the end, and +the member for Northampton registered his solitary vote for the +second reading of the alternative report with which he wished to +replace that of the chairman. The chairman's report finally adopted +by the Committee may be summarised as follows: + + +"(1) Great discontent had for some time previous to the incursion +existed in Johannesburg, arising from the grievances of the +Uitlanders. + +"(2) Mr. Rhodes occupied a great position in South Africa; he was +Prime Minister of Cape Colony, and, beyond all other persons, should +have been careful to abstain from such a course as that which he +adopted. As Managing Director of the British South Africa Company, +as director of the De Beers Consolidated Mines and the Gold Fields of +South Africa, Mr. Rhodes controlled a great combination of interests: +he used his position and those interests to promote and assist his +policy. Whatever justification there may have been for action, on +the part of the people of Johannesburg, there was none for the +conduct of a person in Mr. Rhodes' position, in subsidising, +organising, and stimulating an armed insurrection against the +Government of the South African Republic, and employing the forces +and resources of the Chartered Company to support such a revolution. +He seriously embarrassed both the Imperial and Colonial Governments, +and his proceedings resulted in the invasion of the territory of a +state which was in friendly relations with Her Majesty, in breach of +the obligation to {428} respect the right to self-government of the +South African Republic under the conventions between Her Majesty and +that state. Although Dr. Jameson 'went in' without Mr. Rhodes' +authority, it was always part of the plan that these forces should be +used in the Transvaal in support of an insurrection. Nothing could +justify such a use of such a force, and Mr. Rhodes' heavy +responsibility remains, although Dr. Jameson at the last moment +invaded the Transvaal without his direct sanction. + +"(3) Such a policy once embarked upon inevitably involved Mr. Rhodes +in grave breaches of duty to those to whom he owed allegiance. He +deceived the High Commissioner representing the Imperial Government, +he concealed his views from his colleagues in the Colonial Ministry +and from the Board of the British South Africa Company, and led his +subordinates to believe that his plans were approved by his superiors. + +"(4) Your Committee have heard the evidence of all the directors of +the British South Africa Company, with the exception of Lord Grey. +Of those who were examined Mr. Beit and Mr. Maguire alone had +cognisance of Mr. Rhodes' plans. Mr. Beit played a prominent part in +the negotiations with the Reform Union; he contributed large sums of +money to the revolutionary movement, and must share full +responsibility for the consequences. + +"(5) There is not the slightest evidence that the late Commissioner +in South Africa, Lord Rosmead, was made acquainted with Mr. Rhodes' +plans. The evidence, on the contrary, shows that there was a +conspiracy to keep all information on the subject away from him. The +Committee must, however, express a strong opinion upon the conduct of +Sir Graham Bower, who was guilty of a grave dereliction of duty in +not communicating to the High Commissioner the information which had +come to his knowledge. Mr. Newton failed in his duty in a like +manner. + +"(6) Neither the Secretary of State for the Colonies nor {429} any of +the officials of the Colonial Office received any information which +made them, or should have made them or any of them, aware of the plot +during its development. + +"(7) Finally, your Committee desire to put on record an absolute and +unqualified condemnation of the Raid and of the plans which made it +possible. The result caused for the time being grave injury to +British influence in South Africa. Public confidence was shaken, +race feeling embittered, and serious difficulties were created with +neighbouring states."[1] + +It is impossible to quote even such a summary as I have just given of +Mr. Labouchere's Draft Report. He began by indicating the +difficulties under which the Committee laboured: + +"(1) Your Committee decided, in the first instance, to limit its +inquiries into that portion of the matters submitted to it for +investigation having relation to the Jameson Raid. + +"(2) A considerable amount of oral and documentary evidence has been +placed before it. But its task was rendered difficult. Some of the +witnesses, who were either cognisant of the Jameson plan, or who took +part in the Jameson Raid, displayed an unwillingness to make a clean +breast of all that they knew, and in many instances witnesses refused +to answer questions that the Committee considered might properly be +put to them. Lord Rosmead could not be called as a witness on +account of ill health, although Mr. Rhodes had referred to him in his +evidence as able to answer questions, to which that gentleman was not +willing to reply. Documents of the greatest importance, in +possession of one of the witnesses, were not forthcoming,[2] nor was +an opportunity given to all the members of your Committee to examine +him as to the statement that he had made in evidence in connection +with them, nor was he reported to your House for contumacy, with a +view to your House taking action to {430} overcome it. It seemed +probable from the evidence that much in regard to the document had +been stated to the War Office, as a ground for its taking certain +action with respect to the officers concerned in the Raid. But +witnesses from that office were not examined as to these +communications. Although these documents were in the hands of his +solicitor, who informed your Committee that Mr. Rhodes claimed them +as his property, and would not allow him to produce them, no direct +application was made to Mr. Rhodes by your Committee to allow them to +be produced. Other documents of a similar character were secured by +your Committee only after Mr. Rhodes had left the country. He was +not, consequently, examined in regard to their or as tenor, to his +action in respect to them. + +"(3) Owing to these causes your Committee cannot pretend to have +become possessed of a perfect and full knowledge of everything +connected with the Jameson plan and the Jameson Raid. It has +consequently only been able to weigh evidence against evidence, and +to deduce from what has been submitted to it the inferences that seem +to flow therefrom."[3] + +He proceeded to stigmatise, even more severely than the Report +adopted by the Committee, the political conduct of Mr. Rhodes, for +whom, in private, he had conceived considerable personal admiration. +In paragraph 25 of Mr. Labouchere's Draft Report was this statement: +"Your Committee is, however, of the opinion that they (Messrs. Rhodes +and Beit) merit severe punishment. Mr. Rhodes is a Privy Councillor, +he was a Cape Premier, and he was the autocrat of Rhodesia when the +conspiracy that your Committee has investigated was in preparation, +and when it was sought to carry it out. He deceived his Sovereign, +the Secretary of State for the Colonies, the High Commissioner of +South Africa, the Governor of the Cape Colony, his colleagues in the +Cape Cabinet, the Board of the Chartered {431} Company, and the very +persons whom he used as his instruments in his nefarious designs; and +he abused the high positions which he held by engaging in a +conspiracy, in a success of which his own pecuniary interests were +largely involved, thus inflicting a slur on the hitherto unblemished +honour of our public men at home and in our colonies. Mr. Beit is a +German subject. In conjunction with Mr. Rhodes he fomented a +revolution in a state in amity with us, and promoted an invasion of +that state from British territory. These two men, the one a British +statesman, the other a financier of German nationality, disgraced the +good name of England, which it ought to be the object of all +Englishmen to maintain pure and undefiled." + +The only other important point in Mr. Labouchere's Draft Report was +that referring to the alleged complicity of the Colonial Office in +the Raid. While Mr. Labouchere admitted that the evidence in no way +showed that any such complicity had existed, he regretted that the +question had not been probed to the bottom, "because the slightest +appearance of any indisposition to do this by your Committee may lead +some persons erroneously to suppose that there may be some truth in +the statements of witnesses connected with the Jameson plan that the +secret aims of Mr. Rhodes were more or less clearly revealed to Mr. +Chamberlain and to Mr. Fairfield." + +He expressed himself very strongly in the following article on the +Chartered Company in _Truth_: + + +If the events of the past week have not opened the eyes of Englishmen +at large to the character of the patriots and heroes who have too +long ruled the roost in South Africa, our boasted national common +sense must indeed be a pitiful sham. What is the position? The +South African Republic is a state originally brought into existence +by the Boers treking from Cape Colony into the wilderness, and +establishing themselves beyond what were then the limits of British +colonisation. We tricked them once into surrendering their +independence, merely reserving a suzerainty as against their right to +conclude treaties with foreign {432} states without our consent. But +since that was done, gold was discovered within their territory, and +this has led to the migration of a vast number of English and men of +other nationalities into the region where the Boer imagined that he +was safe from pursuit. On the whole, these settlers, considering how +unwelcome their presence must have been, have not been badly treated. +The taxation is not excessive, and the condition of the mining +industry is infinitely better than it is ever likely to be under the +Chartered Company. Out of all those who have dabbled in Transvaal +mining shares during the last year I wonder how many know the facts +respecting the relation of the companies to the Government of the +country. The Government charges on every mining claim a ground rent +or royalty of 10s. a month. To a company owning fifty claims this +means a ground rent of £300 a year--a very reasonable charge, when +from thirty to sixty per cent. can be earned on the capital of the +Company. As against this what do the Chartered Company charge? One +half the net profits of all mines worked under their jurisdiction. +This alone should teach shareholders of the Transvaal mines how +little they have to gain from the overthrow of Boer Government by the +Rhodes gang, and how thankful they may be for the course of events +last week. + +The non-Boer population, however, at Johannesburg and elsewhere have +a genuine grievance on the question of the franchise and other rights +of citizenship. In order to maintain their exclusive sovereignty in +the land the Boers insist upon a fifteen years' residence for full +naturalisation.... The period is too long, and it would be prudent +on the part of the Boers to reduce it. There is no reason to suppose +that they would refuse to do so, were the demands of the Uitlanders +advanced in a regular manner.... But even were the Boers ever so +deaf to justice and so blind to their own interests as to meet the +Uitlander case with an obstinate _non possumus_, what pretext does +this afford for armed intervention by the Chartered Company? A +pretence it is true has been made that, before commencing their Raid, +Jameson and his men resigned their positions under the Company; but +even if such a form were gone through, it is obviously only a +colourable pretence. The invading force was drilled, armed, and +maintained by the Company. At its {433} head was the administrator +of the Company. On his staff was the Company's generalissimo. It +took with it the ammunition, equipment, and horses of the Company.... +Neither in the political aims of the Uitlanders, nor the position of +the Johannesburgers was there a shadow of justification for Jameson's +Raid..... The proceedings bear their character on their face and are +of a piece with all that has gone before in the history of the +Company. The design was to play the Matabele coup again on a bigger +field. What was the origin of the Raid on Lobengula? The Company +had obtained Lobengula's permission to occupy Mashonaland and dig +there for gold, and had no further right beyond this. When occupied, +Mashonaland was found to have no paying gold. The shares of the +Company were unsalable rubbish. A pretext was therefore found for +making war on Lobengula and seizing Matabeleland--a pretext as +transparently dishonest as the pretext for the invasion of the +Transvaal. All the circumstances showed in that case as in this, +that the coup had been carefully prepared long beforehand. When the +train had been laid, a quarrel was picked with the Matabele, who had +entered Mashonaland at the Company's request, and they were attacked +and shot down by this same Jameson while doing their best to retire +in obedience to his orders. Instantly the whole of the Company's +forces, all held in readiness, entered Matabeleland under the +pretence that the Matabele and not the Company were the aggressors. +Lobengula's savages were mowed down by thousands with Maxims. Those +who were taken prisoners were killed off to save trouble. The envoys +sent by the King to try and make terms were barbarously murdered. +The King himself fled and died before he could be captured. His +territory and the flocks and herds of his people were parcelled out +among the Company and the band of freebooters who had been collected +by promises of loot. One million new shares were created by +Jameson's principals and colleagues, and, in the subsequent boom, +shares were unloaded on the British public at prices ranging up to £8 +per share. Matabeleland, however, has proved no richer in paying +gold than Mashonaland. The shares have been going down again. What +were the Chartered gang to do next? In the Transvaal there are +extensive paying gold mines, and money which the gang would like to +pocket is going elsewhere. Forthwith {434} the Chartered Company's +forces are marshalled again. A sudden and obviously factitious +agitation springs up at Johannesburg. Rumours of deadly peril to the +alien population are put in circulation, goodness knows whence. The +women and children are packed off--so it is said, but no one knows +why or at whose instigation. Simultaneously a message imploring aid +from the quaking citizens reaches Jameson, no one knows how, and in a +moment the fighting doctor and his bold buccaneers are once more over +the border. There, however, all resemblance between the two coups +ends. The Chartered heroes have not to deal this time with naked +half-armed savages, but with white men as well armed as themselves, +and as well able to use their arms. There are Maxim guns on the +other side this time and Krupp guns as well. Result: after a few +hours' fighting, the conquerors of Matabeleland are killed or taken +prisoners, and the doughty Jameson and his staff are lodged in +Pretoria Gaol. I have no desire to exult over their fate. It is a +shameful and abominable business all round, out of which no +Englishman can extract a grain of satisfaction. But if ever men died +with their blood on their own heads, they are the men who fell in +this raid, and if ever prisoners of war deserved scant mercy, Jameson +and his comrades are those prisoners. They may thank their stars +that they have fallen into the hands of men who are not likely to +treat them as they themselves treated the Matabele wounded and +prisoners.[4] + + +He continued his attack in a series of articles. The burden of his +argument was always the impurity of motive arising from the financial +interest involved. "What a comment on our morality," he writes on +April 2, "has been our action during the last few months! We +quarrelled with the Americans about Venezuela about a bog in which we +fancied there might be gold; we remain in Egypt because we are +looking after the interest on Egyptian bonds, and finding salaries +for a herd of English employees; we are engaged in a Soudan +Expedition because Dongola is fertile, and its possession will afford +a plea to us to violate our pledges to leave {435} Egypt; we are +disputing with President Kruger because he has fallen out with a crew +of company mongers; we are backing up a company in Rhodesia because +its shares have been put up to a high premium on the Stock Exchange. +But, pledged as we are to see that there is good government in +Armenia, we are supinely looking on whilst Armenian men are being +slaughtered, Armenian women ravished, and Armenian villages burnt. +Why? Because there is no money to be made in protecting Armenians, +and our financiers have no interests in Armenia."[5] + +Mr. Labouchere thought, rightly or wrongly, that the Imperialism of +Mr. Rhodes was little more than a mask to cover the desire for +financial expansion. Not that he thought badly of Mr. Rhodes +personally. He thought that he deceived himself in perfectly good +faith. While he detested his aims, he could not help admiring the +energy and skill with which they were promoted, and something simple +and direct in the character of the man himself. + +The estimate I had formed of Mr. Labouchere's opinion of Mr. Rhodes +as a private individual was recently confirmed by the following +extract from a letter which I received from Mr. Charles Boyd +containing a reminiscence of an interview he had with Mr. Labouchere +in 1897: + + +That was the year [he wrote] of the British South Africa Commission +of which he (Mr. Labouchere) was a member, and which, as George +Wyndham's Secretary, I regularly attended; he was, of course, very +much "over the way," in Mr. Jaggers's sense, to what one may call the +Imperialist view of the South African question. It was, I think, in +May, or, at all events, near the end of the sitting of the +Commission, that I conceived the spirited notion of offering myself +for the post of Imperial Secretary to the High Commissioner for South +Africa, Sir Alfred Milner, then recently appointed; though without +official experience, I had some good backers on the strength of some +little {436} study of the South African problem. Among these was one +of the kindest of men, the late Mr. Moberley Bell, manager of the +_Times_, with whom one morning I sat in his house in Portland Place +considering that forlorn hope, as it most properly proved to be of my +ambition. "The only thing is," said Mr. Bell, "what are you going to +do with Labby? You know you are a child of the opposite camp." I +agreed with gloom that, if I had any chance, and Mr. Labouchere "took +notice," my antecedents might not be a recommendation. The imperial +South African Association was then about a year old, and active and +formidable enough to have caught the eye of _Truth_. Mr. Bell, +leaning his big head on his big hand, had a benevolent inspiration. +"If I were you," he said, "I'd jump into the nearest hansom and drive +straight to 5 Old Palace Yard. It's a sort of move he may quite well +love. You will be 'squaring Labby,'" and Mr. Bell dismissed me with +his blessing. Yet a little and somewhat nervous-like I stood in the +presence of your Uncle, in that wonderful room which you will so well +remember giving on the green turf of the Abbey precincts. I stated +my case, and displayed one or two testimonials, including that of his +friend Sir Charles Dilke. "And now," said I indignantly, "if I do +have any chance, I am told that I am in danger of _Truth_." "Nothing +of the kind," said Mr. Labouchere. "I have, to begin with, a +considerable admiration for George Wyndham, and, as for yourself, +your having the nerve to come straight to me is sufficient proof of +your fitness for the Imperial Secretaryship or for anything else," +and with a graceful movement of his wrist he disengaged some +cigarettes from a sort of gilded network basket of the same, which +depended from the wall, and bade me sit down and smoke. He talked of +the Commission, and asked me what I thought of the evidence of Mr. +Rhodes, with whom, of course, he had considerably crossed swords, not +to say whom he had bated. I expressed, possibly with an air of +defiance, an extreme sense of Mr. Rhodes' candour. "But bless you," +said Mr. Labouchere, "I know all that as well as you. I like Rhodes, +I like his porter and sandwiches. An entirely honest, heavy person. +On the other hand, did you ever see anything so fatuous as the +performance of H----?" + +Presently he returned to my candidature, and said, "I'd better write +you a testimonial myself, and that will allay your fears..." + +{437} + +As is well known, the troubles of South Africa did not come to an end +with the settlement of the Jameson Raid. The aggrieved Uitlanders +had not availed themselves, when it came to the point, of Dr. +Jameson's action, and their unredressed grievances--that they +suffered from serious grievances was admitted even by Mr. +Labouchere--festered in their minds and produced, as time went on, +deeper and more widespread dissatisfaction. Nor was the appointment +in 1897 of Sir Alfred (now Lord) Milner as British Governor of Cape +Colony and High Commissioner for South Africa by Mr. Chamberlain, who +had taken office under Lord Salisbury as Colonial Secretary, +calculated to allay the resentment of the Boers, his Imperialist +sympathies being well known. Towards the end of 1898, Sir Alfred +Milner left South Africa for England. He was away for three months, +and during his absence several things occurred to hasten the +unfortunate crisis--the outbreak of war. General Sir William Butler +had been selected to fill the chief military command in South Africa, +left vacant by the sudden death of Sir William Goodenough. Sir +William Butler, immediately on his arrival in South Africa, allowed +his sympathy with the Afrikander party to be very apparent. He was +convinced that the English population of the Transvaal had no real +grievances, and were only striving to make mischief. When Sir Alfred +Milner returned to the Cape, on February 14, 1899, he was faced by a +very different situation to the one he had left. In almost all the +towns of Cape Colony and Natal meetings had been held by the +Colonists protesting against the continuation of the existing state +of affairs in the Transvaal, and demanding the intervention of the +Imperial Government. Dutch feeling was no less agitated. Among the +extreme section of Afrikanders everywhere a movement was on foot for +the formation of a National League which should bind together all +Afrikanders in strenuous opposition to any attempt of the Imperial +power to intervene in South African affairs.[6] + +{438} + +In England, the first indication of what was coming was revealed to +the discerning public who read Parliamentary reports by the +publication of the army estimates, in which a sum not exceeding +£1,211,900 was asked for to cover the military expenses (March, +1899-March, 1900). Mr. Dillon asked why it was considered necessary +to increase so enormously our forces in South Africa. The Colonial +Secretary (Mr. Chamberlain) replied to the effect that the Transvaal +Republic, which borders on the colony of Natal and Cape Colony, had +enormously in creased their offensive or defensive forces within the +last few years. They had spent large sums in forts, artillery, and +rifles, and millions of cartridges had been imported. Therefore, as +long as the British Government was responsible for the peace in South +Africa, a like increase of warlike preparation was necessary on our +part. Mr. Labouchere replied aptly that the increased defensive +measures adopted by the Boers had only followed upon the scandalous +and outrageous raid which had been made upon their country by the +minions of the Chartered Company. Then a paragraph appeared in the +_Times_ to the effect that the Commander-in-Chief had been engaged in +completing the organisation and composition of the "larger force +which it will be necessary to dispatch to South Africa in the event +of the negotiations at present in progress with the Government of the +Transvaal proving unsuccessful." Mr. Labouchere asked, on July 7, +whether the officers mentioned in this communique as going to South +Africa to organise the forces, were to go into Cape Colony and into +Natal to organise them, and, if so, whether it was with the consent +of the Ministers of those Colonies? To which question Mr. Balfour +replied "I do not know."[7] + +On October 17, Mr. Dillon moved an amendment to the Address in answer +to the Queen's Speech, praying for arbitration to settle the +difficulties between the two Governments, so that "an ignominious war +may be avoided between the {439} overwhelming forces of your +Majesty's Empire and those of two small nations numbering in all less +than 200,000 souls." Mr. Labouchere seconded the amendment, and +pleaded eloquently for arbitration, suggesting President McKinley as +the best arbitrator possible. The peroration of his speech was +excellent, but, alas, it fell at the time upon ears already eagerly +alert for no other sounds than the music of triumphant victory and +glorious marches home after a course of deeds of valour, which the +mere fact of British nationality was to render as easy of achievement +as an afternoon's football. It reads now with a different ring, and +testifies to the spirit of justice and temperance which were so +characteristic of all his policy in those crises when the English +nation gets stirred up, as it sometimes does, to a spirit of +hysterical enthusiasm, in comparison with which the excitability and +nervous agitation of the "foreigner" is a mere joke. "I confess that +I feel very sorry for the end of these unfortunate Boers," he said. +"They are fathers of families, they are farmers, honest and ignorant +if you like. They are fighting for that which they believe to be the +holiest and most noble of causes--their homesteads and their country. +We must all regret that their country is not only turned into a +battlefield, but that a number of these men, the breadwinners of +families, will be slain. For my part, I cannot accept the +responsibility of contenting myself with merely washing my hands of +an injustice like this. It might be a very politic thing to say: +'There is a feeling in favour of war; I protest against it, but I +wash my hands of it, and shall criticise hereafter the conduct of the +Colonial Secretary.' I have not criticised the conduct of the right +hon. gentleman in this matter except indirectly, because that is not +the question of the moment. The question is to do the best we can to +put an end to this war, and that is why I have seconded, and why I +would venture to urge the House to agree to the amendment which has +been moved, because then the war would cease in a very few days."[8] + +{440} + +On October 20, Mr. Labouchere pointed out that, although the total +cost of our army is £22,000,000, we are "positively spending +£10,000,000 in sending troops to South Africa." He added, with some +truth, that, as the Government had a majority, to ask the House to +vote against these proceedings was useless. But he declared that, in +his opinion, before the war was over, it would cost the country a +hundred millions. A burst of laughter and ironical cheering from the +Ministerialists greeted the statement of the member for Northampton. +They all imagined that Buller would be in Pretoria before Christmas, +and that there would even be some change out of the ten millions +voted. What a chill would have fallen over that light-hearted +assembly if some hand had written on the wall at that moment the real +sum which the South African enterprise so gaily entered upon would +cost the nation! Something well over two hundred millions did not +cover it.[9] + +In March 1900, the War Loan Bill raising a sum of thirty-five +millions was passed through both Houses of Parliament. The events of +the war which had taken place by this time were, briefly, these: The +British dispatch which led up to the Boer ultimatum was presented in +Pretoria on September 25, and the mobilisation of the Boers commenced +on the 27th. The Transvaal ultimatum was presented to the British +agent on October 9, and the war began upon the 11th. At the end of +the first fortnight the English claimed the victories of Talana and +Elandslaagte, whilst the Boers could boast that they had swept the +whole of Natal down to Ladysmith. At Pretoria there was great +jubilation, and the highest expectations of success for the farmers' +arms were entertained. Before Christmas the defeats of Nicholson's +Nek, Stormberg, Magersfontein, and Colenso had plunged England into +depths of gloom. The investment of Ladysmith had been completed, and +the first stage of the war marked by the advance of the Boers into +British territory was over. {441} On the 22nd of December, Lord +Roberts had set sail from Southampton to the Cape. To him the +British Government had turned in its hour of need to restore the +shaken prestige of the British army and to bring the war to a +successful conclusion. Their confidence was justified, though the +conclusion of the war was still far distant. The horrible disaster +of Spion Kop occurred in January, but the middle of March saw Lord +Roberts in Bloemfontein. Ladysmith and Kimberley had been relieved, +and the whole vast territory south of these points was in uncontested +occupation of the British troops. + +In Mr. Labouchere's speech of March 13, on the occasion of the second +reading of the War Loan Bill, he had pleaded eloquently for a +cessation of hostilities in South Africa. The Boers, he said, had +now been driven out of British territory, but the only terms upon +which the British Government would make peace were degrading to a +brave and honest people, namely the surrendering of their +independence, and the blotting of their nationality out of existence. +"Can you tell me of any war," he asked, "in which the vanquished side +asked for terms and were told that the victors would grant terms only +in the capital of the defeated country, and on condition of their +surrendering their independence? I call this thing an iniquity, and +a disgrace to this country to propose such terms. Perhaps the +question of iniquity does not appeal to hon. gentlemen opposite. It +is not only a crime--it is a blunder. I do not believe this is a way +to establish peace and harmony and good feeling in South Africa.... +You are at present appealing to the lowest passions outside of this +House. I do not believe you will succeed in the long run; it may be +that the people will be carried away by the feeling which at present +exists among Englishmen, but they will soon see that they have been +fooled into this war by the vilest body of financiers that ever +existed in this world, and that the opportunity had been taken to lay +hold of the territory and gold, which Lord Salisbury himself boasted +we did not wish for."[10] + +{442} + +There is no doubt that Mr. Labouchere was extremely unpopular in +England during 1900. It was difficult for the man in the street to +separate his political attitude, with regard to the war, from that of +the Irish Nationalists, with whose policy he had been so long +identified, and who welcomed the war as supplying fresh food for +their campaign of denunciation against the British Government, and +who openly expressed their exultation at the Boer successes. Mr. +Labouchere did not rejoice at the British humiliation. The point +that he always had in view was the prevention of more bloodshed, and +the injustice of the annexation of new territory by the force of +numerical superiority. Further, he considered that the negotiations +which took place in the summer and autumn of 1899, before the +outbreak of war, had not been carried on with fairness towards the +Boers. After the President of the Transvaal Republic had agreed to a +seven years' Franchise Law, retrospective in its action, for the +colonists, Mr. Chamberlain took exception to a provision of the new +Bill, which required that the alien desirous of burghership should +produce a certificate of continuous registration during the period +for naturalisation. He suggested further that the details of the +scheme should be discussed by delegates appointed by Sir Alfred +Milner and the Transvaal Government (July 27). The Transvaal +Government, as it had a perfect right to do, instead of immediately +accepting Mr. Chamberlain's suggestion, submitted alternative +proposals to the British Government, which gave most liberal +concessions to the Uitlanders, the details of which were to be +discussed with the British agent at Pretoria. To these proposals +were attached certain conditions, one of which was that "Her +Majesty's Government will not insist further upon the assertion of +suzerainty, the controversy on the subject being tacitly allowed to +drop" (August 19). Mr. Conynghame Greene, the British agent at +Pretoria, wired the Boer proposals and conditions to Sir Alfred +Milner. Sir Alfred Milner wired to Mr. Conynghame Greene in reply: +"If {443} the South African Republic should reply to the invitation +to a joint enquiry put forward by Her Majesty's Government by +formally making the proposals described in your telegram, such a +course would not be regarded by Her Majesty's Government as a refusal +of their offer, but they would be prepared to consider the reply of +the South African Republic on its merits." + +In Mr. Labouchere's opinion, it was at this point of the negotiations +that the disingenuousness of Mr. Chamberlain's action was most +apparent. The formal reply of Her Majesty's Government to the Boer +proposals was delivered on August 30. It declared that the Boer +proposals were accepted, but that the British Government utterly +refused to consider the conditions attached to them. It was obvious +now that the Boers had no other course open to them but to fall back +upon the Commission proposed by Mr. Chamberlain on July 27, and to +which their proposals and conditions were the alternative, and, +according to Sir Alfred Milner's wire to Mr. Conynghame Greene, +understood by both Governments as such. On September 2, therefore, +they asked for further information as to the Joint Committee which +they were now _par force majeure_ and _faute de mieux_ prepared to +accept. The reply they received on September 12 was that "H.M. +Government have been compelled to regard the last proposal of the +Government of the South African Republic as unacceptable in the form +in which it was presented"; that they "cannot now consent to go back +to the proposal for which those in the note of the Government of the +Republic of August 19 are intended as a substitute"; and that, if +those proposals of the Transvaal Government, taken by themselves and +without the conditions attached by that Government, are not agreed +to, "H.M. Government must reserve to themselves the right to +reconsider the situation _de novo_ and to formulate their own +proposals for a final settlement." On September 15, the Secretary of +State of the Transvaal Republic replied that he learned with deep +{444} regret of the withdrawal of the invitation to a joint enquiry. +The proposal of August 19, made by him in the name of his Government, +involved the danger of affecting the independence of the Republic, +but his Government had set against this danger the advantage of +obtaining the assurances mentioned in the conditions. He protested +against the injustice of being asked to grant the original proposals +without the conditions annexed, and he could not understand Mr. +Chamberlain's present refusal to accept the Commission which was his +own alternative. The reply of the Republic consequently was that it +could not grant the first half of the August 19 offer without the +second, but would accept the Joint Commission which had been proposed +by Mr. Chamberlain; that it welcomed the introduction of a Court of +Arbitration, and was willing to help in its formation, but that it +was not clear what were the subjects mentioned as outside the Court +of Arbitration, and it deprecated the foreshadowing of new proposals +without specification. Mr. Reitz finally implored the acceptance of +the Joint Commission, as "if H.M.'s Government are willing and able +to make this decision it will put an end to the present state of +tension, race hatred would decrease and die out, the prosperity and +welfare of the South African Republic and of the whole of South +Africa would be developed and furthered, and fraternisation between +the different nationalities would increase." On September 25 Mr. +Chamberlain replied that no conditions less comprehensive than the +final offer of H.M. Government could be relied upon to effect the +object for which they had been striving. The dispatch concluded with +these words: "H.M. Government will communicate to the High +Commissioner the result of their deliberations in a later dispatch." +On September 30 the British agent at Pretoria telegraphed by request +of the Secretary of State of the Republic to ask what decision had +been taken by the British Government. Mr. Chamberlain replied on +October 2 that "the dispatch of H.M. Government is being prepared +{445} but will not be ready for some days." In the meantime +Parliament had been summoned to grant supplies, the Reserves were +called out, and ships were chartered to convey all available troops +to South Africa. From September 27 to October 8 the President of the +Orange Free State telegraphed frequently to Sir Alfred Milner. He +complained of the concentration of troops on the frontiers of his +State and of the Transvaal, again and again preferred his good +offices to avoid all possibility of war, and in almost every telegram +urged that Her Majesty's Government should at once make known the +"precise nature and scope of the concessions or measures, the +adoption whereof Her Majesty's Government consider themselves +entitled to claim, or which they suggest as being necessary or +sufficient to secure a satisfactory and permanent solution of +existing differences between them and the South African Republic, +whilst at the same time providing a means for settling any others +that may arise in the future." To this request Sir Alfred Milner +made no reply.[11] On October 9 the famous Ultimatum was presented +to the British agent at Pretoria. Amongst other plain statements it +contained words to the effect that the Transvaal felt obliged to +regard the military force in the neighbourhood of its frontiers as a +threat against the Republic, and that it became necessary to ask Her +Majesty's Government to give an assurance that no further troops +should be landed in South Africa, that troops on the borders of the +Republic should be withdrawn either by friendly arbitration or some +other amicable way. In the event of a refusal the Secretary of State +of the Transvaal must regard the action of Her Majesty's Government +as a formal declaration of war. War broke out, as has been said, on +October 11. + +When Lord Roberts marched triumphantly into Pretoria on the 9th of +June, some important letters were found in the capital of the +Transvaal out of which great political interest was made against the +group of Englishmen, of {446} whom Labouchere was one of the most +important, who were known as the "little Englanders" in +contradistinction to the ever growing numbers of "Imperialists." +These letters were sent to Mr. Chamberlain, and a correspondence on +the subject ensued between him and Mr. Labouchere. Mr. Labouchere +published the whole of it in _Truth_, prefacing the letters with the +following remarks:[12] + + +"The correspondence which I print below speaks for itself. I had not +supposed that I was one of the three M.P.'s whose letters had fallen +into the hands of Mr. Chamberlain, as I do not think that I ever +wrote to any one in Pretoria. But I did, before the war, both write +and talk to Mr. Montagu White, the Transvaal representative in +London, and it would seem that he sent some of my letters to +Pretoria. What there is requiring explanation in either my +conversations or correspondence I do not know. The advice which I +gave to Mr. White was that his Government should make reasonable +concessions, and should gain time, in order to tide over the false +impression created by Mr. Chamberlain's appeal to the passions which +had been excited by statements in regard to Boer rule derived from +the 'kept' Rhodesian press in South Africa and the correspondents of +the English newspapers, who were nearly all connected with that 'kept +press' and with the Rhodes gang. Had my advice been followed, there +would have been no war. The difficulty which stood in the way of its +being adopted was that President Kruger and other leading Boers were +fully convinced that Mr. Chamberlain had been in the counsels of the +Jameson-Rhodes conspirators of 1895, and that--no matter what +concessions the Transvaal might make--he was determined to have his +revenge for President Kruger having got the better of him on that +occasion." + + +Here is the correspondence: + + +_Mr. Chamberlain to Mr. Labouchere_ + +COLONIAL OFFICE, Aug. 6, 1900. + +SIR,--I beg to call your attention to the enclosed copy of a letter +from Mr. Montagu White, with copies of two letters {447} purporting +to have been written by you, and to inquire if you desire to offer +any explanations or observations with regard to them.--I am, Sir, +Your obedient, + +J. CHAMBERLAIN. + + +(_Enclosure_) _Mr. Montagu White to Dr. Reitz_[13] + +58 VICTORIA STREET, LONDON, + +Aug. 4, 1899 + +DEAR DR. REITZ,--I feel tired and done for to-night. It is past six +o'clock and I still have forty miles to go before I get home. My +inclination is to wire to you, asking you to tell the British +Government to go to the devil and to do their "darnedest." It is +perfectly sickening the way one is kept in a continual state of +suspense and nervous excitement. Everything is as quiet as possible +on the surface, and there has been a tremendous decrease in press +cuttings which is a sure sign that matters are relapsing into a +normal condition. But I have been able to judge of the effect upon +our friends of hints that we may not be able to accept the proposed +Commission. Without exception, they are one and all dead against our +refusing it, and all agree that we shall have to face a very serious +crisis if we refuse the proposal, and that without the friendly +support of the majority of the newspapers which have hitherto been on +our side. Spender of the _Chronicle_, who has fought consistently +and well for us, tells me that none of them can understand in what +way we shall be worse off for accepting the Commission, for (if) your +people disagree about the finding of the report what can Mr. +Chamberlain do further? Even our best friends say that by rejecting +the report of the Industrial Commission two years ago, we have +allowed things to go so far that it is unwise to talk of +intermeddling in our home affairs as a refusal to entertain what +public opinion here endorses as a fair proposal. The essence of +friendly advice is: Accept the proposal in principle, point out how +difficult it will be to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion as to +statistics, etc., and how undesirable it would be to have a +miscarriage of the Commission. In other words: gain as much time as +you can, and give the public time here to get out of the dangerous +frame of mind which Chamberlain's {448} speeches have created. +Spender is of opinion that after two months' delay all danger will +have vanished. I cannot say I share his optimistic views, for this +sort of thing has been going on for three years. Labouchere said to +me this morning: "Don't for goodness sake, let Mr. Kruger make his +first mistake by refusing this; a little skilful management, and he +will give Master Joe another fall." He further said: "You are such +past masters in the art of gaining time, here is an opportunity; you +surely haven't let your right hands lose their cunning, and you ought +to spin out the negotiations for quite two or three months." I must +leave off now. Please remember one thing: I do not send you my +advice. I send you the opinions of friends and the tendency of +public feeling here. + +Some one sent me some lines parodying R. Kipling's _Lest We Forget_. +I got it published in _Truth_.--Yours very truly, + +MONTAGU WHITE. + + +(_Enclosure_) _Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Montagu White_ + +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Aug. 2, 1899. + +DEAR MR. MONTAGU WHITE,--You will see the lines in _Truth_. I have +altered one or two words to make the grammar all right. I do hope +that President Kruger will manage to accept in some form or another +the reference (proposed conference). Bannerman and all our Front +Bench believe that it is only a way devised by the Cabinet to let Joe +climb down. The new Franchise Act stands. The _onus probandi_ of +showing that it does not give substantial representation to the +Uitlanders and yet leave the Boers masters is with Chamberlain. The +difference between five and seven years is not a ground for proof. +The details for registration do not prove it. Let President Kruger +quote our Registration Laws, which you had better send him, and do +not forget that a lodger has to register every year; he is not +automatically on the Franchise list. In connection with this, Milner +suggested in his dispatch six years. He afterwards said that six was +a mistake for five. But Chamberlain in his reply approved of six. +It is impossible to calculate the effect without knowing how many +Outlanders there are, and how long each has been in the country. To +discover the basis of inquiry would take a long time. As the {449} +decision would go by the majority, the question would be on the +Chairman, who would have a casting vote. Surely it could be arranged +with Natal; the Cape and the Orange Free State, as well as the +Transvaal, should be represented, with the Chairman an Englishman who +has not yet expressed an opinion. + +My own impression is that comparatively few will ever become Boers +amongst the English; they will not like to give up their nationality. +The President has a great opportunity to give Joe another fall. If +at the same time the Dynamite Concession is abrogated there will be a +rise in many shares, and this will be regarded as a barometer that +everything is going on well and satisfactorily. The great thing is +to gain time. In a few months we shall be howling about something in +another part of the world.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +(_Enclosure_) _Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Montagu White_ + +5 OLD PALACE YARD, S.W., Aug. 4, 1899. + +DEAR MR. WHITE,--It is the general opinion that Chamberlain "climbed +down." As Bannerman put it to me: "His speech was a little bluster +of his own with the main parts arranged by his colleagues, and they +sat by like policemen to see that he read them." As a matter of fact +he did read all the important parts. + +If the President agrees to the Committee it will, under clever +tactics, take months to settle conditions, and then it will take +further months to come to a decision. If the basis is established +that there shall be a substantial representation of the Uitlanders, +yet not such as can endanger the majority of the Boers, no harm can +well come of the Commission. The only difficulty is that it is a +sort of recognition of our right to meddle. But this might be +avoided in two ways: (1) By getting Schreiner into it and making it a +sort of South African affair; (2) by making a bargain and agreeing +only on the understanding that there should be arbitration on all +matters affecting the true reading of the Convention. But if the +latter is proposed then the President should put in some proposal for +the Chief Justices and one Imperial Judge or Governor to be the +tribunal. + +The universal opinion is that the Cabinet has forced all this {450} +upon Chamberlain, and that they are determined not to have war and to +do something to let him down easily. Salisbury's speech was +conceived on these lines, and a little vague bluster but nothing +more. I accentuated Bannerman's declaration about hostilities; this +pledges the Liberal party against war.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +_Mr. Labouchere to Mr. Chamberlain_ + + HOTEL AND PENSION WALDHAUS, + VULPERA TARASP, ENGADIN SCHWEIZ, Aug. 18, 1900. + +SIR,--I beg to acknowledge your letter of Aug. 6, enclosing copy of a +letter of Mr. Montagu White, with copies of two letters "purporting +to have been written by me," and inquiring if I desire to offer any +explanation or observations with regard to them. + +For what I may have written or said to Mr. Montagu White I am +responsible to the House of Commons, of which I am a member; to my +constituents who have done me the honour to send me there; and to the +law. To you I owe no sort of explanation. I ascribe, therefore, +your invitation to furnish you with one in respect to the enclosed +letters to the singular illusion that no matter what course you may +see fit to adopt, whether as a Conservative or a Liberal Minister, +all owe you a personal explanation who take the liberty to disapprove +of it, and to do their best to prevent its bringing us into +unnecessary hostilities with some foreign power. Whilst not +recognising this pretension on your part, I will, however, offer you +some observations in regard to these letters, as you apparently +desire that I should do so. + +The letters of mine enclosed were, I do not doubt, written by me. +The only exception that I have to take to the copies is that a few of +the words in them are, I should fancy, erroneously copied, as they do +not make sense. The advice tendered in them seems to me to be +excellent, and I know of no reason why I should not have addressed it +to Mr. White, who was then the representative of a country with which +we were at peace. Many letters passed before the War between that +gentleman and myself. He was most desirous that all possibility of +war should be removed, and {451} that harmony and good feeling should +be established on a firm basis between Great Britain and the +Transvaal. This we both thought could only be effected by a full +recognition of the Convention of 1884, as explained by Lord Derby, +who signed it for Great Britain, and by reasonable concessions on the +part of the Transvaal Government in regard to the naturalisation and +electoral franchise of the Uitlanders domiciled in the Republic. I +therefore suggested that the Transvaal Government should grant to +such domiciled aliens naturalisation and electoral franchise of the +Uitlanders on precisely the same terms as they are granted to aliens +in Great Britain. A law thus framed would, I thought, not be open to +objection on your part, and would put an end to all the carping +criticisms raised by you in respect to small and unimportant details +in the concessions that you were forcing on the Transvaal in regard +to these matters, and which seemed to me hardly calculated to bring +about a peaceful solution of the situation. If I remember rightly +the last letters exchanged between Mr. White and myself were just +before the close of the normal session of Parliament last year. Mr. +White in his letter informed me that he had received a communication +from Mr. Reitz, the Transvaal Sec. of State, in which that gentleman +told him that, although he had always been a strong advocate for all +reasonable reforms in respect of the Uitlanders, and although he had +used all his influence to promote a peaceful solution of the pending +issues between the two countries, your despatches were so +persistently insulting in their tone, and all concessions made by his +Government were so invariably met by you with fresh demands, that +even the most moderate of the Transvaal Burghers were becoming +convinced that you were determined to oblige them either to surrender +at discretion to all that you might demand, or to defend by arms the +position secured to the Transvaal by the Convention of 1884. He +therefore suggested that the negotiations should be taken in hand by +Lord Salisbury, in which case he was convinced that a settlement +satisfactory to both sides would be easily come to. As I entirely +agreed with this opinion of Mr. Reitz, and believed that you were the +chief impediment to such a settlement, I replied to Mr. White that +the tenor of Mr. Reitz's communication should be conveyed to a +leading member of the Cabinet, and that {452} I hoped--although I did +not expect--that the suggestion would bear fruit. + +As I gathered from your observations in the House of Commons that you +had not made up your mind whether you would publish the letters of +Members of Parliament to Transvaal authorities that had fallen into +your hands, I will--so far as my letters are concerned--relieve you +of further consideration by publishing them myself, together with +this correspondence. I have often urged that the public should have +the advantage of a full knowledge of all documents which are likely +to enable them to form a sound judgment in respect to the issues that +have arisen in South Africa. Might I, with all respect, venture to +suggest to you that you should follow my example? The Secretary of +State for Foreign Affairs (whoever he may be) and Her Majesty's +representatives in foreign capitals correspond not only by +despatches, but by what they are pleased to term "private letters," +which are to all intents and purposes despatches. I presume that the +same course is usual between Secretaries of State for the Colonies +and Her Majesty's Colonial Governors. You have announced that you +are in favour of a "new diplomacy" in which nothing is kept back from +the public. Would it be too much to ask you to inaugurate the "new +diplomacy" by publishing all the so-called private letters that have +been exchanged between you and the Governors of Natal and the Cape +Colony; and all the letters and despatches exchanged between these +Governors and our military commanders in South Africa, of which you +may have copies? Without these documents it is impossible that +either the House of Commons or the electors of the United Kingdom can +form a true conclusion in regard to the "diplomacy" that led to the +war, or be able to affix the responsibility on the right shoulders in +respect to our lack of preparation for hostilities in South Africa +and our initial reverses. If it is too much to hope that you will +act on this suggestion, I would venture to urge that at least you +should publish the correspondence between yourself and Mr. Hawksley +in regard to your alleged knowledge of the contemplated +Rhodes-Jameson conspiracy of 1894. Mr. Hawksley is still, and then +was, the solicitor of the Chartered Company of South Africa, and is a +close friend and confidant of Mr. Rhodes. When the Parliamentary +Committee {453} of Inquiry into all connected with the conspiracy was +sitting, Mr. Hawksley was a witness. He alluded to this +correspondence. But when I wished to examine him about it--which was +my right as a member of the Committee according to Parliamentary +usage--this was not permitted by the Committee. After the Report of +the Committee was published Mr. Hawksley made public his conviction +that, if this correspondence saw the light, a guilty knowledge of the +conspiracy would be brought home to you. When the debate on the +Report took place in the House of Commons, he placed the +correspondence in the hands of a member with instructions to read it +if you made any attack upon Mr. Rhodes. Far, however, from doing +this, you went out of your way to assert that Mr. Rhodes had done +nothing to invalidate his rights to be considered an honourable man, +although only a few days before you had agreed to a report in which +he was branded as having been guilty of dishonourable conduct. Since +then, again and again, you have been asked to produce the +correspondence. But this you have persistently refused to do, +although no public interest could suffer by the production. Yet, if +Mr. Hawksley is wrong in the inference he deduces from the +correspondence, it is obvious that its publication would go far to +allay the suspicion which led President Kruger to doubt your desire +for a peaceful solution of the strained relations that existed +between Her Majesty's Government and that of the Transvaal Republic, +and which even now militates against all good feeling between the +colonists of South Africa of British and Dutch origin. + +I trust that you will excuse my venturing to make these suggestions. +I do so because I heartily agree with you as to the desirability of +the "new diplomacy." It is the only way in which that popular +control can be established over the Executive which is essential in a +self-governing community, if it is to escape from falling under the +domination of some purely unscrupulous adventurer gifted with a ready +tongue. + +I believe with my leader, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, that the war +might and ought to have been avoided, and I cannot help hoping that +my letters which have fallen into your hands will show you that I +laboured to the best of my ability in order that it should be +avoided. Unfortunately these efforts were not {454} successful. The +war was commenced under a lamentable ignorance on the part of Her +Majesty's Ministers of the resistance which the two Dutch Republics +would oppose to our arms. Reverses followed owing to the meddling of +civilians in military matters. Pretoria, Johannesburg, and +Bloemfontein are in our hands. The Orange River Free State has been +annexed. The Transvaal Republic has been annexed. Under these +circumstances peace and prosperity can only be restored in South +Africa when all suspicion is removed that the Secretary of State for +the Colonies was actuated by his previous relations with the +Rhodes-Jameson conspiracy in forcing a war. I am sure, too, that you +will agree with me that it will not be right for the electors of the +United Kingdom to be called upon to pronounce an opinion on the +policy of a war which has cost us thousands of valuable lives and +tens of millions of money, as well as on the mode in which the war +has been conducted, until all that can enable them to arrive at a +conclusion has seen the light.--I am, Sir, Your obedient servant, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + +_P.S._--If you desire to offer any explanations or observations with +regard to your action in respect to South Africa, they will receive +due consideration. + +The Rt. Hon. J. Chamberlain, etc., etc. + + +Mr. Labouchere wisely remarked at about this period of the South +African War: "War is war. The old Greek line holds good that in war +the great ones go mad, and the people where it takes place weep. +This must inevitably always be the case." With equal force, but less +elegance, he also remarked: "I do not waste my time in answering +abuse. I am accustomed to it and I thrive under it like a field that +benefits by the manure that is carted on to it." He must have +thriven exceedingly during the summer of 1900, for the amount of +abuse collected and thrown over him was phenomenal. Most of it was +extracted from the most shadowy appearances of fact possible. The +Conference, or Commission, referred to in the Pretoria +correspondence, was {455} understood by papers of quite high +standing, such even as the _Birmingham Post_, to be the Bloemfontein +Conference, the abortive proceedings of which had come to an end +early in June, 1899. Nevertheless, Mr. Labouchere was accused by the +press of having, in his letters to Mr. Montagu White, elaborated a +scheme, to make the conference at Bloemfontein not only a failure, +but a deliberately planned sham. With regard to the cry of treason +which was raised against him indiscriminately, the dates on the +letters--even had his communications been of a treasonable +nature--rendered such a charge childish in the extreme. + +As soon as Mr. Labouchere received Mr. Chamberlain's letter with its +enclosures, which followed him to the retired Swiss Valley where he +was spending his holiday, he wrote at once to the leader of his party +telling him of what had occurred. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was +spending August at Marienbad, and wrote him the following letter in +reply: + + +MARIENBAD, Aug. 22, 1900. + +MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--I am much interested in your story, and shall +look forward to my _Truth_ with extra avidity. All you describe was +perfectly proper and legitimate this time last year, or indeed at any +time: and where high treason comes in I cannot see. My little +facetiousness will do the great man no harm if it is published. I +remember the fact perfectly. All the while the statesman was +speaking, Aaron-Balfour and Hur-Hicks Beach were not holding up his +hands, but watching, with anxious faces, his every word. + +Mark Lockwood, who is here, told me that you were one culprit, and +that the other was no other than the ingenuous John Ellis, who was +guilty of writing to some lady asking whether the stories of strange +doings under martial law were authentic! If this is all one may +exclaim _tantæne animis cælestibus iræ_? Can our Sec. of State be so +small-minded! + +What a gorgeous palace you are living in! It quite eclipses anything +here, even in your favourite St. John's Wood quarter. {456} They are +all there: at least a fair representation, ready for Him. But alas +He does not come. Weather superb here, but not much company to amuse +or interest.--Yours, + +H.C.B. + + +The war dragged on until the May of 1902, when the Boers were obliged +to make peace, not so much on account of the military situation as +because the burghers were weary of fighting and wanted to lay down +their arms. And what else could be expected of them? Half the +national army were prisoners of war, nearly four thousand had been +killed, the rest were weakening and dwindling hourly, twenty thousand +women and children had died in the concentration camps, thousands +more were perishing on the veld. There was no help from Cape Colony, +no help from Europe, no help from the sympathetic minority in England +itself.[14] The national representatives of the South African +Republic and the Orange Free State were given three days in which to +consider the conditions of peace which were put before them by Sir +Alfred Milner, and which they were told were absolutely final. Their +answer was given on the 31st, at five minutes past eleven, only an +hour before the expiry of the term of grace. The last few moments of +their conference were occupied by President Schalk Burger, who closed +the melancholy meeting with these words: + +"We are standing here at the grave of the two Republics. Much yet +remains to be done, although we shall not be able to do it in the +official capacities which we have formerly occupied. Let us not draw +our hands back from the work which it is our duty to accomplish. Let +us ask God to guide us, and to show us how we shall be able to keep +our nation together. We must be ready to forgive and forget whenever +we meet our brethren. That part of our nation which has proved +unfaithful we must not reject." + +In considering the part Mr. Labouchere played in the {457} +discussions that took place in Parliament and in the press, during +the pitiful struggle, no attitude but one of admiration for his +consistency and envy of his courage can be maintained for a moment. +This chapter cannot be better closed than with a repetition of his +own words, expressed valiantly at the moment when he was of all men +in England perhaps, the most unpopular: "The best settlement that can +be made now will be worse for all parties than the settlement which +could have been effected by tact and self-restraint had the Boers +never been goaded into war. I adhere to everything that I have ever +said as to the causes that brought on this war, with all its +disastrous results. I retract not one word that I have published in +_Truth_, or spoken in Parliament, or written in any letter, or +uttered in any shape or form about the Chamberlain diplomacy and the +Chamberlain war."[15] + + + +[1] _Times' History of the War in South Africa_, vol. i. + +[2] The Hawkesley telegrams. These were subsequently published in +the _Independence Belge_. + +[3] _Report from the Select Committee on British South Africa_, 1897. + +[4] _Truth_, Jan. 9, 1896. + +[5] _Truth_, April 2, 1896. + +[6] _Times' History of the War in South Africa_, vol. ii. + +[7] _Hansard_, vol. 74, July 7, 1899. + +[8] _Hansard_, vol. 77, Oct. 17, 1899. + +[9] Henry W. Lucy, _The Balfourian Parliament_. + +[10] _Hansard_, vol. 80, March 13, 1900. + +[11] _Truth_, Sept. 13, 1899. + +[12] _Truth_, Aug. 23, 1900. + +[13] Secretary of State of the Transvaal Republic. + +[14] _Times' History of the War in South Africa_, vol. v. + +[15] _Truth_, Sept. 6, 1900. + + + + +{458} + +CHAPTER XVII + +LABOUCHERE AND SOCIALISM + +We have seen the depth and intensity of Labouchere's political views. +Conservatism in its Tory or Whig form he hated and relentlessly +fought. On the other hand, it is not to be doubted that some of the +modern developments of the social side of radical policy since his +retirement from politics would be far from meeting with his approval. +The fact is that he was as strongly anti-socialist as +anti-conservative. He believed in competition as a principle of +social existence and inequality as a natural fact, although he held +firmly that the natural inequality of men should not be reinforced or +distorted by the artificial inequality of rank. He did not believe +that the task of government could rightly be held to imply moral +responsibility towards weaklings; such as were unable to survive by +themselves should not be assisted to do so. This was his theory; in +his personal relations with others he often failed to practise it. +"A fair field and no favour" was his social formula. Government +might legitimately intervene to prevent such abuse of opportunity as +might result from the business relations of employers and employees; +but when all was done that could be done in that way, it was a man's +natural qualities that enabled him to swim or doomed him to sink. +Any attempt to interfere by legislation with this ultimate +differentiation of nature was in his opinion immoral and sentimental +folly. A Cabinet had no charge of souls, it was {459} merely a +business concern running the affairs of the nation as cheaply and +effectively as possible. + +It is evident that a man holding these opinions could not be other +than unfavourable to Socialism. The question of Socialism, indeed, +as a practical factor in politics hardly presented itself during the +most active period of his political life, but in later days it came +to the fore, and that, as might have been expected, in his own +constituency, so largely composed of workers. In going through Mr. +Labouchere's papers I have come across the report of a public debate +which he held with Mr. Hyndman, the well-known Socialist leader, in +the Town Hall of Northampton. The discussion is interesting as +illustrating very clearly Mr. Labouchere's own view of the whole +problem of labour and also as showing the definite line of cleavage +between the spirit of the older radicalism in popular estimation, at +all events, and much that is identified with the radicalism of to-day. + +Mr. Labouchere had been heckled in a more or less friendly way by +some Socialist listeners at one of his meetings and had in +consequence consented to meet Mr. Hyndman in debate. The subject of +discussion was: "The socialisation of the means of production, +distribution, and exchange to be controlled by a Democratic State in +the interest of the entire community, and the complete emancipation +of labour from the domination of capitalism and landlordism, with the +establishment of social and economic equality between the sexes." + +Mr. Hyndman opened the discussion with a speech of great eloquence. +He began by denouncing the terrible evils of poverty and sickness +among the working classes. "There are through the length and breadth +of England large proportions of the population sunk into the most +terrible misery--misery which I will defy you to find equalled in the +most savage tribes on the planet." The growth of wealth and poverty +were admitted to be simultaneous and out of the total wealth produced +the workers only took a quarter or, {460} on the most favourable +showing, a third. "That means that for every stroke of work the +producer does for himself he does three for other people. It had +been said that the prevalent misery had been exaggerated by +Socialists, but according to the statistics of Mr. Charles Booth, who +was no Socialist, 180,000 families were living in London below the +level at which a family could subsist. City life debilitated country +stock, and the third and fourth generations of those who have come +into our great cities become valueless even for capitalists to make +tools out of." + +All this was misery due to capitalists and the system of wagedom. On +the other hand, the economic forms of to-day were rapidly weakening, +and the probability was that capitalism would drift much sooner than +was expected into universal bankruptcy. "I long to see--I am not +afraid to repeat the words--a complete social revolution, which shall +transform our present society, by inevitable causes, from senseless +and miserable competition, in which men fight and struggle with one +another like pigs at a trough (the biggest hog perhaps getting his +nose in first, and, it may be, upsetting the whole thing), into +glorious and universal co-operation where each shall work for all and +all for each. + +"Even now, if it were not for competition, there would be plenty, and +more than plenty, for all. I say that the economic forms are ready +for the transformation I have spoken of. But first, what is our +position of to-day? The old Malthusian delusions are gone. +Everybody can see that where the power to produce wealth is +increasing a hundredfold, at the same time the population is +increasing but one per cent. per annum. It is not over-population +that causes the difficulty, but the miserable system of distributing +the wealth which the population creates. What are the conditions +to-day? What are the powers of production at the control of mankind? +Never in the history of man were they near what they were to-day. At +this present moment, Mr. Chairman, according to the evidence of the +{461} American statist, Mr. Atkinson, on the great factory farms in +the west of America, four men, working with improved and competent +machinery upon the soil, will provide enough food for 1000; and in +every other department of industry it is true in a like, or almost in +a like degree. The power of man to produce cloth, linen, boots, for +instance, is infinitely greater than ever before in the history of +the race. What is more, it has trebled, quadrupled, centupled within +the last fifty or a hundred years. What is then your difficulty at +the present moment? Not as in old times, a difficulty to produce +enough wealth, but the fact that your very machines which are so +powerful to make wealth for all, are used against you in order to +turn thousands of you out on the streets. It is no longer, as at was +in some earlier communities, the power to produce wealth that is +lacking. In Northampton as in every industrial town in England, you +see great mechanical forces around you, but the workmen instead of +controlling the machines are controlled by them. And the products? +What is our theory? This. All production to-day is practically +social. Everything that is produced is produced for exchange and in +order to make profit. Commodities are socially produced by +co-operation on the farm, in the great workshop, in the mine. But +the moment the product is produced it ceases to belong to those who +have produced it and goes into the hands of the employing capitalist, +who uses it in order that he may make out of it a personal gain. +Consequently, you have here a direct and distinct antagonism between +the form of production and the form of exchange. On the one hand, +you have got great mechanical forces socially used simply for +production for profit, whereas if they were socially used and the +product socially exchanged every member of the community would +benefit. To-day every increase in the power of machinery may result, +frequently does result, in hundreds, or thousands, or tens of +thousands of hands being thrown out unemployed on the market. Under +the system of society we are inevitably {462} coming to those very +powers which will engender wealth, happiness, and contentment for +all." + +Mr. Labouchere then rose and replied as follows: + +"As your Chairman has already told you, this meeting is the outcome +of a remark I made the other day when I was down here. Some of those +who entertain strong Socialist views were asking me this or that +question on the occasion of my giving an account of my stewardship +before the electors of this town. I pointed out that Socialism was +only one of the subjects I had got to deal with, but if they would +excuse me from going into details then I should be able to come down +and discuss with them. I did not anticipate then that we were to +have the pleasure of Mr. Hyndman's company in that discussion. I +thought it was to be a sort of free-and-easy between the Socialists +and myself. But you have sent for your big gun to demolish me. I +can only lay before you my own views and those of the Radical Party +upon social matters, and make a few observations, showing, as I +think, that Mr. Hyndman's system, a very millennial system it is no +doubt, is neither practicable, nor, if carried out, would effect the +ends which he anticipates. Now, Mr. Hyndman's system, I fully admit, +is for the entire regeneration--he has told us so, I think--of the +world. It is to be carried out by a scheme which has never yet, +since the commencement of the world, been tried. No doubt, as Mr. +Hyndman has stated, there are evils, very great evils, and much +misery in the world under the present system. But it is not enough +to prove that to show that any particular remedy will do away with +them. There is, no doubt, a great deal of sickness in this world. +That we all admit. But we should be amused if a doctor came forward +and said: 'If you try this particular pill you will find that all +sickness will be driven away from the entire world. You are a +criminal, you are mistaken, if you don't take that pill.' But Mr. +Hyndman's plan goes much further than the example of the pill. You +must remember that if Mr. Hyndman's plan were not successful it would +ruin this {463} country and everyone in it. Surely, then, it is our +business as practical men to look thoroughly and cautiously into this +plan before we adopt it. Mr. Hyndman himself will admit that it is, +at least, a leap in the dark. Mr. Hyndman has a light in his hand, +but this light is not sufficient to tell us what would occur if we +were to take this leap. I am not going to say just now whether it +would be successful or unsuccessful; all I say is, we ought to look +at this matter in a thorough strict and business manner, not dealing +with it in vague generalities, but looking into it in all its +details, because when it comes to a question of any business, the +real consideration in deciding whether the business is a sound one or +an unsound one is not of generalities but essentially of details. +Now I think that Mr. Hyndman, whether his plan be good or not, +somewhat exaggerates the evils of the present system. Mr. Hyndman +told us just now that in towns labour was in such a condition that +those who engaged in labour faded out in three generations. Well, I +confess I was astonished at that. I don't suppose you are all +descended from Norman ancestors or anything of that, but I put it to +you. Many of you can surely remember that you had +great-grandfathers; many of you had great-grandfathers who lived in +Northampton. There are many of you whose grandfathers, whose fathers +were engaged in labour. You are engaged in labour yourselves. Do +you feel yourselves such a puny miserable body of men that you are +going absolutely to die out? But I forget. It is not that you are +going to die out, you have died out according to Mr. Hyndman. Then +what do I see before me? As the American says: 'Is there ghosts +here?' Are you human beings? There you stand; you have been engaged +in trade; you have been for many generations in Northampton; I do +think you have utterly deteriorated--that you are absolutely worth +nothing. But statistics prove the contrary of what Mr. Hyndman says. +If you take the death-rate in any large town--Manchester, Birmingham, +or London, for instance--you will find that, so far from having {464} +gone up, it has gone down. Notwithstanding the misery that no doubt +exists, the towns are more healthy now than before. Now, I do not +think that Mr. Hyndman seems to understand precisely the present +system under which we live. ['How about yourself?'] My friend says +'How about myself?' I am going to explain the present system. In an +argument it is always desirable to take some common ground, and we +may take this as a common ground: the end of all government is to +secure to the greatest numbers such a condition of existence that all +may obtain fair wages for a fair day's work, and that all may be +employed; and that the government is good or bad in proportion as it +approaches to this goal. Now, gentlemen, there are Individualists +and there are Collectivists. Modern Radicalism, I would point out to +you, recognises this perfectly. It recognises perfectly that while +Individualism is a necessary basis for social organisation, yet there +is a very great deal that the State can do. Modern Radicalism is in +favour of both Collectivism and Individualism. Now I will read to +you some words I wrote down some time ago--words that were used by a +statesman whom I do not always agree with on foreign politics, but +who, in domestic politics, is a very sensible man. Speaking before +some association, Lord Rosebery said this: + +"'Do not be frightened by words or phrases in carrying out your +designs, but accept help from whatever quarter it comes. The world +seems to be tottering now between two powers, neither of which I +altogether follow. The one is Socialism, the other is Individualism. +I follow neither the one school nor the other, but something may be +borrowed from the spirit of each to get the best qualities of +each--to borrow from Socialism its large, general conception of +municipal life, and from Individualism to take its spirit of +self-respect and self-reliance in all practical affairs.' + +"Upon that subject those are essentially my views; and I would +contend they are the views of the Radical Party {465} as it at +present exists. Now I am coming to our present system. I am going +to say something for this poor old system. I have often, in +different parts of Northampton, attacked the details of the system. +I am now going to say there is something good in it. Mr. Hyndman +seems to consider that the world is composed of a great many men who +are engaged in labour on the one side, and on the other a great many +huge capitalists who exploit those men. Mr. Hyndman told you that +the man engaged in manual labour only receives a third of the value +of his labour, and that the other two-thirds go to those horrible +capitalists. Gentlemen, I essentially and absolutely deny that such +is the case. But allow me to point first to these capitalists. Now +a difference is often made between the amount obtained by labour and +the amount obtained by those who do not engage in manual labour. It +is exceedingly difficult to arrive at exact figures, and for this +reason, that when you take what you call the national income of the +country it is often forgotten that the national income is very much +counted twice or three times over. Take, in the first place, the +income tax returns. I want to show you how money is really +distributed. There is about £100,000,000 coming to individuals in +England from investments in foreign bonds. Very well, and you surely +will admit that that is not derived from the labour of Englishmen. +Then £49,000,000 is paid to officials. It sounds an enormous +quantity, this £49,000,000 paid to officials of the imperial and +local government. I have often thought that a great many officials +are paid a great deal too high, but we are not entering into that +this evening, and there must be some officials; there must be some +government, and payment of the officials does not directly come from +the sweat and labour of working men. Then there is £143,000,000 +derived from public companies. Now these public companies are all in +shares. These shares, too, are held by small men, not by great men. +A vast number of men hold them. Remember that the whole system of +limited liability companies are {466} really created in order to +enable small men to act together and hold their own against the very +rich men. + +I now come to the real amount which is directly derived from +production and distribution, banking and such like; which directly +goes into their pockets from the labour of working men. For this +amount you must consult what is called Schedule D of the Income Tax. +That schedule puts down the professions and trades. Altogether the +total is £147,000,000 on which the tax is raised. That is the amount +of the income. Now, if you take the professions, law, medicine, art, +etc., as producing £67,000,000--I believe that is considered a fair +amount--£80,000,000 is left for all the traders, all the shopkeepers, +all the bankers, and all the middlemen of the entire country. Well +now, you must remember another thing. You must remember that these +incomes are not eaten by the men who have them, but really go back to +labour. ['No, no.'] Did I hear somebody say 'No'? You do say 'No,' +do you? Well, then, tell me what does become of them? Let a man +spend his money in luxuries as he likes; these have to be produced; +he is a consumer; it may be a foolish one, but his money goes back +and forms a part of the entire wage fund of the country. When you +say they have not a right to waste and squander their money, I think +it would be better if they did not. But just remember how much is +spent in the drink trade in this country. Let us look at ourselves a +little, or I will trouble you to look at yourselves a little. +£132,000,000 is the amount, I think, that is spent every year in +drink. Of that £80,000,000, it is estimated, is spent by the working +classes. I am not going into the question of drink, whether right or +wrong, foolish or proper; I only want to point out that every class, +to a very considerable extent, squanders a good deal of its means. +Gentlemen, there is no more incontrovertible fact than this--that the +more capital there is in the country the better it is for the country +and the better it is for labour. I have already pointed out that it +itself creates labour by those {467} persons who have capital +consuming the capital. For instance, this £100,000,000 which comes +from foreign investments: would it be of any use that its owners +should fly from this country with their £100,000,000 per annum? It +is better that they should spend it here. + +"There are other advantages connected with capital. Mr. Hyndman has +pointed to the evils of competitions. Now I am going to show you +that competition is really to the advantage of the working man. You +will admit that a certain amount of capital is necessary in order to +fructify industry. You have to have a factory, plant, and a wage +fund. All this requires capital. The cheaper capital is obtained +the more there remains for wage fund. On that there can be no sort +of difference. ['How is it we never get it?'] Well, you are begging +the question. I am going to show you that you do get it. Owing to +this country having so much increased in wealth the interest upon +capital has gone down. There is perpetual competition going on among +capitalists themselves. This is proved by facts. In 1800 the +interest on money was about five per cent.; at the present moment +interest is rather less than four per cent. All that is taken away +from capital most unquestionably goes to labour. It cannot go +anywhere else. This is why countries compete for capital. Look at +our colonies and foreign nations. Do not they all compete for +capital? Of course they do. There is a third reason: the greater +number of rich you have in a country, the greater the amount of wool +which you may shear for the national expenditure. Take Northampton. +Suppose twenty men came here, each with £10,000 per annum. You would +say it is an uncommonly lucky thing they have come to Northampton. +We'll levy rates upon their houses, and they will spend money here +and benefit the town. Suppose these men came with £100,000 and +suppose they put up some hosiery factories. Surely you admit that +that would be a great advantage to the town of Northampton. +Evidently, the greater the amount of {468} capital attracted to any +one particular place the greater the advantage to that place. The +idea of driving away capital is much like a farmer saying: I will +drive away my sheep because these sheep eat grass. They do eat +grass. But the grass is converted into mutton. In the same way the +money of the capitalists is converted into a labour fund for you. +Well, gentlemen, I say the only way for a country to be prosperous is +to encourage capital to go there, and the only way to encourage +capital to go there is to give some sort of security to capital. + +"What is the difference between this country and Persia, or any other +Eastern country? In the Eastern country a despot is always laying +hands on every atom a man can save. A man therefore hides away, or +runs away, from the country with his savings. The result is that the +country is poor and the working men of that country are poor. Now +take the cases of China and this country. In China there are +400,000,000 inhabitants. No doubt the Chinese work very hard. There +is, however, no capital there; there is no safety for capital. And +the consequence is that the Chinese labourers do not produce so much +as the comparatively few million workers in England. Moreover, every +fifteen Chinese do not get the wage of one single working man in +England. The reason is that the Chinese are not industrially +organised. They have not the advantage of capital to aid them in +producing. Each works, so to say, on his own hand, with the result +that they are far worse off than the men in the factory which has +been brought into existence by capital. + +"Now, gentlemen, I will take a cotton factory, under the present +system. It has to be built and equipped. That requires capital. +There is capital required for the wage fund, that is to say, to pay +wages to the men during the year, because of course the money does +not come in until the end of the year, and then capital is required +to buy the raw material. Mr. McCulloch says that for every adult +thousand men employed in such a factory £100,000 is required for +fixed capital, £60,000 is required for a wage fund, and {469} +£200,000 is required for the purchase of raw material. The total is +£360,000. Now, gentlemen, the first charge is obviously interest on +capital. You must get the capital in some way. Assume that you +borrow it. You get interest on capital. Another charge is the raw +material. Raw material you cannot alter because the cotton comes +from abroad. All you can do in order to increase the amount going to +the wage fund is to reduce the amount that goes as interest on +capital, and that which is called profit to the undertaker of the +concern. Now what is the profit in the whole of the textile trade? +The profit and the interest on capital do not amount to more than +four per cent. A portion of that goes to the capitalist and the +remainder for the organising skill and intelligence of the man who +brings the whole thing together and works it. Well, you surely will +not tell me that that is excessive. It is rather too little. For my +part I have often wondered why in the world a man takes the risks of +trade instead of investing his money in something that brings him in +four per cent. Mr. Hyndman talked of the gambling interests of the +capitalists. Why, that is all for your benefit. Each capitalist, +call him a gambler or a vain man, thinks himself cleverer than other +people and says, I am going to make a fortune. One does make twenty +per cent., and the other gets ruined. But if you take the whole body +of capitalists their profits come out at four per cent. If it were +not for the gambling chance, or the ability shown by some undertaken +in making this four per cent., you would not get money at so low a +rate of interest as now, nor would you get a body of skilled +organisers ready to take so little as they do take at the present +moment for their ability and work. Now, Mr. Hyndman will, I think, +admit with me that the thousand men would not produce so much were it +not for the organising powers of some man, and also for the capital +employed. We know they would not. Each man without the aid of +capital would make so much a day. With the organisation and with the +capital employed in the {470} business he makes a great deal more, so +that he really benefits--he gets more than he would from his own +particular separate work. He gets more that is from his collective +work by this application of capital and organisation than he would be +logically entitled to were he to work without the aid of capital and +machinery. + +"Now I am going to show you by a few figures what benefit capital has +been to the working man. Here, again, you have a great difficulty +with the figures. They are calculated out by various men, but I +think this conclusion is generally accepted. In 1800 all that was +earned, obtained, secured in wages to working men was seventy +millions sterling. In 1860 this had increased to 400 millions. In +1860 the numbers engaged in manual labour were double those engaged +in 1800, so you must make a deduction for that. It would then stand +thus, that whereas a man got seventy pence, shillings, or pounds for +his work in 1800, in 1860 by the co-operation of capital he received +200. But it is even more at the present time, for he now receives +600 millions. There is a dispute as to whether it is 500 millions or +600 millions. Mr. Giffen says it is 600, Mr. Leone Levi says it is +531. Mr. Hyndman says it is 300. Well, anyhow, that is two to one. +I stand by Mr. Giffen and Mr. Leone Levi and take the figure as at +531. But here again is another way of putting it. In the first year +of the present reign, the gross income of the country was 515 +millions. Of this 235 millions went to labour. Labour at the +present time gets 531 millions according to the lower estimate of +Professor Leone Levi, consequently labour now gets more than the +income of the entire country at the commencement of the present reign. + +"Gentlemen, there can be no more erroneous idea than to suppose, as +Mr. Hyndman apparently (as I gathered from him) laid down, that the +lot of the working man is not bettered by machinery, or that +machinery by doing part of the work now done by working men either +increases the number of hours or reduces the wages of labour. My +contention is {471} that it reduces the number of hours and increases +the wage of the individual. Listen to this: Machinery, of course, is +revolutionising the labour market; but it is not found that +machinery, while it displaces labour, though opening up new channels +for the displaced workers, either increases the hours of labour or +decreases the remuneration. Before the Sweating Committee it was +stated that the wages of nailmakers in this country was 12s. a week +on the average. The American nailer earns £6 a week; yet American +nails are only half the price of English. The explanation is that, +owing to excellent machinery and efficient labour, maintained by high +wages and short hours, the American produces 2½ tons of nails while +the English man or woman is making two cwt. You say 'Shame!' I say, +'Why don't you do it?' Why don't you follow the example of the +Americans? + +"Take again the illustration of a Waterbury watch. So exact is the +machinery which cuts the different parts of this watch that an +assistant will put one of these instruments together in a few minutes +by selecting at random a piece from as many heaps as there are parts +in the watch. Yet the workmen earn 45s. a week, and the watches can +be sold cheaper than those made by workmen earning 8s. or 9s. a week +in the Black Forest. How is this? Because by the aid of his +improved machinery the American completes 150 watches in the same +time as the European is painfully manufacturing forty. You will say +that some capitalist wrote that; some man who was unfit to judge the +matter. I will tell you who the capitalist was. I got it out of +Reynolds's newspaper last Saturday. As I pointed out, in the factory +you have these diverse charges--the charge for interest, the charge +for ability in organising, and the charge for the wage of the worker. +The business, I hold, of the wage worker is to see that he gets a +fair wage; and it is because the only way to do this is to combine in +trade unions that I am one of the strongest advocates of trade +unionism in the whole country. Then take distribution. I leave +{472} out the carriage and sale of the various articles in the shops. +Here again competition reduces prices. You know that as well as I +do. You know perfectly well that you see stuck up in some shops: +'Come and buy here; things are half a farthing less than anywhere +else.' Shopkeepers compete against each other. And there you have +just the same reason as in the case of factories why men go into the +business of shopkeeping, because each man thinks he is cleverer than +his neighbour; each one believes he is going to make his fortune and +his neighbour is not. But labour benefits by this because the lower +the price of the article the greater the demand for it. I say that, +taking the whole shopkeepers of this country, taking their labour, +taking the amount of capital they put into their different shops, it +is impossible to say that they get an excessive profit from their +trade. + +"Now, of late there has been a good deal of discussion in regard to +co-operation. I observe that Mr. Hyndman did not allude to +co-operation. But co-operation exists at present, both in regard to +production and in regard to distribution. In order to carry out +co-operation on the very largest scale it would not be necessary to +alter the whole basis of society. Under the present despised system +any working-men may co-operate with each other, may be their own +employers, and in that way get every farthing that is derived from +their employment. Statistics show that co-operation, just like other +things, sometimes pays and sometimes does not pay. In Lancashire, in +Yorkshire and in the north of England there is a great deal of +co-operation both in regard to production and in regard to +distribution. The latest returns show that about $15,000,000 is +employed in this work. As I have said, in some cases they pay and in +some cases they do not pay. I have observed some curious things in +connection with this. You would say that at a co-operative store you +would get an article cheaper than at a shop, whereas, as a matter of +fact, you do not get an article cheaper. It is a curious thing that +you don't, and the reason is this. The {473} co-operators get +together in shares a certain capital which has to pay four or five +per cent. Then each member gets a _pro rata_ return at the end of +the year, a percentage upon the amount he has paid in the store in +connection with his own particular trading. That is perfectly fair. +Well, so eager are they to get the return that they put up the price +of the goods against themselves. You must remember that while I +advocate co-operation, or while I say that co-operation needs no +Socialism to enable working-men to get every farthing from the +process of production and distribution, I do not believe that +co-operation in distribution is not without certain evils. Why is it +that shops still hold their own, and I believe always will hold their +own? By competition in the first place prices in the shops are +reduced to as little as or less than the prices in the stores. +Again, if a man wants a red herring he don't walk to the middle of +the town, near where the stores have to be, but prefers going to a +neighbouring shop and buying it there. Moreover, we know that a +great many men have spent their wages before the end of the week, and +they want a little credit. You may depend, upon taking all things +into consideration, that no very great benefit is to be got out of +co-operative distribution. I merely went into this question of +co-operation, not to discuss so much the advantages or disadvantages +of co-operation, as to point out to you that co-operation can exist, +may exist, and does exist among working men, whenever they like it, +under the present system. + +"Now I come to Mr. Hyndman's plan. I have said a few words in favour +of the present system. I have tried to explain what that present +system is, and how, as a matter of fact, labour does benefit by the +existence of capital and capitalist. Mr. Hyndman's plan, I take it, +is based upon the notion that labour does not get its full share; +that it only gets one-third. ['It ought to get the lot.'] Very +well, I have often in the course of my life thought I ought to get +the lot, but I have never got it, I can tell you. Mr. Hyndman's +{474} idea is that if the State took upon itself the functions +performed by private capitalists everybody would be fully employed +and properly paid. Could this desirable result be brought about? +That is the real thing. If, at once, under Mr. Hyndman's guidance we +could enter upon the millennium we should all be for entering. But +the question is whether we _should_ enter it by this gate or whether +we should get somewhere else. + +"I have got here the programme of the Social-Democratic Federation. +I have extracted it from Justice. It is all right. Mr. Hyndman +pointed out that a great many things in the programme were merely +doctrines which had been put forward by the Socialists, and had now +been adopted by the Radicals. I should say that there was a great +deal in it that was put forward by the Radicals and had always been +advocated by the Radicals; and we are exceedingly glad that the +Socialists agree with us so far. Now I like this programme. What +has been my trouble in talking with some Socialists is that they +never have the courage of their own opinions. What are you hissing +for? I am going to praise you. As members of the Social-Democratic +Federation you are surely not going to take under your wing every +Socialist in the world. I have often had discussions with +Socialists, and I have found that they leave out certain portions of +their programme. I have said to them: That is a necessary plank in +your programme; knock out any of these stones and you knock down the +arch. You have done nothing of the kind. You have fairly and +squarely put this as the Social Revolution in all its details. You +see I am not complaining of you, so don't cry out again before you +are hurt. Now, Number 7 says: 'The means of production, +distribution, and exchange to be declared as collective or common +property.' Now, what does this mean? That all manufacturing, all +shopkeeping, all shipping, all the agricultural industry, and all +banking ought to be done by the State----" + +{475} + +_Mr. Hyndman_: "Community." + +_Mr. Labouchere_: "Or community. Every man, as I understand it, is +to do his bit of work, every man is to have his share of the profit +of the business. Have you ever thought what amount of capital this +would require? The building of factories would require 1000 million +pounds for ten million workers. The wage fund would be 600 millions; +the raw material would be 200 millions; the shipping, say about 500 +millions. I am trying to underestimate the amount. As to the shops, +I suppose, if you took all there are in the whole country, they would +cost about 100 millions. Then the agricultural buildings and +machinery, excluding the land itself, would be, say, 500 millions. +This would be very much under a proper estimate, but still the whole +amount runs up to something like 3000 millions. Are all the +factories to be seized? My friend says 'Yes.' That will knock off +1000 millions at once. Are all the shops to be seized? ['Yes, +yes.'] This will knock off 100 millions for the shops. Still, if +you do this, you won't certainly have done. Obviously you have to +buy the raw material, you have to have a wage fund, and a good deal +to keep the machinery in order even when you have laid hands on it in +the expeditious way your friend proposes. That would be 2000 +millions. How are you going to get it? You would borrow it. +_Would_ you borrow it? Let us suppose you borrow it. To borrow it +you have to get somebody to lend it to you. I have known a great +many persons ready to borrow more than people are ready to lend. +Another item, which I am bound to say is not in the Radical programme +of the Social-Democratic Federation, is the repudiation of the +National Debt. Now, sure, if you repudiate the National Debt you +would find a difficulty in getting anybody to lend you the money you +want. Where are you going to get it? Are you going to levy it upon +property? What property are you going to levy it upon? We'll allow +that the land and factories are to be seized. If they are not to be +{476} seized they are to be ruined; they are to be left high and dry. +No individual man is to work in them. You would have a certain +amount of portable property like the money that comes in from foreign +investments, but its owners would not wait to have it taken. They +would immediately clear out of the country." + +_Mr. Hyndman_: "Hear, hear." + +_Mr. Labouchere_: "I am going from surprise to surprise. I really do +believe that Mr. Hyndman wishes that the men with the 100 millions +should clear out of the country. These 100 millions are derived from +investments made abroad. The investments are already made, and the +money may be paid here or abroad just as its owners please. +Therefore you would absolutely have no control over it. Its owners +could walk off to America or France to-morrow, or to one of our +colonies, where they would be welcomed with pleasure and where they +would be able to live with their 100 millions and spend it just as +they liked. The only difference would be that they would not be +consumers here, they would not compete with their capital to reduce +the interest on the capital necessary to run the whole business of +the country. I am very curious to know, I cannot quite make out, +whether a man may save or not. It is not clear. I see one of the +articles is, 'the production and distribution of wealth is to be +regulated by society.' That leads me to suppose he may not save. I +should say myself that if you are going to carry out this millennium +you could only do it by preventing any sort of saving: because if +savings take place you will have some men rich and some poor, +evidently. But how about the professions? What are they to be done +with? Are professional men not to be allowed to make any savings? I +see all justice is to be free. Well, that would create a good deal +of litigation; but I personally suffer a good deal from justice, so +that I don't know that I should particularly object to that item. +You would have, I presume, these professions! You would have doctors +and men {477} engaged in art and so forth? They would be able to +sell their productions abroad, their skill abroad. Consequently how +would you regulate their fortunes? How are you going to regulate the +distribution of wealth in regard to these men? I say the thing is +absolutely and utterly impracticable. You could not. Yet, +gentlemen, it seems there is some idea of saving, for I see this in +another article: 'The extension of the Post Office Savings Bank which +will absorb all private institutions that draw profit from money or +credit!' Well, but who would put into the Post Office? The Post +Office, if they did put it in, would have to incur all the risks of +the great business. But I told you that the National Debt was to be +repudiated. What is the fact? That the Post Office Savings Bank has +invested £5,599,000 of public savings, of labour mainly, in consols. +If, consequently, you were to do away with the National Debt one of +the things you would do would be to repudiate five millions sterling +saved by labour. Now, I think it was some gentleman who was +discussing the matter with me in the _Reporter_ who said that you +might save, but no man would be allowed to employ any savings by +making another man work for him. Allow me to point out to you that +indirectly one man must work for another if he does not work for +himself. Is he going, like that wicked man in the Bible, to hide his +talent in a napkin? Not a bit. I suppose he will make a little +interest on it. He won't work for the interest himself, so somebody +else will. If you are going to try to distribute wealth you will +have continual disputes, for I deny that, so long as human nature is +what it is, so long as a man wants to lay by something for his +children, you will be able to prevent savings. The only thing you +would be able to do would be to frighten savings away from this +country, and cause them to be taken to some other country, which +would compete against you. + +"Let us suppose now that this initial difficulty of obtaining the +money is got over. Then there comes the organisation. Well, who +would organise? Who would be {478} superintendents, and who would be +workers? Who would engage in the complicated business of exchange +with foreign countries? Remember, all skilled talent would +disappear. You say 'Ha, ha!' Do you really think that a man who +perhaps is a skilled organiser of labour, who could earn a thousand +or two thousand a year abroad or in the colonies, would stay here and +receive an exceedingly small sum, simply because he was an +Englishman? Of course he would go away. I say you would deprive the +country of its most intelligent organisers. + +"There is another difficulty. Who would settle the employment to be +secured for each person? Here is a shepherd. He would say: 'I want +to be a shoemaker.' 'My good friend,' they would say, 'we don't want +you; go and be a shepherd.' They'd say to me: 'We've got quite +enough newspapers without yours. We want a good chimney sweep. Be +that. Go to Newcastle.' They'd say to our friend, Mr. Hyndman: +'We'll find employment for you in hay-making in Somersetshire.' Mr. +Hyndman may say he likes that paternal arrangement; he likes +hay-making. I'll tell you one thing: I wouldn't go and sweep +chimneys in Newcastle. But you say that the State carries on the +Post Office, the Army, and the Navy, among other things; and I say it +carries them on exceedingly badly too. You will find, taking ship +for ship, that ships can be built in a private yard much cheaper than +in a public yard. As for the Post Office, I agree with Mr. Hyndman +in saying I do not know any public Department so badly managed as the +Post Office. There is an enormous deal of sweating; the big men get +too big salaries, and the little men do not get enough. If the Army, +Navy, and Post Office be an exemplication of what would be done under +the paternal arrangement, Heaven help us! + +"But, gentlemen, what really surpasses my understanding is this, how +in the world, if Mr. Hyndman's system were adopted, any regular work, +or shorter hours, or better pay, {479} or employment of all would be +more easily obtained than under the present system. I say your +capital, if you did get it, would be at a higher cost. I say that +profit, if you take profit, is almost reduced by competition to a +minimum. You would not make one shilling by the transaction. +Supply, surely, would depend upon demand. You could not alter that. +Take the foreign trade. You would not increase your foreign trade, +under this system. You would still have to compete with foreign +countries in China and elsewhere. Foreign consumers would take goods +from those from whom they could buy them cheapest. The Socialists +have perceived this, and they have invented the idea of establishing +on the land an enormous number of labourers, who are to act as +consumers, and consequently take all the home surplus products. And +I see here it is proposed that the Municipal or State army of +labourers should be organised as on the great farms in America. Mr. +Hyndman alluded to what they did on these bonanza farms. They send +men down to them twice a year, once to sow and once to reap. You +might find if you had the proposed armies that the product might be +increased, but the number of persons employed on the land, that is to +say, the consumers on the land, would be reduced. That is why I have +been in favour of small holdings. + +"As to the numbers of the agricultural labourers, those labourers won +us the election last time, remember. What are you hissing at? Did +you want the Conservatives to win? You must take people as they are. +These agricultural labourers may be wrong, but their strongest desire +is to become possessors of small holdings. That has been the aim and +object of the Parish Councils Bill, which will slowly and quietly +nationalise the land by throwing the property, little by little, and +very quickly I think, into the hands of the Parish Councils, who will +let it to the villagers. You will then get a large number of +agriculturalists on the land, far greater than now, consuming your +products. At the same time you would avoid their coming into the +towns and {480} competing with you for labour. The subject is a very +lengthy one. As I said, you have to go into the question in all its +absolute details. I will only tell you one other reason why I object +to this system of making us all children in the hands of the State. +I say it would be the greatest danger to our liberties. Why is the +Anglo-Saxon race the master race in the world? Why has the +Anglo-Saxon race maintained its liberties? It is because of that +individualism, that self-reliance, which exists in this country. I +would trust no body of men, not Mr. Hyndman and the leaders of the +Social-Democratic Federation--though I make no implication against +them--nor even a body of angels, with the power of destroying and +ruining, at one fell blow, the entire nation. This unquestionably +would be the case, and who would be able to resist it? You would +have some strong and powerful man coming forward, supported by all +the discontented, all the men who were not prepared to accept this +wondrous dispensation, this dead level of equality. I say you would +have such a man; I say the risk is too great. Mr. Hyndman has +alluded to France. What did one great Frenchman, M. Guizot, say? +He said: 'The evil of France is that a Frenchman must either be +administered or an administrator.' What is the consequence of that +feeling? They have no self-reliance. Every now and then they have a +Republic, and then comes one like Napoleon, who overturns their +Republic and seizes upon the whole thing. + +"I have almost finished now. I infinitely prefer listening to Mr. +Hyndman to speaking myself, but I had to make some defence of the +cause by which I stand. I do say that the Radical Party as at +present constituted, the modern Radical Party, has adopted every +reasonable idea of Socialism. And the future of this country depends +upon Socialism being recognised within proper limits--Collectivism I +would prefer to call it--individualism being recognised, trade +unionism being recognised, co-operation being recognised. We must +all give up our little separate fads and all work together in {481} +the cause of Democracy, the rule, the absolute rule, of the people, +ruling for the benefit of the people." + +Mr. Hyndman said in reply: + +"There are just one or two points I should like to deal with in reply +to Mr. Labouchere. To begin with I have listened with the greatest +surprise to-night to his constant reference to the wage fund. +Without any disrespect to him I say that, as a matter of fact, that +figment has been abandoned by every political economist of any note +for the last thirty years. It was abandoned by Mr. John Stuart Mill, +in deference to the criticism of Long and Cairnes twenty-five years +ago. The bottom was knocked out of it by Marx forty years ago. What +is the wage fund, my friends? The wage fund is provided by the +labourer himself, who, mark you, advances his labour to the +capitalist before he gets a farthing of wages. There is not a man in +this hall, however big an Individualist or Radical he may be, not a +single working man here who goes to work from week end to week end +that does not advance a week's labour to the capitalist before he +gets a sixpence in return. The fact of the matter is that the +capitalist has got in his possession the value, and more than the +value, far more than the value paid as wages before he pays a +sixpence of those wages. He can go to his banker with the product he +has got out of the labourer and get an advance before he pays those +wages. Practically in getting the advance he realises the product of +his employees' labour. The fallacy of the wage fund theory is +recognised by every economist, and I defy Mr. Labouchere to prove I +am wrong. I will defy Mr. Labouchere to name an economist who +upholds it." + +At this point of Mr. Hyndman's speech Mr. Labouchere rose and said: + +"I deny that there is one single economist of repute who questions +the effect of what I said about the wage fund. The employer has +either to provide himself with a wage fund, and then he is entitled +to interest on his money, or he has to {482} borrow it from someone +else, and then he has to pay interest. The working-man, it is +perfectly true, gives him credit for a week--not always, but I am +taking Mr. Hyndman's statement--but the employer does not, I +say--take the cotton industry--the employer does not get back his +money till the end of the year. Consequently, whereas the working +man gives credit for a week, the employer has to give him credit for +fifty-one weeks. ['No, no.'] I say yes, there is no question about +it. All that I want to point out is that you have to pay interest on +this wage fund. Mr. Hyndman admits it, because he says, what does he +do? He goes and obtains it from his banker. Does his banker give it +to him?" + +To which Mr. Hyndman retorted, not ineffectually: + +"I say that the security has been provided by the working man before +the capitalist is able to raise a sixpence on it, and that all he +does is to divide up the surplus value he has got from the worker +with the banker who has made the advance. There is no such thing as +a wage fund, except that provided by the worker himself. And it is +exactly the same with the capital. Friends and fellow-citizens, +where does this capital come from? From the labourers themselves. +Where can the capital come from if not from the labour of the +workers? Did not the workers build every factory in this country, +from its base to its topmost storey? Did they not put down every +sleeper on the railways, and lay down every mile of line? I say, +therefore, that this idea of the wage fund, which has been repudiated +by John Stuart Mill, by Cairnes, by Mr. Alfred Marshall, by every +economist of note, does not exist in economy, but is a figment of the +imagination. Now, friends, as to this question of families fading +out. Mr. Labouchere says that the death-rate has lowered. That is +perfectly true. On the average the death-rate _has_ lowered. But +mark this. It has lowered principally in the well-to-do districts. +The death-rate in St. George's, Hanover Square, is 11 per 1000; in +several districts of Lambeth it is 66." + +{483} + +Mr. Labouchere, evidently astonished, turned to the Chairman and +said, "Is that a fact?" Some one in the audience shouted "Proof!" + +"Proof you must look up in the statistics; I can't bring a library +here with me. I say, friends, in addition to that, that vitality is +on a lower plane. For this, again, I give as my authority passages +quoted in Alfred Marshall's _Principles of Economics_, where you will +find the opinions of doctors. I also refer you to reports of +certifying surgeons for the factories for the year 1875 and later +dates. I say that when I speak of families fading out, I mean that +the physical and mental vigour and initiative of those families are +crushed down in our great cities. I have never heard it disputed +before; I don't think I shall hear it disputed again. If you ask any +of the great contractors as to his supply of powerful navvies, he +will tell you he cannot get them out of the towns. If you ask any of +the recruiting officers he will tell you the lads from the cities are +physically useless. You will find the standard of height for +recruits has decreased five inches during the present reign, and the +chest measurement in proportion. Consequently there is, I say, in +our great cities, which form the bulk of the population, a constant +physical deterioration going on, which will end in the fading-out of +the people unless we replace this system of robbery and rascality and +oppression that is going on at present by a better. I cannot stop +any length of time to dispute about the way in which the wealth that +is taken from the workers is divided up. It matters not to me +whether it is the Royal Family, or the professional men, or the +servants who divide it, or in what proportion they divide it, after +it has been taken from the worker. That makes, I say, no difference +whatsoever. The workers never see it again. Four per cent. also on +£100,000,000 is forty per cent. on £10,000,000. How is the amount of +capital reckoned? Mr. Labouchere knows perfectly well that a coal +mine or factory which has cost but £40,000 will frequently be +capitalised at £200,000. {484} That is the way they put it in the +Blue Books. I can give an example of a mill in Rochdale where the +freehold belongs to the man who owns that mill, when and where every +single charge is met in a separate category, and then, after all +these are divided, the interest on the capital is reckoned over again +on the whole capitalised value. I say that four per cent. does not +represent the profits on cotton, even in these comparatively bad days +for the cotton industry. But the mere fact that the profit is going +down means that competition is cutting its own throat, that we are no +longer masters of the markets of the world. And what does the +capitalist do when his profits go down? He tries to make another +turn of the screw on his labourers--and the result was the great +cotton strike which occurred a short time ago, when, for sixteen +weeks on end, the poor unfortunate spinners and weavers stood out +because they would not have that amount which the capitalist was +losing in the competitive market sweated out of their very bone and +blood. So much for your four per cent. or your forty per cent. It +is wrung out of the workers, it can come from nobody else. As to the +organiser, what did the Roman slave-owner give to his villeins, who +stood in the same relation to the working slaves as the capitalist +organiser to the labouring classes to-day? He paid him lower +remuneration because his labours were less exhausting. That is a +positive fact. I say that if you want organisers who to-day are +appointed by the capitalist, let them be appointed by the workers, +who can pay them far better than the capitalists, because you will +have all the capitalists' profits and all the amounts the capitalists +sweat out of their employees' labour as well to pay with. ['Don't +capitalists start as working men?'] Yes, and the more they grab, the +bigger they get. As to the amount received by the working men as +wages, Mr. Leone Levi was one of the most unscrupulous and lying +champions of the capitalist class who ever wrote. He represented +that the average wages of working men and women throughout England +{485} were 32s. a week. That is a positive fact; it is on record in +his own books. Thirty-two shillings a week! I say that is a +deliberate lie. And that is how he made out his amount of 531 +millions. As a matter of fact, Mr. Giffen and Mr. Mulhall both +included in the wages of the working classes all those paid to +domestic servants, the soldiers and sailors, all that is paid to your +noble friends the police. I say that, as a matter of fact, those are +not producers in the common sense of the word. They are simply +encumbrances upon the industrial community. I say, further, that out +of the amount paid in wages to the working classes, which I reckon at +£300,000,000 to £350,000,000, not a sixpence more, one-fifth or +one-fourth has to be paid as rent for the miserable dwellings the +workers occupy. That is, I say, the position of the labouring +portion of the community at the present time. I am told that +shopkeepers are a useful class. Well, surely there are too many of +them. You will find in one street half a dozen people vending the +same wares. The organisation of any decent system of distribution +would not allow such a state of things to continue, but would turn +the unnecessary distributors into producers, and thus lighten the +weight of producing on the others. Mr. Labouchere does not seem to +understand that what we want is not money. You cannot eat it; you +cannot be clothed with it. What you want is good hats, good homes, +and good beefsteaks--enjoyment, contentment in life, comfort, and +beyond all these, public amusements of every kind. I say that these +have nothing whatsoever to do with money. If you want to save, you +don't want to save money; you want to save those things which are +necessary to the support and continuance of life. Mr. Labouchere +seems to think that communism is unknown on this planet. I say that +human beings far lower in the range of civilisation than we, with +comparatively small and puny means of production, live far more +happily, in far better conditions of life, than enormous proportions +of our great city population. Where? I will tell you. I say I +{486} have lived among communal tribes where, as a matter of fact, +the conditions are as I have told you. The inhabitants of Polynesia, +the Pueblas of New Mexico, and the people of other places which I +have not seen, live better, considerably better, with all their small +means of production, than the proletariat of our great cities, and +they produce, regard being had to the productive powers at their +command, articles of clothing and domestic use as remarkable in their +way as the finest products of civilisation. More than that, all the +great bed-rock inventions of humanity, the wheel, the potter's wheel, +the smelting of metals, the canoe, the rudder, the sail, every one of +these and many more, the stencil plate and weaving, to wit, were +invented under communism and no human being knows who invented them. +That is a sufficient answer to the supposition that under a Socialist +state of society there would be no progress in the invention. But I +am asked what the capitalists will do when the transformation to a +co-operative commonwealth is made. They will go away with their +capital. What is capital? Capital is the means and instruments of +production used by a class to make profit out of labour. Can the +capitalist roll up the railways and take them away in his +portmanteau? Will he walk away with the factories in his waistcoat +pocket? Mr. Labouchere himself sees the futility of some of this. +He advocates the nationalisation of the railways because he says that +they will be better administered under the State than to-day." + +_Mr. Labouchere_: "No, no." + +_Mr. Hyndman_: "Why then do you want to nationalise them?" + +_Mr. Labouchere_: "I very much doubt whether they would be better +managed in the sense that they would produce more money than now. I +hold that the roads of a country ought to belong essentially to the +State. It is better for the general benefit that they should be held +collectively. I do object to their giving preferential rates to +foreigners and {487} charging excessive amounts to persons sending +goods a short distance in England. That is the reason why I think +the railways would be better in the hands of the State." + +_Mr. Hyndman_: "As a matter of fact, preferential rates can be +stopped without the nationalisation of the railways. Mr. Labouchere +can bring in a Bill when Parliament meets to prevent them. Why, +then, is he so Utopian as to demand the nationalisation of the +railways? I want, however, to raise the discussion out of the minor +points, and I say this, that Socialism does not mean organisation by +the State under the control of Mr. Hyndman, or any one else, but the +entire organisation of industry, on the highest plane of co-operation +for the benefit of all. In that co-operative commonwealth +competition for profit will be unknown. Mr. Labouchere has drawn a +tremendous picture of what it will cost to effect the change. What +does the social system cost you as it is going on to-day? +Competition carried to its logical issue must engender monopolies. +These monopolies have been given by the capitalist class to +themselves in their capitalist House of Commons. That assembly must +be re-constituted and turned to Social-Democratic purposes. But then +you will lose all those clever men who will not join with you! Where +will they go? We are stronger in France than in England, and +stronger in Germany than in France. Will they go to China? That +seems to me the last refuge of the wandering individualist, the last +place on the planet where the individualist will be able to go. +Socialism is gaining ground in every country in the world, and mark +this, where the people are best educated, there we are most powerful. +Germany is the best educated country, and Socialism is stronger there +than in any other nation. Whatever city in England has a body of +educated workers, there we make way quickly. Mr. Labouchere seems to +think that no one will serve his fellowmen unless he is able to grab +from them. His idea of humanity seems to me--I wish to say {488} +nothing that is in the least offensive, and I will withdraw it at +once if it is considered so." + +For about a minute there was disorder so great that Mr. Hyndman was +unable to proceed. The Chairman rose and appealed for quietness +during the two or three minutes that remained to Mr. Hyndman. +Silence having been restored, Mr. Hyndman said: + +"I say, friends, that the representation that the men of +intelligence, of genius, of capacity, and the like would leave us and +go to other places means that they are not animated by the idea of +serving their species, but simply of making their own fortunes. I +say that mankind, as a whole, has higher ideals than that. I say +that all the great work done on this planet, all the great books that +have ever been written, all the great inventions that have ever been +made, have not been made for money, but for something higher than +that. I say further, that when a man has been paid all he requires +to sustain a happy, contented, and wholesome life, when he has around +him a people living happily with him, co-operating with him, when he +sees that every effort he makes tends to the advantage of the whole +community and to the drawback and domination of none, I say that +then, animated with a lofty public spirit, he will place his whole +power, his whole intelligence, his very faults, and his life at the +disposal of the community he benefits by his existence." + +Mr. Hyndman went on to point out that many of the reforms adopted by +the Radicals were in reality due to Socialist inspiration. He +instanced the eight hours day and the nationalisation of railways, +which Mr. Labouchere had advocated, and concluded what must have been +a stirring and able speech as follows: + +"Now I repeat, friends and fellow-citizens, that we are arguing for +what is inevitable, that at the present moment the capitalist system, +like the feudal system before it, and chattel slavery before that, +heads back progress. I say {489} that now, in many directions the +force of electricity, and various great mechanical and chemical +inventions, which might tend to the benefit of the race are being +headed back by low wages and vested private interests. I don't think +anybody can deny that. It must be admitted also that universal +commercial crises have occurred time after time in this century, each +one worse than the one before it. Since the Baring crisis of 1890 +there have been great financial difficulties, and thousands and tens +of thousands of people have been thrown out of work. Why? Not +because there is not plenty of wealth to be produced, but because, as +a matter of fact, the power to produce it is taken from the producers +altogether. I say that, whether we like it or not, a system of +Socialism is being built up out of the facts of to-day. From the +misery we see around us there is necessarily arising a glorious +future, the golden age which all the greatest of the sons of men from +Plato and Moore onward have desired and foreseen, an age in which +wage-slavery and competition having ceased, men will co-operate for +the greater advantage and enjoyment of all. Friends, that which the +great thinkers of old saw through a glass darkly we see face to face. +We are the inheritors of the martyrdom of men to the forms of +production and distribution throughout the ages. I ask you to-night +not to treat this question as being brought down to you from on high, +but as growing up under your feet below. Consider it earnestly for +the sake of the men, women, and children who are being crushed down +in our cities, and whose lives may be rendered worthy and happy. Let +us uplift ourselves at once from the question of twopenny and +twopenny-halfpenny profit into a higher, nobler, and more glorious +sphere." + +Mr. J. G. Smith, on behalf of the Socialists, wound up the +proceedings by proposing a vote of thanks to both speakers. He +expressed his appreciation of the "sincerity and honesty" with which +Mr. Labouchere had met Mr. Hyndman. + +{490} + +Opinions will probably differ as to who really got the better of this +encounter, nor shall I be rash enough to award the palm. At least +Mr. Labouchere's speech shows the sort of way in which he approached +the question. It shows his dislike of theory, his determination to +stick to the concrete, and his distaste for rhetoric. + + + + +{491} + +CHAPTER XVIII + +MR. LABOUCHERE AS A JOURNALIST + +BY MR. R. BENNETT, EDITOR OF "TRUTH" + +Mr. Labouchere went into newspaper work with all the best +qualifications that a journalist can have, and with many that no +other journalist has ever had a chance of possessing. He had an +inborn gift for writing, using his pen by sheer force of natural +impulse. He took a lively and unfailing interest in all the doings, +sayings, and thoughts of his fellow creatures, while looking at all +human affairs with critical but dispassionate detachment. His +reflections, if not very profound, were always acute, novel, and +humorous; and he had a method of expression, whether in speech or +writing, peculiarly his own--pithy, witty, and unconventional. He +was a great reader; he was at home in French, German, and Italian; he +had acquired a smattering of the classics at Eton and Cambridge; and +he had a retentive memory. When he first took up journalism he was +nearly forty, and he had had an unrivalled experience of all phases +of life, extending from Jerusalem to Mexico. Among other things, he +had spent ten years as an attaché in six or eight different capitals; +he had gambled in nearly every casino in Europe; he had travelled +with a circus in America; he had run a theatre in London; he had sat +in the House of Commons; he had dabbled in finance in the city. Add +to all this that he had a considerable aptitude for business, as for +most other things; lastly that he was never under any {492} +obligation to write a line except to please himself; and it is not +surprising that he made a distinguished mark in the world of +journalism. It is perhaps not too much to say that the best work of +his life was done as a journalist. + +Yet he seems to have tumbled into this work quite accidentally, and +in the most unusual fashion. He began as a newspaper proprietor; he +subsequently became an editor; and he ended as a casual unpaid +contributor. This strange inversion of the normal career of a +successful journalist is in keeping with everything else in his life +and character. The story of his proprietorship of the _Daily News_ +and of his association with Edmund Yates on the _World_ has been told +elsewhere in this book. His work on those papers, extending over +seven years, had given Mr. Labouchere a useful and varied experience +of very different classes of journalism when he decided, in 1876, to +start a journal of his own. There had been no quarrel of any kind +between him and Yates, and it was not in any spirit of antagonism to +the proprietor of the _World_ that he decided to make his own paper +one of the same type. At that date there was rather a reaction +against the solidity and stolidity of the older journalism, and out +of it had sprung a class of journals animated by a lighter spirit, +and handling both men and things in a free and easy style. _Vanity +Fair_ and the _World_ had been very successful in this line, and +their spirit appealed to Mr. Labouchere, who detested pretentiousness +in every shape, and to the end of his days never ceased to regard as +a ridiculous object the journalist who takes himself seriously. +"What is _Truth_?" asked some successor of jesting Pilate, who had +heard of the title proposed for the new paper. "Another and a better +_World_," replied Labouchere; and the quip no doubt expressed +correctly what he had in his mind. The spirit in which he proposed +to endow London with a new journal is perhaps even better shown in +the title originally projected for this organ, which was, not +"Truth," but "The Lyre." It was in deference to the opinion of {493} +Horace Voules that Mr. Labouchere consented to abandon "The Lyre" in +favour of "Truth." Voules's business instinct, which was highly +developed, warned him that it is better to assume a virtue if you +have it not. No doubt he was right. Nobody, so far as I know, has +yet had the courage to start a paper called "The Lyre," but Mr. +Labouchere would have done it had he been left to himself. + +The mention of Voules reminds one that Mr. Labouchere's first step +when he had decided upon his new venture was to find a competent +practical journalist to undertake the "donkey work." In a lucky +moment he fell upon Horace St. George Voules, who eventually became +his _alter ego_ in _Truth_ office. Horace Voules himself was a man +of very remarkable personality and abilities. He was the son of a +well-known solicitor at Windsor, who, by a strange freak of fortune, +was the local Tory election agent, and as such had been instrumental +in unseating Mr. Labouchere when he was returned for that borough. +While still only a boy Voules had formed an ambition to become a +journalist, and, by way of beginning at the beginning, had entered +the great printing and publishing house of Cassell, Fetter, and +Galpin as a printer's apprentice. He made his way upward with +extraordinary ability, and the partners formed such a high opinion of +him that when, in 1868, they started the _Echo_--the first London +halfpenny paper--they put Voules in as business manager. He was then +only four-and-twenty. He continued to manage the _Echo_ with +remarkable success till the summer of 1876, when it was acquired by +the late Mr. Passmore Edwards, and Voules resigned. He went away to +take a holiday, and a few weeks later received a letter from Mr. +Labouchere asking him to come and see him. This was the beginning of +an intimate association which lasted till Voules's death in 1909. An +agreement was entered into under which Voules was to be "manager" of +_Truth_ at a very modest salary, though with a percentage of the +profits which ultimately proved very valuable; and this agreement was +the only one {494} ever concluded between the proprietor and his +second-in-command, although for the last twenty-five years of +Voules's life the whole editorial and financial control of the paper +was in his hands alone. Another point of interest is that to meet +the expenses of the new paper Mr. Labouchere opened a special account +with his bankers and paid into it the sum of £1000. Some time later, +when the growth of the business necessitated more capital, this sum +was increased to £1500; but for the first few years £1000 was the +whole of the capital that Mr. Labouchere invested in his venture, and +practically it was never touched; that is to say, the account which +he opened in 1876 with that credit remained with at least that amount +to its credit until he sold the paper in 1910. From those details it +may be gathered that neither the proprietor nor his manager regarded +themselves as entering upon an enterprise of any great pith or +moment, or imagined that they were founding a journal which would +become famous over the whole world. It certainly did not occur to +Horace Voules, then an ambitious and remarkably successful young man +of thirty-two, that in becoming "manager" of this undertaking at £600 +a year he was taking a position that would occupy him for the rest of +his days. + +In such circumstances the first number of _Truth_ made its appearance +in the first week of 1877. It was a decided success, as success in +that class of journals was reckoned at that date, though the sale of +the first number was only a fraction of the figures reached fifteen +or twenty years later. What was of more consequence, and perhaps +more surprising, the second and following numbers were equally +successful; for the production of a new journal is rather like the +production of a new play--a full and enthusiastic house on the first +night does not necessarily mean a long run. Horace Voules was fond +of boasting that _Truth_ had paid its way from the first, and some of +the credit of that result was undoubtedly due to his great business +abilities. Mr. Labouchere had not gone into the venture with any +idea of making money. {495} He knew the history of the early +difficulties of the _World_, which have been referred to in an +earlier chapter of this volume, and it was probably an agreeable +surprise to him that he was not called upon to meet a loss on the +first few months' working of _Truth_. In an interview which appeared +in one of the monthly magazines a few years ago, Voules described the +scepticism with which his chief received the balance-sheet presented +to him at the end of the first six months. It appeared to Labouchere +too good to be true, and he exercised his ingenuity in attempts to +demolish it. In later years his attitude towards balance-sheets was +very different. + +The combination of Labouchere and Voules was a very powerful one. +Few newspapers have ever had a more remarkable pair of brains and +personalities behind them--the one acute, ready-witted, audacious, +irresponsible, intent only upon amusing himself and amusing his +readers; the other long-headed, business-like, strenuous, and +pushful, intent only upon making money. The time came when _Truth_ +owed everything to the guidance and inspiration of Horace Voules; but +at the start it was Mr. Labouchere who made the paper. This can +easily be seen on looking back to the files of the journal during the +first two or three years of its existence. There was nothing very +striking or sensational in the matter of its contents; in form and +substance it did not differ materially from the journals of the same +class that had preceded and followed it. But the hand and spirit of +Labouchere were all over it, and gave it a character and +individuality which were bound to make the fortune of any journal. +His literary activity at this period was amazing. As Voules used to +say, he was exactly like a child with a new toy; and after playing +with many toys he had found the one which exactly suited him, for the +handling of a pen was his greatest joy. "He would have written the +whole paper if he could," said Voules. In point of fact for a time +he did write a considerable part of it every week. He poured out +amusing {496} paragraphic commentaries on every subject of the moment +that interested him, and flooded the paper with droll reminiscences +of his own adventures and the innumerable distinguished people whom +he had met in all parts of the world. He "did" the dramatic +criticism, and he never did anything better; in this owing much, no +doubt, to his personal experience as a theatrical manager. He wrote +every week a "City" article--a very unconventional kind of City +article, quite unlike any product of financial journalism before or +since. It broke out occasionally in the most unexpected directions; +for example, one finds an irresistibly comic account of his +experiences among brigands in Mexico cropping up in a survey of the +financial position of that country. Starting on another occasion to +discuss the merits of Greek stocks, he lapses into a disquisition +upon the character of the modern Greeks, especially the peasantry, +illuminated by reminiscences of his travels in their country. One of +the funniest things he ever wrote--a detailed account of his journey +through the Holy Land with the Rev. J. M. Bellew--made its appearance +as an integral part of a critique of some new play. The connecting +link between the two things was that Mr. Bellew's son, the late Mr. +Kyrle Bellew, had made his debut on that first night. It is only +when a man writes for his own paper that he can do this sort of +thing; what would be the emotions of any normal editor on receiving +from his dramatic critic a three-column narrative of a journey in +Palestine as part of a notice of Mr. Bernard Shaw's last masterpiece! +It was the spontaneity, this unexpectedness, the evident absence of +all premeditation or effort, as well as a sort of irresponsible +indifference to the ostensible business of the moment, that gave such +a piquancy to Mr. Labouchere's writing, as it did to his +conversation. It was something quite new in journalism, and it +remains to this moment absolutely unique. + +Another characteristic of Mr. Labouchere's which gave a peculiar +flavour to _Truth_ was his frankness and disregard for {497} the +_convenances_ in speaking about his contemporaries. He had no taste +for mere tittle-tattle and scandal-mongering in print. Prying into +the private life of well-known people was rather a weakness of the +"society journals" of the day, among which _Truth_ was classed, and +Mr. Labouchere never favoured it. But it must be admitted that in +private conversation he was an inveterate gossip, always well-posted +in whatever talk was current to the discredit of anybody sufficiently +known to be talked about; and when he found occasion to speak about +any person in print, all that he knew about that person was apt to +come out, with precisely the same unconventional frankness that +distinguished his own personal confessions. Added to this he was not +only contemptuous of pretence, sham, and humbug in every shape, +hating "snobbism" in its widest sense as heartily as Thackeray +himself, but he was hopelessly devoid of the spirit of reverence, +even in regard to matters that usually receive reverence on their +merits. Nothing was sacred to him. He seemed to discover +instinctively the seamy side of what other people admire, and to find +a delight in calling attention to it; and this mischievous habit of +mind displayed itself in his handling of men as well as things. +Introduced into journalism, and fortified with an extensive knowledge +of life picked up in the diplomatic service, the theatrical world and +the city, and in the ordinary social intercourse of a man of good +family related on all sides to distinguished people, Mr. Labouchere's +natural bent of mind and freedom of speech led to the embellishment +of _Truth_ almost every week with candid observations upon +contemporary personages, which might be open to criticism on the +score of taste, but which made extremely entertaining reading. + +Inevitably his pen got him into trouble. The only wonder is that the +trouble was not more serious, and for this it may be safely assumed +that Mr. Labouchere was much indebted to Mr. Horace Voules. After a +very few weeks working together, the two men became very intimate +friends, {498} and Mr. Labouchere, who rarely erred in his reading of +men, acquired a great respect for Voules's judgment, so much so that, +in characteristic fashion, he speedily turned over to his friend all +sorts of business quite unrelated to _Truth_. Voules himself was +essentially a fighting man, as he showed when he obtained control of +_Truth_, but he had the mind of a lawyer as well as a man of +business, and he had--though it may sound paradoxical--a much greater +interest in the profit of the paper than the proprietor himself. +From the first, although nominally only concerned with the commercial +side of _Truth_, he read in proof every line of the paper, and he was +not the man to allow the proprietor or anybody else to tumble +accidentally into an indefensible libel action. He used to say that +he had often saved his chief from that fate, and no one who knew them +both would doubt him. Another thing which often saved Mr. Labouchere +was his invariable readiness to apologise to anybody whom he had +unintentionally annoyed or injured. He did so on many occasions in +the early years of _Truth_, and he would always do it if he was +approached in the right way. Not only this, but if he was once +persuaded that he had been too hard on a man, or that what he had +intended as mere play had seriously wounded the subject of his +playfulness, he would often try afterwards to make amends. In more +than one instance he became quite friendly with people whom he had +more or less insulted before he knew them. For better or worse, it +was one of the cardinal traits of Mr. Labouchere's character that he +was incapable of strong emotion, and, among others, of personal +malice. In one or two instances he conceived rather strong +antipathies to individuals--not without reason--but it was entirely +foreign to his nature to hurt a man for the sake of hurting him; and +a most remarkable thing about him was that while he would strenuously +attack a man's conduct or ridicule unmercifully his speech or +actions, he was quite capable of meeting the same man in a perfectly +friendly spirit, and discussing what had been done on one side and +{499} said on the other, not only without heat, but with a sincere +sympathy for the victim of his pen. This trait was essential in his +character--a result of that philosophic interest in his fellow +creatures which caused him to look at all of them alike without any +conventional bias in favour of one mode of life or action rather than +another. If he had encountered a burglar in his house already loaded +with valuables, his first impulse would have been, not to call the +police, but to engage the intruder in conversation, and to learn from +him something of the habits of burglars, the latest and most +scientific methods of burgling, the average profits of the business, +and so forth. He would have been delighted to assist his new +acquaintance with suggestions for his future guidance in his +profession, and to point out to him how he might have avoided the +mistake which had on this occasion led to his being caught in the +act. In all this he would not by any means have lost sight of his +property; on the contrary, the whole force of his intellect would +have been surreptitiously occupied with the problem of recovering it +with the least amount of inconvenience to his friend and himself. He +would have manœuvred to bring off a deal. If by sweet +reasonableness he could have persuaded the burglar to give up the +"swag," he would have been delighted to hand him a sovereign or two, +cheer him with refreshment, shake hands, and wish him better luck +next time; and he would have related the whole story in the next +week's _Truth_ with infinite humour and profound satisfaction. + +This is scarcely an effort of imagination. Something very similar +happened in _Truth_ office in the 'nineties long after Mr. Labouchere +had ceased to take any active interest in his paper. A money-lender +who had been severely, but not unjustly, handled in _Truth_, insisted +upon seeing Mr. Labouchere personally. By that time Horace Voules +was the only person who ever saw anybody who had business with the +editor, but he happened to be away, and Labouchere consented to see +the man. The money-lender arrived in a {500} most truculent mood; +but he was quickly disarmed by Labouchere's ignorance--perfectly +genuine--of the nature of his grievance, and beguiled into telling +his story with artless confidence. What threatened at first to be a +heated wrangle developed into a friendly interchange of views, in +which Mr. Labouchere, showing a keen scientific interest in +money-lending operations, explained to his visitor exactly where he +was at fault in the management of his business, and gave him a few +practical hints which might assist him to make larger profits without +exposing himself to unfavourable remark. The man seemed extremely +pleased with the valuable advice he received, and it was his own +fault if he did not depart very much the wiser for the interview. +When Mr. Labouchere was writing at large in the early days of +_Truth_, he made a great many people extremely angry, and some never +forgave him. But to be angry with him if you met him face to face +was only possible for the very stupid. Some few years ago the late +Mr. John Kensit made an unsuccessful application to the High Court to +commit the proprietor of _Truth_ for contempt. Considering all that +had been said about him in the paper, he had considerable ground for +not loving its proprietor, even if he had been aware, which he was +not, that Mr. Labouchere had never had a hand in what had been said +about him. But they sat next to one another in the well of the court +during the hearing of the motion, and by the time the case was on +they were chatting and laughing together like old friends. +"Good-bye, Mr. Labouchere, said the Protestant champion at the end of +the proceedings. "This has been quite a pleasant meeting." "I hope +you have enjoyed it as much as I have," answered Labby. "I am sorry +that you have got to pay for it." And they shook hands +affectionately. + +On the other hand, Mr. Labouchere had a certain combativeness of +disposition, and he was from the first bent upon using _Truth_ for +the exposure of abuses and frauds on the public. Consequently, in a +certain number of cases he {501} deliberately laid himself out to +attack individuals, regardless of the penalties of the law of libel. +His journal had not been in existence many months before an action +was commenced by Mr. Robertson, the manager of the Royal Aquarium at +Westminster. Mr. Labouchere was a director of the company owning +that place, and he wrote very fully and frankly about its affairs in +_Truth_--in particular a humorous account in his best manner, of an +altercation between Robertson and himself in the fair at Boulogne. +The circumstances of the action are of no interest now; but the case +is memorable as the first of the long series of libel actions that +_Truth_ has successfully defended in the course of its existence, and +further as the occasion of one of the earliest forensic successes of +Charles Russell, afterwards Lord Russell of Killowen, and an intimate +friend of Mr. Labouchere's for the rest of his life. Russell had not +at that time taken silk, and was little known, but Mr. George Lewis +(as he then was) and Mr. Labouchere had sufficient confidences in his +abilities to brief him without a leader, and the experiment was fully +justified by the result. The next legal proceeding in which Mr. +Labouchere involved himself was a _cause célèbre_ of the first +dimensions--his prosecution by the proprietor of the _Daily +Telegraph_ on account of a series of persistent and, it must be +confessed, somewhat vicious attacks upon the management of that +journal. Mr. Labouchere elected to defend himself, and he has rarely +acquitted himself in public with more address than he did on that +occasion, though he had a good deal of useful assistance from the +late Lord Justice Bowen, then a stuff gowns-man, who was briefed for +the printers of the paper. There is no occasion at this date to +revive other circumstances of this personal encounter between two +eminent representatives of journalism. The jury disagreed, the case +was not brought to trial again, and the hatchet was buried. Mr. +Labouchere was released on his own recognisances, and many years +later he used to be fond of explaining that he was still in that +condition. Apparently he remained in it till his death. + +{502} + +One other libel case of Mr. Labouchere's early journalistic days may +be recalled for the sake of the very characteristic accident out of +which it arose. Mr. Labouchere had written something extremely +dangerous. Voules noted it on the proof, and after a consultation +between them Mr. Labouchere agreed to take the passage out. He +accordingly drew his pen through two or three of the incriminating +lines, or rather he attempted to do so; but his pen always worked in +rather an erratic way, and the marks he made on the proof were as +much under the words as through them. The consequence was that the +printer misunderstood the intention, and the libellous passage which +had alarmed Voules not only appeared in the paper, but appeared with +the additional emphasis of italics! This was one of the accidents +which had to be repaired with an apology, though this did not prevent +the issue of a writ. If any other actions for libel were commenced +in the early years of Mr. Labouchere's editorship they did not lead +to serious fighting, and there was nothing in them worth recalling +now. But he certainly contrived in the course of three or four years +to give his paper a great reputation for courageous plain speaking, +and to convey the impression that its proprietor was a dangerous man +to fall foul of, and a difficult man to tackle successfully. + +As for his work as an editor during that time, he seems to have taken +it very easily after the first few weeks. "I will give him six +months," Edmund Yates was reported to have said when his friend was +beginning with such a big splash; and the thought was not begotten of +a wish, but of Yates's knowledge of his late contributor. The fatal +weakness of Mr. Labouchere's character--certainly during the second +forty years of his life, and probably during the first forty--was +incapacity for sustained effort. He quickly grew tired of everything +he took in hand, and he hated drudgery and routine work. Horace +Voules used to relate his amazement at the zest with which his chief, +at the first start, threw himself into the work of reading copy and +proofs, and criticising {503} and planning improvements in the paper +when it was produced; and his equal amazement at the process by which +such editorial functions were one by one delegated to the so-called +"manager," never again to be resumed. The same story is told by +others who were familiar with the inside of _Truth_ office during its +early days. From the first Voules's position was that of an +assistant-editor, and in the course of a year or two he became very +much more of an editor than an assistant, while the editor lapsed +into the position of an adviser and an indefatigable contributor. It +must have been in 1878 or 1879 that Voules went away for a holiday on +the Continent, and received a letter in which Mr. Labouchere informed +him that there was very little going on, and added, "I do not think I +shall bring the paper out next week." Voules believed him to be +perfectly capable of this enormity, and the mere thought of it filled +him with such dismay that he came back to London by the next train. +"You need not have worried yourself so about it," said Mr. Labouchere +when his colleague reached the office. "Probably I should have +brought the paper out all right." But, unlike his employer, Voules +was very given to worrying himself, and this incident worried him so +much that he never left the proprietor in charge of his own paper +again. At holiday times he used always to take a house within easy +reach of London, and it is a fact that for fourteen or fifteen years, +until he had his first bad illness, he never missed seeing _Truth_ to +press himself. This little incident, so very characteristic of Mr. +Labouchere, at least serves to justify the observation that he soon +learned to take his editorial functions lightly; and it shows the +waning of the zest with which he had taken up the "new toy" a year or +two previously. + +Until the general election of 1880, Mr. Labouchere remained regular +in his attendance at the office, and actively interested in the +affairs of his journal if his principal work for it was purely +literary. But after he was returned for Northampton and began to +make a figure in Parliament, which {504} he did almost from the +first, _Truth_ began to have a secondary place in his affections. In +the course of the next year or two he seems to have gradually +relinquished the entire editorial control into Voules's hands. He +ceased to supply dramatic criticism, and to write with any regularity +on city matters. On the other hand, he naturally began to write +regularly on politics, which up to that time he had done only now and +then and without expressing any strong opinions. At that date the +connection between the Press and Parliament was much less intimate +than it has since become. The journalistic M.P., so familiar a +figure in recent years, was virtually unknown. There were only two +or three newspaper proprietors in the House of Commons; none in the +House of Lords. The descriptive reporter had not yet made his +appearance in the Press Gallery; the gentlemen there were shorthand +writers only. The Lobby correspondent had not risen to that public +importance for which he was destined. Mr. Labouchere consequently +had the field very much to himself as a parliamentary journalist. +Perhaps he did not make as much use of the opportunity as he would +have done three or four years earlier, when journalism for its own +sake had such a hold upon his affections. He was always extremely +averse to using his parliamentary position for the advantage of his +own paper; indeed, so far did he carry this feeling that in later +years when any matter was under ventilation in _Truth_, which +naturally furnished matter for the interrogation of a Minister, it +was most difficult to obtain his assistance, and quite impossible to +persuade him to ask a question himself. If he consented to give his +help, he nearly always got a friend to put the question down. From +first to last--to the intense annoyance of Horace Voules--his +disposition was always to use his own journal as an aid to his +schemes and ambitions in Parliament, never his parliamentary position +for the advantage of his journal. + +Nevertheless, the reputation that he speedily made for himself in the +House of Commons, his novel and individual {505} style of handling +politics and politicians--friends and foes alike--and the audacity of +the opinions which he was always delivering with an air "that was +childlike and bland," necessarily had their effect upon the paper +that he owned and wrote for. As the organ of a rising M.P., +constantly before the public, and a mouthpiece of advanced +Radicalism, _Truth_ gained more than it lost by the cessation of Mr. +Labouchere's exuberant literary activity. The circulation of the +paper, which had not increased to any great extent between 1877 and +1880, now began to display considerable buoyancy. At the same time +Horace Voules was beginning to make his hand felt. He enlisted many +useful recruits to fill the space left vacant by Mr. Labouchere. In +particular he developed the paper on the financial side, having a +strong fancy, as well as great aptitude, for that line of journalism. +In fact he may be considered a pioneer in it, for at that time there +was not a single financial daily paper in London, and the financial +articles in the general daily Press were framed in a very bald and +perfunctory style. With the assistance of Mr. L. Brousson, who wrote +for _Truth_ with most valuable results for nearly twenty years under +the pseudonym of "Moses Moss," Voules made the paper as strong in +finance as Mr. Labouchere made it in politics, and very much more +popular. Voules was a man of great enterprise, courage, and +resource, a sound judge of "what the public wants," and at the same +time a born fighter. He wrote little himself, but he had a good eye +for literary ability in others--at any rate the kind of ability that +he needed for his own purpose. Following up the lead which Mr. +Labouchere had given in attacking frauds and abuses, he made during +the 'eighties several big journalistic coups by the exposure of +financial swindles. From this he passed on to the fertile field of +charity. By this time he had got together a fairly complete and +competent staff for dealing with such matters. He made a thorough +investigation of every subject he dealt with. He interviewed +witnesses himself; he inspired every line that {506} was written for +publication. Thus fortified, he threw down the gauntlet to one +swindler after another. Many were routed and driven out of the field +by the mere force of the case made against them in _Truth_. Others, +who defended themselves by proceedings for libel, were met and +overthrown one after another in the Law Courts. The story of all +these personal encounters, which lasted almost continuously for ten +or twelve years, would fill a volume--and a volume without any +parallel in the history of journalism. The work ended only because +there was no more to be done. There was no game left worth powder +and shot. Horace Voules had simply cleared out this particular +field. Nor was his activity confined to any one field. The public +services--particularly the Army--the Church, the administration of +justice, especially by justices of the peace, and indeed almost every +sphere of human activity where there was any wrong or misconduct that +required castigation, brought perennial supplies of grist to the +journalistic mill over which Horace Voules ruled in Carteret Street. + +Thus it came about that towards the end of the last century _Truth_ +had become a journal with a unique record, an influence that was +felt--mostly for good--all over the English-speaking world, and +incidentally a very valuable property. Before the end of the +'eighties it must have begun to yield Mr. Labouchere--a rich man +independently of it--a larger income than would have sufficed for all +his requirements, which were never extravagant. The attitude of the +parent towards his bantling, which had grown in such an unexpected +fashion, was very much like his attitude towards everything else that +happened to him in life. If he took any pride in his offspring, he +did not manifest it openly; in a general way he betrayed no concern +in its performances. When he visited the office, which he usually +did for an hour or two on Monday and Tuesday mornings on his way to +the House of Commons, it was only to correct the proofs of his own +contributions--by this time almost entirely confined {507} to +politics, except when he went abroad in the autumn--to consume a +frugal lunch, and to chat about anything but the business of his +paper with anybody whom he could find to talk to. + +A personal reminiscence of this period will show how strangely +uninterested he was in the affairs of the paper which he was supposed +by the public to direct. In the spring of 1893, Horace Voules had a +bad illness, the first of many, and as he kept the whole business of +the office in his hands the situation was rather serious. I went +down to see him at Brighton, where he lived for the last twenty years +of his life, and heard from his doctor that if he ever came back at +all it could not be for many weeks. On returning to town I went +straight to the House of Commons and reported this alarming +intelligence to Mr. Labouchere. If I had reported it to the Speaker +he could not have manifested less concern. What chiefly interested +Mr. Labouchere was the nature and treatment of Voules's ailment; he +was always prepared to give advice, publicly or privately, on the +preservation of health. "You know Voules eats a great deal too +much," he said, which was no doubt true. "His doctor should do so +and so. I will write to him at once." I suggested to him that it +might be more useful if he would write something for _Truth_, as we +had not an editorial article in sight for next week. "You can do +very well for once without an article, can't you?" was the staggering +reply. I endeavoured to convey to him that there was a great deal of +work at the office which somebody would have to do in Voules's +absence, among other things about fifty letters a day requiring to be +attended to. "I should not bother myself about answering letters if +I were you," said my employer. This did not surprise me so much, for +I had previously heard from Voules of our proprietor's golden rule +for dealing with correspondence: "I never knew a letter yet, Voules, +which would not answer itself if you left it alone for two months." +It did not take many minutes' conversation to show that the editor +was {508} quite the last person from whom any assistance was likely +to be obtained in carrying on the paper in the emergency that had +arisen; at the same time I remember that we had a very interesting +talk about the Home Rule Bill before I left him. I wondered +afterwards what he would have said if I had written to him in his own +words to Voules, "I don't think I shall bring the paper out next +week." Probably it would not have disturbed him seriously. It +should be added that he did write to Voules as he had promised--a +very kind, sympathetic letter, in which he begged Voules above all +things not to hurry back, and assured him that everything would go on +all right in his absence. I forget whether he said that he would see +to that, but it is quite possible that he did. It is a fact that the +following week--the first in which Voules had been absent for about +fifteen years--Mr. Labouchere also omitted his customary visit to the +office on a Monday morning. I suppose he thought that as Voules was +away I should not have much time to talk to him. + +To those who were behind the scenes there was something ludicrous and +something supremely "Laboucherean" in the contrast between this airy +indifference to the fortunes of his journal, and the public +conception of the proprietor as an indefatigable editor personally +inspiring and directing all its performances. Possibly it amused Mr. +Labouchere himself, but far more probably he never gave it a thought, +for nothing in his life that appeared to other people abnormal ever +presented itself in that light to him. To any one who knows the +_laissez-aller_ spirit in which he treated every affair of life, it +cannot cause the slightest surprise that he allowed himself to drift +into a position which was, on the face of it, somewhat equivocal. +The best evidence of the view that he himself took of this anomalous +position is afforded by the way it came to an end. Horace Voules +chafed for a long time under his own relation to the titular editor, +and it is really more difficult to understand his long acceptance of +this position than Mr. Labouchere's failure to do anything towards +{509} altering it. The explanation in his case, no doubt, is that +with the growth of the profits of the business he gradually came into +a very handsome income, and he was a man who valued this a good deal +more than personal glory. But he certainly felt aggrieved, as most +men would, that so much of the credit of his work should go to +another, and what perhaps annoyed him more was Mr. Labouchere's +characteristic indifference to everything that was done in his name. +Out of this there grew up a coolness between them, and at last Voules +openly kicked. The moment the question of the editorship was raised +in this way, Mr. Labouchere instantly conceded it, as Voules might +have known he would. "My dear Voules," he said, in mild surprise. +"_I_ don't want to be the editor. You can call yourself the editor +if you like." In his own mind he probably said, "If you attach any +value to such an absurd trifle, why, in the name of wonder, did you +not say so before?" In this characteristic fashion, Mr. Labouchere +divested himself of the last rags of editorship. Voules recounted +the conversation to me immediately after it took place. I cannot fix +the date precisely, but it was probably in 1897 or 1898. + +There remains little to be related of Mr. Labouchere's career as a +journalist. But it may assist the comprehension of what appears +difficult to understand, in his relation to the real editorship of +his paper during so many years, to refer to what passed between him +and Voules on a lamentable occasion in 1902. At that time certain +unfortunate circumstances had come to light which made it impossible +that Mr. Brousson should remain on the staff of _Truth_, or that +Horace Voules should continue in the formal position of editor; I +trust I may be forgiven for referring in mere detail to the +indiscretion of an old and dear friend and the sad end of a brilliant +career. Mr. Labouchere, to whom the situation must have been as +painful as to anybody, took counsel with Sir George Lewis, as a +friend of both parties, and between them they excogitated an +announcement for publication to {510} the effect that Mr. Voules had +resigned the editorship of _Truth_, but would remain associated with +the paper. It was the least that could have been announced under the +circumstances, but naturally poor Voules fought hard against it, and +a warm debate took place at Sir George Lewis's office. Voules wanted +to know who was to be appointed editor, and in what capacity he +himself was to be "associated with the paper." He declined to submit +to the humiliation of having to serve under one of his own +subordinates. Mr. Labouchere told him that he did not see the +necessity of appointing another editor. "You can't seriously propose +that the paper is to be carried on without an editor," said Voules. +"My dear Voules," replied the proprietor, "I have now been connected +with newspapers over forty years, and I have never yet discovered +what an editor is. If you like, I will resume the editorship, but it +seems to me quite unnecessary." So little did Voules understand his +old friend even at that date that he came to me at the end of the +interview in a terrible state of agitation, convinced that Labouchere +was playing with him, and that he and I were to change places. +Labouchere was, of course, perfectly serious, and for the next seven +years _Truth_ remained without an editor. I suppose that in all his +life Mr. Labouchere never did a more extraordinary thing than this, +judging by what would be considered ordinary conduct for a man in his +position in such a case. Yet surely the extraordinary course which +he took is an example of the way in which his habit of looking at the +essential things in life, and snapping his fingers at conventions and +traditions, guided him to the best possible solution of a serious +difficulty. He regarded it as essential that Voules should not be +formally and officially the man in control of the paper. He regarded +it as equally essential--but how few would have done so!--that the +man who had served him so well and honourably for five-and-twenty +years should not be cast out to end his days in disgrace. So he +said: "I will have no editor in future. I see no necessity {511} for +it. Manage as best you can without one!" Is not this really a +stroke of genius, seeing that it is a solution of the difficulty that +no one else would ever have dreamed of, that it is so perfectly +simple, and that it effected everything that was really necessary? +It also becomes easier, I think, after this to understand how Mr. +Labouchere had previously allowed his paper to go on for about +seventeen years under the editorship of its business "manager" +without suspecting that there was anything anomalous in this +arrangement until his manager surprised him by protesting against it. + +I feel that I cannot close this narrative of Mr. Labouchere's +relations with _Truth_ without a reference to the termination of his +sole proprietorship of that journal, for it was very characteristic +of him. Slight as was the interest that he evinced in his property +in his later years, he never seemed desirous of parting with it, +naming a prohibitive price when any one offered to buy it, as many +did, including Horace Voules. When, after poor Voules's death in +1909, I myself pressed him to turn his proprietorship into a company, +he politely but firmly declined, observing that he distrusted boards, +and had always believed in finding a man who can manage your business +for you and leaving him to do it. Undoubtedly that was the principle +on which he had conducted many of his affairs. But in the end I +ventured to suggest to him that it would be a great kindness to me +and other members of his staff, who had been connected with the paper +for many years, if he could see his way to put the proprietorship on +a permanent footing, and save us from the possible results of a sale +of the paper to the first bidder in the event of his predeceasing us. +His response was instantaneous and most sympathetic. He practically +offered me an option on the paper at half the price he had asked +Voules a few years previously, and interested himself warmly in +explaining to me how I was to turn this opportunity to the best +advantage. When the proposed deal did not promise to come off very +speedily, he finally said that he would waive {512} his objections to +converting himself into a mere shareholder, and leave us to form a +company, taking from him or placing with others such shares as we +could. So ended Mr. Labouchere's proprietorship of _Truth_--in an +act of pure kindness of heart. It is an exact parallel to his +easy-going abdication of the editorship at the first hint from Voules +that the existing position was rather hard on him. + +Mr. Labouchere was a man of most extraordinary character. "He was an +extraordinary person!" is the exclamation that one has heard a +hundred times rising involuntarily to the lips of those who knew him +well. The story of his connection with journalism is an +extraordinary one, but as loosely sketched in the foregoing +reminiscences it can give but an inadequate impression of what was +most remarkable about him. This would be equally true of any mere +narrative of the events of his career, or any collection of his +disjointed utterances. In writing of him one is always in danger of +conveying the impression that he was a mere eccentric or freak. In +reality he was something very much more. Among other things he was +one of the most prolific and spontaneous writers that ever lived, and +everything that he wrote, however trivial the subject, bore some mark +of his own unique personality. His love of his pen was perhaps his +most vital characteristic; it resembled, indeed, his love of his +cigarette, and the two affections always came into play +simultaneously. He would take up a pen anywhere, and commit his +thoughts to paper without regard to external circumstances--during a +debate in the House of Commons, during a children's party in Old +Palace Yard, in a public room of an hotel. When abroad on his +holidays he used to write contributions to _Truth_ as regularly as if +he were under contract to supply so much copy each week--evidently +writing purely as a pleasure. Probably Mr. Labouchere is the only +man who ever wrote for publication, systematically and voluminously, +without ever being paid for what he wrote. Indirectly, of course, as +the proprietor of _Truth_, {513} he profited by his contributions to +his own paper; but nobody who knew him will suppose that this +consideration ever presented itself to him as a motive for exertion. +Neither was he actuated by that common weakness, love of seeing +himself in print. On the contrary, what became of anything he wrote +after he had produced it was a matter of profound indifference to +him. "I am the only person, I believe, on the Press," he wrote in +his later days, in answer to an apology for consigning to oblivion a +rather long-winded article forwarded from Florence, "who does not +care in the least whether his lucubrations do or do not appear in +print." He wrote to me many times in the same strain, and it was no +doubt literally true. Frequently he would write an article and omit +to post it; sometimes he mislaid it permanently, sometimes he +accidentally destroyed it. Sometimes he would send a second edition +of an article already received and printed, explaining that he could +not remember whether he had posted the first edition or torn it up by +mistake. From long experience of him, I doubt whether he ever looked +at anything he had written after it was printed and published, unless +some accidental circumstance gave him occasion to refer to it. + +No man who ever wrote more strikingly exemplified the aphorism "_le +style c'est l'homme_." His style was entirely his own--a pure, +spontaneous growth, neither derived from reading, nor formed by +conscious effort. It reflected as vividly as his conversation the +characteristics of his intellect, his lucidity of thought and +expression, his quick apprehension, his distaste for display, his +unconventional habit of mind, his dry humour, his naïve wit. A very +good judge, and an old acquaintance in Parliament, writing of him in +the _Saturday Review_ after his death, said that "Mr. Labouchere's +prose was Voltairian." It was Voltairian because his mind was +Voltairian, and because he reproduced on paper, instinctively and +without effort, exactly what was in his mind. But it is out of place +to speak of anything that Mr. Labouchere did {514} in terms of +uncritical eulogy. On the technical side Mr. Labouchere's literary +work was marred by the failings which beset him in everything he +undertook--his repugnance to "taking trouble," and his supreme +indifference. Although he would overhaul his proof mercilessly, and +go on doing it as often as a proof was submitted to him, the process +was generally that of expanding and rewriting, rarely of touching up +and improving what he had written. He thought as little about +"polishing up" a sentence for the sake of literary effect as of +brushing his hat before he went for a walk. The consequence was that +the inevitable blemishes in the work of a man who wrote so fluently, +but never had the patience to read and correct his own manuscript, +constantly made their appearance in print. No one who reads his +work, knowing the way it was done, can doubt that he had it in him to +enrich English literature with veritable masterpieces. It was the +will that he lacked, not the ability, and so it was with nearly +everything he undertook. + +Mr. Labouchere was a man of genius--genius real, original, and +many-sided. The signs of it are evident in almost everything he did, +including his mistakes and his eccentricities. But he had the +misfortune to be born very rich, and if he was not by nature indolent +he acquired an indolent habit of mind through never being under the +necessity of exerting his powers to their full capacity. His genius +was of the critical, not the creative order, and this also +contributed to his forming a view of life inconsistent with strenuous +exertion, for it led him to despise nearly everything that men +ordinarily prize, success in all its shapes included. During all the +time I knew him, his attitude towards life was that of a man playing +a game, interested in it certainly, but only for the amusement it +afforded him. It is worthy of note that he confesses to having been +in youth an inveterate gambler, and having given up play because he +found that it was acquiring too much hold over him. To be interested +in everything, but too much interested in nothing, was a cardinal +{515} principle of his life. Few men have ever incurred more +obloquy, and many worthy people regarded him with aversion; but it +was only from misunderstanding or lack of knowledge. To this he +himself contributed by his perverse habit of self-depreciation, his +indifference to the opinions of his fellow-men, and the amusement he +found in mystifying them. It is absurd to put him on a pedestal--a +position which he never allowed any one else, and which he took good +care to show he never desired for himself. But it was impossible to +be much in contact with him without appreciating that he was a being +of a rare order of intellect, with something in him that placed him +above the ordinary failings and foibles of humanity, however much he +might try to magnify his own. It was my privilege to know him pretty +closely for over thirty years, and very intimately for the last ten. +Though he did in that time many things that one would have wished he +had not done, and said many that would have been better left unsaid, +I can look back to him now only with admiration for his wisdom and +his wit, and affection for his drolleries and his indiscretions, no +less than for his many virtues. + +There comes back to me the last time I sat with him, by the side of +the lake at Cadennabia. "Let us get away from this beastly band," he +had said, in the hall of the hotel after dinner, "one can't hear +oneself speak." So we sat down outside, and he rambled on: "I can't +think why people want bands when they come here. Wonderful place +this for stars! What I like about it is that you can see them in the +lake without craning your neck. I sit here and follow Bacon's +advice: look at the stars in the pond instead of in the sky, and you +won't tumble into the pond. There was a Greek named Pythagoras--or +some ass at any rate--who comforted himself with the notion that in +the future state he would be able to hear the music of the spheres. +Who wants to hear the music of the spheres? Bother that band! What +strikes me most about the stars is that they do their {516} work so +quietly. Pythagoras picked up his notions in the East--probably from +the Jews. They imagined angels with harps and a perpetual concert in +heaven. Good God! Think of having to sit at a concert for all +eternity! Wouldn't you pray to be allowed to go to hell? The only +reason that I can see for desiring immortality would be the chance of +meeting Pythagoras and the other asses, and having a few words with +them. Now Socrates was not an ass. He was for banishing musicians +from his republic. No doubt he saw that this would get him a lot of +republican votes. Gladstone once said to me----" + +And then he dropped off to sleep. He was beginning by that time to +doze at odd times, though all his life it was characteristic of him +not to be able to take his sleep like an ordinary mortal. And not +long after I left him sitting there by the lake, sleep finally +overcame him, and he passed out into the night, to learn more of the +silence of the stars, and to have it out, if possible, with +Pythagoras. + + + + +{517} + +CHAPTER XIX + +THE CLOSING YEARS + +Upon only one occasion in his life could a charge of Jingoism have +been brought against Mr. Labouchere. The last long speech he made in +the House of Commons was against the second reading of the Women's +Enfranchisement Bill, in which he said that he objected to women +being given the vote because they could not be soldiers; in short, +because their physical limitations prevented them from being able to +take a place in the battlefield. A member pointed out that the +speaker himself was not a military man. With passion he replied +that, whereas there was not a man alive who could not fight, and, if +necessary, swim through seas of gore to protect his native land, the +other sex were incapable of putting up with the hardships and +privation involved in warfare.[1] + +It was in the third session of Mr. Balfour's Parliament that Mr. +Labouchere made his last speech in the House of Commons. He was +nearly seventy-four years old, and had been hankering for some time +after the delights of a reposeful old age in the retirement of the +beautiful villa he had bought in the neighbourhood of Florence four +years before. Sir Henry Campbell Bannerman had written to him in the +previous December, when a rumour of his intended retirement had +reached him: "I hope you are not really thinking of breaking off with +Parliament, though I frankly say it is what {518} I should do if I +could, who have the advantage of a year or two over you, but I think +we old stagers with sound views are wanted to steady the new-century +gentlemen by a little of our early Victorian wisdom." But Mr. +Labouchere was wise enough to know how dull it would be to exist in a +modern Parliament as almost the only survivor of the grand old +Victorian Radical party, whose sympathies and ideals, the policy of +the Labour members alone resembled, in the remotest degree. His mind +was made up, but he kept his own counsel, except to his leader, +because, as he wrote to Mr. Robert Bennett at the time of his +retirement, a man who is known not to be going to stand again becomes +a nonentity in Parliament. + +In a letter to Mr. Edward Thornton, the month before his withdrawal +from public life, he gave his view of the Parliamentary situation at +that time: + + +Just now politics are dead. When Parliament meets, the Liberals will +try to put the Government in a majority during the session, and +Balfour will try to carry on to the end of it. There seems no reason +why he should be beaten, provided that he can keep his men in the +House. But this is also our difficulty. The individual M.P. never +wants an election.... Campbell Bannerman is now absolutely certain +to be the next Premier unless his health breaks down. All that you +see about this or that man in the Cabinet is only intelligent +anticipation. He is not _de jure_ on the succession to the +Premiership, there are no consultations, and he has a wholesome +distrust of his Front Bench friends who almost all have intrigued +against him. I know him intimately, and he talks to me pretty +freely, for I have expressed to him that I want nothing. At +seventy-four a man is a fool to be a Minister. + + +The news of Mr. Labouchere's retirement came as a surprise to most of +the world. The first intimation to the public was his letter to the +Liberal electors of Northampton announcing his decision. It was +written from Florence, and dated December 14, 1905. It ran as +follows: + + +{519} + +GENTLEMEN,--I have been elected by a majority of you to represent you +in six Parliaments. I have received no intimation from any of the +Radicals, to whose votes I have owed my having been your member for +twenty-five years, that they disapprove of my Parliamentary action +whilst serving them, or that they do not wish me to be one of their +candidates at the next general election. Were I, therefore, to come +forward again as a candidate there is little doubt that I should be +one of your representatives in a seventh Parliament. But I am now +seventy-four years old. At that age a man is neither so strong nor +active as he once was, and any one who wishes to represent +efficiently a large and important constituency like yours in +Parliament should be strong in wind and limb. I feel therefore that +I ought not to take advantage of your consideration towards me in a +matter so vital to you in order to lag superfluous on the political +stage. + +I have delayed until now making this announcement because it was +impossible to know when a general election would take place, and I +thought that it would be more convenient to you for me to wait until +the date of the election was settled and near at hand. I do not +think that my withdrawal will affect the position of parties in +Northampton. In Dr. Shipman you have a member whose Parliamentary +action has been in accord with the pledges that have already secured +his return, and on whose personal worth all are agreed. You will +have no difficulty in finding a man to replace me, as eager to +promote the cause of democracy as I am, and who will be better able +to fight for the cause than one in the sere and yellow leaf. + + +Mr. Labouchere remarked once, that he had on one occasion only been +asked by a constituent for a pledge with regard to his Parliamentary +action. He had unhesitatingly given it, and been unflinchingly true +to his word. The elector's injunction had been, "Now, mind, I say, +and keep your hi on Joe." But whether the story is a slight +exaggeration of the confidence his constituents had in him to +faithfully represent their views at Westminster or not, it gives +elliptically a description of his attitude during the twenty-five +years he served the electors of Northampton. He became {520} their +member as an anti-Imperialist, in Lord Beaconsfield's interpretation +of the term, and he took his leave of them as an anti-Imperialist, in +the more modern, and what may be called "Chamberlain" sense of the +word. + +I shall quote Mr. T. P. O'Connor's farewell on the occasion of his +retirement, which he published under the title of "The Passing of +Labby," for, apart from its literary merit, it is the fine +appreciation of a friend of many years' standing, who knew the value +of Mr. Labouchere from the social as well as the Parliamentary and +journalistic points of view: + + +There is no old member of the House of Commons who will not feel a +pang of personal regret at hearing that Labby is leaving that +Assembly. No one has a right to criticise a man for giving up an +active life at seventy-four years of age--he has done his work. But +Labby had become an almost essential part of the House of Commons; +and there never will be anybody who can quite take his place there. +That extraordinary combination of strong party zeal, with a lurking +desire to make mischief; the sardonic and satirical spirit, mingled +with a certain fierce, though carefully concealed zeal for the public +good; the mordant wit that was equally the delight of the House and +of the smoking room; the world-wide and varied experience of all life +in almost every country and in almost every form--these are the +possessions of but one man, and his like we shall never see again. +There are two Labbys. There is the Labby who almost corrodes with +his bitter wit, and who seems to laugh at everything in life. There +is the other Labby who has strong, stern purpose, who hates all +shams, all cruelty, all imposture, all folly, and who has made war on +all these things for more than a quarter of a century. There is even +a third Labby--the man who hates to give pain even to a domestic, and +who is laughingly said to have run out of a room rather than face the +irritated looks of a maidservant whom he had summoned by too vigorous +a pull at the bell. One of the reasons of the popularity Labby +enjoyed in the House was his tolerant amiability. I have seen him in +the smoking room in the most friendly converse with many a man whom +in previous years he had most fiercely attacked; he bore no ill will, +and treated all {521} those encounters as demanded by business, and +as dismissable when the fight was over. Finally Labby was a far +straighter, far more serious, far more effective politician than his +own persiflage would allow people to think. With all his light wit, +there was something stern and rigid in the man, as you could see from +the powerful mouth, with the full compressed lips. He was perfectly +honest in his hatred of extravagance, pretence, vainglory. He +preferred riding in a tramcar to riding in a coach and four. He +dressed so shabbily sometimes that his counsel used to have to +remonstrate with him when he had to answer a charge of libel. He was +an ascetic in eating. Once he dined quite comfortably, when he was +electioneering, on ham sandwiches with sponge-cake for bread. He +rarely, if ever, tasted wine; he smoked incessantly the poorest and +cheapest cigarettes. As he was in private, so he was in public life. +He derided all great Imperial designs as snobbery and extravagance; +he hated ambition--in short, he was in both his personal habits and +his public opinions, a true devotee of the simple life. He did +immense service to his party in his time. During the heat of the +Home Rule controversy he spoke in scores of towns; took journeys by +night and by day, never spared himself exertion, never complained of +discomfort; in his laughing air, with his assumed air of languor, he +was a strenuous, manly, courageous fighter. And he never changed, he +never concealed, he never explained away his opinion upon anything. +And so I bid him with regret farewell from a scene where he was a +model of honest good faith and courage.[2] + + +So Labby goes! [mourned the _Morning Post_]. What Parliament and +public life will be without him, I hate to think. The letter of +cheery regrets to his Northampton constituents subtracts the _sauce +piquante_ from the Parliamentary dish. The House has long counted +Labby as the last of its originals, has prized him as a refreshing +relish, has looked to him for the unexpected flavour. All strangers +would ask inevitably to have him pointed out, and the House would +fill at once when the word went round the corridors and lobbies and +smoking rooms that Labby was "up" and holding forth from his +customary corner {522} seat below the gangway--the best of all +positions from which to address the House. So too the smoking room +became suddenly crowded when Labby was to be seen standing there with +back to fireplace, the eternal cigarette between his lips, ready for +talk. It gives a peculiar pang to realise that he will be seen there +no more. But the pang is lessened when one finds Labby--Labby of all +men--seriously pleading old age as a ground for his retirement. It +sounds like one of his little jokes, or, perhaps, it is a genuine +case of hallucination. Labby had possibly a touch of old age at +twenty, but he had also the sense to outgrow it. Since then he has +never relapsed, and now in the seventy-fifth year of his youth, and +with a pen several years younger, it is a vain and commonplace and +un-Labbyish thing to pretend that youth and he are no longer +"housemates still." An unbelieving world will not accept that +plea.... I daresay that, half a century ago, Labby was, not unlike +the wise youth Adrian in Meredith's _Richard Feverel_, quite +unnaturally cool and quizzical, long-headed and non-moral, but an +Adrian humanised by something of the Bohemian spirit and a turn for +careless pleasuring. And in those days, no doubt--his Eton and +Cambridge days--he struck his contemporaries as really old. But no +one, for fifty years, has ever accused him of not having overcome his +early weakness; and it was the very last charge I ever expected to +hear Labby prefer against himself.[3] + + +There was something about Mr. Labouchere's personality, apart from +his deeds and thoughts, which appealed almost irresistibly to the +affectionate sympathies of all mankind. To find an ill-natured +comment in any of the articles that were published about him in the +press when he left the House of Commons is so difficult that, were +such a one to be recorded in this volume, it would give its author an +almost unenviable position of distinction. But in order to be +perfectly impartial, I shall merely quote the pleasant part of the +only one I could find, so that its writer need not feel that he has +been placed in an out-of-the-way corner with a fool's cap on his head: + + +{523} + +On the whole Mr. Labouchere has done a great deal of good in his +life, more good and less evil than many so-called statesmen. He has +exposed swindlers and moneylenders and rotten companies. He has +obtained for the public the right to ride, drive, and walk up and +down Constitution Hill. No victim of cruelty or injustice ever +appealed to him for a hearing in vain. Above all he wrote an English +style of remarkable purity, logic, and humour. + + +Letters of regretful farewell poured in upon Labby in his Florentine +home, and he possessed a kindly characteristic common to nearly all +frankly unpretentious human beings. He loved his post. In his cosy +armchair by the fire he read his letters and enjoyed them, and what +was more--he proceeded to answer them. No pre-occupation, however +diverting, ever prevented him from, at the first available moment +sitting down to his writing-table, and, in the almost illegible hand +which he vainly tried to improve, penning answers to his welcome +correspondents. + +"I have been very sorry, but not surprised," wrote Sir Henry Campbell +Bannerman to him on Christmas Day, "to read in the newspapers of your +retirement. It is not over kind of you to put it on the ground of +age, for that hits some of the rest of us hard. For my part, I +confess my sentiment when I read it was: _O si sic omnes_--and envy +was the prevailing feeling. But, seriously, we shall miss you +greatly as one always ready to hoist the flag of the old Liberalism, +as distinguishable from the less stout and stalwart doctrine which +passes for Liberalism with the moderns. + +"But now as you are going would you care to have the House of Commons +honour of Privy Councillor? If so it would be to me a genuine +pleasure to be the channel of conveying it. You ought to have had it +long ago. I may add that in the highest quarter gratification would +be felt. I have taken soundings. I think we have done and are doing +pretty well. The Government are pretty well the pick of the basket, +though there are some good men left out, and I {524} think we can +make it a change of policy and not a mere change of men. All +seasonable wishes to you and yours.--Yours always, + +"H. C. B." + +"Knowing you to be a wise man," wrote Lord Selby, who had been +Speaker of the House in three of the six Parliaments of which Mr. +Labouchere had been a member, "I was not surprised to see that you +had made up your mind to eschew Westminster, and enjoy Florence and +its climate, but if I were still in the Chair I should miss you in +the next Parliament, and I am sure the smoking-room will be a forlorn +place without you; and I do not see how the loss is to be repaired, +for it takes a good many years to grow a plant of the same kind. I +wish you and Mrs. Labouchere long leisure and much pleasure in your +Italian home, seasoned with occasional visits to England. The +election may be said to have begun with Balfour's speech at Leeds, +and Campbell Bannerman's at the Albert Hall...." + +The leader of the Irish party wrote from Dublin: + +"DEAR LABOUCHERE,--When writing the other day, I did not know that +you had any idea of retiring from Parliament. I learned your +intention with deep regret. You have been so long one of the truest +friends of Ireland that you will be missed by us all, and at a time +when we can badly spare a real friend. With heartiest good wishes, +and many thanks for your advice and assistance on so many occasions, +I remain very truly yours, + +"J. E. REDMOND." + +"I have just read your farewell to Northampton," wrote Sir Wilfrid +Lawson, on December 17, "and it has troubled me. I am going to stand +again for Cockermouth (I am older than you!) with a _fair_ chance of +success, but, if I win and get back to the House, I shall feel that +it is not exactly the same place without you. I therefore just write +this to say how sorry I am to lose you. Certainly you have always +held up bravely and ably the banner of the Radicalism in which {525} +I believe, and it remains to be seen whether we shall get it as well +held up in the Parliament which is to be. Any way those who believe +in Government 'of, for, and by the people,' ought to be grateful to +you for your persistent preaching and teaching of that doctrine. + +"The new Government promises well, but I remember a story on which +you trenchantly commented in _Truth_ some years ago. When Lord +Dudley was married it was proposed in the Kidderminster Corporation +that they should give him a wedding present, on which an old weaver +rose and suggested that it should be postponed '_till we see how he +goes on_.' + +"Well, I hope that you will go on well and happily till the end of +your days, and, meantime, not forget to give outside help to your old +comrades, who for a bit longer are grinding in the Parliamentary +mill." + +Lord James of Hereford wrote: + +"The announcement of your departure from the House of Commons seems +almost to affect me personally. I recall a day in the end of August, +1868, when you and I and John Stamforth were sitting in front of the +Kursaal at Homburg. You and I were discussing our relative chances +in Middlesex and at Taunton, and then you asked Stamforth how he was +getting on at Athlone. "I am member for Athlone," replied that +unfortunate man, who afterwards, as you know, polled one vote. + +"Well, the water has been flowing on since then. You and I have seen +a good deal of political life, and taken a fair share in it. I hope +we have not done much harm, but Heaven only knows. I am very sorry +that you are not continuing in the fight.... + +"I know how little I can do, for I am three years older than you +are--but the House of Lords offers some opportunities for easy going +to an old one." + +"DEAR LABOUCHERE," wrote Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice,--"We have enjoyed +sweet converse together in the House of Commons and in the woods of +Marienbad on 'men and {526} things.' We are both leaving the House +of Commons at the same time, so I send you a word of greeting--or +farewell, or by whatever other name it may be appropriate to describe +these words.... A short Parliament generally follows a long +Parliament, and I expect to see this canon once more illustrated." + +"The _New York Herald_ of this morning announces your appointment as +a P. C.," wrote Sir Edmund Monson from Paris. "I am very glad that +you have received this distinction, which, in my own case, I have +always regarded as the most acceptable of all that have been bestowed +on me.... I can quite understand your relinquishing Parliament, and +I hope you may long enjoy the _otium cum dignitate_ which no place +better than Florence can supply.... Believe me, always your sincere +old friend, + +"EDMUND MONSON." + +Lord Brampton wrote on the last day but one of the year: "I have just +received your note. Your reasons for retirement from Parliament are +unreasonable. But, as far as I am concerned, although I have not a +word of objection to offer, still I remain _sorry_. With all my +heart I rejoice in to-day's _Times_, and offer to you, my right +honourable friend, my heartiest congratulations to you and all yours, +and every good wish for the coming New Year. I wish I could avail +myself of your invitation to Florence, but I fear I have no chance, +as I am very weak still and can hardly hold a pen." + +Only one other letter must be quoted from the friends of Labby's +youth. Sir Henry Lucy wrote on Christmas Day: + +"MY DEAR LABOUCHERE,--You will find in the forthcoming issue of +_Punch_ some reflections on 'The Sage of Queen Anne's Gate,' from the +Diary of Toby, M.P. I believe they echo the feeling of the whole +House of Commons, irrespective of party, at the prospect of your +withdrawal from the scene. + +{527} + +"But why cut Westminster altogether? There is still the House of +Lords. If I might behold you walking out shoulder to shoulder with +the Archbishop of Canterbury to vote 'content' or 'not content' as +the case might be, I should feel I had not lived in vain.... With a +warmth and friendship dating back nearly thirty years--Eheu! we were +colleagues on the _World_ staff in 1875." + +Toby, M.P., recalled in a pathetic little article in _Punch_ the way +Mr. Gedge had tried to do Labby out of his corner seat below the +gangway, where Sir Charles Dilke had sat beside him on one side of +the House or the other ever since Mr. Gladstone's Parliament of 1892. +In order to secure a seat in the House, members had to be present at +the reading of prayers, during which any one could slip a card with +his name upon it into the back of the place he wanted. Now Labby was +never at prayers, and yet, Mr. Gedge noticed, he had always had the +same seat secured to himself in the orthodox manner. Accordingly, +one day he allowed his thoughts to wander whilst the House of Commons +devotions were proceeding, and his eyes followed his thoughts. +Between his fingers held devoutly before his face, he peeped, and +noticed Sir Charles Dilke, buried in prayer as usual. Then he saw +his devotion relax for a moment. Sir Charles was slipping a card +into the back of the seat which he intended to secure for himself, +and Mr. Gedge was horrified to see that he proceeded to slip a card +with Labby's name upon it into the back of the next one--the coveted +corner seat below the gangway. Mr. Gedge subsequently drew the +attention of the House to this piece of underhand dealing, but +honourable gentlemen did not choose to take any notice of what would +clearly not have been observed, if Mr. Gedge had been paying proper +attention to his prayers. + +A propos to the seating accommodation in the House of Commons, it +should be remembered that as far back as 1893, when the disgraceful +scrimmage for seats took place at the introduction of Mr. Gladstone's +Home Rule Bill, {528} Mr. Labouchere had begun to agitate for a new +House of Commons with seats for every member. He explained to a +journalist at the time his plan for an ameliorated House: + +"At present," he said, "a man goes before a constituency and, after a +lot of trouble and expense, wins a seat--so it is called. He then +comes up here to Westminster, and finds he has gone through only half +the preliminaries necessary for securing a seat. He has taken only +the first steps, which are simply child's play to what he has yet to +do. Getting elected is simply nothing comparatively. First I wanted +an octagonal chamber," he proceeded, "but I find general opinion will +retain the present form. So my idea is to have eight rows of seats +on each side of the House, curving round at the end opposite to the +Speaker. If each row will seat forty-two members, you will find that +will provide a seat for the whole six hundred and seventy-two. Then +every one could retain his seat throughout the session. The +difficulty about the square shape of the House is that it gives you +an equal number of seats for each party and the Government is +generally in a majority. That is why I would run the seats round at +one end--so that the supporters of the Government could have the +whole of one side, and as far as the second gangway on the other. +Having a broader House would necessarily mean enlarging the Press and +Strangers' Galleries also. All the members are in favour of it, with +the exception of the front benches. They have got their seats +assured, so they say that the House is cosy, and to enlarge it would +force them to pitch their voices higher." The journalist who was +interviewing him commented on the extreme moderation of his designs +for an ameliorated House of Commons. "Oh," remarked Mr. Labouchere, +"these are just the alterations we shall probably make. What I +personally should have liked would be to clear the Lords out of their +House, which is bigger than the House of Commons, and install +ourselves therein."[4] Eight years {529} later he went to Vienna, +and poured forth in _Truth_ the story of his envy when he saw the +Austrian House of Deputies: + + +I went to see the Parliament House, and, after inspecting it, I felt +that I could with pleasure join a mob to disinter the remains of the +eminent architect who built the Palace at Westminster and hang his +bones on a gibbet. The Vienna architect has erected a building which +is Parliament Architecture. Everything is adapted to the wants and +requirements of those who want to use it. The members of each of the +two Chambers sit in a semi-circular room, and each member has an +armchair and a desk before him. The general objection made to this +plan of a deliberative room is that it obliges members to speak from +a tribune. But at Vienna they speak from their places, and, owing to +the excellent acoustic properties of the Chamber, they can be +perfectly heard. I went over the place in the company of a priest +who was visiting it at the same time. He perceived that I was an +Englishman, and asked me how the place compared with the English +Parliament House. "The members in England," I said, "sit in an +oblong room, in which there are only places for half their number." +"But what do the others do?" he asked. "They do not listen to the +debates," I replied; "they seldom know what is under discussion. A +bell rings and they come in, and are told to vote as their leader +orders them." As a good Radical I felt it necessary to give a +further explanation, so I continued: "The majority of the members are +the supporters of the Government; it is one of the worst Governments +with which a country was ever cursed; it is called the 'stupid +party,' and it is composed of Junkers and men who have made much +money. They want the laws to be made for their benefit, and not for +the benefit of the poor." "But why," he said, "do they have a +majority, for I suppose that the poor have votes as well as the rich, +and there must be more poor than rich in England?" "They gained +their election by corruption and falsehood," I answered. "Their +wives and their daughters went about giving the electors feasts, and +they went about saying everywhere that the Radicals wanted to destroy +the Empire. In this way they {530} bought some with gifts, and +others they deceived with falsehoods. Soon the electors discovered +how they had been fooled, and for five years they have wanted to take +away the Government from the 'stupids,' but, by our laws, a +Parliament is elected for seven years, and the country is still +obliged to submit to the disgrace of having such a Government for one +or perhaps two more years. Then there will be another election, and +the 'stupids' will be in a minority, and the Radicals who represent +the sense and intelligence of the country will become the +Government." "And the Radicals," he said, "will, I suppose, make a +Chamber large enough to hold all the members." "I am not sure of +that," I answered. This seemed to surprise him, but he thanked me +for having made clear to him the party differences in England.[5] + + +But my story is wandering backwards instead of forwards. And so +stories usually do in the City of Flowers, where the present is so +full of ease and pleasure that a man's mind is free to linger where +it will, either lazily in the middle ages, or to stray with graceful +discrimination in the bye paths of memory to find the savour again of +some of the deeds of a gallant past. He may choose, perhaps, to +grasp contentedly and almost without effort, the gifts of the gods +that lie about in profusion, but he must always remember that care +and earnestness, strenuousness and ambition have no place in +Florence. It was of course a home after Mr. Labouchere's own heart. +He went to London in the January of 1906 to be sworn in as a Privy +Councillor, and, in February, he came back with delight to his villa +to enjoy the merry continental _train de vie_ he had always loved. + +Whilst in London, he wrote to Mr. Edward Thornton, who was then in +India: + + +I did not, as you see, stand. At seventy-four one gets bored even +with politics. I am only over here for a fortnight, as I have to get +sworn into the Privy Council. The Unionists have been {531} beaten +badly, because they seem to have gone out of their way to court +defeat. One never knows what may happen, but they will remain in a +minority for the next twenty years, if they run on Protectionist +lines. Joe swaggers and has captured the machine, and Balfour would +do well to fight him instead of knocking under to him. The Chinese +labour helped us greatly. They ought to have known that the old +anti-slavery feeling is still strong, but they seem to imagine that +every one has Rand shares.... The really important thing connected +with the election is the rise of a Labour Party. I do not think, +however, that there are above six M.P.'s returned who are _bona fide_ +and Socialists, they are all jealous of each other. + + +He wrote to Mr. Thornton again on March 10: + + +I had had enough of Parliament, for one gets bored with +everything.... I have not the slightest notion what a Privy +Councillor is, except that I had to take half a dozen oaths at a +Council, which were mumbled out by some dignitary, and then Fletcher +Moulton, who was also being sworn in, and I performed a sort of cake +walk backwards. I don't precisely know whither we shall go in the +summer--for it is such a relief to let the day take care of the day. +It is lucky C. B. has so large a majority, otherwise things would +have been difficult with the Labour lot--far more difficult than with +the Irish. + + +Mr. Labouchere's most regular correspondent up till the time of his +death in January, 1911, was Sir Charles Dilke. The friendship +between them had continued uninterruptedly since 1880. Two letters +that Mr. Labouchere wrote to Sir Charles Dilke in 1910 have an +especial interest, bearing as they do upon the problem that had +always interested Mr. Labouchere so keenly throughout the whole of +his political career, and which, in the first twentieth century +Liberal Parliament, had assumed a new aspect. The first of these +letters was written on February 11: + + +MY DEAR DILKE,--What is the Government going to do in regard to the +Lords? I can understand a one-Chamber man, in {532} default of +getting directly what he wants, trying to get it indirectly, by +having a sham Upper Chamber. But if the Government has to appeal to +the country on a suspensory veto, I doubt this creating much +enthusiasm. If it be carried, this suspensory vote would, of course, +be used by the Peers for all that it is worth when a Liberal +Government is in to throw _batons dans leurs roues_. I should have +thought, with the experience of the last Parliament, that it would be +realised that Peer obstruction, cleverly managed, could reduce any +Liberal Government to ridicule and contempt. So long as a Reform is +hung up by the Lords, the electors have no heart in further Liberal +legislation, which, in its turn, would also be hung up. A Party with +a H. of C. majority at its back cannot afford to be unable to carry +through its measures. Why not go at once for the abolition of the H. +of Peers, and its being replaced by some sort of an elected Upper +Chamber? Nothing is easier than to contrive one. The basis would be +the constitution of the U.S. Senate _mutatis mutandis_. It should +have only one half of the membership of the H. of C., and if the two +Houses cannot agree, then they should sit and vote together on the +issue. Notwithstanding the curious way in which Senators are elected +in the Senate of the U.S., I never heard of any serious proposal to +alter this. Its main strength is due to its executive powers, and +this we need not provide for in our Senate. With any reasonable plan +of election, and the members reduced to about 300, it is odds against +there ever being a majority of one Party of above 40 or 50. No +Government at present can get on long without a certain majority of +slaves of more than this in the Commons, so the Commons would always +get their way. I have been at times a President of and a member of +several Abolition of Lords Associations, and have advocated abolition +in thousands of speeches in the country. The feeling was generally +against hereditary Legislators, for this comes home to all as an +absurd abuse. If I were in the House I would move an amendment on +the Address against hereditary Legislators, and the vast majority of +the Government supporters would vote for it, as they would most of +them be afraid of their electors. What surprises me is that the +Unionists do not counter the plans of the Government by many such an +amendment. They are sacrificing what is their interest to a lot of +obscure Peers, who are of no {533} importance. As for the House of +Lords, with only a suspensory veto, it is worthless to them, except +for tactical obstruction in order to discredit a Liberal Government. + +It is rather curious that if the H. of C. reflects the opinions of +the country there is a majority for Tariff Reform, as all the +National M.P.'s are Protectionists. As it is, they will find it +difficult to vote for the Budget, with O'Brien painting Ireland red +against it. He is a power in Ireland, and Redmond is perfectly aware +of it. Anyhow the manœuvring in the H. of C. and the Debates will +be amusing. There will be difficulties with the Labour men, headed +by Keir Hardie. If I were the Unionists I would buy him.--Yours +truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +The second was written on November 17, and ran as follows: + + +MY DEAR DILKE,--... It is a curious thing that in the discussions +about Home Rule all round, no one has pointed out that in the German +Empire Bavaria occupies a peculiar position. It has far more +independent rights than any other State. It was only on these terms +that it came into the Empire, for there is no great love lost between +the Prussians and the Bavarians. Yet it sends its quota of +representatives to the Reichsrath. Therefore there seems to me no +particular reason why, if there be Home Rule all round, the position +of Ireland should not be that of Bavaria. + +I confess that I do not think much of the Government proposal in +regard to the veto. It seems to me a stupid arrangement. The Upper +Chamber is a fifth wheel on the coach which only can make itself a +nuisance by persistent obstruction, which in two years is swept aside +automatically. My experience in going to lots of anti-Lords Meetings +led me to the conclusion that the country hates an Upper Chamber on +hereditary lines, but does not quite believe in a Single Chamber +which is absolute master. Why does no one propose to "scrap" the H. +of L. and to have an elected Upper House, one-third of whose members +are renewed by election every two years, or some such period? This +would be on the lines of the U.S. Senate, only with a popular +franchise, {534} instead of the strangely illogical one of the U.S. +Such an Upper Chamber would probably be conservative in the real, and +not the party sense of the word, and yet command respect. It would +rarely act except when the decision of the H. of C. was influenced by +a small minority, threatening to turn the Government out if it did +not knock under to it. Were the Unionists to come forward with such +a scheme, they might very probably get a majority.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +After Sir Charles Dilke's death, Mr. Labouchere wrote the following +interesting letter to Lord Channing, dated Feb. 18: + + +DEAR CHANNING,--No, I am not writing any memoirs. I shall find it +more agreeable to read yours than to do so.... I knew him (Dilke) +very well since his start in politics. When in the House, he was the +only man well up, particularly in domestic legislature, and, really, +it is thanks to him that many useful measures were passed. In +explaining them, however, he was too apt to lose himself in minor +details. In foreign politics he never clearly knew what he wanted, +and he was given to believe in mares' nests which he thought he had +picked up abroad.... He fancied that he would be able to become the +leader of the Labour M.P.'s. They were ready to profit by his +speeches, but it soon became clear that they would only have a Labour +M.P. for their leader. We started a sort of Labour Party with a +Whip. But they came to me and said that it must be understood that +he was not to be either President or Chairman. In the main this was +due to jealousy of him.... I did all that I could with Campbell +Bannerman for him to be in the Cabinet. Campbell Bannerman +hesitated. Then Morley made a speech asserting that the Liberals +would not be satisfied unless he was included. At once the Bishop of +Rochester and a head dissenter (I think it was Clifford) published +letters protesting. Campbell Bannerman then pointed to these +letters, and said that we should have a split in the party if he were +in the Cabinet. Personally, I quite agree with you as to his +ostracism from office, but you know what the English are, and +particularly the dissenters.... + +{535} + +Why did you resign your seat? It was a perfectly safe one. I +resigned because I had got to an age, when I got tired out at a long +sitting. It is curious I was with Campbell Bannerman and his wife +and mine. She wanted him to give it up, as his doctor had told him +that he ought to. I urged him to go on. He said that this was odd +advice, when I had said that I should do so, and he was younger than +I was. I replied that it was worth taking risks to be Prime +Minister, but not for anything else. And he is dead and I alive.... + +If ever you want to rest calmly you must come down here and see me. +I have a big villa close to Florence, and live a vegetable +existence.--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +A great grief befell Mr. Labouchere in 1910. He and Mrs. Labouchere +had been spending the summer as usual at Villa d'Este and Cadenabbia, +and had returned to Florence in the early days of October. Never had +Mrs. Labouchere appeared to be in better health and spirits. On the +evening of the 30th October, she had delighted every one with her +inimitable reading aloud of _David Copperfield_, and life at Villa +Cristina, on that day, had seemed, if possible, more joyous and +serene than usual. The next morning the blow fell, but so gently as +to be almost imperceptible. Mrs. Labouchere, feeling a little giddy +on rising, had returned to her bed to allow the temporary sickness to +pass off. By the afternoon she was beginning to slip away into +unconsciousness, and before the bells in the neighbouring convent had +begun to welcome the dawn of the Tutti Santi, she had gone forth +alone on her last long journey. + +The winter of 1910 and 1911 passed quietly away for Mr. Labouchere. +His days were cheered by the constant presence of his daughter, who +had married Marchesa Carlo di Rudini, the son of the former Prime +Minister of Italy, and Mr. Thomas Hart Davies stayed with him till +Christmas Day, returning to Florence again in the early spring. A +succession of visitors from England and Rome kept the house {536} gay +and lively as he loved to have it, always provided that he had to +take upon himself none of the activities or responsibility of +entertaining. "I am merely a passenger on the ship," he would say, +when he wanted to wriggle out of any active participation in the +organisation of whatever might be going on. But it always happened +to be towards the corner of the ship where that particular passenger +was resting that the pleasure and interest of every one converged. +It was not so much the charm of his talk, that was, perhaps, more +entertaining in his old age than it had ever been, as the +extraordinarily youthful and never failing interest that he continued +to take in the affairs of every one else that made him the best +conversationalist in the world. No little event of the smallest +human interest was too trivial to amuse him, and to awake the never +failing source of his mother wit. He passed the summer at Villa +Cristina and went to Villa d'Este in September. Though his spirits +were as gay and unflagging as ever throughout the winter, it was easy +to see that his physical strength was beginning to weaken. The walk +which he took daily round his garden fatigued him so much that, by +Christmas, he had given up even that mild form of exercise. + +He experienced another bereavement during the winter in the death of +his oldest and most intimately associated friend, Sir George Lewis. +He felt his loss very deeply, and I remember that when he told me the +news his voice was full of emotion. He related that Sir George Lewis +had always looked upon him as his _mascotte_. "As long as you're +alive and flourishing, Labby," he used to say, "I shall be all right +too, so mind you take care of yourself." "Just shows what nonsense +all those things are," continued Mr. Labouchere, "for here am I as +well and strong as ever, and there is poor Lewis dead and gone." The +return of Mr. Hart Davies to the Villa early in December cheered him +up immensely, and his devoted friend did not leave his side {537} +again, until the last sad morning when he bade farewell to him on the +hill of San Miniato. + +It was fitting perhaps that almost the last letter that Mr. +Labouchere should have written, should have been to one of his old +theatrical friends. Mr. Charles James Sugden, the actor, wrote to +him and asked him to write a preface to his (Sugden's) forthcoming +volume of Reminiscences. Here is Mr. Labouchere's reply: + + +VILLA CRISTINA, Jan. 4, 1912. + +MY DEAR SUGDEN--You ask me to write a preface to your forthcoming +book. I don't think that I ever read one in my life, for they always +seem to be platitudes, impertinently thrust forward by some person +who has an exaggerated idea of his own importance, in order to hinder +me from getting at what I really do want to read. Good wine needs no +bush, and I shall be greatly disappointed if I do not derive great +pleasure from reading yours, for you have been brought into close +contact with so many persons of note in their day, and some of whom +are still in this world, and can throw many sidelights on them, and +know many anecdotes about them. Pray bring it out as soon as +possible. I am now over eighty, and at about that age senile +imbecility commences, so I do not want it to make progress before I +have had the opportunity to read the book and can appreciate +it.[6]--Yours truly, + +H. LABOUCHERE. + + +But it was not until the beginning of the second week in January that +we all felt certain that he would never be well again. He was +sauntering along so gently and carelessly, as only Labby knew how to +saunter, towards the brink of the dark river. When the little heaps +of cigarettes, that were arranged about his library so as to be +always ready to his hand, ceased to dwindle as usual, it became clear +to each and all that he must be very ill indeed. As simply as a +child, tired with play, he took to his bed on the 11th of January, +{538} and did not get up again. He died peacefully at midnight on +January 15, 1912. + +The earliest remark of Mr. Labouchere's that I have recorded in this +book was a jest, and so was the last I heard him utter. On the +afternoon of the day before he died, as I was sitting at his bedside, +the spirit lamp that kept the fumes of eucalyptus in constant +movement about his room, through some awkwardness of mine, was +overturned. Mr. Labouchere, who was dozing, opened his eyes at the +sound of the little commotion caused by the accident, and perceived +the flare-up. "Flames?" he murmured interrogatively, "not yet, I +think." He laughed quizzically, and went off to sleep again. + +* * * * * * * + +The words in which Mr. Hart Davies conveyed the news of his end to +Carteret Street are so beautiful in their simple directness that no +others can fitly replace them in this biography: + +"His mind always remained perfectly clear. He took a lively interest +in the German elections, the political crisis in France, and the +events of the Italian-Turkish War. He was ever one for whom nothing +that concerned the human race (_nihil humani_) was alien to his vivid +intelligence. But his bodily powers were constantly declining, and +on Monday, January 15, just before midnight, the end came, peacefully +and painlessly, a fitting termination to the career of one who had +ever been a fighter and ever in the forefront of the battle. + +"He was buried on Wednesday morning, under the cold drizzling rain of +the Florentine winter, at San Miniato, in the same grave with his +wife, who died some fifteen months before him. There, his tomb, at +the edge of the western battlement of San Miniato, looks over the +Tower of Galileo and the dark cypresses of Arcetri. It may be said +of him, as Heine said of himself, that on his grave should be placed +'not a wreath, but a sword, for he was a brave soldier in the war for +the liberation of humanity.'" + +{539} + +Before his death, he had expressed a strong wish as to the place of +his burial. He wanted to rest beside his wife at San Miniato. But, +when the arrangements for the funeral were about to be made, it was +remembered that only Catholics were permitted to lie in the beautiful +cemetery of the Florentines. The difficulty seemed insuperable, and +the preliminary steps had already been taken to bury him in the +Protestant graveyard. His daughter, however, determined to leave no +stone unturned so that she might carry out her father's dying wishes. +An appeal was made to some municipal authority, and, by an +extraordinary coincidence, that seemed to make Labby's funeral fit in +with all the rest of his strange paradoxical career, it was +ascertained that, just at that moment, the possession of the cemetery +was passing out of the hands of the religious body to whom it had +hitherto belonged, and was becoming the property of the lay +ecclesiastical authority of the city, and there had been no time for +new regulations or restrictions to be formulated. There were, +therefore, from a legal point of view, none in existence, and so it +turned out that Mr. Labouchere was permitted to lie in the spot that +he had himself chosen. + +For many days after his death, the letters of condolence and sympathy +from all quarters of the globe continued to pour into the deserted +home. Of these one must assuredly be published, for it bears witness +to the loyalty and affection that was unfailingly manifested to him +by the borough he had represented for twenty-five years in +Parliament. It was addressed to Marchesa di Rudini, by Mr. Edwin +Barnes, the Secretary of the Northampton Liberal and Radical +Association, and ran as follows: + + +At a special meeting of the Executive Committee of the above +Association, held last night, the following resolution was +unanimously passed, which I was directed to send to you: "The +Liberals and Radicals of Northampton have heard with the deepest +regret of the death of the Right Hon. Henry Labouchere, {540} who, +for more than a quarter of a century, faithfully represented the +Borough in the House of Commons. The members of the Executive of the +Northampton Liberal and Radical Association hereby place on record +the profound gratitude of all its members for the loyal service which +Mr. Labouchere rendered to the cause of Democracy during so many +years. Whoever faltered, he stood firm, and it will always be a +proud remembrance that Northampton also stood firm, and that there +was no break in the mutual confidence of member and constituents. To +his daughter, the Marchesa di Rudini, and other members of Mr. +Labouchere's family, we offer our sincerest sympathy in the +irreparable loss that they have sustained, and trust they may find +some consolation in the warm tributes that have been paid by men of +all parties to his life, character, and work." Having known Mr. +Labouchere for many years, and being his agent in the important +election of 1900 (during the Boer War), allow me to add my own +personal sympathy and condolence with you. + + + +[1] May 12, 1905. + +[2] _M.A.P._, Dec. 30, 1905. + +[3] _Morning Post_, Dec. 23, 1905. + +[4] _Penny Illustrated Paper_, Feb. 25, 1893. + +[5] _Truth_, Sept. 21, 1900. + +[6] _The Referee_, Jan. 21, 1912. + + + + +{541} + +INDEX + + +Abbeville, Labouchere at, 141 + +Abbot, Labouchere's action against, 108, 109 + +Abdulal Pasha, exile of, 221 + +Abercorn, Duke of, 85 + +Aberdeen, Earl of, 262; Col. Turner as _aide_ to, 361 + +Adelphi Theatre, Green at the, 29 + +Affirmation Act, passing of the, 160 + +Afghan War, the, 143 + +Afrikanders, National League of, 437 + +Aix, Provence, Fouché exiled to, 12 + +Albert, Prince, 67 + +Albret, Jeanne d', founder of the Protestant University at Orthez, 1 + +Alexander II., Emperor of Russia, watches Labouchere at écarté, 57 + +Alexandria, bombardment of, 71, 194, 195, 196, 218 + +Aliens Bill, 170 + +Alison on Mexico, 33 + +Alison, Sir Archibald, his command in Egypt, 209 + +Alliance Loan, the, 13 + +Allsopp, Labouchere on, 239 + +America, Bradlaugh in, 161-64; Fenianism in, 81, 170, 288, 309-10, +385; its constitution an example for England and Ireland, 237-8, 293, +294, 298, 531-33; its diplomats in Paris during the siege, 43; its +interest in Labouchere's Paris letters, 96; its labour system +compared with English, 461, 471, 479; its surgery and its girls in +the Franco-Prussian War, 44, 45; its system of education, 42; +Labouchere's prediction for, 14, 41, 44, 226; Lord Taunton travels +in, 14-15; unpopularity of Parnell in, 378 + +Amiens, Labouchere at, 140 + +Amsterdam, house of Hope at, 2, 10 + +Anarchist party, the, 418 + +Anglo-American War, 9 + +Anne, Queen, Labouchere on, 245 + +Antwerp, 7, 10 + +Appeals in the House of Lords, Labouchere on, 83 + +Appropriation Act, the, 354 + +Arabi Pasha, exile of, 203-9, 219-24; rebellion of, 70-1, 195-98, +202, 215 + +Arago, Mayor of Paris, 127 + +Arklow, Parnell at, 258 + +Armenian persecutions, the, 435 + +Arms Bill, the, 172 + +Army, Labouchere on the, 478 + +Arrears Bill, the passing of, 176, 179, 181, 183, 187, 252, 361 + +Ascot, Labouchere at, 106 + +Ashbourne, his Irish policy, 279 + +Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., counsel for Parnell _v._ Walter, 374 _n._, +407 + +Assouan, 209 + +Athlone, Stamforth contests, 525 + +Atkinson, American statist, 468 + +Atkinson, counsel for the _Times_, 374 _n._ + +Audiffret-Pasquier, Duc d', _Histoire de Mon Temps_, 13 _n._ + +Austen, Charles, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 _n._ + +Australia, J. R. Cox in, 223 + +Austria, customs union with, 418 + +Austrian chargé d'affaires, in Stockholm, Labouchere's duel with, 50 + +Austro-Prussian War, the, 97 + +Avebury, Lord, at Eton, 18 + +Aztecs, the, in Mexico, 34 + + +Bacon, Lord, quoted, 20, 515 + +Baden-Baden, Labouchere at, 54, 65 + +Baggallay, Lord Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157; on +Labouchere in Hyde Park, 364 + +Baker, his army in Egypt, 199 + +Balfour, Rt. Hon. A. J., administration of, 438, 517, 518, 524, 531; +Bannerman on, 455; Gladstone's letters to, _re_ Home Rule, 289, 298; +his coercive measures as Irish Secretary, 357-60; Labouchere on his +philosophy, 369 + +Ballantine, Serjeant, acts as counsel for Labouchere, 76 _n._, 77; at +Evans', 29; dines with Labouchere and Orton, 116 + +Balloons, as letter carriers, during the siege of Paris, 128-35 + +Ballot Act, amendments of the, 272 + +Balston, Edward, Labouchere's house master at Eton, 18 + +Bannerman, Sir Henry Campbell, his letters to Labouchere, _re_ +retirement, 517, 523; his premiership, 518, 524, 531; on +Chamberlain's South African policy, 427, 448, 449, 454, 455 + +Baring, Alexander, partner in the house of Hope, 2 + +Baring, Rev. Alexander, his story of P.-C. Labouchère, 2 + +Baring Brothers, restore French credit, 12, 13; their crisis in 1890, +489 + +Baring, Dorothy, her marriage to P.-C. Labouchère, 2 + +Baring, Emily, marriage of, 14 _n._ + +Baring, Sir Evelyn. See Lord Cromer + +Baring, Hon. Francis Henry, 3 _n._ + +Baring, Sir Francis, consents to his daughter's marriage, 3; his +friendship with Wellesley, 5, 7, 8 + +Baring, Lucy, daughter of Charles, 13 _n._ + +Baring, Sir Thomas, his daughters' marriages, 14 + +Baring, M.P., Thomas Charles, 3 _n._ + +Baring. See Lord Revelstoke + +Barnes, Edwin, Secretary of Northampton Liberal and Radical +Association, 539 + +Barrère, Camille, on the staff of the _World_, 107 + +Barrier, Jean Guyon, 2 + +Barrow, Cavendish influence at, 350 + +Barton fights Labouchere at Eton, 18 + +Bass, Labouchere on, 239 + +Bathurst, Lord, as Foreign Secretary, 6 + +Bavaria, an example for Ireland, 533 + +Bayonne, 1 + +Bazaine, Marshal, at Metz, 123, 124 + +Beaconsfield, Earl of, advises Northcote in the Bradlaugh case, 154; +arranges an Egyptian loan with Rothschilds, 190, 191; attends the +Berlin Congress, 191, 192; defeated at Taunton, 13, 14; his +administration, 85, 86, 235, 520; his Imperialism, 143 + +Bedford, Duke of, Burke's letter to, 231 + +Beefsteak Club, the, Labouchere's expulsion from, 117 + +Beit, Alfred, his complicity in the Jameson Raid, 426, 428, 431 + +Belfast, manufacturers of, 276, 319 + +Belgium, Egypt compared with, 203, 206 + +Bell, Moberley, manager of the _Times_, 436 + +Bellew, Kyrle, début of, 111, 496 + +Bellew, Montesquieu, Labouchere travels to Palestine with, 111-13, 496 + +Belloc, Hilaire, as a conversationalist, 73 + +Bennett, Robert, editor of _Truth_, 518; on Labouchere as a +journalist, 491-516 + +Berlin Congress, the, Disraeli and Salisbury attend, 191, 192 + +---- Decree of, 9 + +Beza, Theodore, professor at Orthez, 1 + +Bigham, 427. See Lord Mersey + +Bingham, Captain Hon. D., in Paris during the siege, 138 _n._, 141 +_n._ + +Birmingham, Chamberlain, M.P. for, 167, 241, 322, 323; death-rate +of, 463 + +_Birmingham Post_, 455 + +Biron, Mr., counsel for Labouchere, 76 _n._ + +Bishop Auckland, Labouchere at, 118 + +Bishops, Labouchere on, 241 + +Bismarck, 96 _n._; as Ambassador at St. Petersburg, 62; at the Berlin +Congress, 192; his _Memoirs_, 70; threatens intervention in Egypt, 194 + +Blackwood, Sir Arthur, at Eton, 18 + +Blake, his support of Labouchere, 427 + +Blanc, Louis, Labouchere protected by, 132 + +Blaquières, M. de, French controller in Egypt, 195 + +Bloemfontein, capture of, 454 + +---- Conference, the, 455 + +Blücher, General, 57 + +Blunt, Wilfrid Scawen, _Gordon and Khartoum_, quoted, 214; his +reminiscences of Labouchere, 69-73; his support of Arabi Pasha, 204, +222; Labouchere's letters to, _re_ Arabi in exile, 220, 224; +Labouchere's letters to, _re_ the Soudan War, 216-19; on the death of +Gordon, 212; on Disraeli and Salisbury, 174; on the English policy in +Egypt, 193, 204, 214-15; on Labouchere as a politician, 198, 214; +_Secret History of the English Occupation of Egypt_, quoted, 190 +_n._, 192 _n._ + +Boadicea, 244 + +Boer War, the history of the, 436-57; Labouchere's protests against, +436, 438-39, 540 + +Boers, the, their resentment against England, 437. _See also under_ +Transvaal + +Bologna, 61 + +Bonn, 32 + +Bonner, Mrs. Bradlaugh, _Life of Mr. Bradlaugh_, 142 _n._ + +Booth, Charles, statist, 460 + +Booth, Sclater, Labouchere on, 239 + +Boston, Labouchere mistaken for an Irish patriot, in, 47, 48 + +Boulogne, Labouchere at, 500 + +Bourbon, the House of, 8 + +Bowen, Lord Justice, 501 + +Bower, Sir Graham, censure of, 428 + +Bowles, Thomas Gibson, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 +_n._ + +Boycott, Captain, English agent of Lord Mayo, 165 + +Boycotting, practice of, 165, 176, 185 + +Boyd, Charles, his interview with Labouchere, 435, 436 + +Bradford, election of 1886 at, 326 + +---- Forster, M.P. for, 176 + +Bradlaugh, Charles, Gladstone's tribute to, 160-61; his imprisonment, +154; his struggle for the right to affirm, 145-64; Labouchere's +defence of, 148, 151, 156-64; returned for Northampton, 142-45, 158 + +Brampton, Henry, Lord, his letter to Labouchere, _re_ retirement, 526 + +Bramwell, Lord Justice, his decision against Bradlaugh, 157 + +Brand, M.P. for Stroud, 334 + +Brand, Sir Henry, 238; his rulings in the Bradlaugh struggle, 146, +151-2, 160 + +Brassey, Lord, Labouchere on, 239 + +Brennan, his imprisonment, 172, 174 + +Brentford, election scenes at, in 1868, 86, 90-2 + +Breslin, John, American Fenian, 385, 396 + +Breteuil, Labouchere at, 140 + +Brett, 280, 289 + +Bridges, Sir Henry, his ditty, 117. _See_ Appendix + +Brielle, 6 + +Bright, John, his defence of Bradlaugh, 146, 149-51; Labouchere's +admiration of, 171, 228; opposes coercive measures in Ireland, 166, +181, 187; opposes the Egyptian policy, 220 + +Brighton, Labouchere at, 269, 273; Voules at, 507 + +Bristol, Lord, Labouchere's fag at Eton, 19 _n._ + +British South Africa Company, its complicity in the Jameson Raid, +426-37, 438, 452, 454; its evacuation of Uganda, 420 + +British virtue, Labouchere's indictments of, 105 + +Broadley, A. M., _How We Defended Arabi and His Friends_, quoted by +Arabi, 222 + +Broome Hall, Surrey, John Peter Labouchere at, 16, 31, 73 + +Broue, Catherine de la, 2 + +Brough, Lionel, at New Queen's Theatre, 99; bluffs Labouchere, 94 + +Brousson, L., on the staff of _Truth_, 505, 509 + +Brownrigg, Inspector, Labouchere on his conduct at Michelstown, 368-71 + +Bruce, Campbell, counsel, 76 _n._ + +Brunner, Mr., at Michelstown, 365, 367 + +Brunswick, House of, Bradlaugh's impeachment of, 148 + +Bryce, James, on the Coercion Bill, 182 + +Buckenbrock, Labouchere's friendship with, 52 + +Budget Bill of 1885, the, 251 + +Buenos Ayres, Labouchere's appointment in, 65 + +Buffalo Bill's Wild West Show, Indians in, 40 + +Buffon quoted, 133 + +Bulgaria, Turks in, 200 + +Buller, his policy in Ireland, 361 + +Buller, Sir Henry, as Ambassador at Constantinople, 54, 63, 64. +_See_ Lord Dalling + +Buller, Sir Redvers, in Pretoria, 440 + +Bunsen, Labouchere on, 308 + +Buonaparte, Jerome, 9 + +Buonaparte, Joseph, in Spain, 8, 9 + +Buonaparte, Louis, as king of Holland, 5-9 + +Bureaucracy, Labouchere on, 122 + +Burke, Under-Secretary for Ireland, murder of, 174, 175, 359, 372 + +Burke, Edmund, his letter to the Duke of Bedford, 231 + +Burmah as a political pawn, 310-12 + +Burnaby, Captain Fred, his reminiscence of Labouchere, 242 + +Busch, _Our Chancellor_, 53 _n._ + +Butler, General Sir William, his command in South Africa, 437 + +Buxton, Sidney, 427 + +Byrne, Frank, 386 + +Byron, H. J., _Dearer than Life_, 99 + + +Cadenabbia, Labouchere at, 418-21, 423, 515, 535 + +Caine, M.P., Labouchere on, 350 + +Cairnes, quoted by Hyndman, 481, 482 + +Cairo, Arabi at, 70, 204; General Gordon in, 212; Lord Wolseley in, +208; Prefect of Police at, 216 + +Calais, Labouchere at, 127 + +Calcraft, hangman, 115 + +Caldwell's dancing rooms, 105 + +Callan, M.P., Mr., on Bright and Bradlaugh, 150 + +Cambridge, St. Peter's College, 23; Trinity College, Labouchere at, +22-7, 251, 491, 522 + +Cambridge, Duchess of, her friendship with Labouchere, 54 + +Campbell, secretary to Parnell, 375, 396 + +Campbell, Sir George, 208 + +Canada, Dominion of, Labouchere on, 301, 304 + +Canning, George, his duel with Castlereagh, 6 + +Canrobert, Marshal, his corps, 123 _n._ + +Cape Colony, Lord Milner as Governor of, 437; Rhodes as Premier of, +427, 430; war spirit in, 437 + +Capital _v._ Labour, discussed by Hyndman and Labouchere at +Northampton, 458-90 + +Cardwell, Mr., 136 + +Carey, James, informer, forged letters to, 372, 374, 375, 384 + +Carlisle, Earl of, 14 + +Carnarvon, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, 251-56, 279, 282, 286 + +Carrington, Lord, assaults Grenville Murray, 110 _n._ + +Caspian Sea, the, 135 + +Cassell, Petter, and Galpin, firm of, 493 + +Castlereagh, his duel with Canning, 6 + +Catholic Emancipation, question of, 6 + +Cattle-maiming in Ireland, 165, 169 + +Cavendish family, the, their influence at Barrow, 350 + +Cavendish, Lord E., Chamberlain on, 271 + +Cavendish, Lord Frederick, 146; murder of, 174, 175, 188, 358, 359, +372 + +Cavour, Gladstone on, 419; Labouchere's reminiscences of, 62 + +Ceylon, Arabi's exile in, 204-9, 220-24 + +Châlons, French camp at, 122-23 _n._ + +Chamberlain, Joseph, as President of the Local Government Board, 317 +_n._; Churchill on, 209; Healy on, 303, 363; his alleged complicity +in the Jameson Raid, 427, 431, 446, 452; his correspondence with +Labouchere _re_ the Boer War, 446-54; his correspondence with +Labouchere on Home Rule, 261-356; his Egyptian policy, 70, 211, 212; +his Irish policy prior to the Home Rule Bill, 256-303; his probable +Premiership, 226, 227, 249, 280, 319, 320, 349; his responsibility, +as Colonial Secretary, for the Boer War, 437-38, 442-57; his scheme +of Home Rule, 255, 326; his secession from the Liberal party over +Home Rule, 226-28, 318-355; Labouchere's admiration of, 259; +Labouchere's letters to, _re_ Bradlaugh, 159; Labouchere's letters +to, _re_ the Egyptian policy, 205-6, 210, 211; Labouchere's letters +to, _re_ the Irish Coercion Bill, 177-187; Labouchere's letters to, +_re_ Radicalism, 41-2, 226-27; Labouchere's opposition to, 519, 531; +on Gladstone's Irish policy, 167, 189, 226, 263, 266, 271, 306; on +Herbert Gladstone, 265; on the House of Lords, 241; on the Land +Question, 276, 292; on the Parnell Commission, 383; on Salisbury's +Irish policy, 251; opposes the use of coercion in Ireland, 165, 173, +189 + +Chaplin, M.P., Henry, 146, 150; on the Coercion Bill, 187 + +Chartered Company. _See_ British South Africa. + +Chatham, Earl of, his death, 6 + +Chaumes, Prussian army at, 127 + +Chelmsford, Morley at, 322 + +Chesterfield, Philip, Earl of, his _Letters to His Son_, 29; quoted, +88 + +Chevreau, M., 126 + +Chiala, Signor, on the relations between England and Italy, 410 + +Chicago, Healy in, 310 + +Childers, M.P., his Irish sympathies, 150, 260, 347 + +China, industrialism of, 468, 479, 487 + +Chinese Labour question, the, Labouchere on, 531 + +Chippeway Indians, Labouchere's life among the, 40-41 + +Christina of Sweden, Queen, Labouchere on, 245 + +Church of England, Disestablishment of the. See Disestablishment. + +Church Patronage Bill, the, Labouchere on, 243 + +---- Rates Abolition Act, 81 + +Churchill, Lord Randolph, at Brighton, 269; at Twickenham, 356; +Chamberlain on, 253, 264, 271, 285-86, 288, 313; Hartington's quarrel +with, 278, 282; Healy on, 274, 283, 285, 303, 313, 362, 363; his +comment on Labouchere's Michelstown speech, 368, 397; his friendship +with Labouchere, 250; his illness, 262; his letters to Labouchere +_re_ Home Rule, 285, 289, 298 ff., 307; his letter to Salisbury _re_ +Home Rule, 279; in Ireland, 282; in opposition, 409; Labouchere on, +315, 319, 344; negotiates with the Irish party, 254-303, 315; on +Chamberlain, 298, 308; on the Conservative party, 248; refers to +Labouchere as "the religious member," 142 + +Churchill, Winston Spencer, _Lord Randolph Churchill_, quoted, 280 +_n._ + +Civil List, the, Labouchere's attacks on, 233, 234, 239-40, 246, 409, +413, 465-66, 478 + +Clan-na-Gael, the, takes possession of Parnell letters, 386 + +Clarendon, Earl of, 67; Viceroy of Ireland, 251 + +Clarke _v._ Bradlaugh, action of, 157 + +Clayton, John, at New Queen's Theatre, 99 + +Cleave, Mr., 76 + +Clongowes, school at, 404 + +Clonmel, Mayor of, at Michelstown, 366 + +Coalition Ministry, the, 6; of 1885-86 proposed, 268, 270, 295, 304 + +Cobden, Richard, on landlordism, 235 + +Cockermouth, Lawson M.P. for, 524 + +Coercion Bills, passing of the, 171-179, 238, 251, 256, 263, 313, +357-61, 363 + +Colenso, 440 + +Collectivism _v._ Individualism discussed by Labouchere and Hyndman, +463, 464, 479 + +Collings, Jes, 333; his amendment, 315, 316 + +Communism, Hyndman on, 485 + +Condé, Prince de, his army, 7 + +Condorcet, his gambling system, 66 + +Connaught, Duke of, his allowance, 233 + +Conservative party, the, Labouchere on, 247-48, 458; their advances +to the Irish, 251, 308 + +Constantinople, Labouchere as secretary of Embassy at, 54, 62-5; Lord +Stratford Ambassador at, 62, 63 + +Constitutional monarchy, Labouchere on, 230, 233, 242, 246 + +Cooke, Q.C., W. H., 76 _n._ + +Coombe, Gladstone at, 214 + +Cooper, Labouchere's tutor at Cambridge, 22 + +Co-operation, principle of, 472 + +Cork, Mayor of, at Michelstown, 366, 367; Parnell M.P. for, 174, 378 + +Cortes in Mexico, 34 + +Corti, Count, on the Berlin Congress, 192 _n._ + +County Councils, establishment of, 302 + +Covent Garden, Labouchere's life in, 28-30, 70 + +Covington, Frederick, 418 _n._ + +Cowper, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, his resignation, 174; urges +coercion, 165, 166, 173, 175 + +Cox, M.P., J. R., his visit to Arabi, 223 + +Crampton, Mr., British Minister at Washington, 46, 47 + +Crawford, George Morland, leaves Paris before the siege, 119-120 + +Crawford, Mrs., on Labouchere as a diplomatist, 66, 67-8; on +Labouchere in Paris before the siege, 119-120 + +Cremorne, Labouchere at, 105, 129 + +Crimean War, instigated by Lord Stratford, 63; recruiting in America +for, 45 + +Crimes Bill. _See_ Prevention of. + +Crimping, practice of, in America, 45 + +Cripps, Sir Alfred, on the Select Committee on British South Africa, +427 + +Cromer, Lord, as English Controller in Egypt, 195, 212; in India, +210; on General Gordon, 212 + +Cross, Sir R. Assheton, 150; Labouchere on, 239 + +Crown and Country, financial relations between, 42, 230, 232, 242, +246, 413 + +Cuernava, Labouchere at, 36 + +Cumming, Dr., impersonation of, 82 + +Cunynghame, Sir Henry, member of the Parnell Commission, 373-74, 395 + +Cyprus, England's lease of, 191, 192, 197, 222 + + +_Daily Chronicle_, Spender of, 448 + +_Daily News_, affected by Birmingham imperialism, 96 _n._; Churchill +on, 279, 286; Labouchere as a correspondent of, 43-44, 96, 114, +119-41; Labouchere's financial connection with, 95, 96, 492; on Home +Rule, 257, 274, 279, 299, 326; on the Parnell Commission, 383-84, +393; on the Triple Alliance, 411 + +_Daily Telegraph_, its action against Labouchere, 500; Lawley, +correspondent in Paris, 141 _n._; on Home Rule, 256 + +Dalglish, Robert, 76 _n._ + +Dallas, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 _n._ + +Dalling, Henry Bulwer, Lord, as Ambassador at Constantinople, 54, 63, +64 + +Damascus, Labouchere at, 72 + +Darmstadt, Court of, plays at whist, 55 + +Darvill, Mr., town-clerk of Windsor, 75 + +Darwin, Charles, Gladstone on, 267 + +Daunt, O'Neill, 302 + +Davitt, Michael, Healy on, 254; his scheme for the nationalisation of +land, 179, 182-83; his letter to Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, 257-58; +Pigott forgeries of, 395, 396; speaks against the Coercion Bill, 363 + +Davy on the Coercion Bill, 182, 185 + +Day, Sir Charles, member of the Parnell Commission, 373, 393 + +Deacon, banker, 16 + +Dead Sea, Labouchere at the, 112 + +_Dearer than Life_, produced at New Queen's Theatre, 99 + +De Beers Consolidated Mines, the, 427 + +_Defence of Philosophic Doubt_, Balfour's, 369 + +Delaney, his evidence in the Parnell Commission, 384 + +Democracy, English government by the, Labouchere on, 238-39, 248, +413, 418, 481, 540 + +Derby, Lord, anecdotal photograph of, 68; Grenville Murray's attacks +on, 109; his ministry, 85; retires on the Egyptian loan, 190, 191, +193; signs the Convention of 1884, 451; travels in America, 14 + +De Sartines, chief of police, wit of, 4 + +Devonshire, seventh Duke of, his death, 363 + +Devonshire, eighth Duke of, on the House of Lords, 363. _See_ Lord +Hartington. + +Devonshire House, anti-Home Rule meeting at, 344 _n._ + +Devoy, American Fenian, 170 + +Dhakool, capture of, 219, 220 + +Dickens, Charles, _David Copperfield_, 535; _Household Words_, 32, 68 + +_Dictionary of National Biography_, 46 _n._ + +Diet of Frankfort, the, Bismarck Prussian representative at, 52, 54, +55 + +Digby, Sir Kenelm, 28 + +Dilke, Sir Charles, 436; as a member of Gladstone's Government, 196, +200, 204, 228, 233; his acquaintance with foreign affairs, 71; his +Egyptian policy, 71, 196, 200, 204; his return to Parliament, 418; +Labouchere's letters to, _re_ the abolition of the House of Lords, +532-34; Labouchere's letters to, _re_ the Egyptian policy, 198-200; +letters to and from Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, 325, 327-28; secures +Labouchere's seat in the House, 527 + +Dillon, Charles, at Michelstown, 365-67; Healy on, 276, 362; +imprisonment of, 172, 174; his speeches _re_ South Africa, 438 + +Diplomacy, Bismarck on German, 52; Labouchere on English and +American, 44, 53, 411, 452 + +Disestablishment of the Church of England advocated by Labouchere, +43, 226, 234, 243, 244, 248, 417 + +Disraeli, Benjamin. _See_ Beaconsfield. + +Dongola, 434 + +Donkey as a diet, 139 + +Donleath, Stuart, case of, 187 + +Dorking, Mrs. Labouchere at Oakdene, near, 130 _n._, 138 _n._ + +Douay, Abel, death of, 123 + +Douglas, Akers, 352 + +Dramatic, artists, Labouchere on, 101-102 + +---- critic, Labouchere as a, 496, 503 + +Dresden, Labouchere as attaché at, 59 + +Drink bill, national, 466 + +Dublin, headquarters of the Land League, 181, 183; Healy in, 239, +271, 273, 283, 289, 303; Liberal Unionists of, their responsibility +for the Pigott children, 404; Parliament in, 422; Parnell at, 256; +Phœnix Park, 174, 175; proposed Irish Parliament in, 252, 306, +321, 327, 339; Redmond in, 524; trial of the Land League in, 166 + +_Dublin Daily Express_, 279, 309 + +Duclos, Maître, notary to Trochu, 136 + +Ducrot, General, in Paris, 136 + +Dudley, Lord, marriage of, 525 + +Duelling, Labouchere's experience of, 50 + +Dufferin, Lord, his Egyptian policy, 207, 208, 223 + +Dumas, Alexandre, _père_, Labouchere meets, at Genoa, 113, 114 + +Dumas, Mlle. Maria, Labouchere at the wedding of, 114 + +Dunn, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 75 + +Du Pre, Caroline, her marriage, 14 _n._ + +Du Pre, James, banker, 16 + +Du Pre, Rev. William Maxwell, his marriage, 14 _n._ + +Durand's, Paris, 120 + +Durham, Bishop of, 3 _n._ + +Durrant, Mr., solicitor to Sir Henry Hoare, 76, 78-81 + +Dyke, Sir W. Hart, 427 + +Dynamite Concession, the, 449 + + +_Echo_, Voules as manager of, 493 + +Economy, Labouchere's political, 409, 410 + +Eden, Frederick Morton, his reminiscence of Labouchere at Eton, 19 + +Edict of Nantes, revocation of the, 2 + +Edinburgh, Chamberlain at, 323; represented by Goschen, 264, 297 + +Education, English national, Carnarvon on, 282; Chamberlain on, 270; +Conservative support of denominational, 258; Labouchere on, 42-43, +84, 234, 235, 248; Mundella as Minister of, 286 + +Edward VII., accession of, 148; as Prince of Wales, defends Grenville +Murray, 67 + +Edwards, Passmore, acquires the _Echo_, 493 + +Egan, Patrick, his forged correspondence with Parnell, 358, 372-405; +treasurer of the Land League in Paris, 172, 181, 182, 186, 358, 372 + +Egypt, as a political pawn, 310-13; English occupation of, 70-71, 72, +190-224, 248, 259, 434; French interest in, 191, 192, 197, 203, 210; +its occupation of the Soudan, 209; its Soudanese frontier +established, 215, 216; national movement under the Arabi in, 195-98, +205; rule of Khedives in, 190-97, 205, 207-8 + +Elandslaagte, battle of, 440 + +Electoral districts, Labouchere on, 229 + +Elephant as a diet, 138 + +Elgin, Lord, Governor of Canada, at Washington, 45 + +Elizabeth, Queen, Labouchere on, 245 + +Ellenborough, Lady, in Palestine, 72 + +Ellis, John, 427, 455 + +Ellis, T. E., at Michelstown, 365, 367 + +El Obeid, the Mahdi at, 209, 210 + +Enfield, Lord, his quarrel with Labouchere during the Middlesex +election, 85-93 + +England, house of Hope transferred to, 4; its relations with America, +81; its relations with Turkey, 196-7, 199 + +English, abroad, Labouchere on, 95 + +---- diplomatists in Paris during the siege, 43-44 + +---- institutions contrasted with the American, 41 + +---- system of education contrasted with the American, 42-43 + +Ephesus, Council of, 150 + +Escott, T. H. S., contribution to the _World_, 107 + +Established Church of England, _See_ Disestablishment + +Eton, education at, 42; Labouchere at, 18-21, 251, 491, 522 + +Eugenie, Empress, in Paris, 124, 126, 134; her letter derided, 134 + +Evans', Convent Garden, _habitués_ of 28, 29; Labouchere in residence +at, 28-31, 70 + +Eversley, Lord, _Gladstone and Ireland_, quoted, 358 _n._; on the +Land League, 172 + +Evidence Amendment Act, the, 145 + +Expenses of Voters, Labouchere on, 83 + + +Fagan, Captain, received by Wellesley, 7, 12 + +Fagging, Labouchere's views on, 20 + +Fairfield, Mr., 431 + +Fakenham, Rev. John Labouchere of, 21 _n._ + +Farnham Castle, 2 _n._ + +Fatherland, production of, 103 + +Favre, Jules, member of the Provisional Government, 127, 128 + +Fawcett, Professor, 136 + +Fenianism in America, 81, 170, 288, 310-11; in Ireland, 171, 183, +186, 275, 276; Labouchere on, 276, 278, 282, 292, 316 + +Fenwick, Mr., directs the case against Labouchere for cribbing, 24-25 + +Ferdinand VII. of Spain, Napoleon's treatment of, 8, 10 + +Ferguson, Sir James, 410, 412 + +Fermoy, Labouchere at, 365 + +Ferry, Jules, member of the Provisional Government, 127 + +Feudalism, Labouchere on, 241. _See also_ Land System + +Finance, economical, Labouchere's efforts on behalf of, 246, 494-95, +505 + +Financial Reform Almanack, the, quoted, 232 + +Fitzgibbon, Churchill visits, 282, 289 + +Fitzmaurice, Lord Edmond, his letter to Labouchere _re_ retirement, +525-26 + +Fletcher Moulton, Privy Councillor, 531 + +Florence, flight of the Grand Duke from, 61; Labouchere in, 60-62, +72, 95, 513, 517-23, 530-39; Unione Club, 61; _Florence Herald_, +quoted, 62 _n._ + +Flower, Mr., retires from the candidature of Windsor, 75-80 + +Foljambe, Chamberlain on, 271 + +Fond du Lac, Labouchere at, 41 + +Forbes, Archibald, on the staff of the _World_, 107; war +correspondent to the _Daily News_, 96, 127 + +Foreign Office, Archives, examples of telegrams in, 53, 54 + +---- ---- messengers, their expense, 54 + +Forster, M.P., R. N., seconds Sir H. D. Wolff, 148 + +Forster, W. E., Chief Secretary for Ireland, allusions to, in +Parnell's supposed letters, 372; blackmailed by Pigott, 393; Healy +on, 303; his arrest of Parnell, 172, 254; his resignation, 174, 188, +267, 276; Labouchere on, 282, 297; urges coercive measures in +Ireland, 165-73, 176, 182 + +_Fortnightly Review_, Chamberlain on Home Rule, in the, 255; +"Radicals and Whigs" quoted, 41, 42, 228-29 + +Fottrell, 302 + +Foucault threatens the Protestants of Orthez, 1 + +Fouché negotiates his own downfall, 5-12 + +Fowler, Sir Henry, his speech inspired by Labouchere, 350 + +France, financial situation of, in 1817, 12, 13; Guizot on, 480; +inauguration of the Third Republic, 126, 127, 191; its interests in +Egypt, 190, 192, 197, 203, 210 + +Franchise, Act of, 1884, the, 256 + +---- extension of the, Labouchere on, 229, 244-46, 248. _See also_ +Suffrage + +---- Law for the Transvaal, 442, 448-49 + +Franckfort, Bismarck in, 52, 53; Labouchere as attaché in, 52, 54, +60, 69, 119 + +Franco-Prussian War, 116, 191; Labouchere's correspondence during, +43-44, 96, 119-41 + +Freehold Land Society, its work in Northampton, 143 + +_Freeman's Journal_, the correspondence between Egan and Pigott in, +375 + +Free Trade for Ireland, Davitt on, 256-57 + +French, journalism during the siege of Paris, Labouchere on, 133-36 + +---- wars, allusions to, 287, 296 + +Froisard, General, defeat of his Army Corps, 124 + + +Galveston, Healy in, 310 + +Gambetta, member of the Republican Government, 127 + +Gambling, Labouchere's system in, 65-66 + +Garter, Order of the, 241 + +_Gaulois_, its address to the Prussians, 134 + +Gave, the river, 1 + +Gedge, Mr., tries to do Labouchere out of his seat in the House, 527 + +_Genealogist, The_, the Labouchere pedigree, 14 _n._ + +Genoa, Labouchere and Dumas at, 113 + +George III., 296; at Kew, 409 + +George V., his installation as K.G., 246 + +George, Mr., his scheme for the nationalisation of land, 235 + +German, Empire, its proposed intervention in Egypt, 194; position of +Bavaria in, 488; Socialism in, 487 + +---- people, Labouchere's dislike of, 51, 52 + +---- Zollverein, principle of the, 294 + +Gibbon, Edward, 88, 151 + +Gibraltar, English tenure of, 199 + +Gibson, M.P., Mr., 150 + +Giffen, Mr., quoted, 470, 485 + +Girondists, the, compared with the Irish Nationalists, 293 + +Gladstone, Mrs., 282 + +Gladstone, Herbert, Lord, Chamberlain on, 265; negotiates between his +father and Labouchere, 214-17, 261-303, 312-55 + +Gladstone, William Ewart, 407; his Egyptian policy, 71, 189, 190, +194-219; his first administration, 85, 86, 136 _n._; his position in +the Bradlaugh case, 148, 151-55, 158, 160; his tribute to Bradlaugh, +160-61; Labouchere dubs him "Grand Old Man," 158; opposes coercive +measures in Ireland, 165, 166, 173-75, 225, 236, 238; Labouchere's +admiration of, 171, 176; adopts coercive measures in Ireland, +175-189; his second administration, 194, 297; rebukes Labouchere, +219; Chamberlain regarded as the successor of, 225, 227, 249, 281, +318, 321, 348; his resignation in 1885, 251; his Irish policy prior +to the Home Rule Bill, 252-320, 361; in Norway, 257; Labouchere on +his motives in the Irish question, 262, 281, 288, 298, 304, 308, 313, +318, 326, 329, 419; his capacity for mystification, 265, 278, 283, +335, 347, 350; his third administration, 269 _n._, 283, 315, 317 +_n._, 357; submits Home Rule scheme to the Queen, 270, 287 _n._, 288; +Healy on, 272, 274, 283-86, 290, 303, 314, 315, 361-63; Parnell on, +278; his desire for office, 281-82, 288; his letters to Balfour _re_ +Home Rule, 289, 298; Chamberlain on, 298-300, 326, 334-35, 340, 342, +346; his popularity, 305, 351; Chamberlain secedes from, 318-355; +introduces the Land Bill, 321; his first Home Rule Bill, 319-357, +413, 416, 419, 420; his letters to Labouchere _re_ the Triple +Alliance, 411; his fourth administration, 412, 420, 423; his letters +to Labouchere _re_ his exclusion from his Cabinet, 412-18; his second +Home Rule Bill, 421, 422, 528; his final view of the House of Lords, +422-23; his retirement, 96 _n._, 274, 315, 354 + +Glasgow, Chamberlain at, 323 + +---- Home Government Association of, 156 + +_Globe_, its interview with Labouchere on the fall of Rosebery's +Ministry, 424; publishes the Cyprus Convention, 192 + +Godin, Stephen Peter, 14 _n._ + +Gold fields of South Africa, 427 + +Goldney, M.P., Sir Gabriel, 146, 150 + +Gonesse, 140 + +Goodenough, Sir William, death of, 437 + +Gordon, Colonel Bill, his conversation on Egypt, 72 + +Gordon, General, 72; Arabi on, 222; as Governor-General of the +Soudan, 209; his death at Khartoum, 212-15 + +Gordon, Sir Arthur, 222 + +Gorst, Sir John, Healy on, 284; opposes Gladstone's motion in favour +of Bradlaugh, 155 + +Gortschakoff, Prince, at the Berlin Congress, 192 + +Goschen, Viscount, negotiates with Hartington, 281, 282, 297, 348; on +the Coercion Bill, 185; returned for Edinburgh, 265; unpopularity of, +262 + +Goschen-Joubert arrangement with Egypt, the, 191, 206 + +Gosling, Sir Audley, his reminiscences of Labouchere, 39, 65, 65 _n._ + +Got, of the Comédie Française, 120 + +Graduated Income Tax, the, Labouchere on, 246, 247 + +Graham, General, his command in the Soudanese War, 213, 219 + +Graham, W., counsel for the _Times_, 374 _n._ + +Grant, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 75 + +Grantham, M.P., Mr., 146, 150 + +Granville, Lord, 121; consulted by Gladstone _re_ Arabi, 204; denies +responsibility for the defeat of Hicks Pasha, 209 + +Grattan, his Parliament, 254, 258, 306 + +Gravelotte, battle of, 124 + +Greeks, Labouchere on the, 191, 496 + +Green, Paddy, waiter at Evans', 29, 70 + +Greene, Conynghame, British agent at Pretoria, 442-43, 444 + +Gregory, Sir William, his interest in Arabi, 221 + +Grenville, Lord, ministry of, 6-7 + +Grey, Albert, his amendment of the Church Patronage Bill, 243 + +Grey, Lord, director of the British South Africa Company, 428; +ministry of, 6-7 + +Griffiths, his valuations in the Land Court, 181 + +Grosvenor, Captain, M.P., for Westminster, 80 + +Grosvenor, Lord Richard, Government Whip, 146; Healy on, 314; +Labouchere on, 305, 315, 316; on the Coercion Bill, 179, 180 + +Guinness, Lord, Labouchere on, 239-40 + +Guizot, M., on France, 292, 480 + + +Haag, Frères, _La France Protestante_, 1 + +Habeas Corpus Act, question of its suspension in Ireland, 165-70 + +Hague, The, birth of P.-C. Labouchère at, 2 + +Halliday, dramatic author, 99 + +Hame, General, surrenders Laon, 127 + +Hamilton, Lord George, his election for Middlesex in 1868, 85-92 + +Hammond, Anthony, 19 _n._ + +Hanbury, M.P., Robert, death of, 83 + +Hannen, Sir James, President of the Parnell Commission, 373 + +Hanover, Crampton, envoy at, 45; Napoleon's plans for, 9 + +_Hansard_, speeches of Labouchere in, 197 + +Harcourt, Sir William, 407; at his best in Opposition, 409, 424; +Healy on, 260, 274, 289; his Coercion Bill, 170, 175, 180, 181, 184, +188; Labouchere on, 287, 313, 323, 334, 344; moves a new Address, 425 +_n._; on the Michelstown meeting, 365; sits on the Committee on +British South Africa, 427 + +Hardie, Keir, Labouchere on, 533 + +Harold, Canon, 404 + +_Harper's Magazine_, biographical sketch of Labouchere in, 38 + +Harrington, 312; Healy on, 276 + +Harris, Rutherford, director of the South Africa Company, 426 + +Harrison, Morley on his Irish scheme, 309 + +Harrow, education at, 42 + +Hart Davies, Thomas, visits Labouchere in Florence, 535-37 + +Hartington, Lord, as Secretary for War questioned on the Egyptian +policy, 213, 214, 219, 220; Chamberlain on, 264, 270, 271, 286, 329; +Churchill on, 269, 281; Goschen negotiates with, 348; Healy on, 260, +283, 363; his Irish policy prior to the Home Rule Bill, 257-98; his +meeting _re_ Home Rule, 344 _n._; his quarrel with Churchill, 278, +282; Labouchere on his position in the Home Rule split, 268, 278, +282, 287, 297, 304, 315, 318, 324, 329, 344, 351; Parnell forgeries +shown to, 375, 406; secedes from the Liberal party, 228, 249 + +Hastings, Labouchere at, 338, 339 + +Hatfield, Lord R. Churchill at, 286, 287 + +Hatton, Joseph, his biographical sketch of Labouchere, 38, 40, 103 + +Haussman, M., 126 + +Havana, 31 + +Hawarden Castle, Gladstone at, 301, 415 + +---- Manifesto, issue of the, 257 + +Hawkesley, Mr., solicitor, his correspondence with Chamberlain, 429 +_n._, 452-53 + +Hawtrey, Dr., headmaster of Eton, 18; Labouchere on, 20-21 + +Healy, Timothy Michael, agitates for Home Rule, 254-303; Davitt on, +258; his amendments of the Coercion Bill, 177, 179, 181, 185, 186; +his attack on Chamberlain's article, 255 _n._; his letters to +Labouchere _re_ coercive measures in Ireland, 361-64; his letters to +Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, 252, 256, 259-60, 271-72, 273-74, 283-85, +289-90, 301-3, 309-15; on Parnell, 253-54, 266, 280 + +Heath, Labour candidate for Nottingham, 93 + +Heim, Van Der, Dutch statesman, 6 + +Heine, Heinrich, 538 + +Herbert, Dr. Alan, in Paris during the siege, 120 + +Herbert, Edward, at Constantinople, 63 + +Herschell, Farrer, his mediation views on the Home Rule question, +338, 340-43, 347; Solicitor-General, 146, 150, 186 + +Hesse family, the, 54 + +Hibbert, John Tomlinson, 76 _n._ + +Hicks Beach, Sir Michael, as Chief Secretary for Ireland, 357; +Bannerman on, 455; Churchill's scheme for, 270; his Amendment of the +Budget Bill, 251; on the Select Committee on British South Africa, 427 + +Hicks Pasha, defeat and death of, 210-11, 213, 214 + +Hill, Dr. Birkbeck, contributes to the _World_, 107 + +Hill, Frank, editor of the _Daily News_, 96, 286 + +Hill, M.P., Staveley, 146, 150 + +Hillyer, Mrs., sister of Henry Labouchere, 17 _n._ + +Hoare, Sir Henry, contests Windsor and is unseated, 75-82 + +Hodson, Henrietta, appears at the New Queen's Theatre, 99; +Labouchere's letters from Paris to, 129. _See_ Mrs. Labouchere. + +Holborn Casino, the, 105 + +Holker, M.P., Sir John, 146, 150 + +Holland, invasion of, 4; Louis Buonaparte as king of, 4-9 + +Homburg, Labouchere at, 54, 65, 69, 72, 95, 119, 242, 419, 525 + +Home Rule Bill, introduction of, 527; Labouchere on, 167, 189, 225, +236-39, 508, 521. See also Ireland. + +Home Rule Split, the, its effect on Labouchere, 227 + +Hope, M.P., Beresford, 146, 150 + +Hope, house of, its dealings with America, 15; John Peter Labouchere +as a partner in, 16; P.-C. Labouchère as a partner in, 2-5 + +Hope, John, takes P.-C. Labouchère into partnership, 2 + +Hopwood, M.P., Mr., member of Select Committee on Bradlaugh case, +146, 150 + +House of Lords, abolition of the, advocated by Labouchere, 226, +230-33, 238-42 + +Household Suffrage Act, the, its effect in Northampton, 143 + +Houston, E. C., his purchase of letters from Pigott, 375, 380, 385, +386, 389, 396, 405 + +Howard, Lady Mary, her marriage, 14 + +Hudson, Sir James, English Minister at Turin, 61 + +Hugessen, Mr. Knatchbull-, Labouchere on, 239 + +Hungarians, English enthusiasm for, 284 + +Hunter, Mr., in Hyde Park, 363 + +Hyde Park, demonstration against the Coercion Bill in, 363; +Labouchere on, 84 + +Hylands, P.-C. Labouchère settles at, 13 + +Hyndman, Mr., defends Socialism against Labouchere at Northampton, +459-90 + + +Iddesleigh, Lord. _See_ Northcote, Sir Stafford. + +Illingworth, Radical M.P., 345 + +Illinois, educational system of, 42 + +Imperial Parliament, Labouchere on an, 293, 299-301, 304, 336, 422 + +---- South African Association, the, 436 + +Income Tax, the, Labouchere on, 207, 246, 249, 466 + +_Independence Belge_, 429 _n._ + +India, English rule in, 135; Labouchere on, 197, 201, 204 + +Individualism _v._ Collectivism, discussed by Labouchere and Hyndman, +464, 465, 480, 487 + +Industrial Commission of South Africa, 447 + +International Law, studied by Labouchere, 81 + +Ipswich, Labouchere at, 333 + +Ireland, agriculture in, 292; Churchill in, 283, 289; +disestablishment of the Anglican Church in, 86, 88; Labouchere's +political sympathy for, 72, 225, 247, 248, 508, 521, 523; landlordism +in, 261, 264-65, 276, 292, 361-62; Protection in, 258, 261, 276-77; +question of coercive measures in, 165-89, 225, 251-52,313, 318-19, +329, 358-72; question of Home Rule for, 167, 189, 225, 236-39, +416-17, 419, 421-22, 508, 521, 523; correspondence on, 250-356; +secret societies in, 171, 177 + +Irish Nationalist party, the, 266, 293; Conservative advances to, +251, 252; English feeling against, 165-66, 175, 240-41, 258, 285-86 + +---- patriots in Boston, Labouchere among, 47, 48 + +---- police force, Labouchere on, 276, 292, 316 + +---- Privy Council, Labouchere on, 276, 277, 282, 294 + +_Irish World, The_, 310 + +_Irishman_, Parnell's purchase of the, 374 + +Irving, Sir Henry, appears at the New Queen's Theatre, 99, 102; +mistaken for the defeated candidate at Brentford, 92 + +Irwin, District Police Inspector, 370 + +Ismail, Khedive, his claim on the Soudan, 209; his rule in Egypt, +190-95, 209 + +Ismail Bey Jowdat, W. S. Blunt on, 215, 216 + +Ismail Sadyk, murder of, 193 + +Ismailia, Lord Wolseley at, 208 + +Italian-Turkish War, the, 538 + +Italian unity, England's support of, 284 + +Italy, England's relations with, in the Triple Alliance, 410, 411 + + +Jackson, Mr., 427 + +Jackson, M.P., Sir Henry, 146, 150 + +Jacobin party, the, 293 + +Jamal-ed Din, Sezzed, W. S. Blunt on, 216 + +James, of Hereford, Henry, Lord, 351; Attorney-General, 146, 148, +150; counsel for the _Times_, 374 _n._; his letter to Labouchere _re_ +retirement, 525 + +Jameson, Dr., history of his Raid, 426-36, 438, 452, 454 + +Jerrold, Douglas, at Evans', 29 + +Jerusalem, Labouchere at, 111, 112 + +Jeyes, S. H., _Mr. Chamberlain_, 189 + +Joan of Arc, 244 + +Johannesburg, capture of, 454; grievances of Englishmen in, 426, 427, +431-34, 442, 443, 451 + +Johnson, Dr. Samuel, _Life of_, 29; quoted, 108 + +Jordan, the, Labouchere at the source of, 112 + +Joubert, his arrangement with Goschen,191 + +_Journalistic London_, by Joseph Hatton, 38, 104 _n._ + +Jowdat, Ismail Bey, W. S. Blunt on, 216 + +Justice, 474 + + +Kensit, John, his action against Labouchere, 500 + +Kératry, Prefect of Police, 127 + +Kerry, Buller in, 361, 362 + +Kew Bridge, Labouchere at, 91 + +---- Palace, Labouchere on, 409 + +Khalil Pasha, outwitted at whist, 58 + +Khartoum, 72; Gordon at, 212-14; the Mahdi at, 216 + +Khedival Domains Loan, the, 193 + +Khedives, rule of the, 193-200, 205, 207-8, 224 + +Kidderminster, 525 + +Kilkenny, 265 + +Kilmainham Gaol, Parnell's imprisonment in, 172-74, 187, 276, 372 + +Kimberley, relief of, 441 + +Kinglake, W., his history of the Crimean War, 62 + +Kingstown, Pigott's home at, 376, 402 + +Kipling, Rudyard, his _Lest We Forget_ parodied, 448 + +Kirkcaldy, Campbell M.P. for, 208 + +Kitawber, Labouchere joins a circus at, 39 + +Kolli, Baron, police agent, 10 + +Kordofan, the Mahdi at, 209 + +Kruger, President of the Transvaal, 435, 442, 446, 448, 453 + + +Labouchere, Henry, his inheritance from his uncle, 14, 250; his +recollections of Talleyrand, 14; mistaken for a son of Lord Taunton, +15; his love for America, 14-15, 41-42, 44, 225; his birth and +education, 16-22, 491; his alleged cribbing at Cambridge, 22-27; his +propensity for gambling, 22, 29, 30, 35, 47, 55, 65-66, 70, 491, 514; +his life at Evans', 28-31, 70; at Wiesbaden, 30; travels in South +America, 31-38, 496; follows a circus, 39, 40, 491; lives with the +Chippeway Indians, 40-41, 45; imbibes Radicalism in America, 41, 226; +as attaché at various embassies, 53-60, 66, 69, 412, 491; lives in +Florence during his appointment to Parana, 60-62; as Secretary in +Constantinople, 62; elected for Windsor and unseated, 75-83; as M.P. +for Middlesex, 83-93; his protests against extravagant finance, 84, +246-47, 409; contests Nottingham, 93; his proprietorship of the +_Daily News_, 95, 492; his managership of the New Queen's Theatre, +98-104, 491, 496; as financial editor of the _World_, 106, 491, 492; +his editorship of _Truth_, 110, 117, 492-512; visits the Holy Land +with Bellew, 11-12, 496; his reminiscences of Dumas, 113-14; his +curiosity as a journalist, 114-18; his lawsuits, 117, 500-2; his +experiences in Paris during the siege, 43, 96, 106, 119-41; as member +for Northampton, 142 _et seq._; his support of Bradlaugh, 144-64; +opposes coercion in Ireland, 166-90, 225, 363-64; his Egyptian +policy, 196-204, 205-20; his defence of Arabi, 203, 204-5, 207, +220-26; his conception of Radical government, 225-49, 530-34; his +admiration for Chamberlain, 225-26; his Parliamentary influence, 250, +520, 521; negotiates between the Irish party and the Liberals, +252-356, 421-22; _see also under_ Chamberlain, Gladstone, Hartington, +Parnell, etc.; at Twickenham, 356; at Michelstown, 365-71; discovers +Pigott's forgeries, 360, 371-406; hoaxes practised on, 406-8; at his +best in Opposition, 409, 423; on the Triple Alliance, 410, 418; his +exclusion from the Cabinet in 1892, 412-18, 527; at Cadenabbia, +418-21, 423, 515, 533-34; his desire to become Minister at +Washington, 423; his opposition to Lord Rosebery's administration, +423, 424; his report on the Jameson Raid, 426-32; on the Chartered +Company of British South Africa, 431-34; opposes the Boer War, +438-457; discusses Socialism with Hyndman at Northampton, 459-90; his +chief characteristics, 496-499, 512-15; his retirement and home at +Florence, 517-36; his appointment as Privy Councillor, 523, 526, +530-31; on the seating of the House of Commons, 527-30; his death and +burial, 536-40 + +Labouchere, Henry, son of Pierre-César, his political career, 13-15. +_See_ Taunton, Baron + +Labouchere, John Peter, father of Henry, 14, 16; his death, 130 _n._; +visits his son at Cambridge, 27 + +Labouchere, Rev. John, 21 _n._ + +Labouchere, Matthieu, 2 + +Labouchere, Mrs., mother of Henry, letters from Paris to, 128 _n._, +130, 138 + +Labouchere, Mrs., wife of Henry, at the New Queen's Theatre, 99; +death of, 535 + +Labouchère, Pierre-César, grandfather of Henry, his partnership in +the house of Hope, 2-5; his portrait, 2 _n._; his two sons, 13, 16; +negotiates for peace between England and France, 4-12; restores +French credit, 12, 13 + +Labour party, rise of the, 518, 531 + +Labour _v._ Capital, discussed by Hyndman and Labouchere at +Northampton, 460-90 + +La Bruyère, on married life, 93 + +Ladies' Land League, work of the, 173, 186 + +Ladysmith, relief of, 440-41 + +Lambri Pasha, 150 + +Lancashire opposes Home Rule, 280 + +Land Bill, the, 159, 421-22; amendments of, 187; Chamberlain on, 329; +Labouchere on, 292, 318, 320, 332; Healy on, 309; rejection of, 357 + +Land League, the, establishes Boycotting, 165; its "no Rent" +manifesto, 172; its suppression, 172-75; its useful functions, 171, +358 _n._; prosecution of, 166; the _Times_ on, 360, 382; two sections +of, 182, 186 + +Land system, English, Labouchere on the, 231, 234, 235, 241 + +Landlordism in Ireland, Labouchere on, 276, 292, 295, 318 + +Laon, Prussian army at, 127 + +Lascelles, Sir Frank, announces the deposition of Ismail, 194 + +Last, Parliamentary agent at Windsor, 76, 81 + +_Last Days of Pompeii_, produced at the New Queen's Theatre, 100 + +Latham, examiner at Cambridge, 24 + +Lausanne, Pigott at, 385 + +Lawley, Frank, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 120, 138 +_n._, 140 + +Lawson, Lionel, at Evans', 29 + +Lawson, Mr. Justice, 277 + +Lawson, Sir Wilfrid, his amendment seconded by Labouchere, 205, 213; +his letter to Labouchere, _re_ retirement, 524-25; seconds +Labouchere's resolution against the House of Lords, 241 + +Laycock, contests Nottingham, 93 + +Leech, John, at Evans', 29 + +Leeds, Balfour at, 524; Herbert Gladstone at, 263 + +_Leeds Mercury_ on Home Rule, 256; publishes Gladstone's Home Rule +scheme, 277 _n._ + +Lefevre, Shaw, 266; Labouchere on, 200-1 + +Legislation, the technique of, Labouchere on, 229 + +Leicester, Chamberlain at, 270 + +Lennox, Lord Henry, his opposition to Bradlaugh, 146, 150, 156 + +Levi, Leone, quoted by Labouchere, 470, 484 + +Lewis, Sir George, as solicitor to Labouchere, 108, 501, 510; as +solicitor to Parnell, 375-79, 386-89, 393-98; his death, 536 + +Liberal, party, its breach with the Irish, 172, 179, 187, 252-53; its +policy in Egypt, 190, 194-224; its treatment of Gladstone, 284 + +---- Unionist party, the, 422; Chamberlain joins, 228 + +Licences, Brewers', Labouchere on, 83 + +_Life of Parnell_, O'Brien's, 174 + +Limited Liability Companies, Labouchere on, 465-67 + +Lincoln, Mass., Egan at, 381 + +Linton, Mrs. Lynn, on the staff of the _World_, 107 + +Lobengula, raid on King, 433 + +Local Government, Chamberlain on, 264, 265, 311; Labouchere on, 167, +265 + +Lockwood, Mark, 455 + +London, death-rate of, 463, 482-83; Ismail Bey Jowdat in, 216; +Labouchere's homes in: Albany, 78; Bolton Street, 110, 116; Hamilton +Place, 13-14; Old Palace Yard, 39, 224; Portland Place, 16; Queen +Anne's Gate, 71, 158, 177; Labouchere's knowledge of, 104, 105; P.-C. +Labouchère's mission in, 4 + +Londonderry, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, 357 + +Long, quoted by Hyndman, 481 + +Louis XIV., religious persecutions of, 1 + +Louis XVIII., his ministers, 12 + +Louis of Bavaria, King, in Munich, 49 + +Lowe, Mr., his clause in the Public Schools Bill, 84 + +Lowther, James, his Irish policy, 176, 178 + +Lucy, Sir Henry, _More Passages by the Way_, 3 _n._; on Labouchere's +political influence, 250; on Labouchere's retirement, 526, 527; on +the staff of the _World_, 107, 527; _The Balfourian Parliament_, 440 + +Lugard, Captain, in Uganda, 421 + +Lumley, Augustus, cotillon leader in St. Petersburg, 57 + +Lush, Lord Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157 + +Lydon, John and Margaret, 168, 169 + +Lying Clubs, Labouchere on, 117-18 + +Lynch, Quested, in Paris, during the siege, 138 _n._ + +Lyons, Lord, in Paris and Tours, 121 + +Lyons, M.P., Dr., on the membership for Northampton, 149 + +_Lyre, The_, proposed title for _Truth_, 493 + +Lytton, Lord, his information _re_ the Berlin Congress, 192 _n._ + + +Maamtrasna, affair of, 263 + +M'Carthy, Justin, Churchill on, 279, 286; _Daily News Jubilee_, 128 +_n._; Healy on, 276; his defence of Arabi, 196; on the staff of the +_Daily News_, 279 + +M'Carthy, Rev. Mr., at Michelstown 366 + +McCulloch, Mr., quoted, 408 + +McCurdy, C. A., on Labouchere and Bradlaugh, 162-63 + +Macdonald, _Diary of the Parnell Commission_, quoted, 383 _n._, 384 +_n._, 393 _n._, 402 + +McKinley, President, 439 + +Macmahon, Marshal, at Metz, 123-24 + +Madelin, Louis, _Fouché_, 10 _n._ + +Madras, 221 + +Madrid, British Embassy in, 83; Pigott's suicide in, 401, 405 + +Magersfontein, 445 + +Maguire, Mr., 428 + +Mahdi, the, rebellion of, 208-20 + +Malet, Sir Alexander, British representative at the Diet of +Frankfort, 55,69 + +Malet, Sir Edward, 69; as Consul-General in Egypt, 209 + +Mallet, T. L.; his journal, 13 _n._ + +Malta, negotiations for the possession of; 8; reinforcement of its +garrison, 197 + +Malthusianism, Bradlaugh's views on, 144; Hyndman on, 460 + +Manchester, 97; Chamberlain at, 323; death-rate of, 463 + +_Manchester Guardian_ on Home Rule, 256 + +Manning, Cardinal, supports Bradlaugh, 156 + +_M.A.P._, 117; on Labouchere's retirement, 521 _n._ + +Marburg, Labouchere in, 59, 60 + +Marcy, Mr., American Secretary of State, his love of whist, 49 + +Marie Louise, Empress, her marriage, 4, 5 + +Marienbad, Campbell Bannerman at, 455; Labouchere at, 526 + +_Marseillaise_, the, 127 _n._ + +Marshall, Alfred, _Principles of Economics_, quoted, 482 + +Marvin, translator of the Cyprus Convention, 192 + +Marx, Carl, quoted by Hyndman, 481 + +Maryborough prison, 384 + +Mashonaland, occupation of, 433 + +Massey, W. H., M.P., 146, 150 + +Matabele War, the, 433, 434 + +Matthew, Mr. Justice, his judgment against Bradlaugh, 157 + +Matthews, Mr., counsel, 76 _n._ + +Maxau, 122 _n._ + +Maxwell, Sir Benson, superintends Egyptian tribunals, 209 + +Maxwell, Sir William of Monteith, 16 + +May, Sir Thomas Erskine, Clerk of the House, 145 + +Mayo, Lord his English agent, 165 + +Meagher, Irish patriot, Labouchere mistaken for, 48 + +Medicine, Labouchere's interest in the science of, 60, 507 + +Melbourne, Lord, his _laissez-faire_ policy, 229; ministry of, 13; on +the Garter, 241 + +Meredith, George, _Richard Feverel_, 522 + +Merewether, lawyer, contests Northampton, 144 + +Merivale, Herman, his anecdote of Labouchere and his uncle, 82; his +_Time and the Hour_ produced at the New Queen's Theatre, 98, 99 + +Mersey, Lord, 428 + +Metz, Napoleon III. at, 122 _n._, 123 + +Mexico, Labouchere in, 32-38, 72, 100, 496 + +Michael Angelo, Labouchere modernises the villa of, 72 + +Michelstown, police charge at, 365-70 + +Middlesex, Labouchere as member for in 1867, 83-86, 99, 143; +Labouchere contests unsuccessfully in 1868, 85-93, 525 + +Middlesex Coal Dues, the, Labouchere on, 85 + +Mijwel el Mizrab, Sheykh, 72 + +Milan, decree of, 9 + +Military Knights of Windsor, Labouchere on, 83 + +Mill, John Stuart, quoted, 247, 481, 482 + +Miller, Joaquin, 40 + +Milner, Alfred, Lord, as Commissioner for South Africa, 435, 442; as +Governor of Cape Colony, 437, 442, 445, 448, 456; his _England in +Egypt_ quoted, 210 + +Minneapolis, Labouchere at, 41 + +Mississippi steamboats, the, 106 + +_Modern Egypt_, Lord Cramer's, 213 + +Mohamed Ahmed. _See_ Mahdi + +Molière, Marie-Madeleine, 2 + +Mollerus, Dutch statesman, 6 + +Moltke, rumour of his death, 134 + +Monarchy, English, Labouchere on, 230-31, 233, 242-43 + +Moncrieff, Colonel Scott-, directs the irrigation of Egypt, 209 + +Monson, Sir Edmund, his letter to Labouchere _re_ retirement, 526 + +Mont Blanc, 44 + +Monteith, Maxwell of, 16 + +Montes, Lola, 49 + +Montreal, Healy at, 310 + +Moonlighting in Ireland, 173 + +Moore, Messrs. Telbin and, 98 + +More's _Utopia_, 489 + +Morgan, Osborne, his speeches on Ireland, 260 + +Morley, Arnold, his mediation on the Home Rule question, 322, 334, +338-43. 347; part proprietor of the _Daily News_, 95 + +Morley of Blackburn, John, Earl, Chamberlain on, 299, 302, 326; +Davitt on, 257-58; his letters to Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, 317, +327, 331; his _Life of Gladstone_ quoted, 365 _n._, 371, 382, 422; +his resignation, 325; his views on Home Rule, 309, 322, 329, 332, +333; Labouchere on, 282, 324, 327; on Gladstone's Egyptian policy, +190; opposes coercion in Ireland, 173 + +_Morning Post_, Bowles correspondent in Paris of the, 141 _n._; +Grenville Murray as correspondent of, 67; on Labouchere's retirement, +521-22 + +"Moss, Moses," 505 + +Mott's Foley Street rooms, 105 + +Moulton, Mr. Gladstone's letter to, 353 + +Mountmorres, Lord, murder of, 165 + +Mudford, journalist, 278 + +Mulgrave, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland, 251 + +Mulhall, Mr., statistician, 485 + +Mundella, Minister for Education, 285 + +Munich, Labouchere as attaché in, 49, 50 + +Murat, Joachim, as King of Naples, 8, 9 + +Murphy, David, cashier, 396 + +Murphy, Serjeant, at Evans', 29; counsel for the _Times_, 374 _n._ + +Murray, Grenville, betrays official secrets in the _Morning Post_, +67-68; his action against Lord Carrington, 110 _n._; on the staff of +the _World_, 109 + + +Nantes, P.-C. Labouchère at, 2 + +Napier, Mr., his defence of Arabi, 222 + +Naples, kingdom of, 8 + +Napoleon I., his ideal woman, 246; Labouchere on, 480; negotiates for +peace with England, 5-12 + +Napoleon III. at Metz, 122 _n._, 123-24; his imprisonment, 122, +124-25, 126; his plan of campaign, 122 _n._, 123 + +Natal, war spirit in, 437, 438, 449 + +National, debt, Labouchere on the, 475, 477 + +---- income, the, Labouchere on, 465 + +_National Reformer_, Bradlaugh's statement of his case in the, 146-47 + +Nationalisation, of land, Labouchere on the, 235 + +---- of railways, Labouchere on, 486, 487 + +Navy, Labouchere on the, 478 + +Neutrality Law, Labouchere on the inadequacy of the English, 81 + +Newcastle, 478 + +Newgate, Labouchere's description of, 114-15 + +Newman, Cardinal, his position in regard to Bradlaugh, 156 + +Newmarket, Labouchere at, 22 + +New Mexico, Pueblas of, 486 + +New Queen's Theatre, Labouchere as manager of, 98-104 + +Newton, Mr., censure of, 428 + +New Windsor, Labouchere's election for, 75-82 + +New York, 106; Healy in, 310; Labouchere in, 41 + +_New York Herald_, 382, 526 + +Nice, Labouchere at, 95, 97 + +Nicholas, Emperor, Lord Stratford's hatred of, 63 + +Nicholson's Nek, 440 + +_Nineteenth Century_, Cardinal Manning's article in the, 156 + +Nolan, M.P., Colonel, 146, 150; his returns, 302 + +Nolte, Vincent, his reminiscences of P.-C. Labouchère, 3, 4 _n._ + +Nonconformists, their anti-Irish feeling, 306 + +Norfolk, Labouchere in, 22 + +Norman, Henry, 278 + +_North Briton_, 164 + +North Camberwell, Labouchere at, 247 + +Northampton, Bradlaugh returned for, 142-45, 149, 151-52, 157; +Hyndman at, 459; industrialism of, 462, 467; Labouchere, M.P. for, +14, 105, 106, 116, 142-45, 148-49, 158, 159, 161, 167, 225, 410, +415-18, 459, 465, 503; Labouchere's retirement from, 518-527; Liberal +and Radical Association, its tribute to Labouchere, 539-40 + +_Northampton Echo_ quoted, 162 + +_Northampton Mercury_ quoted, 143, 144 _n._ + +Northbrook, Lord, 13 _n._ + +Northcote, Sir Stafford, his motion against Bradlaugh, 146, 152-55; +his motion on the Egyptian policy, 213 + +Norway, Gladstone in, 257 + +Nottingham, contested by Labouchere, 93 + +Nubar, his Premiership, 193-94 + + +O'Brien, R., Barry, his articles on the Irish question, 257; his +_Life of Lord Russell of Killowen_, 391 _n._; his _Life of Parnell_ +quoted, 252 _n._, 257 _n._; on the murder of Lord F. Cavendish, 174-75 + +O'Brien, Smith, his Irish rising, 48 + +O'Brien, W., 312; Healy on, 276, 363; his influence in Ireland, 533; +his Irish policy, 256 + +O'Connor, John, at Michelstown, 365 + +O'Connor, Mrs. T. P., her reminiscence of Labouchere among the +Indians, 40-41 + +O'Connor, T. P., on the Coercion Bill, 178; on Labouchere's +retirement, 520-21; supports the Tories _re_ Home Rule, 261, 266 + +Odessa, Grenville Murray as Consul at, 68, no + +O'Donnell, F. H., his case against the _Times_, 372-74, 392 + +O'Donoghue, The, on Labouchere, 169 + +O'Kelly, James, Pigott forgeries of his letters, 386, 394, 396 + +Ollivier, French Premier, resignation of, 124 + +Onslow, M.P., David, 146 + +Oppenheim, Henry, 287; part proprietor of the _Daily News_, 95 + +Orange Free State, annexation of the, 445, 449, 454, 456 + +Orangemen oppose Home Rule, 291, 294, 345 + +_Orinoco_, s.s., 31 + +Orthez, home of the Labouchere family, 1 + +Orton, Arthur, dines with Labouchere, 116 + +O'Shea, Captain, Healy on, 276; his supposed share in the forged +letters, 373, 381; negotiates between Parnell and Gladstone, 173 + +O'Shea, J. Augustus, correspondent in Paris during the siege, 141 _n._ + +Osman Digna captures Tokar, 213 + +Ostrogotha, Duchess of, her baby's birth, 53 + +Otrante, Duc d'. _See_ Fouché. + +Ouvrard, tool of Fouché, 10-12 + +Oxford, Henry Labouchere the elder at, 13 + + +Palikao, Count, French Premier, 124 + +_Pall Mall Gazette_, Bingham correspondent in Paris for, 141 _n._; +inspired by Gladstone, 278; Morley's editorship of, 173; refuses +Pigott forgeries, 375, 406; Stead's letter in, 411; W. S. Blunt's +defence of Arabi in, 222 + +Palmerston, Lord, 46 _n._; his agreement with Murray, 67-68 + +Palmyra, Labouchere at, 72 + +Palto at Twickenham, 356 + +Parana, Republic of, Labouchere's appointment to, 60 + +Paris, British Embassy in, 83, 120; death of Grenville Murray in, 110 +_n._; headquarters of the Land League in, 172, 181, 182, 186; +Labouchere in, 30, 31; Labouchere's letters to London during the +siege of, 43, 44, 96, 106, 119, 124-41; Louis Buonaparte in, 8; +Parnell letters in, 385, 386, 389; P.-C. Labouchère summoned by +Napoleon to, 11-12; Pigott in, 394-95, 396, 401; public parks of, 84; +Queen Christina in, 245 + +Parish Councils Bill, the, 422, 479 + +Parliament, House of Commons, extravagance of, 410; payment of +members of, 229, 230; reasons for entering, 74; seating accommodation +of, 527-30; triennial election of, 229, 248 + +Parliament, House of Lords, abolition of, 226, 230-33, 238-42, 248, +417, 422, 425 _n._, 527, 531-34; its obstruction of the Home Rule +Bill, 290 + +Parliamentary, journalist, Labouchere as, 504 + +---- Oaths Act, the, its bearing in the case of Bradlaugh, 145, 151, +155, 157, 160 + +Parnell, Charles Stewart, speaks in favour of Bradlaugh, 153; as +president of the Land League, 165, 166, 177, 182, 358 _n._; his +imprisonment and release, 172-74, 252, 254; his position as Irish +leader during the Home Rule struggle, 173-189, 236, 237, 252-356; his +confidence in Labouchere, 250; Lord Carnarvon treats with, 252; his +motives discussed by Healy, 254, 266, 271, 274, 276, 285, 290, 362; +Davitt on, 257-58; Chamberlain on, 266-67, 317; Labouchere on, 273, +280, 312, 314-17, 332, 337: his letters to Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, +275-76; on Gladstone, 278; introduces the Land Bill, 357; publication +of his supposed letters in the _Times_, 359-60, 361, 371; his +amendment to the Speech from the Throne, 369; denies the authorship +of his supposed letters, 372-73, 397; his defence by Sir C. Russell, +374 _n._, 375, 392-98; his unpopularity in America, 378; his letters +to Labouchere _re_ the Pigott forgeries, 383-84 + +Parnell Commission, the, history of, 360, 373-97 + +Parnell, Miss, president of the Ladies Land League, 173 + +Paul, Herbert, _A History of Modern England_, quoted, 195 _n._, 209 +_n._; on Arabi, 195-96 + +Peace Preservation Bill, the, 172 + +Pearl, Cora, in the siege of Paris, 43 + +Pease, Maker, 353 + +Peel, Arthur Wellesley, 76 _n._, 270 + +Pelletan, M., member of the Provisional Government, 127 + +Pemberton, M.P., Mr., 146, 150 + +Peninsular War, the, 5-8 + +_Penny Illustrated Paper_, interview with Labouchere in, 529 _n._ + +Perceval, Mr., ministry of, 6-7 + +Percy, Lord, his attitude to Bradlaugh, 146, 149 + +Persia, despotism of, 469 + +Peruvian bondholders, 212 + +Peter the Hermit, 217 + +Petty Bag, office of, Clerk of the, 246 + +Phillips, Lionel, director of the South Africa Company, 426 + +Phipps, brewer, contests Northampton, 144 + +Picard, Ernest, member of the Republican Government, 117 + +Piccadilly Saloon, the, 105 + +Pichegru invades Holland, 4 + +Pigott, Richard, Healy on, 309-10; his sale of the _Irishman_ to +Parnell, 374; his forgery of the Parnell-Egan correspondence, +373-406; his confession to Labouchere, 394, 402; his flight and +suicide, 394, 402-406 + +Pisani, Alexander, as head of the Diplomatic Chancellerie, +Constantinople, 64 + +Pitt, William, 287; his graduated income-tax, 247 + +Plato, 489 + +Plunkett, Mr., 410 + +Poland, English sympathy with, 284; Ireland compared with, 189 + +Polynesia, industrialism of, 486 + +Ponsonby, Sir H., 319 + +Pope, Alexander, his villa at Twickenham, 40 + +Portland, Duke of, ministry of, 6 + +Port Said, occupation of, 201, 267 + +Portugal, destiny of, 9 + +Post Office, Labouchere on the, 478; nomination of Labouchere for, 412 + +---- ---- Savings Bank, Labouchere on the, 477 + +Pretoria, British agent in, 442; capture of, 440, 445-46, 454; +Jameson's imprisonment in, 434 + +Prevention of Crimes in Ireland Bill, passing of the, 175, 185-190, +248 + +Primrose League, the, its misstatements _re_ Pigott, 404 + +Privy Council, the, Labouchere becomes a member of, 523, 526, 530, 531 + +Procedure Resolutions, the, 187 + +Promissory Oaths Act, the, 155 + +Protection, Labouchere on, 531, 533; Parnell's attitude to, 258, 261, +276-77 + +---- of Life and Property in Ireland, Forster's Bill for, 166-74 + +Prussia, Crown Prince of, advances on Paris, 123, 127 + +Public Schools Bill, the, Labouchere on, 84 + +Puebla di los Angelos, Labouchere at, 34 + +_Punch_, reminiscences of Labouchere in, 526, 527 + +Pursebearer, office of, 246 + +Pythagoras, Labouchere on, 515, 516 + + +_Queen's Messenger_, Labouchere's proprietorship of the, denied, 110 + +Queensberry, Sybil, Lady, 72 + +Quotla di Amalpas, Labouchere at, 36, 38, 62 + + +Radical Party, the, Chamberlain's secession regarded as its fall, +228, 250, 318, 319, 352, 354; its attitude to the Egyptian policy, +196, 198-200, 212, 215, 217-19, 249; its attitude to Socialism, +462-89; its sympathy with Ireland, 72, 225, 248, 252, 318; its +treatment by the Irish, 252; Labouchere as unofficial leader of, 196, +198, 525; Labouchere's ideals for, 225-48, 259, 304, 318, 319, 525 + +Radical principles, Labouchere's, their divergence from Whig +principles, 42 + +Rawson, Henry, part proprietor of the _Daily News_, 97 + +Reade, Charles, as a dramatic author, 101-2 + +Recruiting, system of, in America for the Crimean War, 45 + +Redmond, J. E., as leader of the Irish party, 524, 533 + +Redpath, American Fenian, 170 + +Reed, correspondent of the _Leeds Mercury_, 272 + +_Referee, The_, 537 _n._ + +Reform Club, the, Labouchere at, 75, 89, 182, 198, 228, 318 + +Registration Laws, the English, 448 + +Reid, Wemyss, 393 + +Reitz, Dr., Secretary of State for the Transvaal, 444, 447, 451 + +Religious Disabilities Removal Bill, the, 160, 163-4 + +Rent Act, 421 + +_Reporter_, interview with Labouchere in, 477 + +Representation of the People Bill, the, Labouchere on, 244 + +Revelstoke, Lord, as a politician, 240 + +Reynolds's newspaper, 471 + +Rhodes, Cecil, his complicity in the Jameson Raid, 426-30, 452, 453; +his Imperialism, 435; Labouchere's personal admiration of, 430, 435, +436; Labouchere's public condemnation of, 430-1 + +Rhodesia, 435 + +Riaz Pasha, administration of, 195, 221 + +Ripon, Lord, his government in India, 210 + +Roberts, Earl, at Eton, 18; his command in South Africa, 441, 445 + +Robertson, manager of the Royal Aquarium, his libel action against +Labouchere, 501 + +Robertson, M.P., J. M., his account of Bradlaugh's parliamentary +struggle, 142 _n._ + +Robinson, Lionel, on Labouchere's financial interest in the _Daily +News_, 96 + +Robinson, Sir John, _Fifty Years of Fleet Street_, quoted, 133 _n._; +manager of the _Daily News_, 96, 120, 128 _n._; on the syndicate of +the _Daily News_, 95 + +Rochdale, 484; Chamberlain at, 322 + +Rochefort, Henri, release and triumph of, 127, 130 + +Roell, Dutch statesman, 6 + +Roman Catholicism in Ireland, Labouchere on, 86 + +Roman Catholics delighted by Gladstone's article against Darwin, 267; +support Bradlaugh, 156 + +Rome, 535; Fouché, Governor of, 11, 12 + +Ronan, counsel for the _Times_, 374 _n._ + +Rosebery, Earl of, as Foreign Secretary, 420, 423; Chamberlain on his +Home Rule policy, 298; his letters to Labouchere _re_ Home Rule, 268, +277, 283, 287, 307; his Premiership, 423, 424; Labouchere on, 224 + +Rosmead, Lord, his work as Commissioner in South Africa, 428, 429 + +Rossa, O'Donovan, 284, 310 + +Rothschild, Baron, as a politician, 240; his Egyptian loans, 190, +191, 193, 194, 206; procures Labouchere a pass, 140 + +Rouen, Labouchere at, 120 + +Rouher, M., on the French army, 123 + +Rousby, Mrs. Wybert, appears at the New Queen's Theatre, 99, 102 + +Rousseau, J.-J., on his own education, 21 + +Rovigo, Duc de, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, 11 + +Royal Aquarium, Westminster, Robinson manager of, 501 + +Royal Parks and Pleasure Grounds, Labouchere on the upkeep of, 84, 409 + +Rudini, Marchesa di, daughter of Labouchere, 535, 539~40 + +Rumbold, Sir Horace, meets Labouchere at Constantinople, 63 + +Ruppenheim, Schloss of, Labouchere at, 54 + +Russell, Charles (Lord Russell of Killowen), his defence of +Labouchere, 501; his defence of Parnell, 374 _n._, 375, 378, 384, +389-98, 402; on the Coercion Bill, 182 + +Russell, Lord John, Foreign Secretary, appoints Labouchere to Buenos +Ayres, 65; checks Labouchere's information from St. Petersburg, 59 + +Russell, Odo, in Paris during the siege, 120 + +Russians, the, Labouchere's opinion of, 56, 57; their method of +playing cards, 58 + +Ryder, Mr., in _The Last Days of Pompeii_, 100-1 + + +Saarbrück, French Army Corps at, 124 + +St. Anthony's Falls, 41 + +St. Augustine, _Confessions of_, 21 + +St. Cloud, Napoleon at, 10 + +St. James's Club, Labouchere's membership of, 70 + +St. James's Hall, Home Rule meeting at, 324, 327 + +St. Martin's Hall, 98 + +St. Patrick, Order of, 241 + +St. Paul, Labouchere at, 40 + +St. Petersburg, Crampton Ambassador at, 46 _n._; Labouchere as +attaché in, 52, 55-60 + +St. Thomas, Labouchere at, 32 + +Sala, George Augustus, at Evans', 29; his reminiscences of +Labouchere, 99, 116; witnesses Pigott's confession, 394, 398-401 + +Sale of Liquor on Sundays Bill, the, 83 + +Salisbury, Marquis of, attends the Berlin Congress, 191, 192; his +Egyptian policy as Foreign Secretary, 191-4, 221, 223; Irish policy +of his first administration, 251, 257, 270, 271, 274, 286 _n._, 288, +305; Churchill's letter to, _re_ Home Rule, 279-80, 298; his defeat +and resignation, 317 _n._; as leader of the Opposition, 319, 344, +347; his second administration, 357, 406, 409, 411; his third +administration, 438; on the Transvaal, 441, 450, 451 + +Sampson, city editor of the _Times_, Labouchere's attacks on, 107 + +San Francisco, Healy in, 310 + +Sardinia, kingdom of, 61 + +Sardou, _La Patrie_, 103 + +_Saturday Review_ on Labouchere, 513 + +Saunders, Labouchere on, 352 + +Sazary, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, 11 + +Schalk, Burger, President, 456 + +Scholl, Aurélien, 120 + +Schreiner, Mr., 449 + +Schwarzenberg, Prince, Premier of Austria, Palmerston's grudge +against, 67 + +Scudamore, F. I., on the staff of the _World_, 107 + +Sculthorpe Rectory, Fakenham, 21 _n._ + +Seagrove, Captain, at Michelstown, 368, 369, 372 + +Secret Societies in Ireland, 171, 177 + +Sedan, battle of, 125, 127 + +Selby, Lord, his letter to Labouchere _re_ retirement, 524 + +Sexton, his imprisonment, 172, 174; his services in the Irish party, +260, 261, 315, 363; on the Coercion Bill, 178, 187 + +Sezzed Jamal ed Din, 216 + +Shakespearian revivals announced by Labouchere, 104 + +Shannon, solicitor, Pigott's letter to, 395, 401 + +Shaw, George Bernard, 496 + +Sheffield, attaché in Paris, 120 + +_Sheffield Telegraph_ on Bradlaugh, 145 + +Shekan, battle of, 210, 212 + +Sheppard, Jack, relics of, in Newgate, 115 + +Sherif Pasha, administration of, 209 + +Shipman, Dr., M.P. for Northampton, 519 + +Sicily, kingdom of, 8, 9 + +Simla, Lord Lytton at, 192 _n._ + +Simon, Jules, member of the Provisional Government, 127 + +Simon, M.P., Serjeant, 146, 150; defends Forster's Irish Bill, 169 + +Simpson, Palgrave, part author of _Time and the Hour_, 98 _n._ + +_Sixty Years in the Wilderness_, by Sir H. Lucy, quoted, 250 _n._ + +Smith, Barnard, his complaint against Labouchere for cribbing, 23-26 + +Smith, J. G., at Northampton, 489 + +Smith, Librarian in the House of Commons, 301 + +Smith, Sir Archibald Levin, member of the Parnell Commission, 373 + +Smith, W. H., on the Coercion Bill, 187 + +Soames, Mr., solicitor, concerned in the Parnell forgery case, 360, +385, 389, 395, 401, 405 + +Social Democratic Federation, programme of the, 474-76 + +Socialism, Labouchere's attitude to, 418, 458-89 + +Socrates, Labouchere on, 516 + +Soissons, 123 _n._ + +Soudan, the, Gordon as Governor-General of, 209 + +---- War, the, 209-18, 434 + +South Africa, Labouchere's sympathy with, 259 + +South African Republic. _See_ Transvaal. + +South America, Labouchere's visit to, 31-8 + +Southampton, 441 + +Southwark, representation of, 93 + +Spain, kingdom of, 8, 199 + +Spencer, Lord, as Viceroy of Ireland, 174, 178, 181, 184, 186, 267, +317, 320 + +Spender, James, Montagu White on, 447, 448 + +Spezia, Labouchere at, 109 + +Spion Kop, 441 + +Stael, Madame de, questions Napoleon on his ideal woman, 246 + +Stamforth, John, contests Athlone, 525 + +_Standard, The_, on Home Rule, 256; O'Shea correspondent in Paris +for, 141 _n._; publishes Gladstone's Home Rule scheme, 277 _n._, 286 +_n._ + +Stanley, Hon. Frederick, 76 _n._ + +Stansfield, 338 + +Stead, William, his letter in the _Pall Mall Gazette_, 411 + +Stewart, Colonel, his information _re_ Hicks Pasha, 210 + +Stewart, Patrick, 170 + +Stockholm, Labouchere's duel while attaché in, 50, 51, 72 + +Stormberg, 440 + +Strassburg, French army at, 122 _n._ + +Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, as Ambassador at Constantinople, 62, +63, 68 + +Stratford-on-Avon, Mr. Flower of, 75 + +Stroud, Labouchere at, 332 + +Stuart, Professor James, speaks against the Coercion Bill, 363 + +Suakim, political importance of, 214-18 + +Suez Canal, the, political importance of, 199, 201, 204, 206 + +Suffrage, Adult Manhood, Labouchere on, 229-48 + +---- Woman, Labouchere's opposition to, 244-46 + +Sugden, Charles James, Labouchere's letter to, _re_ prefaces, 537 + +Swansea, Chamberlain at, 189 + +Sweating Committee, the, 471 + +---- in Government offices, 478-79 + +Sweden, Queen of, 53 + +Swift, Dean, on cattle-maiming, 169 + +Sydney, N.S.W., 393 + + +Talana, battle of, 440 + +Talavera, battle of, 7 + +Talleyrand, Prince, presents Labouchere with a box of dominoes, 14 + +Tariff Reform, Labouchere on, 532 + +Taunton, Henry Labouchere the elder M.P. for, 13, 14-15; Sir Henry +James M.P. for, 525 + +Taunton, Henry, Baron, differentiates between himself and his +brother, 16; is invited to assist his nephew at Windsor, 82; +Labouchere declines to inherit his title, 251; political career of, +13-15, 67 + +Taxation on food and drink, Labouchere on, 236 + +Taylor, Tom, _Joan of Arc_, 102; _Twixt Axe and Crown_, 99 + +Telbin and Moore, Messrs., 98 + +Tel-el-Kebir, battle of, 70, 198, 218 + +_Temple Bar_, "Over Babylon to Baalbek," 113 + +_Temps, Le_, on Lord Rosebery, 420 + +Terry, Ellen, at Twickenham, 356; in the _Double Marriage_, 99 + +Tewfik, Khedive, his rule in Egypt, 194, 211 + +Thackeray, W. M., 497; at Evans', 29 + +Theatre-goers, Labouchere on, 101, 102 + +Therapia, British Embassy in, 83 + +_Thérèse Raquin_, 338 + +Thesiger, Q.C., acts as counsel for Abbot _v._ Labouchere, 108, 109 + +Thiers, _Histoire du Consulat et de l'Empire_, 10 _n._ + +Thistle, Order of the, 241 + +Thornton, banker, 16 + +Thornton, Edward, Labouchere's letters to, 518, 530-31 + +Thornton, Godfrey, 14 _n._ + +Thornton, Rev. Spenser, 14 _n._ + +Tichborne case, the, Labouchere's reminiscences of, 116 + +_Time and the Hour_, production of, 98-99 + +_Times, The_ Arabi's letter to, 222; Bell manager of, 436; +denunciations of its city edition by Labouchere, 108; its case +against O'Donnell, 371-74, 392; its case against Parnell, 377-94; its +correspondents in Paris during the siege, 141 _n._; Labouchere denies +proprietorship of _Queen's Messenger_ in, 110; Labouchere's letters +in, _re_ his exclusion from the Cabinet, 415; Labouchere's letters +to, _re_ Home Rule, 291-98, 304, 309, 356; Labouchere's letters to, +_re_ the Income Tax, 246; on Home Rule, 256, 293; on Labouchere's +letters from Paris, 119; on the Middlesex election of 1868, 87-89, +92; on "Parnellism and Crime," 358-60, 364-65, 367, 371; on the +Windsor election petition, 78-80; publishes Gladstone's Home Rule +scheme, 277 _n._; publishes supposed letters from Parnell, 359, +371-75, 405; quoted, 438; report of Soudanese War in, 219 + +_Times' History of the War in South Africa, The_, quoted, 429 _n._, +437 _n._, 456 _n._ + +Tipperary, 135 + +Tokar, conquest of, 213 + +Tonsley, Mr., 415 + +Toole, J. L., plays at New Queen's Theatre, 99 + +Tory democrats, Labouchere on, 248 + +Toulba Pasha, exile of, 221 + +Tours, Crawford correspondent at, 120, 121 + +Trades Unionism, Labouchere on, 471 + +Trainbearer, office of, 246 + +Transvaal, English population of, 426, 428, 436, 437; its invasion by +Dr. Jameson, 426-37 + +Trevelyan, Sir George, 150, 407; Healy on, 267, 303; on the Coercion +Bill, 180, 188 + +Triple Alliance, the, Labouchere's opinions on, 410, 418 + +Trochu, General, Commander-in-chief in Paris, 125, 129; Labouchere's +estimate of, 136, 137 + +_Truth_, Grenville Murray's "Queer Stories," 109; Horace Voules as +manager and editor of, 493-512; Labouchere's editorship of, 14, 106, +109, 110, 117, 493-511; Labouchere's reminiscences of youth in, 17 +_n._, 20 _n._, 30-46, 53 _n._, 91; libel actions against, 472, +499-502; on the Boer War, 445 _n._, 446, 455, 457; on Bradlaugh, 161; +on Chamberlain, 228; on the Chartered Company of B.S.A., 431-34; on +the Egyptian policy, 200, 202, 204-5; on his exclusion from the +Cabinet, 415; on hoaxes, 405-8; on Home Rule, 287, 315; on the House +of Commons, 529-30; on India, 200; on the Irish question, 187-89; on +Lord Dudley, 525; on the Michelstown murders, 369, 370; on the Pigott +forgeries, 375, 404, 405; on owning a dog, 419; parody of _Lest We +Forget_, in, 448; Queen Victoria's dislike to Labouchere's +proprietorship of, 414; "The Ghastly Gaymarket," 105 _n._ + +Tryon, Sir George, at Eton, 18 + +Tunis, French occupation of, 192 + +Turin, Nationalist sympathies in, 61 + +Turkey, its intervention in Egypt, 194-202; its relations with +England, 196-97, 199; leases Cyprus to England, 191, 192 + +Turner, Colonel, in Ireland, Healy on, 361 + +Tuscany, deposition of the Grand Duke of, 61, 62 + +Twickenham, Labouchere at, 40, 323-28, 333, 354, 356, 408 + +_Twixt Axe and Crown_, produced at New Queen's Theatre, 99 + + +Uganda, English policy in, Labouchere on, 421 + +Uitlanders, grievances of the, 426, 427, 437, 442, 451 + +Ulster, opposition to Home Rule in, 280, 284, 291, 299, 345 + +_United Ireland_, 255 _n._, 257, 309 + +United States of America, salary of the President, 42 + +Usedom, Countess d', caricature of, 70 + + +Valencay, Kolli at, 10 + +Vandort, Dr., physician to Arabi Pasha,220 + +_Vanity Fair_, 492 + +Vansittart, Mr., contests Windsor, 76, 77 + +Venezuela, 434 + +Venice, Labouchere at, 111 + +Vera Cruz, Labouchere at, 32-35, 38 + +Verdun, Bazaine at, 124 + +Versailles, Labouchere at, 139, 140; Prussian army at, 127, 128, 139, +140 + +Victor Emmanuel II., Labouchere's reminiscences of, 62 + +Victoria, Queen, 85; Gladstone submits scheme for Home Rule to, 270, +277, 286 _n._, 288; her Civil List, 234; her objection to +Labouchere's inclusion in the Ministry, 67, 413-15; King Louis of +Bavaria inquires for, 49 + +Vienna, Grenville Murray attaché in, 68; Labouchere in, 529; public +parks of, 84 + +Villa d'Este, Labouchere at, 535, 536 + +Vinoy, General, in Paris, 128 _n._, 136 + +Vivian, Lord, as Consul-General in Egypt, 194 + +Voisin's, Paris, 139 + +Voltaire, Labouchere's neutrality compared with, 220, 513 + +_Voltaire_ on Labouchere, 412 + +Voters' Bill, a, Healy on, 273 + +Voules, Horace, his editorship of _Truth_, 493-512 + +Vulpera Tarasp, Labouchere at, 45, 454 + +Vyse, Colonel, contests Windsor, 76 + + +Waddington, M., at the Berlin Congress, 192 _n._ + +Wady Halfa, 217 + +Wagner, F.S.A., Henry, his "Labouchere Pedigree," 14 _n._ + +"Wait and See" policy, the, Chamberlain on, 300 + +Walcheren, expedition to, 6 + +Walker, John F., 106-7 + +Walpole, Sir Robert, declines a decoration, 241 + +Walpole, M.P., Spencer, chairman of Select Committee on Bradlaugh +case, 146, 150 + +Walsh, Archbishop of Dublin, Churchill on, 282; his relations with +Pigott, 381, 392, 404 + +Walter, case of O'Donnell _v._, 372, 373-74 + +War Loan Bill, the, 441 + +Warr, Lord de la, his interest in Arabi, 221, 223 + +Warrington, Chamberlain at, 257, 258 + +Wars of Religion, the, 1 + +Warton, M.P., Mr., on Bradlaugh, 149, 163 + +Washburne, Elihu, American Ambassador in Paris during the siege, 43 + +Washington, Labouchere as attaché at, 39, 45-46, 72; Labouchere's +ambition to become Ambassador at, 71, 423 + +Waterhouse, Major, 76 _n._ + +Waterloo, battle of, 42, 57 + +Webster, Sir Richard, Attorney-General, on Parnell's supposed +letters, 372-73, 386, 395, 397, 406; his examination of Pigott, 386-89 + +Weissenburg, battle of, 123 + +Welby, Lord, on Labouchere at Eton, 18 + +Wellesley, Lord, English Foreign Secretary, P.-C. Labouchère's +mission to, 5-10 + +Wellington, Arthur, first Duke of, in the Peninsula, 7; on the battle +of Waterloo, 42, 57 + +West, Sir Algernon, at Eton, 18 + +Westminster, Duke of, on the Irish party, 315 + +---- Hall, Women's Suffrage Petition in, 246 + +Westmoreland, Earl of, as Ambassador in Vienna, 68 + +Whalem, Bridget and Patrick, 168-69 + +Wharton, Mr., 427 + +Whewell, Master of Trinity, encounters Labouchere, 27-28 + +Whig party, the, Labouchere on, 229, 248, 305 + +Whig principles, their divergence from Radical principles, 42 + +Whist as a diplomatist's game, 49, 55, 58 + +Whitbread, M.P., Mr., 146, 150 + +White, Mr., on the Triple Alliance, 411 + +White, Montagu, Labouchere's correspondence with, 446-49, 451, 455 + +Wicklow, Parnell at, 258 + +Wiesbaden, Labouchere at, 30, 54 + +Wigan, Alfred, comedian, part manager of the New Queen's Theatre, 98 + +Wilkes, John, his struggle for political liberty, 163, 164 + +Williams, M.P., Watkin, 146, 150 + +Williams, Deacon, Thornton and Labouchere, bank of, 16 + +Willoughby, Captain, his part in the Jameson Raid, 426 + +Wilson, Sir Rivers, as English Commissioner and Finance Minister in +Egypt, 193, 194, 206 + +Wilton Park, Bucks, 16 + +Winchilsea, Lord, on the staff of the _World_, 107 + +Winchester, Thorold, Bishop of, 2 _n._ + +Windsor, Labouchere elected for, and unseated, 70, 74-83, 95, 493 + +Wingfield, Lewis, in Paris during the siege, 138 _n._ + +Winterbotham, chairman at Stroud, 332 + +Wodehouse, English Ambassador in Paris during the siege, 43 + +Woking, Dilke at, 327 + +Wolff, Sir Henry Drummond, his motion against Bradlaugh, 146, 147, +150, 163 + +Wolseley, Garnet, Viscount, his mission in Egypt, 197, 208 + +Wolverhampton, Lord. _See_ Fowler, Sir H. + +Wolverton, Lord, on Chamberlain and the Irish party, 337 + +Women, votes for, Labouchere's opposition to, 244-47, 517 + +Wood, Sir Evelyn, his command in Egypt, 209 + +Woollaston, examiner at Cambridge, 24 + +Woolwich, Chamberlain at, 323 + +_World, The_, Labouchere's connection with, 94, 106-11, 492, 495, 527 + +Wörth, battle of, 124, 127 + +Wyndham, Charles, at New Queen's Theatre, 99 + +Wyndham, George, member of the South Africa Commission, 427, 435, 436 + + +Yarmouth, 6 + +Yates, Edmund, at Evans', 29; editor of the _World_, 492, 502; on +Labouchere as a contributor, 106-11 + + +Zanzibaris, troop of, in Uganda, 421 + + + + + +[Transcriber's Notes: + +Unusual and incorrect spellings have been left as printed. + +Page numbers are surrounded by curly braces, e.g. {123}, +footnotes by square brackets, e.g. [4]. + + + + + + + +*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75377 *** |