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<div style='text-align:center'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75282 ***</div>




<figure class="figcenter illowp85" style="max-width: 150em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i000f' src='images/i000_frontis.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>VIEW OF THE HARBOR AND TOWN OF BOSTON IN 1723<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in the British Museum after a drawing by William Burgis</span></figcaption>
</figure>




<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="front-matter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_i">[i]</span></p>




<h1>THE<br>
<span class='fs150 xls'>PIRATES</span><br>
OF THE<br>
<span class='fs150 xls'>NEW ENGLAND<br>
COAST</span><br>
<span class=''>1630&ndash;1730</span></h1>

<p class="center mt1">By<br>
GEORGE FRANCIS DOW</p>

<p class="center fs70">Curator of the Society for the Preservation of<br>
New England Antiquities</p>

<p class="center mth">and</p>

<p class="center mth">JOHN HENRY EDMONDS</p>
<p class='center fs70'>Massachusetts State Archivist</p>

<p class="center mt1"><span class="smcap fs70">Introduction by</span><br>
CAPT. ERNEST H. PENTECOST, R.N.R.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp10" id="i000_title" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class='w100' src="images/i000_title.jpg" alt="Publisher's Colophon">
</figure>

<p class="center mt1">MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY<br>
SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS</p>

<p class="center">1923</p>
</div>




<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="front-matter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_ii">[ii]</span></p>
<p class='center'>PUBLICATION NUMBER TWO<br>
<span class='fs80'>OF THE</span><br>
MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY<br>
SALEM, MASS.</p>

<p class='center mt2'>COPYRIGHT, 1923, BY<br>
THE MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY</p>

<p class='center mt4 fs90'>PRINTED IN<br>
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA<br>
BY THE JORDAN &amp; MORE PRESS<br>
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETTS</p>
</div>



<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="front-matter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[iii]</span></p>
<p class='center fs120'>
THIS VOLUME<br>
IS DEDICATED TO THE<br>
MARINERS AND MERCHANTS OF<br>
NEW ENGLAND WHO SUFFERED<br>
LOSS OF LIFE OR PROPERTY<br>
AT THE HANDS OF<br>
PIRATES<br>
</p>
</div>




<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2>


<p>There is scarcely a sandy beach on New England’s
long and deeply indented coastline that has not connected
with it some traditionary tale of the landing of
pirates or their buried treasure. Many of these half-forgotten
tales may have had an origin in the operations of early smugglers
or in the evasion of the British Navigation Acts, but it is
undoubtedly true that pirates did frequent this coast, beginning
with the early days of its settlement, and during their
periodical appearances, robbed and destroyed shipping almost
at will. In gathering material relating to this subject no
attempt has been made to include the traditionary lore.
The public records of the time supply an astonishing amount
of detailed information, but the principal source for first-hand
information on the operations of pirate vessels during the first
twenty-five years of the eighteenth century, the period when
piracy was most frequent and least controlled, is the “History
of the Pirates” by Capt. Charles Johnson. It has been
claimed that the author at one time sailed in a pirate ship and
therefore wrote from a personal knowledge of many of the
events described. It seems impossible that anyone could
have obtained such a circumstantial narrative of illicit life on
the open sea unless he had lived in intimate personal acquaintance
with a number of those who took part in the stirring
actions recounted. Some of his tales are so extraordinary
that they seem improbable—impossible of belief. And yet,
the portion of his history relating to the North Atlantic coast
has been verified by original records and items of current
news in the newspapers and found to be a truthful relation in
all essential details. With so much corroborative evidence at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</span>
hand it is only fair to concede the probability that other
portions of his “History,” not verified at this time, are also
based upon fact.</p>

<p>The account of piracy to be found in the following chapters
is based upon original documents in the Massachusetts State
Archives, in the records of the Vice-Admiralty Courts, the
Courts of Assistants and the Quarterly Courts. Printed
accounts of trials have supplied valuable information and
many details that have greatly enriched the narrative have
been gleaned from newspapers published at the time. Intermingled
are personal anecdotes and details recorded by
Captain Johnson, of captures, murders and injuries inflicted
upon the officers and crews of plundered merchant vessels.</p>

<p>Many friends have aided in the preparation of this volume.
Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R., of Topsfield, has freely
placed at our disposal his collection of voyages and books on
piracy and related subjects. He also has critically examined
the manuscript and given it the benefit of his technical
knowledge of things nautical. Mr. John W. Farwell of Boston
has generously permitted the reproduction of portions of
several rare maps in his fine collection of early charts and
maps. Mr. Julius H. Tuttle, Librarian of the Massachusetts
Historical Society, and Mr. George Parker Winship, Librarian
of the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College
Library, have kindly allowed the reproduction of early engravings
and title pages of rare books. Cordial thanks also are due
to Mr. Howard M. Chapin, Librarian of the George L. Shepley
Library, Providence; Mr. Charles H. Taylor, Mr. William W.
Cordingley, the Bostonian Society and the Society for the
Preservation of New England Antiquities, all of Boston; the
Peabody Museum of Salem; and to all others who in any
way have furthered the production of this volume.</p>
</div>



<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[vii]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>


<table class='toc'>
<tr><td></td><td><a href='#PREFACE'><span class="smcap">Preface</span></a></td><td>v</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><a href='#CONTENTS'><span class="smcap">Table of Contents</span></a></td><td>vii</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><a href='#ILLUSTRATIONS'><span class="smcap">List of Illustrations</span></a></td><td>ix</td></tr>
<tr><td></td><td><a href='#INTRODUCTION'><span class="smcap">Introduction by Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</span></a></td><td>xvii</td></tr>
<tr><td>I</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_I'><span class="smcap">The beginnings of English piracy</span></a></td>
    <td>1</td></tr>

<tr><td>II</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_II'><span class="smcap">Dixey Bull, the first pirate in New England waters
         and some others who followed him</span></a></td>
    <td>20</td></tr>

<tr><td>III</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_III'><span class="smcap">John Rhodes, pilot of the Dutch pirates on the
         coast of Maine</span></a></td>
    <td>44</td></tr>

<tr><td>IV</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_IV'><span class="smcap">Thomas Pound, pilot of the King’s frigate, who
         became a pirate and died a gentleman</span></a></td>
    <td>54</td></tr>

<tr><td>V</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_V'><span class="smcap">William Kidd, privateersman and reputed pirate</span></a></td>
    <td>73</td></tr>

<tr><td>VI</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_VI'><span class="smcap">Thomas Tew, who retired and lived at Newport</span></a></td>
    <td>84</td></tr>

<tr><td>VII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_VII'><span class="smcap">John Quelch and his crew, who were hanged at
         Boston and their gold distributed</span></a></td>
    <td>99</td></tr>

<tr><td>VIII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_VIII'><span class="smcap">Samuel Bellamy, whose ship was wrecked at
         Wellfleet and 142 drowned</span></a></td>
    <td>116</td></tr>

<tr><td>IX</td>
    <td><span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[viii]</span>

        <a href='#CHAPTER_IX'><span class="smcap">George Lowther, who captured thirty-three
         vessels in seventeen months</span></a></td>
    <td>132</td></tr>

<tr><td>X</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_X'><span class="smcap">Ned Low of Boston and how he became a pirate
         captain</span></a></td>
    <td>141</td></tr>

<tr><td>XI</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XI'><span class="smcap">Captain Roberts’ curious account of what happened
         on Low’s ship</span></a></td>
    <td>157</td></tr>

<tr><td>XII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XII'><span class="smcap">The brutal career and miserable end of Ned Low</span></a></td>
    <td>200</td></tr>

<tr><td>XIII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XIII'><span class="smcap">The strange adventures of Philip Ashton</span></a></td>
    <td>218</td></tr>

<tr><td>XIV</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XIV'><span class="smcap">Nicholas Merritt’s account of his escape from
         pirates</span></a></td>
    <td>270</td></tr>

<tr><td>XV</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XV'><span class="smcap">Francis Farrington Spriggs, the companion of
         Ned Low</span></a></td>
    <td>277</td></tr>

<tr><td>XVI</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XVI'><span class="smcap">Charles Harris, who was hanged at Newport with
         twenty-five of his crew</span></a></td>
    <td>288</td></tr>

<tr><td>XVII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XVII'><span class="smcap">John Phillips, whose head was cut off and
         pickled</span></a></td>
    <td>310</td></tr>

<tr><td>XVIII</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XVIII'><span class="smcap">William Fly, who was hanged in chains on
         Nix’s Mate</span></a></td>
    <td>328</td></tr>

<tr><td>XIX</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XIX'><span class="smcap">Pirate haunts and cruising grounds</span></a></td>
    <td>338</td></tr>

<tr><td>XX</td>
    <td><a href='#CHAPTER_XX'><span class="smcap">Pirate life and death</span></a></td>
    <td>353</td></tr>

<tr><td></td>
    <td><a href='#APPENDIX'><span class="smcap">Appendix</span></a></td><td></td></tr>

<tr><td></td>
    <td style='padding-left: 2em;'>I &nbsp; <a href='#APPENDIX_I'><span class="smcap">Captain Ploughman’s Commission</span></a></td>
    <td>371</td></tr>
<tr><td></td>
    <td style='padding-left: 1.6em;'>II &nbsp; <a href='#APPENDIX_II'><span class="smcap">Captain Ploughman’s Instructions</span></a></td>
    <td>373</td></tr>
<tr><td></td>
    <td style='padding-left: 1.2em;'>III &nbsp; <a href='#APPENDIX_III'><span class="smcap">Dying Speech of Captain Quelch</span></a></td>
    <td>376</td></tr>
<tr><td></td>
    <td style='padding-left: 1.3em;'>IV &nbsp; <a href='#APPENDIX_IV'><span class="smcap">John Fillmore’s Narrative</span></a></td>
    <td>379</td></tr>
<tr><td></td>
    <td style='padding-left: 1.65em;'>V &nbsp; <a href='#APPENDIX_V'><span class="smcap">An “Act of Grace”</span></a></td>
    <td>381</td></tr>
<tr><td></td>
    <td><a href='#INDEX'><span class="smcap">Index</span></a></td>
    <td>383</td></tr>
</table>

</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[ix]</span>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="ILLUSTRATIONS">ILLUSTRATIONS</h2>
</div>

<div class='illus'>
<p class='i1'><a href='#i000'>
 <span class="smcap">Boston harbor from the survey in the “English
   Pilot,”</span> Part IV. London, 1707</a>
   <i>Front end-paper</i>
</p>
<p class='i2'>From an original in the Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'>
 <span class="smcap"><a href='#i000f'>View of the harbor and town of Boston in
   1723</a></span>
 <span class='ipn'><i>Frontispiece</i></span>
</p>
<p class='i2'>
 From an engraving in the British Museum after a drawing
   by William Burgis.
</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i001'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Capt. Charles
   Johnson’s “History of the Pirates,”</span> London, 1724</a>
 <span class='ipn'>1</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.
</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i010'>
 <span class="smcap">Map of the West Indies about 1720, showing “the tracts of the Spanish Gallions”</span></a>
 <span class='ipn'>10</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From Herman Moll’s “Atlas Minor,” London, 1732, in the
   Harvard College Library.
</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i014'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. Henry Morgan, the buccaneer, before Panama</span></a>
 <span class='ipn'>14</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.
</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i026'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Cotton
   Mather’s “Pillars of Salt, An History of Some
   Criminals Executed in this Land,”</span> Boston, 1699</a>
<span class='ipn'>26</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the Harvard College Library.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[x]</span></p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i042'>
 <span class="smcap">Richard Coote, Earl of Bellomont, Governor of
   Massachusetts, 1699-1700</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>42</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From a rare engraving in the Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i054'>
 <span class="smcap">View of Castle William, Boston harbor, about
   1729, and a man-of-war of the period</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>54</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the only known copy of an engraving probably by
   John Harris, after a drawing by William Burgis.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i062'>
 <span class="smcap">An armed sloop near Boston lighthouse in 1729</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>62</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the only known copy of a mezzotint by William Burgis,
   published Aug. 11, 1729, and now in the possession of the
   United States Lighthouse Board.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i066'>
 <span class="smcap">Samuel Sewall, Chief Justice of the Superior
   Court in Massachusetts, 1718-1728</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>66</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original painting in possession of the
   Massachusetts Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i082'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “A Full Account
   of the Proceedings in Relation to Capt. Kidd,”</span>
   London, 1701</a>
<span class='ipn'>82</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i102'>
 <span class="smcap">Joseph Dudley, Governor of Massachusetts, who
   presided at the trial of Captain Quelch</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>102</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original painting in possession of the
   Massachusetts Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i106'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “The Trial of
   Capt. John Quelch for Piracy,”</span> London, 1704</a>
<span class='ipn'>106</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i112'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Cotton
   Mather’s “Faithful Warnings to Prevent Fearful
   Judgments,”</span> Boston, 1704</a>
<span class='ipn'>112</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[xi]</span></p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i114'>
 <span class="smcap">Rev. Cotton Mather, pastor of the Second (North)
   Church,</span> Boston, 1685-1728</a>
<span class='ipn'>114</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From a mezzotint by Peter Pelham after a portrait
   painted in 1728.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i116'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “The Trial of
   Eight Persons Indited for Piracy,”</span> Boston, 1717</a>
<span class='ipn'>116</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i126_1'>
 <span class="smcap">Spanish doubloon</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>126</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the original gold coin, found on the beach at
   Wellfleet, Mass., where Bellamy’s pirate ship was wrecked
   in 1717 and now in the possession of Charles H. Taylor.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i126_2'>
 <span class="smcap">Spanish piece of eight</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>126</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the original eight real piece in the cabinet of the
   Massachusetts Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i130'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Cotton
   Mather’s “Instructions to the Living from the
   Condition of the Dead,”</span> Boston, 1717</a>
<span class='ipn'>130</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i138'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. George Lowther at Port Mayo</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>138</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i142'>
 <span class="smcap">The Idle Apprentice sent to Sea</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>142</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving by William Hogarth in the “Industry
   and Idleness” series, published in 1747. The young
   reprobate is being rowed past Cuckold’s Point on the
   Thames where may be seen a pirate hanging from a gibbet.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i146_1'>
 <span class="smcap">A barque in the West Indies about 1720</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>146</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Lobat’s “Nouveau Voyage,” Vol. II,
   Paris, 1722, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[xii]</span></p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i146_2'>
 <span class="smcap">A brigantine in the West Indies about 1720</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>146</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Lobat’s “Nouveau Voyage,” Vol. II,
   Paris, 1722, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i152'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. Edward Low in a hurricane</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>152</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i204'>
 <span class="smcap">One of Low’s crew killing a wounded Spaniard</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>204</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “Historie der Engelsche
   Zee-roovers,” Amsterdam, 1725, in the Harvard College
   Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i222'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “Ashton’s Memorial:
   The Strange Adventures of Philip Ashton,”</span>
   Boston, 1725</a>
<span class='ipn'>222</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i238'>
<span class="smcap">Pirates boarding a Spanish vessel in the West Indies</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>238</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i242'>
 <span class="smcap">Map of the Bay of Honduras showing Rattan
   Island and Port Mayo</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>242</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the map in “Voyages and Travels of Capt. Nathaniel
   Uring,” London, 1726, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i256'>
 <span class="smcap">Map showing Ruatan Island in the Bay of Honduras
  where Philip Ashton escaped from pirates</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>256</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From a map in the “American Atlas,” by Thomas Jefferys,
   London, 1776, in the possession of John W. Farwell.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i278'>
 <span class="smcap">“Sweating” on Captain Sprigg’s pirate vessel</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>278</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[xiii]</span></p>
<p class='i1'><a href='#i284_1'>
 <span class="smcap">Pirates killing a captured man</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>284</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the Most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i284_2'>
 <span class="smcap">Fight on a pirate ship</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>284</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the Most
   Notorious Pirates,” by an old Seaman, London, n.d., in
   possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i296'>
 <span class="smcap">William Dummer, Lieutenant-Governor of Massachusetts,
   who presided at the trial of Capt.
   Charles Harris for piracy</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>296</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From the portrait by Robert Feke in possession of the
   Trustees of Dummer Academy.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i308'>
 <span class="smcap">“View of Newport, R. I., in 1730,” showing, at the
   left, Gravelly Point, on which the pirates were
   hanged in 1723</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>308</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   The original painting really represents the town at a
   somewhat later date. Reproduced from a lithograph copy
   made in 1864, now in the George L. Shepley Library,
   Providence, R. I.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i314'>
 <span class="smcap">Fishing ship and station on the Newfoundland
   coast about 1710</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>314</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an insert in Herman Moll’s “Map of North
   America,” London [1710-1715], in the possession of
   John W. Farwell.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i324'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Cotton
 Mather’s “The Converted Sinner ... a Sermon
 Preached ... in the Hearing and at the Desire
 of certain Pirates, a little before their Execution</span>,”
 Boston, 1724</a>
<span class='ipn'>324</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
 From an original in the library of the American Antiquarian
 Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i328'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “The Tryals of
   Sixteen Persons for Piracy,”</span> Boston, 1726</a>
<span class='ipn'>328</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiv">[xiv]</span></p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i334'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Benjamin
   Colman’s “Sermon preached to some miserable
   Pirates,”</span> Boston, 1726</a>
<span class='ipn'>334</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i336'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of Rev. Cotton
   Mather’s “Vial poured out upon the Sea,”</span>
   Boston, 1726</a>
<span class='ipn'>336</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i340'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. Bartholomew Roberts</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>340</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Pirates,” London, 1725, in the possession of George
   Francis Dow.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i346'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. John Avery taking the Great Mogul’s ship</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>346</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i350'>
 <span class="smcap">Capt. Edward Teach, commonly called “Black Beard”</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>350</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the
   Lives and Adventures of the Most Famous Highwaymen,
   Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
   Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i354'>
 <span class="smcap">Fac-simile of the title-page of “The Trials of
   Five Persons for Piracy, Felony and Robbery,”</span>
   Boston, 1726</a>
<span class='ipn'>354</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an original in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i360'>
 <span class="smcap">The pirate ships “Royal Fortune” and “Ranger”
   in Whydah Road, Jan. 11, 1722</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>360</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of
   the    Pirates,” London, 1725, in possession of George
   Francis Dow.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xv">[xv]</span></p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i368_1'>
 <span class="smcap">Nix’s Mate, Boston Harbor, in 1775, where Captain
   Fly was gibbetted in 1726</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>368</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From an engraving in the “Atlantic Neptune,” Part III,
   London, 1781, in the library of the Massachusetts
   Historical Society.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i368_2'>
 <span class="smcap">Monument on the shoal, formerly Nix’s Mate, in
   1637 an island of more than ten acres</span></a>
<span class='ipn'>368</span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From a photograph made about 1900.</p>

<p class='i1'><a href='#i511_backendpaper'>
 <span class="smcap">Map of Cape Cod in 1717, showing the location of
   the pirate wreck</span></a>
  <span class='ipn'><i>Back end-paper</i></span></p>
<p class='i2'>
   From a chart surveyed and published by Capt. Cyprian
   Southack of Boston, now in possession of John W.
   Farwell.</p>
</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xvii">[xvii]</span>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2>
</div>


<p>Why did men go a-pirating, or “on the account” as
the pirates called it? The sailors said it was few ships
and many men, hard work and small pay, long voyages,
bad food and cruel commanders. “Hard ships make hard
men.” “Many sailed but few returned.” “No kind words
on deep water.” “No law off soundings.” “We live hard
and die hard and go to Hell afterwards.” These are some of
the sea sayings that have come down to us from long ago, and
they go to prove that the narrow channel of sailor men was
narrow indeed and full of rocks and shoals which could only
be cleared by very careful steering.</p>

<p>The sea was ever a hard calling, especially in the days of
which this work treats. The men before the mast were little
better than slaves: “Growl you may but go you must” was
the saying. Small pay (which they “earned like horses and
spent like asses”), scanty food and often stinking water with
generally hard usage turned many an honest sailorman into a
desperate pirate.</p>

<p>Sea captains thought it good policy to keep their men as
“busy as the Devil in a gale of wind” to prevent them doing
a job o’ work for that Gentleman with the long tail, who, it was
said, took especial interest in the doings of “those who go
down to the sea in ships.” “Six days shalt thou labour as
hard as thou art able, the seventh, holy-stone the main deck
and chip the chain cable.” Capt. Thomas Phillips wrote in
1693, that “nothing grates upon the seamen more than pinching
their bellies, or treating them with cruel or reproachful
words.”</p>

<p>One can easily imagine a group of hard-bitten men sheltering<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xviii">[xviii]</span>
under the lee of the long boat on a dirty night; wet, cold and
tired; listening with hungry interest to the yarns of an “old
stander” who had been “on the account,” telling of the time
he sailed with Bart Sharp or “Long Ben” Avery; picturing
with many a brave oath, that other channel, the broad one,
straight, with smooth water, pieces-of-eight to port, dollars and
doubloons to starboard, snug harbors in tropic isles, dusky
maids, punch, tobacco and grub in plenty, laced coats and
chains of gold.</p>

<p>There is another side to the picture, not so pleasant, to be
sure, but easily dimmed by a noggin of rum or a swig or two of
flip. ’Tis naught, after all, but the yard-arm of a man-of-war
with a man on the end of a tricing line with his flippers seized
to his sides; and on a seashore, a wooden erection with a something
hanging—something that looks uncommonly like a
sailorman, watching, with wry face, the ebbing and flowing
of the tide. But there’s nothing in the picture to make one of
the right sort go about ship. Better a short choking sensation
than a long starving in merchants’ employ or scurvy rotting
for a pay ticket on board a king’s ship.</p>

<p>Capt. Charles Johnson tells us in his book on pirates, that
one “Mary Read, a female pirate, being asked by her captain,
before he knew she was a woman, why she followed a life so
full of danger and at last to the certainty of being hanged,
replied: as to the hanging she thought it no great hardship,
for were it not for that every cowardly fellow would turn pirate
and so infest the seas that men of courage would starve. That
if it was put to her choice she would not have the punishment
less than death, the fear of which kept dastardly rogues honest;
that many of those who were now cheating the widows and
orphans and oppressing their poor neighbors who had no money
to obtain justice, would then rob at sea and the ocean would be
as crowded with rogues as the land, so that no merchant would
venture out and the trade in a little time would not be worth
following.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xix">[xix]</span></p>

<p>There is an old saying that “Peace makes pirates.” The
lawless scamps—“sweepings of Hell and Hackney”—who
manned the privateers were especially prone to go a-pirateering
in times of peace. They could not or would not settle down to
steady work and small pay or be bound by laws and conventions.
They loved roving and loot too well. Better to hang
a sun-drying than to live with “a southerly wind in the shot
locker.” It was but a step, after all, and that a short one, if
half be true that has been written of privateers by men of
regular navies. But perhaps they were a little prejudiced.
Many rich prizes were taken by the private ships of war, often
robbing the regulars of the chance of filling their pockets.
Those who manned the King’s ships, like all others that used
the seas, suffered from loot hunger and to satisfy the same
would often sail very close to the wind, so close, in fact, that
several of the King’s captains were caught flat aback and
made a stern board towards the rocks. Some cleared by discharging
their golden ballast, others, by the wind of influence.</p>

<p>Coasters and fishermen were not so apt to turn pirates.
Their work was hard and risky; but fresh food, “full and
plenty,” and shore influence kept them steady. They were
not as a rule of such an adventurous type as deep-water seamen.
Occasionally, however, some lusty young fisherman or
coaster would go a-roving. Perhaps some maid had been
unkind or too kind.</p>

<p>Some sailed under the “Jolly Roger” because they thought
that he who dared, toiled and ventured, deserved as great a
percentage of the profits as he who sat at home in personal
safety and comfort and handled the pen. It was their only
chance of getting even with the merchants and that chance a
good one. Governments had little to spend on pirate chasing;
besides, who could better stand a little cash-letting than the
money-fat merchants. But well as they might have been
able to stand it they roared so during the operation that
governments were forced at last, Acts of Grace having failed,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xx">[xx]</span>
to send men-of-war to cruise against “the gentlemen of fortune
following the sea.” They effected little. After one
pirate-hunting squadron had returned unsuccessful, sailors’
yarns floated around that told of the commodore’s ship
springing a leak out Madagascar way, and of great store of
powder, shot and rum being landed to lighten her. The leak
stopped as suddenly as it began and when the boats’ crews
landed to bring off the powder, shot and rum, all had
disappeared. The yarns went on to tell that when the
commodore was taking a walk on shore, he found several small
kegs stowed under a palm tree down by the water’s edge, and
how heavy they were, and how carefully they were kept in the
after cabin of the Commodore’s ship, and that the officers said
they had nothing in ’em but honey; but Barney Brown, the
boatswain’s mate, swore his Bible oath that he heard the clink
of coin when a-rolling them along the deck.</p>

<p>There’s no doubt that many were worthy, but only Kidd
was hanged.</p>

<p>The news of Captain Avery’s rich prize, the Mogul’s ship,
with her cargo of wealth and beautiful women, including, it
was said, one of the Great Mogul’s daughters, made many an
old tarpaulin hitch up his breeches and turn his quid. The
fame of the beauty of the fair captives was such that the
mariners lost all their admiration for the Boston Kates and
Wapping Pegs of the ports where sea-faring men mostly took
their ease. “No! damme, no! Might as well ask a man to
thirst for a sup of sour beer when good rum’s to be had.”
So off they’d go a-pirating, hoping to capture something of the
Miss Mogul sort with something to keep her on.</p>

<p>The Peace of Ryswick forced hundreds of West India
privateers or buccaneers who had preyed on the Spaniards, to
seek for purchase under the black flag in all seas and from all
nations.</p>

<p>Spain’s jealous policy regarding trade with her over-sea
subjects, and monopolies such as enjoyed by the East India<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxi">[xxi]</span>
Company, were resented by all free merchants. Ships were
fitted out and loaded with suitable cargoes for the illegal trade.
These interlopers were fast and well manned and armed to
enable them to wrong the <i>guarda costas</i>.</p>

<p>With a fair whack of luck great gains were made; but some
failed to get their whack; found shore officials suffering from
honesty, a very uncommon disorder among them in those days
and easily cured by most anything of value. But some of the
patients required such enormous doses, that rather than give
the medicine and by so doing make a broken voyage, the interlopers
would throw the bones with Davy Jones. They
had the ship, they had the guns, and many a willing hand and
if they lacked black bunting there was store of black tarpaulin
with artists of sufficient skill to paint “the Skull and Bones.”
Hurrah for the “Jolly Roger”! A “gold chain or a wooden
leg”! We’ll take what we can’t make!</p>

<p>When a prize was taken the pirate quartermaster would seek
for recruits from among the prisoners. Every lad of them of
spirit, impressed by the sight of such a bold swaggering crew
rapping out their first-rate oaths and well ballasted with
punch, with their bravery of laced hats, ribbons and pistols,
was ready enough to square away for the broad channel.</p>

<p>Although many were willing, few volunteered to sign the
pirate articles. The many wanted the plea of force, to let go,
in case of getting on a lee shore in a law storm. It was a very
light anchor, more like to drag than hold, but “better a
kedge than nothing at all.” Landsmen, the pirates despised,
nor pricked they the halt, lame or feeble.</p>

<p>The pirate wind was an ill wind, but it blew wonderful luck
to those merchants who loaded ships to their scuppers with
fiery Jamaica, red-hot brandy, gunpowder, small arms and
cannon balls, and sent them off to trade with some negro
king, ’twas said. On the voyage they would call at a
lonely isle for wood and water and there they would meet
other ships manned by the most open-fisted merchants ever<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxii">[xxii]</span>
known. No wrangling over a bale or two. Such bargains,
the like of which never could have been made even with the
most unsophisticated of dusky potentates. It was true, these
merchants lacked the gravity of their kind; tossed the bowl
about a good deal; and swore,—well, like pirates! And so
home with a rich cargo.</p>

<p>With such a reputation for reckless daring, why, it may be
asked, were the pirates not more successful when engaging
ships of war? John Atkins, surgeon on board the “Swallow,”
man-of-war, that took three pirate ships on the Guinea coast
in 1722, tells the reason. “Discipline,” says the Doctor, “is
an excellent path to victory; and courage, like a trade, is
gained by an apprenticeship, when strictly kept up to rules
and exercise. The pirates though singly fellows of courage,
yet wanting such a tie of order and some director to unite
that force, were a contemptible enemy. They neither killed
or wounded a man in the taking; which ever must be the fate
of such rabble.”</p>

<p>From whatever source the pirates sprang, they were, taking
them by and large, brisk, courageous men, who were for making
hasty estates at the expense of the public and ever athirst
for the juice of the sunny isle, that magic fluid which helped
them to forget that last pilot of many a good pirate,—the
Man with the Silver Oar.</p>

<p class="right">
<span style="margin-right: 2em;"><span class="smcap">Ernest H. Pentecost.</span></span><br>
</p>




<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_xxiv">[xxiv]</span></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i001' src='images/i001.jpg' alt=''>

<figcaption>
<span class='c2'>
A GENERAL<br>
HISTORY<br>
OF THE<br>
<i>Robberies and Murders</i><br>
Of the most notorious<br>
PYRATES,<br>
AND ALSO<br>
Their <i>Policies</i>, <i>Discipline</i> and <i>Government</i>,<br>
From their first <span class="smcap">Rise</span> and <span class="smcap">Settlement</span> in the Island<br>
of <i>Providence</i>, in 1717, to the present Year 1724.<br>
<br>
WITH<br>
The remarkable <span class="smcap">Actions</span> and <span class="smcap">Adventures</span> of the two Female<br>
Pyrates, <i>Mary Read</i> and <i>Anne Bonny</i>.<br>
<br>
To which is prefix’d<br>
An ACCOUNT of the famous Captain <i>Avery</i>, and his Companions;<br>
with the Manner of his Death in <i>England</i>.<br>
<br>
The Whole digested into the following CHAPTERS;<br>
Chap. I. Of Captain <i>Avery</i>.<br>
II. The Rise of Pyrates.<br>
III. Of Captain <i>Martel</i>.<br>
IV. Of Captain <i>Bonnet</i>.<br>
V. Of Captain <i>Thatch</i>.<br>
VI. Of Captain <i>Vane</i>.<br>
VII. Of Captain <i>Rackam</i>.<br>
VIII. Of Captain <i>England</i>.<br>
IX. Of Captain <i>Davis</i>.<br>
X. Of Captain <i>Roberts</i>.<br>
XI. Of Captain <i>Worley</i>.<br>
XII. Of Captain <i>Lowther</i>.<br>
XIII. Of Captain <i>Low</i>.<br>
XIV. Of Captain <i>Evans</i>.<br>
And their several Crews.<br>
<br>
To which is added,<br>
A short <span class='xls'>ABSTRACT</span> of the Statute and Civil Law, in<br>
Relation to <span class="smcap xls">Pyracy</span>.<br>
<br>
By Captain <span class="smcap xls">Charles Johnson</span>.<br>
<br>
<i>LONDON</i>, Printed for <i>Ch. Rivington</i> at the <i>Bible</i> and <i>Crown</i> in St.
<i>Paul’s Church-Yard</i>, <i>J. Lacy</i> at the <i>Ship</i> near the <i>Temple-Gate</i>, and
<i>J. Stone</i> next the <i>Crown</i> Coffee-house the back of <i>Greys-Inn</i>, 1724.
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I<br>
<span class="ch-title">The Beginnings of English Piracy</span></h2>
</div>


<p class='no-indent'>“As in all lands where there are many people, there are
some theeves, so in all Seas much frequented, there
are some Pyrats.” So wrote Capt. John Smith,
the one-time Admiral of New England, when commenting in
1630 on the “bad life, qualities and conditions of Pyrats,”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>
and this characterization remained true for many years after
his day. Piracy was as old as the art of transportation by
water and until suppressed by force in comparatively recent
times it was a favorite trade among seamen when times were
hard or temptations great.</p>

<p>The reign of Queen Elizabeth (1558-1603) was characterized
by a great development of the maritime power of England.
This was the time when Drake and Hawkins and other great
navigators fought with the ships of Spain and brought fame
and fortune to English seamen. Much of the fighting at sea,
however, was but little removed from freebooting and it is
now difficult to judge what was legalized warfare and what
was piratical capture. Notwithstanding the frequent opportunity
for brave men to attack rich Spanish ships common
piracy flourished and in 1563 there were over four hundred
known pirates sailing the four seas.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p>

<p>When James I (1603-1625) came to the throne he resolved
to live at peace with all nations and so found little employment
for a navy. In the first year of his reign he recalled all “letters
of marque,” and two years later, by proclamation, forbade
English seamen to seek employment in foreign ships. In<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[2]</span>
consequence many poverty-stricken seamen became pirates,
urged on by their necessities. “Some, because they became
sleighted of those for whom they had got much wealth; some,
for that they could not get their due; some, that had lived
bravely, would not abase themselves to poverty; some vainly,
only to get a name; others for revenge, covetousnesse, or as
ill; and as they found themselves more and more oppressed,
their passions increasing with discontent, made them turne
Pirats.”<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>

<p>By 1618, there were ten times as many pirates as there had
been during the whole reign of Queen Bess. About the only
voyage open to an English seaman at that time was the fishing
venture of Newfoundland, which was toilsome in the extreme
and full of exposure and hardship. The dirty carrying trade
to Newcastle, for coals, while a good school for seamen, was
despised and thought beneath the ability of an active man, and
the long voyage to the East Indies was tedious and dangerous.
As for the navy—berths were few and the food poor, the pay
was small and the service a kind of slavery. Ordinary seamen
received only ten shillings a month, which was raised to fifteen
shillings when Charles I (1625-1649) became king. But even
this small wage was subject to a deduction of six pence for the
Chatham Chest founded in 1590 for the relief of injured and
disabled seamen.</p>

<p>Peter Easton was one of the most notorious of the English
pirates during the reign of James I. In 1611 he had forty
vessels under his command. The next year he was on the
Newfoundland coast with ten of his ships where he trimmed
and repaired, appropriated provisions and munitions and took
one hundred men to man his fleet.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> On June 4, 1614, Henry
Mainwaring, was at Newfoundland, with eight vessels in his
fleet. Mainwaring became even better known than Easton<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>
and a few years later was pardoned and placed in command of
a squadron and sent to the Barbary coast in an unsuccessful
attempt to drive out the pirates located there. While he was
on the Newfoundland coast he plundered the fishing fleet of
carpenters and marines and the provisions and stores that he
needed. Of every six seamen he took one. From a Portuguese
ship he looted a good store of wine and a French ship
supplied him with 10,000 fish. Some of the fishermen deserted
their vessels and voluntarily went with him. In all
he took four hundred men, many of whom were “perforstmen,”<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a>
and then sailed back across the Atlantic to continue
his impartial plundering of the ships of Spain and other
nations.</p>

<p>It was an easy matter for the English pirates to obtain
bread, wine, cider and fish and all the necessaries for shipping
on the Newfoundland coast as the fishermen were unarmed
and moreover did not stand together. Not many pirates
went there, however, as the voyage across the Atlantic was long
and the prevailing winds apt to be westerly or northwesterly
during the summer months. Notwithstanding, the fishing
fleets suffered so much from these attacks that by 1622, men-of-war
were sent out to convoy and remain on the station
during the fishing season. In 1636, three hundred English
fishing vessels were in the fleet that sailed for home under
convoy.</p>

<p>The Irish coast was another favorite resort where pirates
went to careen and obtain provisions from the country people.
Broadhaven was a favorite rendezvous. The Irish coast not
only was a good place to provision but also there “they had
good store of English, Scottish and Irish wenches which
resort unto them, and these are strong attractions to draw the
common sort of them thither.”<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span></p>

<p>Mainwaring in his account of English piracy at this period,
supplies an interesting description of their methods of attack.</p>

<p>“In their working they usually do thus: a little before day
they take in all their sails, and lie a-hull, till they can make
what ships are about them; and accordingly direct their
course so as they may seem to such ships as they see to be
Merchantmen bound upon their course. If they be a fleet,
then they disperse themselves a little before day, some league
or thereabouts asunder, and seeing no ships do most commonly
clap close by a wind to seem as Plyers.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> If any ships stand in
after them, they heave out all the sail they can make, and hang
out drags to hinder their going, so that the other that stand
with them might imagine they were afraid and that they shall
fetch them up. They keep their tops continually manned,
and have signs to each other when to chase, when to give over,
where to meet, and how to know each other, if they see each
other afar off.</p>

<p>“In chase they seldom use any ordnance, but desire as soon
as they can, to come a board and board; by which course he
shall more dishearten the Merchant and spare his own Men.
They commonly show such colours as are most proper to their
ships, which are for the most part Flemish bottoms, if they can
get them, in regard that generally they go well, are roomy
ships, floaty<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> and of small charge.”</p>

<p>Mainwaring also comments on the ease with which successful
pirates might obtain a pardon and of this he spoke with
personal knowledge of how it was done, writing, “if they can
get £1000 or two, they doubt not but to find friends to get
their Pardons for them. They have also a conceit that there
must needs be wars with Spain within a few years, and then
they think they shall have a general Pardon.”</p>

<p>Capt. John Smith in his “True Travels,” relates that the
pirates prospered exceedingly and became a serious menace<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span>
to trade so that “they grew hatefull to all Christian Princes.”
Their increase in number finally induced them to establish a
rendezvous on the Barbary coast in Northern Africa.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Ward,
Bishop and Easton, all Englishmen, were among the first to go
there, and were soon joined by others,—Jennings, Harris
and Thompson and some who were hanged, at last, at Wapping
on the Thames. The Mediterranean was the center of a rich
commerce and these outlawed seamen banded together in
small fleets, plundered impartially the vessels of Genoa, Malta,
England or Holland. Success brought on indolence and the
riotous, debauched life they led after a time deprived them
of leaders of spirit, so that the Moors began to dominate their
operations.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> Some pirates were enslaved, others became
renegades and accepted the Mohammedan faith and all, at
last, became merged into the Barbary corsair and for nearly
two centuries sailed out of ports in Algiers and Tunis and
were the terror of mariners, not only about the Strait of
Gibraltar but for some distance up and down the Atlantic
coast,—robbing, enslaving or exacting tribute from all so
unfortunate as to fall into their hands. Another group of
rovers made their home port at Sallee harbor, on the west
coast of Morocco. The “Salley rovers” were a great danger
to vessels engaged in the Guinea trade.</p>

<p>From this it will be seen that piracy in European waters, in
the early years of the seventeenth century, had its origin in a
lack of legitimate employment for seamen. This condition
was brought about by a period of peace and aggravated by an
imperfectly developed maritime commerce that could not be
quickly increased in order to find occupation for idle men. “I
could wish Merchants, Gentlemen, and all setters forth of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>
ships,” concludes Captain Smith, “not to bee sparing of a
competent pay, nor true payment; for neither souldiers nor
Sea-men can live without meanes, but necessity will force them
to steale; and when they are once entered into that trade,
they are hardly reclaimed.”</p>

<p>Another contributing factor, that later helped to supply
suitable material for piratical ventures, may be found in the
character of the shifting population of the American colonies.
In all frontier settlements, in all parts of the world and at all
times, there exist irresponsible and lawless elements sloughed
off by more perfectly controlled governments. This was true
in the early days of the seaport towns along the Atlantic
coast. Prisoners of war, poor debtors, criminals from the
gaols and young men and boys kidnapped in the streets of
English towns, were shipped across the Atlantic and sold to
planters and tradesmen for a term of years under conditions
closely approaching servitude. It became a trade to furnish
the plantations with servile labor drawn from the off-scourings
of the mother country. Even the English government took
a hand and in 1661 “a committee was appointed to consider
the best means of furnishing labor to the plantations by
authorizing contractors to transport criminals, beggars, and
vagrants. Runaway apprentices, faithless husbands and
wives, fugitive thieves and murderers were thus enabled to
escape beyond the reach of civil or criminal justice.”<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> Once
landed in the colonies and having tasted the hardships of
forced labor, a roving disposition was soon awakened and runaway
servants were almost as common as blackbirds. Numbers
of these men joined marauding expeditions and eventually
became pirates of the usual type.</p>

<p>Undoubtedly privateering was the principal training school
that taught adventurous men to accept a roving commission
not only against Spaniards but against men of all nations.
Like pirates, the privateersmen lived on spoil and while legally<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>
restricted in their attacks to the vessels of an enemy nation it
was easy sometimes to overlook the color of a flag if an honest
living was not at hand and one was far from home. In fact,
it has been said that “privateers in time of war are a nursery
for pirates against a peace.” A stirring description of an
attack on a Spanish ship is given in the “Accidence for all
Young Seamen,” published in London in 1626, and written
by Capt. John Smith, the “Admiral of New England.” It
may well serve as an account of what took place at that time
on nearly every privately armed vessel attacking an enemy.</p>

<p>“A sail, how stands she, to windward or leeward, set him by
the Compass. He stands right a-head. Out with all your
sails, a steady man at the helm, sit close to keep her steady.
He holds his own. Ho, we gather on him. Out goeth his flag
and pennants or streamers, also his Colours, his waist-cloths
and top armings, he furls and slings his main sail, in goes his
sprit sail and mizzen, he makes ready his close fights fore and
after. Well, we shall reach him by and by.</p>

<p>“Is all ready? Yea, yea. Every man to his charge.
Dowse your top sail, salute him for the sea. Hail him!
Whence your ship? Of Spain. Whence is yours? Of England.
Are you Merchants or Men of War? We are of the
Sea. He waves us to leeward for the King of Spain, and keeps
his luff. Give him a chase piece, a broadside, and run a-head,
make ready to tack about. Give him your stern pieces. Be
yare at helm, hail him with a noise of Trumpets.</p>

<p>“We are shot through and through, and between wind and
water. Try the pump. Master, let us breathe and refresh a
little. Sling a man overboard to stop the leak. Done, done.
Is all ready again? Yea, yea. Bear up close with him. With
all your great and small shot charge him. Board him on his
weather quarter. Lash fast your grapplins and shear off, then
run stem line the mid ships. Board and board, or thwart the
hawse. We are foul on each other.</p>

<p>“The ship’s on fire. Cut anything to get clear, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>
smother the fire with wet cloths. We are clear, and the fire is
out. God be thanked!</p>

<p>“The day is spent, let us consult. Surgeon look to the
wounded. Wind up the slain, with each a piece or bullet at his
head and feet. Give three pieces for their funeral.</p>

<p>“Swabber make clean the ship. Purser record their names.
Watch be vigilent to keep your berth to windward; and that
we loose him not in the night. Gunners sponge your Ordnances.
Carpenters about your leaks. Boatswain and the
rest, repair the sails and shrouds. Cook see you observe your
directions about the morning watch. Boy. Hulloa, Master,
Hulloa. Is the kettle boiling. Yea, yea.</p>

<p>“Boatswain call up the men to Breakfast; Boy fetch my cellar
of Bottles. A health to you all fore and aft, courage my
hearts for a fresh charge. Master lay him aboard luff for luff.
Midshipmen see the tops and yards well manned with stones
and brass balls, to enter them in the shrouds. Sound Drums
and Trumpets, and St. George for England.</p>

<p>“They hang out a flag of truce. Stand in with him, hail
him amain, abaft or take in his flag. Strike their sails and
come aboard, with the Captain, Purser, and Gunner, with your
Commission, Cocket, or bills of loading.</p>

<p>“Out goes their Boat. They are launched from the ship’s
side. Entertain them with a general cry, God save the Captain,
and all the Company, with the Trumpets sounding.
Examine them in particular; and then conclude your conditions
with feasting, freedom, or punishment as you find occasion.”</p>

<p>During the middle years of the seventeenth century the
West India waters were covered with privateers commissioned
to prey upon Spanish commerce. Not only did the home
government issue these commissions but every colonial
governor as well, so that thousands of men were out of employment
when a peace was declared. Merchants then took
advantage of such conditions and poorly paid and poorly fed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>
their seamen and this bred discontent and made willing
volunteers when the first pirate vessel was encountered.</p>

<p>Not infrequently it was difficult to separate privateering
from piracy. John Quelch, who was hanged in Boston for
piracy, in 1704, preyed upon Portuguese commerce as he supposed
in safety and not until he returned to Marblehead did he
learn of the treaty of peace that made him a pirate. In 1653,
Thomas Harding captured a rich prize sailing from Barbadoes
and in consequence was tried in Boston for piracy, but saved
his neck when he was able to prove that the vessel was Dutch
and not Spanish. In 1692, the Governor and Council of
Connecticut were informed that “a catch and 2 small sloops,
with about 30 or 40 privateers or rather pirates,” were anchored
off East Hampton, Long Island, and had sold a ketch
to Mr. Hutchinson of Boston and bought a sloop of Captain
Hubbard, also of Boston.</p>

<p>Newport, R. I., sent out many privateers. In 1702 it was
reported that nearly all of the able-bodied men on the Island
were away privateering. The town also profited frequently
from the visits of known pirates, as in 1688, when Peterson, in a
“barkalonga” of ten guns and seventy men, refitted at Newport
and no bill could be obtained against him from the grand
jury as they were neighbors and friends of many of the men on
board. Two Salem ketches also traded with him and a master
of one brought into “Martin’s Vineyard,” a prize that Peterson
“the pirate, had taken in the West Indies.”<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> Andrew
Belcher, a well-known Boston merchant and master of the
ship “Swan,” paid Peterson £57, in money and provisions,
for hides and elephants’ teeth taken from his plunder.</p>

<p>The ill-defined connection between privateering and piracy
was fully recognized in those days and characterized publicly
by the clergy. In 1704 when Rev. Cotton Mather preached
his “Brief Discourse occasioned by a Tragical Spectacle in a
Number of Miserables under Sentence of Death for Piracy,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>
he remarked that “the Privateering Stroke so easily degenerates
into the Piratical; and the Privateering Trade is usually
carried on with an Unchristian Temper, and proves an Inlet
unto so much Debauchery and Iniquity.”</p>

<p>The Treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, by which peace was made
between England and Spain, was signed in 1668, but the
colonial authorities were so little concerned by the depredations
of the English privateers on Spanish commerce in the
West Indies that their commissions were not revoked until
1672 and even then, for a time, the doings of the adventurous,
privately armed vessels were not scrutinized too closely.</p>

<p>The Peace of Ryswick in 1697 put an end to most of the
privateering in the West Indies and sixteen years later England’s
wars with France, over the Spanish succession, lasting
for nearly a half-century, ended with the treaty of peace signed
at Utrecht. By its terms Great Britain received Newfoundland
and Nova Scotia, and the right to send African slaves to
America. While the notable battles of this war had been
fought on land yet, in many respects, it had been a conflict
between naval powers and the peace released a great many men
who found themselves unable to obtain employment in the
merchant shipping. This was particularly true in the West
Indies where the colonial governors had commissioned a large
number of privateers. When adventurous spirits have been
privately employed under a commission to sail the seas and
plunder the ships of another nation, it is but a step forward to
continue that fine work without a commission after the war is
over. To the mind of the needy seaman there was very little
distinction between the lawfulness of one and the unlawfulness
of the other.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" style="max-width: 150em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i010' src='images/i010.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>MAP OF THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720, SHOWING “THE TRACTS OF THE GALLIONS”<br>
  <span class='c2'>From Herman Moll’s “Atlas Minor,” London, 1732, in the Harvard College Library</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Another training school for pirate ships also existed among
the buccaneers who flourished in the West Indies during the
last half of the seventeenth century. Spain at that time
claimed sovereignty over all the lands lying in or about the
Caribbean Sea, a territory which she looked upon as a great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>
preserve over which to exercise absolute control and from which
to extract the wealth of the mines. Manufactures were
forbidden and commerce with other nations was not permitted.
Clothing and supplies of all kinds, wines, oil, and
even some kinds of provisions must be purchased from merchants
in distant Spain. No foreigner might land under pain
of death and no foreign ship was permitted to anchor in any
of their harbors. Twice each year a splendid fleet left Spain,
bound for Mexico and the Isthmus of Panama, laden with all
kinds of merchandise required by Spanish-America. On the
arrival of the galleons a great fair was held where the traders
met and for forty days Porto Bello, the city of the deadly
climate, was thronged by the merchants of Peru, cargadores
and sailors from the ships, negroes and native Indians.</p>

<p>By the year 1630, small settlements had been established by
the English on the islands of Bermuda, St. Christopher,
Tortuga and the Barbadoes, and Frenchmen were on Hispaniola;
but before many years St. Christopher and Tortuga
were ravaged by Spanish fleets, the women and children murdered
and all able-bodied men condemned to slavery in the
mines. The limitations of English navigation laws at this
time were crowding the home ports with unemployed seamen;
some took to begging on the high roads, but the more adventurous
found their way to the West Indies where twice each
year journeyed the fleet of great ships laden with gold and
silver from the mines of Mexico and Peru, pearls from Margarita
and precious gems gathered from two continents. Here,
too, came the scum of Europe and on the island of Tortuga a
settlement grew that was frequented by lawless vagabonds
coming from everywhere who lived variously by hunting,
planting and piracy.</p>

<p>The name “buccaneer,” afterwards applied to these rovers,
was derived from the hunters who smoked the flesh of the
wild cattle that they killed, over a “boucane” or wood fire.
Two centuries and a half later, the French half-breeds canoeing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>
in the Canadian backlands spoke of “la boucane” when they
lighted their camp fires. The hunters went to the mainland in
large parties and killed the wild cattle for their hides. “After
the hunt was over” writes Esquemeling,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> the historian of the
buccaneers, “they commonly sail to Tortuga to provide
themselves with guns, powder and shot, and necessaries for
another expedition; the rest of their gains they spend prodigally,
giving themselves to all manner of vice and debauchery,
particularly to drunkenness, which they practiced mostly
with brandy.” The tavern keepers and the hangers-on of
both sexes, watched for the return of the buccaneers, “even
as at Amsterdam, they do for the arrival of the East India
fleet.”</p>

<p>It was a Frenchman, known among his associates as “Peter
the Great,” who first played the uproarious game of piracy on
the Spanish fleet. With only twenty-eight men he cruised off
the coast of Hispaniola in an open boat at the time of year
when the galleons passed on their homeward voyage. On
sighting the fleet he followed during the night and notwithstanding
the fact that the Vice-Admiral had been told of the
suspicious craft, so confident was he of the strength of his ship
that she was allowed to straggle from the convoy. When the
boatload of desperadoes ran alongside they scuttled their
craft and boarded the Spaniard yelling like demons. They
were dressed in their usual manner, in shirts soaked in the
blood of wild cattle, leather breeches and moccasins of rawhide,
and the Vice-Admiral, sitting in his cabin playing cards, may
well have imagined, as in fact he cried out—“The ship is
invaded by devils.”</p>

<p>After the news of the rich capture reached Tortuga, many
of the buccaneers turned to piracy and in a few years the
Spanish seas were infested with small fleets of pirate vessels
which obeyed fixed laws and were governed by a single chief.
Desperate men in every European port came out to join them<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>
and in time many thousand men recognized the command of
the great captains of the “Brethren of the Coast,” as they
styled themselves. Before the end of the first year that
followed the capture of the Spanish galleon, twenty large
vessels had been taken, two great plate ships had been cut out
of the harbor of Campeachy and a trade in looted merchandize
had sprung up between Tortuga and Europe that soon made
the piratical settlement one of the richest in America.</p>

<p>The “Brethren of the Coast” established among themselves
a code of laws the larger number of which related to captured
booty. All offences against these laws were severely punished,
the commonest penalty being “marooning” which consisted
of landing the offender on an uninhabited key or island with
only a small supply of food. The most desperate might well
shrink from such an end. The invariable practice required
that everything should be held in common and at the last be
divided into shares according to a fixed ratio. The captain
drew the largest number, of course, and the sailing master,
carpenter and surgeon came next. There was also a tariff by
which to indemnify those who were mutilated while fighting.
For a right arm, six hundred Spanish pieces of eight were
awarded or a corresponding value in slaves. The left arm was
worth only five hundred pieces of eight, and a leg was of equal
value. An eye was worth one hundred and a finger the same.
The booty brought into the pirate rendezvous at Tortuga was
enormous. Frequently pirates would land bringing in five or
six thousand pieces of eight per man and a single vessel once
brought in loot amounting to 260,000 pieces. Huge sums were
gambled away in a single night and drunken buccaneers would
sometimes buy pipes of wine and force every passer-by to
drink or fight.</p>

<p>The success of the buccaneers before long paralyzed Spanish
commerce and fewer ships were sent to the American colonies
so that the “Brethren,” then numbering several thousands,
began to plan attacks upon land. The first Spanish settlement<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>
assaulted was Campeachy, on the coast of Yucatan.
An Englishman named Lewis Scot led this attack which resulted
in much loot and the almost entire destruction of the
city. Another Englishman named Davis took Nicaragua and
plundered the churches of vast quantities of plate and jewels.
L’Olonnais, a Frenchman, with eight vessels filled with men,
fell upon Maracaibo and after much hard fighting brought
away 260,000 pieces of eight and a great amount of jewels and
plate. “But,” writes Esquemeling, “in three weeks they had
scarce any money left, having spent it all in things of little
value, or lost it at play. The taverns and stews, according to
the custom of the pirates, got the greatest part.”</p>

<p>Capt. Henry Morgan, the leader of the expedition against
Panama, achieved the greatest fame among all these lawless
chieftains. Charles II knighted him and made him governor of
Jamaica, where he turned upon his late companions and waged
a bitter warfare. An early exploit of Morgan was the taking
of Puerto Velo, one of the strongest fortresses in New Spain.
Surprising the sentry at night he easily captured the outer
defences. The prisoners were placed in a room with several
barrels of gunpowder and as they were blown into the air the
buccaneers assaulted the citadel. The cloisters had been
seized and the priests and nuns were forced to climb the scaling
ladders before the men, “the religious men and women ceasing
not to cry to the governor and beg him to deliver the castle,
and so save both his and their lives,” writes Esquemeling.
The castle surrendered at last, though “with great loss of the
said religious people.” The loot amounted to over 250,000
pieces of eight and much other spoil which was soon squandered
at Port Royal, a pirate town in Jamaica that supplied
almost unlimited resources for debauchery.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i014' src='images/i014.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>SIR HENRY MORGAN, THE BUCCANEER, BEFORE PANAMA<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Lives and Adventures of the
Most Famous Highwaymen, Murderers, Pyrates,” etc., London, 1734, in the Harry
Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library]</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The capture of Panama took place in 1671. Morgan’s
fleet sailed from Jamaica and with only twelve hundred men he
crossed the Isthmus. The Spaniards learned of his coming
and carried away or destroyed all food stuffs along the route<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>
so that when the buccaneers came in sight of the South Sea,
after a nine days’ march, they were nearly famished and in
desperate straits. A few days’ rest put them in condition
again and with many revengeful oaths they fell upon the
defences of the city with irresistible fury. No quarter was
given on either side. Soon Panama was in flames. It was
four weeks before the fires at last were extinguished and over
two hundred great warehouses, seven thousand houses, huge
stables that sheltered the horses and mules that transported the
golden ingots of the King of Spain, and many other buildings
were entirely destroyed. The plunder was immense. On the
way back a dispute broke out and when Morgan reached the
ships he scuttled all but one and set sail with only his chosen
followers. Such treachery was unforgivable and he never
afterward led the “Brethren of the Coast.”</p>

<p>Morgan became governor of Jamaica with strict orders to
enforce the treaty concluded between England and Spain and
relentlessly persecuted those of his late associates who neglected
to accept the royal pardon which provided grants of
lands to all buccaneers who would abandon the sea and become
planters. By proclamation all cruising against Spain was
forbidden under severe penalties. Many of the English filibusters
accepted the pardon while others became logwood
cutters in the Bay of Honduras or raised a black flag and preyed
upon the ships of every nation.</p>

<p>The pirate commonwealth at Port Royal was abandoned
and such Englishmen as continued to rove joined their French
brethren who frequented the island of Tortuga, or crossed the
Isthmus and preyed upon the Spanish towns in Peru and the
shipping of the Great South Sea. They also captured immense
booty at Acapulco where the Spanish ships landed the
riches of the Philippines. The peace of Ryswick in 1697
settled the disputes between France and Spain and also sounded
the knell of the French filibusters. Before long the buccaneers
were absorbed in the population of the various islands in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>
West Indies and the Spanish galleons again sailed peacefully
through the tropic seas.</p>

<p>Another strong influence that led to insecurity on the high
seas and eventually to outright piracy was the operation of
the English Navigation Acts. European nations were in
agreement that the possession of colonies meant the exclusive
control of their trade and manufactures. Lord Chatham
wrote, “The British Colonists in North America have no right
to manufacture so much as a nail for a horse shoe,” and Lord
Sheffield went further and said, “The only use of American
Colonies, is the monopoly of their consumption, and the carriage
of their produce.”<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a></p>

<p>English merchants naturally wished to sell at high prices
and to buy colonial raw materials as low as possible and as
they were unable to supply a market for all that was produced,
the colonies were at a disadvantage in both buying and selling.
By the Acts of Navigation certain “enumerated articles”
could be marketed only in England. Lumber, salt provisions,
grain, rum and other non-enumerated articles might be sold
within certain limits but must be transported in English or
plantation built vessels of which the owners and three-fourths
of the mariners were British subjects. Freight rates also
advanced as other nations, notably the Dutch, had previously
enjoyed a good share of the carrying trade.</p>

<p>The first Navigation Act was passed in 1647. It was
renewed and its provisions enlarged in 1651, 1660, 1663 and
later. Before long it was found that these attempts to
monopolize the colonial markets resulted in a natural resistance
and smuggling began and also an extensive trade with
privateers and pirates who brought into all the smaller ports
of New England captured merchandise that was sold at prices
below the usual market values. Matters went from bad to
worse and servants of the Crown frequently combined with the
colonists to evade the obnoxious laws. Even the royal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>
governors connived at what was going on. This was particularly
true in the colonies south of New England. Colonel
Fletcher, the governor of New York, commissioned numerous
privateers and received a fee, the equivalent of one hundred
dollars per man. These vessels when well away from local
jurisdiction became pirates in earnest and ravaged the Red
Sea and brought home rich cargoes of East India goods in
which the members of the governor’s council obtained their
share. Hore, a famous privateer and pirate, was very successful
in this trade and Thomas Tew, another freebooter, divided
his time between New York, Newport and the Madagascar
coast. He was on the black list of the East India Company
but Governor Fletcher entertained him at his table and when
the Lords of Trade remonstrated, the artful governor replied
that he wished to make Captain Tew a sober man and in
particular “to reclaime him from a vile habit of swearing,”<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>
and as for coming to his table, that was but a common hospitality.</p>

<p>In Rhode Island, the president and four assistants granted
these commissions with the condition that the colony was to
share in any captures. In 1649, Bluefield or Blauvelt, a
Dutch privateersman, brought a prize into Newport, which the
governor found was taken during a truce. But there was no
man-of-war in the harbor to enforce the law and as the townsfolk
wanted to buy the cargo and the sailors wanted the prize
money, everybody was satisfied. At a later time Governor
Bellomont of New York complained of the Admiralty Court
at Newport as too “favourable” to piracies and in Queen
Anne’s time, Connecticut and Rhode Island were both complained
of because “Her Majesty’s and ye Lord High Admiral’s
dues are sunk in condemning prizes.”<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p>

<p>At Stamford, Conn., a prominent citizen had a warehouse
“close to the Sound,” where he received illicit goods and
afterwards shipped them to Boston and other ports. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>
shore of eastern Long Island was haunted by smugglers and
pirates. Sometimes the wind lay in the other quarter and a
privateersman was adjudged a pirate and hanged. This
happened in Boston in 1704 to John Quelch who had captured
Portuguese vessels. But contemporaries say that officialdom
was after a goodly share of the gold dust that he had brought
in. Usually, however, the enterprising rover lived out his
days in the character of a “rich privateer” and died respected
by friends and neighbors.</p>

<p>There were pirates and pirates. Some were letters-of-marque
and legitimate traders and enjoyed the protection of
merchants and officials on shore, while others were outlaws.
In 1690, Governor Bradstreet of the Massachusetts Colony
was complaining of the great damage done to shipping by
“French Privateers and Pirates,” and four years later, Frontenac,
the governor of Canada, was asking for a frigate to cruise
about the St. Lawrence against the New England “<i>corsaires
et filibusters</i>.” There is no doubt these French privateers
were a considerable menace to New England shipping and
that there was need for privately armed vessels to protect the
coast, a task not easy or desirable; so why should one scrutinize
too closely semi-piratical captures made by so useful
friends? In 1709, in mid-winter, a French privateer appeared
off Cape Cod and Governor Dudley ordered Capt. Abraham
Robinson of Gloucester, to man his sloop and sail in pursuit.
It was not an inviting enterprise, especially at that season of
the year, and when the drums went about the town beating
up for volunteers, enlistments languished and the expedition
was finally given up. The minister of the place afterwards
wrote to the governor, making excuses saying “it made them
quake to think of turning out of their warm beds and from good
fires, and be thrust into a naked vessel, where they must
lie on the cold, hard ballast, instead of beds, and without fire,
excepting some few who might crowd into the cabin.”<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span></p>

<p>The agents sent over by the Lords of Trade and Plantations
were unable to make progress against the flagrant evasions
of the Navigation Acts. Randolph, who arrived in Boston
in 1679, was the most active of these agents, and when he
seized several vessels for irregular trading, the courts decided
against him and “damages were given against his Majesty.”<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>
He afterwards complained of those privateers that were fitting
out for the Spanish West Indies and writes of Mr. Wharton of
Boston, as “a great undertaker for pyratts and promoter of
irregular trade.” “New England rogues and pitiful damned
Scotch pedlars,” he termed those who opposed him. The
pirates or privateers were supplied with provisions by vessels
from the mainland and prize goods were taken in payment.
Vessels were often fitted out at Rhode Island and manned in
New York and Arabian gold was to be found in both colonies;
“in fact, ’tis the most beneficiall trade, that to Madagascar with
the pirates, that was ever heard of, and I believe there’s more
got that way than by turning pirates and robbing.” So wrote
the New York governor, and later, he again wrote to the
Lords at Whitehall: “The temptation is soe great to the
common seamen in that part of the world where the Moores
have so many rich ships and the seamen have a humour more
now than ever to turne pirates.”<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p>

<p>The profits of piracy and the irregular trade practiced at
that time were large, indeed, and twenty-nine hundred per
cent profit in illicit trade was not unusual, so there is little
wonder that adventurous men took chances and honest
letters-of-marque sometimes seized upon whatever crossed
their course. The pirate, the privateer and the armed merchantman
often blended the one into the other.</p>

<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <i>True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith</i>,
London, 1630.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Oppenheim, <i>The Administration of the Royal Navy</i>, p. 177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> <i>True Travels, Adventures and Observations of Captain John Smith</i>,
London, 1630.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> <i>Purchas, His Pilgrimage</i>, Vol. IV, p. 1882.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> Perforst, <i>i.e.</i>, forced.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> Mainwaring, <i>The Beginnings, Practices and Suppression of Pirates, ca.
1717</i>. MS. in British Museum.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> To ply: to beat up against a wind.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> Floaty, <i>i.e.</i>, draw little water.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> As early as 1613, English pirates were established at Mamora, at the
mouth of the Sebu River on the Barbary Coast. That year about thirty
sail were using the port.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> By 1618 there were one hundred and fifty Turkish vessels to only
twenty English at Algiers.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> Doyle, <i>English Colonies in America</i>, Vol. I, p. 383.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. 35, folio 61.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> John Esquemeling, <i>The Buccaneers of America</i>, London, 1684.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> Viscount Bury, <i>Exodus of the Western Nations</i>, Vol. II, London, 1865.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> <i>New York Colonial Documents</i>, Vol. IV, p. 447.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> <i>New York Colonial Documents</i>, Vol. IV, p. 1116.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Babson, <i>History of Gloucester</i>, p. 138.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> <i>Andros Tracts</i>, Vol. III, p. 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> <i>New York Colonial Documents</i>, Vol. IV, p. 521.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">


<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span></p>


<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II<br>
<span class="ch-title">Dixey Bull, the First Pirate in New England Waters
and Some Others who Followed Him</span></h2>
</div>

<p>The doubtful honor of having been the first pirate
to plunder the small shipping of the New England
colonists belongs to one Dixey Bull who was living in
London in 1631 and who came over late that fall and for a short
time was living at Boston. He probably was sent over by Sir
Ferdinando Gorges and certainly was associated with him in
a large grant of land lying east of Agamenticus, at York, on
the coast of Maine. He came of a respectable family but was
of an adventurous disposition and soon after reaching New
England became a “trader for bever,” spending much of his
time on the Maine coast bartering with the Indians and the
scattered white settlers.</p>

<p>In June, 1632, he was trading in Penobscot Bay when a
roving company of Frenchmen in a pinnace came upon him
and seized his shallop and stock of “coats, ruggs, blanketts,
bisketts, etc.” These Frenchmen had previously rifled the
trading post on the Penobscot maintained by the Pilgrim
Colony at Plymouth, where “many French complements
they used, and Congees they made.”<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a></p>

<p>Having lost his slender stock of trading goods Bull seems to
have become desperate and getting together a small company
of wanderers, located here and there along the coast, he proposed
a venture against the French. Governor Winthrop
relates that Bull added to his own crew “fifteen more of the
English who kept about the East,” and with these men he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>
sailed along the coast in the late summer hoping to fall in with
some Frenchmen and so retrieve his losses. But the French
kept out of sight and badly in need of supplies he took and
plundered two or three small vessels owned by colonial traders
and from them forced four or five men to join his company.</p>

<p>The next venture was to sail into the harbor at Pemaquid
and loot that trading station of goods to the value of over
£500. He met with practically no resistance while the plundering
was going on and the goods were safely got on board the
shallop. But just as they were weighing anchor, a well-aimed
musket shot from shore killed the second in command. This
was the first blood that had been shed and as the entire company,
so far as known, had had no previous piratical experience,
the fatal outcome and the sight of human blood seems
to have been somewhat of a shock. Capt. Anthony Dicks, a
Salem skipper, fell into their hands not long after and some of
them told him of what had happened at Pemaquid and
expressed great fear and horror so “that they were afraid of
the very Rattling of the Ropes.”<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a></p>

<p>Bull tried to persuade Captain Dicks to pilot them to
Virginia which may have been an excellent refuge at that time
for a New England pirate, for a contemporaneous Puritan
writer describes the Virginia colony as “a nest of rogues,
whores, dissolute and rooking persons.” The Salem skipper,
however, refused to serve Bull and his company and so the
voyage to Virginia was abandoned for the time and it was
decided to continue attacks on other trading posts. The
company then adopted a body of articles to govern their acts
and among them a law against excessive drinking. “At such
times as other ships use to have prayer, they would assemble
upon the deck, and one sing a song, or speak a few senseless
sentences, etc. They also sent a writing, directed to all the
governors, signifying their intent not to do harm to any more
of their countrymen, but to go to the southward, and to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>
advise them not to send against them; for they were resolved
to sink themselves rather than be taken: signed underneath,
<i>Fortune le garde</i>, and no name to it.”<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a></p>

<p>The threat of piratical attack on the trading posts was soon
spread abroad by men returning from the Penobscot and then
“perils did abound as thick as thought could make them.”
Late in November the authorities in the Massachusetts Bay
sent out a pinnace with twenty armed men to join with four
small pinnaces and shallops and about forty men already sent
out from Piscataqua and the united expedition in time reached
Pemaquid where it lay windbound for nearly three weeks.
This was the first hostile fleet fitted out in New England and
the first naval demonstration made in the colonies. Samuel
Maverick who lived on Noddle’s Island, now East Boston,
was the “husband and merchant of the pinnace sent out to take
Dixie Bull.”</p>

<p>The pirate shallop was nowhere to be found and after two
months of winter weather the hostile expedition returned home.
Early in February, 1633, three men who had served under
Bull and deserted, reached their homes. They claimed that
he had sailed eastward and gone over to the French. Governor
Winthrop, two years later, repeated this version of his disappearance,
but Capt. Roger Clap of Dorchester, relates in his
“Memoirs,” that Bull at last safely reached England. Whatever
his fortune or fate he disappears from New England
leaving behind him the badly earned fame of having been
the first pirate captain in these waters.</p>

<p>Dixey Bull’s captures do not seem to have been followed by
any other piratical venture in New England for some years.
Shipping sailing to and from England was obliged to run the
gauntlet of the Dutch and French privateers and the so-called
pirates sailing out of Flushing and Ostend made several captures
that effected the fortunes of the Boston traders. Nov.
12, 1644, the Great and General Court of Massachusetts<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>
granted a commission to Capt. Thomas Hawkins of Boston
“to take any ship that shall assault him, or any other that hee
shall have certeine knowledge to have taken either ship or
ships of ours, or to take any ship that hath commission to
make prize of any of ours.” Fourteen days later he sailed for
Spain in the “Seafort,” of four hundred tons, a ship that he
had just built and which was loaded with bolts, tobacco, etc.
As he neared the Spanish coast very early one morning he
thought he saw some Turkish vessels and preparing for attack
stood towards them. Unhappily the ship soon went aground
about two miles from the shore and nineteen were drowned.
Captain Hawkins was a London shipbuilder who came to
New England in 1632 and engaged in shipbuilding and commerce.
It was his grandson Thomas, who was tried in Boston
in 1690 for piracy as is told elsewhere in this volume.</p>

<p>At the Nov. 12, 1644 session of the General Court, a commission
was also granted to Capt. Thomas Bredcake for
twelve months, to take Turkish pirates, thereby meaning the
Algerines who were a constant danger to shipping trading with
Spain. John Hull, the Boston mint-master, records in his
diary in 1671 that William Foster, one of his neighbors, had
been taken by the Turks as he was going to Bilboa with fish.
He afterwards was redeemed and reached home safely in
November, 1673.</p>

<p>Capt. Thomas Cromwell of Boston, master of the ship
“Separation,” obtained a commission in 1645 from the Earl
of Warwick, the Lord Admiral of the Long Parliament, and
after capturing several rich prizes in the West Indies, came
into Massachusetts Bay and was forced by a strong northwest
wind to take refuge in Plymouth Harbor where he remained
for two weeks. There were about eighty men in his crew and
they “did so distemper themselves with drink as they became
like madd-men; ... they spente and scattered a great deale
of money among the people, and yet more sine than money.”<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span></p>

<p>From Plymouth, he sailed for Boston where he presented
Governor Winthrop with a sedan that he had captured. It
had been sent by the Viceroy of Mexico as a present to his
sister and by capture reached Puritan hands. Captain Cromwell
had formerly been known about Boston as a common
sailor and on his appearance possessed of a great fortune, the
Governor offered him for his use one of the best houses in the
town. But the captain refused and took lodgings in “a poor
thatched house” saying that in his former “mean estate
that poor man entertained him, when others would not, and
therefore he would not leave him now, when he might do him
good.” Governor Winthrop says of Cromwell:—“He was
ripped out of his mother’s belly, and never sucked, nor saw
father nor mother, nor they him.”<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> He died in Boston in
1649, and by will gave to the town “my six bells.”</p>

<p>Another Boston man who sailed under a commission from
the Long Parliament was Capt. Edward Hull, the brother of
John Hull, the mint-master who made the “pine tree shillings.”
His vessel, the barque “Swallow frigott,” was owned
by his father and brother and he had sent them word that he
was engaged in a design for the good of the English nation
and for the glory of God. He sailed from Boston in the spring
of 1653, and captured several vessels from the French and the
Dutch and while in Rhode Island waters sent some of his men
to Block Island with orders to seize the trading stock in the
house of Capt. Kempo Sebada, which afterwards was valued
at nearly one hundred pounds. He then sold the bark and
dividing the plunder went for England. Sebada afterwards
brought suit for damages against the Hulls, the owners of the
bark; but they claimed that the vessel was engaged in privateering
wholly without their knowledge and consent and the
court gave the verdict to them. It is interesting to note that
Edward Hull is styled a “pirate” in the court records and
that his father deposed that when he learned of his son’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>
exploits he did not protest for fear that he would never see
him or the vessel again.</p>

<p>Rev. Cotton Mather, the pastor of the North Church,
Boston, in his “History of Some Criminals Executed in this
Land,” relates the story of the seizure of the ship “Antonio,”
in 1672, off the Spanish coast. She was owned in England
and her crew quarrelled with the master and at last rose and
turned him adrift in the ship’s longboat with a small quantity
of provisions. With him went some of the officers of the
ship. The mutineers, or pirates as they were characterized
at the time, then set sail for New England and on their arrival
in Boston they were sheltered and for a time concealed
by Major Nicholas Shapleigh, a merchant in Charlestown.
He also was accused of aiding them in their attempt to get
away. Meanwhile, “by a surprizing providence of God, the
Master, with his Afflicted Company, in the Long-boat, also arrived;
all, Except one who Dyed of the Barbarous Usage.</p>

<p>“The Countenance of the <i>Master</i>, was now become Terrible
to the Rebellious <i>Men</i>, who, though they had <i>Escaped the Sea</i>,
yet <i>Vengeance would not suffer them to Live a Shore</i>. At his
Instance and Complaint, they were Apprehended; and the
Ringleaders of this Murderous Pyracy, had sentence of Death
Executed on them, in <i>Boston</i>.”</p>

<p>The three men who were executed were William Forrest,
Alexander Wilson and John Smith. As for Major Shapleigh;
he was fined five hundred pounds which amount was afterwards
abated to three hundred pounds because “his estate
not being able to beare it.”</p>

<p>The extraordinary circumstances of this case probably
induced the General Court to draw up the law that was
enacted on Oct. 15, 1673. By it piracy became punishable
by death according to the local laws. Before then a kind of
common law was in force in the colony based upon Biblical
law as construed by the leading ministers. Of course the laws
of England were theoretically respected, but Massachusetts,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>
in the wilderness, separated from England by three thousand
miles of stormy water, in practice actually governed herself
and made her own laws.</p>

<p>“The Court observing the wicked and unrighteous practices
of evill men to encrease, some piratically seizing of shipps,
ketches, &amp;c. with their goods, and others by rising up against
their commanders, officers, and imployers, seizing their vessells
and goods at sea, exposing theire persons to hazard, &amp;c.
for the prevention whereof, and that due witnes may be borne
against such bold and notorious transgressions,—</p>

<p>“This Court doeth order, &amp; be it hereby ordered &amp; enacted,
that what person or persons soever shall piratically or ffelloniously
seize any ship or other vessell, whither in the harbour
or on the seas, or shall rise up in rebellion against the master,
officers, merchant or owners of any such ship or other sea
vessell and goods, and dispoyle or dispossess them thereof,
and excluding the right owner or those betrusted therewith,
every such offender, together with their complices, if found in
this jurisdiction, shall be apprehended, and, being legally
convicted thereof, shall be put to death; provided allwayes,
that any such of the said company (who through feare or force
have binn draune to comply in such wicked action), that
shall, upon their first arrival in any of our ports or harbours,
by the first opperturnity, repaire to some magistrate or others
in authority, and make discovery of such a practise, shall not
be liable to the aforesaid poenalty of death.”<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a></p>

<p>In July, 1684, this order was revised and it became unlawful
for any person to “enterteyne, harbour, counsel, trade, or
hold any correspondence by letter or otherwise with any person
or persons that shall be deemed or adjudged to be privateers,
pyrates, or other offenders within the construction of this
Act.” The highest commissioned officer in any town or
harbor was also impowered to issue warrants for the seizure
of suspected privateers and pirates and he could raise<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>
and levy armed men to inforce the apprehension of such
persons.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i026' src='images/i026.jpg' alt=''>
<figcaption>
<span class='c2'>
Pillars of Salt.<br>
<br>
An <span class='xls'>HISTORY</span><br>
OF SOME<br>
CRIMINALS Executed in this Land<br>
FOR<br>
Capital Crimes.<br>
With some of their Dying<br>
Speeches;<br>
Collected and Published,<br>
For the WARNING of such as <i>Live</i> in<br>
Destructive <i>Courses</i> of Ungodliness.<br>
Whereto is added,<br>
For the better Improvement of this History,<br>
A Brief Discourse about the Dreadful<br>
<i>Justice</i> of God, in Punishing of<br>
<span class='xls'>SIN</span>, with <span class='xls'>SIN</span>.<br>
<br>
Deut. 19, 20.<br>
<i>Those which remain shall hear &amp; fear, and shall henceforth<br>
commit no more any such Evil among you.</i><br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON</i> &nbsp; in &nbsp; <i>New-England</i>.<br>
Printed by <i>B. Green</i> and <i>J. Allen</i>, for <i>Samuel Phillips</i><br>
at the Brick Shop near the Old Meeting House, 1699.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>On the evening of July 6, 1685, a small ketch hailing from
New London, Conn., came to anchor before the town of
Boston and the next morning the master, Capt. John Prentice,
appeared before the General Court and gave information that
he had been chased by a pirate until he had come in sight of
the Brewster’s, at the mouth of the harbor. He deposed that
while at New London, on July 1st, a sloop had put into that
port commanded by one Captain Veale, and with him was one
Harvey who was the merchant on board. Captain Veale
asked Captain Prentice if he might “set his mast by the
said Prentice’s Katches side,” which was done. A little later
there came in a vessel from Pennsylvania commanded by
Capt. Daniel Staunton who at once accused Veale and Harvey
of piracy committed in Virginia. Staunton went before the
local magistrate and repeated his charge and demanded that
Veale and Harvey be arrested and tried as pirates. But the
magistrate was a little uncertain of his authority and asked for
security. While the matter was being discussed Harvey
“went away from them in great hast, &amp; got on bord &amp; speedily
sailed away in the said Sloop.”</p>

<p>Not long after Captain Prentice set sail in his ketch and on
clearing the mouth of the harbor he saw a shallop at anchor
with Veale’s and Harvey’s sloop hove to near by. A boat
passed from the shallop to the sloop and soon the sloop stood
to seaward firing guns several times and catching sight of
Captain Prentice’s ketch made after her, the chase continuing
until darkness came on when the course of the ketch was
changed and in the morning nothing was seen of the sloop.
Three days later, however, early in the morning, the sloop was
sighted ahead under easy sail and after a time she bore up
toward the ketch. Captain Prentice then ordered guns to be
fired and also “spread his antient” and braced to for the sloop
to come up. But Captain Veale brought to as well and kept<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>
to the windward for about an hour all the while firing guns.
A severe thunder storm then coming up the sloop fell to the
leeward but continued in chase of the ketch until the Brewster’s,
off Boston harbor, came in sight, when the sloop bore
away towards Cape Ann and Captain Prentice came to an
anchorage before the town without further molestation.</p>

<p>Captain Prentice also reported that one Graham was in
command of the shallop seen in company with Veale and that
fourteen men were said to be on board. Captain Veale, while
at New London, tried to buy of John Wheeler several small
carriage guns offering three times their value. At the time he
was well supplied with money. Nicholas Hallam, a sailor on
board the ketch, testified before the magistrates that the men
on board the suspected sloop had some silver plate with the
letters and marks scratched out and also some fine clothing,
including a plush cloak, a broadcloth petty-coat trimmed with
broad gold lace and also “a pair of staies of cloth-of-Tishue.”<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a></p>

<p>The Court at once ordered drums to be forthwith beat up
for a convenient number of volunteers not exceeding forty to
man Mr. Richard Patteshall’s brigantine. Soon the Court
was informed that the men did not readily offer themselves to
the service of the country in the expedition against Veale and
Graham, whereupon it was ordered “for their Incouragemt
that free plunder be offered to such as shall Voluntarily list
themselves or that a sufficient number of men be forthwith
Impressed to that service.” Those willing to serve were
directed to report “with sufficient &amp; compleate Arms” to Mr.
John Vyall at the ship Tavern “where Capt. Sampson Waters
will enter their names &amp; direct them presently to goe on board
the Brigantine whereof Mr. Richard Patteshall is master.”</p>

<p>The directions given to Capt. Sampson Waters required
him “in all difficulties to consult with Mr. Richard Pattishall
endeavoring to maintain a good correspondence with
him.” All goods seized were to be brought back for a legal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span>
condemnation; prisoners were to be brought to Boston for
trial and care was to be taken to “beware of killing any of the
enemy unnecessarily or exposing your own company to any
hazard without necessity.”<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a></p>

<p>The expedition at last got away and after cruising about the
Bay for several days returned empty-handed like many other
similar expeditions that were sent out in following years.</p>

<p>Piracy now began to be more common on the New England
coast. Buccaneering in the West Indies was disappearing
and some of these bold adventurers raised a black flag against
all nations. Desperate sailors out of a berth also became
rovers. The number of sporadic appearances of these men in
northern waters can only be touched upon in these pages.
They came upon the coast and then sailed away leaving little
behind save a mention of their coming.</p>

<p>In the summer of 1687 the ketch “Sparrow,” Richard
Narramore, master, owned by Nicholas Paige of Boston,
arrived in the harbor from the Barbadoes and the Isle of
Eleuthera. She had sailed from Boston ten months before
bound for Virginia with English goods. Captain Narramore
loaded with provisions at Maryland and at Roanoke and then
sailed for the Barbadoes where the lading was sold for plate
and money. At the Isle of Eleuthera he loaded with dyeing
wood and took on board eighteen passengers under an agreement
that they should be landed at Newfoundland for forty
pieces of eight, per man, passage money. One of these men,
John Danson, shipped as mate and came to Boston in the
ketch but the rest changed their minds as to their intended
destination and asked to be landed at different points. Two
men were put ashore at the easternmost end of Long Island;
six landed at Gardiner’s Island; five at “Martin’s” Vineyard;
one was taken to the “Sackadehock” on the Maine coast and
two were left at “Damaras Cove” near there. Captain
Narramore claimed that he had learned the names of none of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>
these men; but he admitted that they had brought on board
two heavy chests which were taken off at Gardiner’s Island.</p>

<p>Strange stories began to circulate about the wharves and
Captain Narramore and his mate were soon sent for by the
magistrates. A search of Danson’s chest discovered nine
hundred pieces of eight—not a very large fortune for a successful
pirate! Danson deposed that he had sailed from Boston
four years before in a private man-of-war commanded by one
Henley, “bound for the Rack,” and afterwards had gone into
the Red Sea where they had plundered and taken what they
could from the Malabars and the Arabs. He left Henley
and took passage with one Wollery, a consort of Henley, for
the Isle of Eleuthera where he shipped with Captain Narramore.
He acknowledged that Henley was now considered a
pirate. Thomas Scudder, one of the passengers who had come
to Boston, had gone on board a ketch bound for Salem, where
his family lived, and Christopher Goffe had gone ashore at
Gardiner’s Island.<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a></p>

<p>A warrant was issued for the arrest of Scudder and the
seizure of any plate, money or goods in his possession. The
sheriff in Essex County also arrested several other supposed
pirates who were sent to Boston for examination.</p>

<p>Christopher Goffe came into Newport, R. I., in a ship commanded
by William Wollery who was supposed to have come
from the Great South Sea. A shot was fired across their forefoot
whereupon they came to anchor but the next day sailed
for Andrews Island where the vessel was burnt and the men
dispersed.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> In November, 1687, Goffe appeared in Boston
and surrendered himself in pursuance of His Majesty’s “Proclamation
for Calling in and Suppressing Pyrates and Privateers.”
He was then very sick and weak and gave a bond, also
signed by two Boston citizens, that as soon as he recovered he
would go to England and receive the King’s pardon.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span></p>

<p>Nothing seems to have come of the lengthy investigations
made by the magistrates. The plate and money that had been
seized was returned to Captain Narramore and John Danson
and two of the suspected passengers who had been taken—Edward
Calley and Thomas Dunston—were freed and
their money, plate and “a parcel of stones” returned to
them.</p>

<p>About the same time a man named William Douglass
applied to Edward Randolph, the English Agent, for relief.
He had been a passenger on board a small vessel sailing between
the Barbadoes and the Carolinas and had been taken by
Henry Holloway, the pirate, from whom he had escaped as the
pirate ship rode at anchor in Casco Bay, Maine.</p>

<p>Christopher Goffe recovered from his sickness and in August,
1691, was commissioned by Governor Bradstreet, to cruise with
his ship “Swan” between Cape Cod and Cape Ann and off
the Isles of Shoals for the safeguard of the coast. This came
about as the result of the capture at Piscataqua, now Portsmouth,
N. H., of a vessel commanded by Capt. Thomas
Wilkinson, inward bound from Cadiz. She was taken by two
privateers commanded respectively by Capt. Thomas Griffin
and Captain Dew. Captain Griffin landed at Portsmouth
and sent a letter to the Governor in which he claimed that he
carried a privateering commission and that he had mistaken
Captain Wilkinson for a French vessel said to be on the coast.
But as he had found prohibited goods on board he had seized
her after firing three great shot and a volley of small arms.
Captain Griffin wrote that he feared if he brought the prize to
Boston he “should be unkindly dealt with.” He also quite
gratuitously accused the Bostonians of furnishing the French
at Fort Royal with arms, ammunition and cloth in truck for
beaver and other goods. Griffin and Dew first carried their
prize into the Isle of Shoals and afterwards into the river at
Portsmouth where part of the cargo was disposed of without
trial or adjudication.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span></p>

<p>Meanwhile, Captain Goffe was anchored near Portsmouth.
On August 14th he wrote to the Governor:—“I shall obay
your honors Comand in making Seasuer of Capt. Griffin and
Capt. Dew If it lies in my power to meet with them ... one
of them is now in site standing of and on between this place
and the Isle of Sholes.... They sayle two foot to ower one....
Ower Bread and beare is all most Expended.” A few
days later he asked to be recalled to Nantasket to provide
necessary supplies, “the Docters chest Espeshely,”<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> and
there the episode seems to have ended.</p>

<p>The ketch “Elinor,” William Shortrigs, master, came to
anchor at Nantasket road, near the mouth of Boston harbor,
early in the afternoon of Nov. 20, 1689. She was inward
bound from the island of Nevis, loaded with sugar and indigo,
and the wind failing and the flood tide being almost spent, the
captain was obliged to anchor as most of his men were sick
or disabled with the cold. Leaving the vessel in charge of
James Thomas, he took his mate and one other man and
started for Boston in the ship’s boat to get help to bring the
vessel into harbor. Provisions also were running short. The
next day his owner, Mr. Thomas Cooper, was unable to secure
a permit to bring her up because there had been smallpox on
board but on the 22d he told the captain that she might be
brought up as far as the Castle, so four men were sent down the
harbor. The next morning they returned and astonished the
captain with the news that the ketch had disappeared from
her anchorage. Mr. Cooper at once sent out a “hue and cry”
according to law and hired a sloop to go in search of the missing
ketch which was found two days later run ashore within Cape
Cod hook.</p>

<p>About seven o’clock in the evening of the day on which
Captain Shortrigs had started to row up to Boston, Thomas
was between decks and had just called the boy to turn the glass
and mind the pump, when he heard a noise on deck and going<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>
up to investigate found that four armed men and a boy had
come aboard. One of the men at once gave Thomas a blow on
the head with the butt of his musket and ordered him to keep
quiet. Soon after he was forced under the half-deck and the
scuttle was shut and a tarpaulin put over it. The leader of
the party then came down into the cabin and asked how many
were on board, finding four men, two boys and a woman,
all sick save Thomas and one of the boys. The armed men
then cut the cable, which was about half in, and two of them
went aloft to cut the gaskets and loose the sails after which a
course was taken for Cape Cod.</p>

<p>The next morning was Friday and early in the day they
came to anchor at Cape Cod and shot a musket to call a
shallop. The leader asked Thomas if he would go to England
with them when they were revictualled and when he refused
they threatened his life. When the shallop came out to them
an agreement was made for a supply of provisions which were
brought out the next morning, but only a small supply—a
gallon of rum, some biscuits and some cheese. The shallop-men
said the ketch must be brought in nearer shore. About
midnight, at full sea, they loosed the cable and let it run out
and not long after the ketch went ashore. At low water the
armed party went off and soon disappeared.</p>

<p>Such was the homely tale of the appearance and disappearance
of the ketch “Elinor.” The sequel was soon found
in the new stone gaol in Boston where William Coward, Peleg
Heath, Thomas Storey and Christopher Knight were to be
seen confined and in irons. What became of the boy does not
appear. Thomas Pound, Thomas Hawkins, Thomas Johnston
and other more valorous pirates were also confined there
at the same time. Justice moved swiftly that year and notwithstanding
the claim made by Coward, the leader of the
party that boarded the ketch, that his crime had been committed
upon the high seas without the jurisdiction of the court,
he was found guilty of piracy and sentenced to be hanged on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>
January 27, 1690.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> His companions also were found guilty
and sentenced to death but afterwards reprieved and eventually
allowed to go free.</p>

<p>The story of the capture of James Gillam, a notorious
pirate in his time, is best told by the Earl of Bellomont,
Governor of Massachusetts, in a letter written to the Council
of Trade and Plantations on Nov. 29, 1699.</p>

<p>“I gave you an account, Oct. 24, of my taking Joseph
Bradish and Tee Wetherley, and writ that I hoped in a little
time to be able to send news of my taking James Gillam, the
Pirate that killed Capt. Edgecomb, commander of the Mocha
frigate for the East India Co., and that with his own hand
while the Captain was asleep. Gillam is supposed to be the
man that encouraged the ship’s company to turn pirates, and
the ship has been ever since robbing in the Red Sea and Seas
of India. If I may believe the reports of men lately come
from Madagascar, she has taken above £2,000,000 sterling.
I have been so lucky as to take James Gillam and he is now in
irons in the gaol of this town, and at the same time we seized
one Francis Dole, in whose house he was harboured, who
proves to be one of Hore’s crew, one of Col. Fletcher’s pirates,
commissioned by him from N. York. Dole is also committed
to gaol. My taking of Gillam was so very accidental, one
would believe there was a strange fatality in that man’s stars.
On Saturday, 11th inst., late in the evening, I had a letter
from Col. Sanford, Judge of the Admiralty Court in Rhode
Island, giving me an account that Gillam had been there, but
was come towards Boston a fortnight before, in order to ship
himself for some of the Islands, Jamaica or Barbadoes; that
he was troubled he knew it not sooner and was afraid his
intelligence would come too late to me; that the messenger he
sent knew the mare Gillam rode on to this town. I was in
despair of finding the man because Col. Sandford writ to me
that he was come to this town so long a time as a fortnight<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>
before that. However, I sent for an honest constable I had
made use of in apprehending Kidd and his men, and sent him
with Col. Sandford’s messenger to search all the inns in town
for the mare, and at the first inn they went to they found her
tied up in the yard. The people of the inn reported that the
man that brought her thither had lighted off her about a
quarter of an hour before, had then tied her, but went away
without saying anything. I gave orders to the master of the
inn that if anybody came to look after the mare, he should be
sure to seize him, but nobody came for her. Next morning,
which was Sunday, I summoned a Council, and we published
a proclamation wherein I promised a reward of 200 [pieces of
eight] for the seizing and securing Gillam, whereupon there
was the strictest search made all that day and the next that
was ever made in this part of the world, but we had missed of
him, if I had not been informed of one Capt. Knot as an old
pirate, and therefore likely to know where Gillam was concealed.
I sent for Knot and examined him, promising him,
if he would make an ingenious confession, I would not molest
him. He seemed much disturbed, but would not confess
anything to purpose. I then sent for his wife and examined
her on oath apart from her husband, and she confessed that
one who went by the name of James Kelly had lodged several
nights in her house, but for some nights past he lodged, as she
believed, in Charlestown, cross the river. I knew he went by
the name of Kelly. Then I examined Capt. Knot again, telling
him his wife had been more free and ingenious than him, which
made him believe she had told all, and then he told me of
Francis Dole in Charlestown, and that he believed Gillam
would be found there. I sent half a dozen men immediately
over the water, to Charlestown and Knot with ’em; they
beset the house and searched it, but found not the man, Dole
affirming he was not there, neither knew he any such man.
Two of the men went through a field behind Dole’s house and
passing through a second field they met a man in the dark<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>
(for it was 10 o’clock at night) whom they seized at all adventures,
and it happened as oddly as luckily to be Gillam; he
had been treating two young women some few miles off in the
country and was returning at night to his landlord Dole’s
house. I examined him, but he denied everything, even that
he came with Kidd from Madagascar, or ever saw him in his
life; but Capt. Davies who came thence with Kidd, and all
Kidd’s men, are positive he is the man and that he went by
his true name Gillam all the while he was on the voyage with
’em, and Mr. Campbell, Postmaster of this town, whom I sent
to treat with Kidd, offers to swear this is the man he saw on
board Kidd’s sloop under the name of James Gillam. He is
the most inpudent, hardened villain I ever saw. That which
led me to a search after this man was the information of
William Cuthbert, which I sent your Lordships with my
packet of July 26th, wherein he says that it was commonly
reported that Gillam had killed Capt. Edgecomb with his own
hands, that he had served the Mogul, turned Mohammedan
and was circumcised. I had him searched by a surgeon and a
Jew in this town: they have both declared on oath that he is
circumcised. I recommend the perusal of the evidence I enclose
as what will inform you of the strange countenance given to
pirates by the Government and people of Rhode Island. In
searching Capt. Knot’s house [a sma]ll trunk was found with
some remnants of E. India goods and a letter from Kidd’s
wife to Capt. Thomas Pain, an old pirate living on Canonicot
Island in Rhode Island government. He made an affidavit
to me when I was at Rhode Island that he had received
nothing from Kidd’s sloop, when she lay at anchor there, yet
by Knot’s deposition he was sent with Mrs. Kidd’s letter to
Pain for 24 ounces of gold, which Knot accordingly brought,
and Mrs. Kidd’s injunction to Pain to keep all the rest that
was left with him till further order was a plain indication that
there was a good deal of treasure still behind in Pain’s custody.
Therefore I posted away a message to Gov. Cranston and Col.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>
Sanford to make a strict search of Pain’s house before he could
have notice. It seems nothing was then found, but Pain has
since produced 18 ounces and odd weight of gold, as appears by
[Gov.] Cranston’s letter, Nov. 25, and pretends ’twas bestowed
on him by Kidd, hoping that may [pass for] a salvo for the oath
he made. I think ’tis plain he foreswore himself and I am of
opinion he has a great deal more of Kidd’s goods still in his
hands, [but] he is out of my power and being in that government
I cannot compel him to deliver up the [rest]. Your
Lordships will find in Capt. Coddington’s narrative, sent with
my report Nov. 27, an inventory of gold and jewels in Gov.
Cranston’s hands, which he took from a pirate. I see no
reason why he should keep them, [but] so far from that, that
he ought to be called to an account for conniving at the pirates
making that Island their sanctuary, and suffering some to
escape from justice. If there be an order sent to him to deliver
all goods and treasure which he has at any time received from
privateers or pirates into my hands for the use of his Majesty,
and that upon oath, I will see the order executed and give a
faithful account thereof. Four pounds weight of the gold
brought from Gardiner’s Island, which I formerly acquainted
your Lordships of, and all the jewels belonged to Gillam, as
Mr. Gardiner’s letter to Mr. Dummer, a merchant in this
town and one of the Committee appointed by me and the
Council to receive all the treasure brought in Kidd’s sloop, will
prove, and there is some proof of it in Capt. Coddington’s
narrative and Capt. Knot’s deposition. I am told that as
Vice [Admiral] of these provinces I am entitled to 1/3 part of
Gillam’s gold and jewels; I know not wh [ether I] am or no,
but if it be my right I hope you will represent to the King
accordingly. ’Tis a great prejudice to the King’s [service]
that here is no revenue or other fund to answer any occasion of
His Majesty’s. I [have been] forced to disburse the 200 pieces
of eight out of my own little stock, and also to defray my
expenses in going to Rhode Island to execute the King’s Commission;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>
both accounts I now send and beg your Lordships’
favour in promoting. Capt. Gullock tells me that 15 or 16 of
the ship’s company that would not be concerned with Gillam
went home in the <i>America</i> belonging to the E. I. company.
I should think an advertisement in the <i>Gazette</i> requiring some
of those men to appear before one of the Secretaries of State
to give their evidence would be proper.</p>

<p>“Your Lordships will meet with a pass among the other
papers to Sion Arnold, one of the pirates brought from Madagascar
by Shelley of N. York, signed by Governor Basse, which
is a bold step in Basse after such positive orders as he received
from Mr. Secretary Vernon, but I perceive plainly the meaning<del>-</del>
of it, he took several pirates at Burlington in West Jerzey and
a good store of money with them as ’tis said: and I dare say
he would be glad they [?should] escape, for when they are gone
who can witness what money he seized with ’em? I know the
man so well that I verily believe that’s his plot. John Carr
mentioned in some of the [?papers to] be in Rhode Island was
one of Hore’s crew. There are abundance of other pirates in
that island at this time, but they are out of my power. Mr.
Brinley, Col. Sanford, and Capt. Coddington are honest men
and of the best estates in the island, and because they are
heartily weary of the maladministrations of that Government,
and because I commissioned ’em, by virtue of H. M. Commission
to me, to [make] enquiry into the irregularities of those
people, they are become strangely odious to ’em and are often
affronted by ’em; neither will they make ’em Justices of the
Peace, so that when they would commit pirates to gaol, they
are forced to go to the Governor, for his warrant, and very
[comm]only the pirates get notice and avoid the warrant.
Gardiner, the Dep. Collector, is accused to have been once a
pirate, in one of the papers enclosed. I doubt he will forswear
himself rather than part with Gillam’s gold which is in his
hands. ’Tis impossible for me to transmit to the Lords of
the Treasury these proofs against Gardiner, being so jaded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>
with writing, but I could wish they were made acquainted
with his character and would send over honest, in[tellige]nt
men to be Collectors of Rhode Island, Connecticut and N.
Hampshire, and that they [would] hasten Mr. Brenton hither
to his post or send some other Collector in his room. I could
wish Mr. Weaver were ordered to hasten to N. York. Captain
Knot in one of his depositions accuses Gillam to have pirated
four years together in the South Sea against the Spaniards.
We have advice that Burk, an Irishman and pirate, that committed
sea-robberies on the coast of Newfoundland, is drowned
with all his ship’s company, except 7 or 8, somewhere to the
southward, in the hurricane about the end of July or the
beginning of Aug. last. ’Tis good news, he was very strong
and said to have had a good ship with 140 men and 24 guns.”<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a></p>

<p>John Halsey was a Boston privateersman who heard of the
good fortune of those who scoured the Red Sea and the Arabian
coast and so abandoned cruising on the banks of Newfoundland
and set a course for Madagascar. He was the son
of James and Dinah Halsey and was born Mar. 1, 1670.
As a boy he followed the sea and in time became master of
small vessels trading with the Southern Colonies and the West
Indies. In April, 1693, while master of the sloop “Adventure,”
of Boston, he testified in court in relation to a seaman shipped
by him the previous November on a voyage to Virginia. At
that time he deposed that he was twenty-three years old.</p>

<p>While Joseph Dudley was governor, he was given the
command of the brigantine “Charles,” and sent out with a
privateering commission to cruise against French vessels on
the fishing banks. From there he went to the Canaries where
he took a Spanish “barcalonga” which he plundered and
sunk. Having determined on a free life in the Indian Ocean he
wooded and watered at one of the Cape Verdes and then stood
away for the Cape of Good Hope and Madagascar.</p>

<p>For a time Captain Halsey was followed by ill-fortune.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>
He was nearly taken by a Dutchman of sixty guns and later
was chased by the “Albemarle,” East Indiaman, and only
got clear because he could show a better share of heels. In
the Strait of Babelmandeb, a Moorish fleet of twenty-five sail
came upon him and the brigantine was only saved from being
taken when they fell to with their oars. Three days later their
luck changed and two English ships fell into their hands after
brisk fighting. The loot amounted to over £50,000 in money
and also many bale goods, so they steered for Madagascar
where they shared their booty. Here, Captain Halsey fell sick
of a fever and died in 1716 and was buried with great ceremony.
His sword and pistols were laid on his coffin, which
was covered with a ship’s jack, and minute guns were fired.
He was a brave man and died regretted by his men and the
friends he had made in Madagascar. “His Grave was made in
a Garden of Water Melons and fenced in with Pallisades to
prevent his being rooted up by wild Hogs, of which there are
Plenty in those Parts.”<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a></p>

<p>Another Massachusetts pirate was Joseph Bradish of
Cambridge, who was born there Nov. 28, 1672. In March,
1698 he was in London, England, out of a berth and so shipped
as boatswain’s mate on board “the ship or hakeboat Adventure,”
Thomas Gulleck, commander, bound for the island of
Borneo on an interloping trade. The ship was about 350 tons
burthen and carried twenty-two guns. The following September,
while at the island of Polonais for water, most of the
officers and passengers being on shore, the rest of the ship’s
company cut the cable and ran away with the ship. There
were about twenty-five men aboard and Joseph Bradish was
chosen their commander because of his skill in navigation.
Sail was made for Mauritius where they refitted the ship and
took on fresh provisions and then a course was set for New
England.</p>

<p>Not long after rounding the Cape of Good Hope a sharing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>
was made of the money found on board which was contained
in nine chests stowed in the breadroom. Each man received
over fifteen hundred Spanish dollars and the captain was
assigned two and a half shares. Later there was a sharing of
the broadcloths, serges and other goods in the lading of the
ship.</p>

<p>The “Adventure” arrived at the east end of Long Island
on March 19, 1699 and Captain Bradish went on shore at
Nassau Island taking with him most of his money and jewels.
He sent a pilot on board to bring the ship around to Gardiner’s
Island, but the wind not favoring, Block Island was
made instead. Two men were then sent to Rhode Island to
buy a sloop but the Governor, suspecting them to be pirates,
ordered them seized. A day or two later several sloops sailing
near the “Adventure” were hailed and after some bartering
one of them was bought and another hired. The sloopmen
were allowed to take what they pleased out of the ship and
having transferred their money and some of the richer of the
lading to the two sloops, the “Adventure” was sunk. Some
of the crew were set ashore at different landings where they
reached farmhouses and purchased horses and departed for
parts unknown.</p>

<p>Captain Bradish and others of his company ventured into
Massachusetts early in April, but the news of their arrival at
Long Island had preceded them and soon the captain and
ten of his men were lodged in the stone gaol in Boston where
Caleb Ray, his kinsman, was the gaol-keeper. Bradish and his
men were examined by the authorities and several of them
confessed. Money and goods to the value of about £3000,
were seized and Bradish’s jewels, which had been left with Col.
Henry Peirson at Nassau Island, were sent for and taken to
New York to be inventoried. Ten or more of his crew were
also captured on Rhode Island.</p>

<p>Bradish lay in gaol for nearly two months and it does not
appear that he was placed in irons which was the fate of Captain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>
Kidd a few weeks later. Governor Bellomont ordered
Kidd placed in irons weighing sixteen pounds and not content
with that paid the gaoler forty shillings a week above his
salary in the hope of keeping him honest. This all came about
because Bradish was allowed to escape. Caleb Ray, the gaol-keeper,
was a relative of Bradish, a fact unknown to the
authorities, and doubtless not many days passed before family
influences were exerted in his behalf.</p>

<p>On the morning of June 25th, Ray found the prison door
open and Bradish and Tee Wetherly, one of his company,
who had but one eye, were missing. The Governor was angry
and finding the Council slow to take action he became still
more enraged. Learning that prisoners had mysteriously
escaped at other times, Ray finally was dismissed and a prosecution
ordered.</p>

<p>Meantime, Bellomont had devoted much of his time to
pirates and piracy. Kidd had been taken and his spoil sequestered.
A ship had arrived at New York bringing sixty pirates
from Madagascar and a vast deal of treasure. The New York
owners were said to have cleared £30,000 by the voyage. He
learned that about two hundred Madagascar pirates were
intending to take passage for New York in Frederick Phillips’
ships at £50 each. A great ship had been seen off the Massachusetts
coast supposed to be commanded by Maise, the
pirate, and laded with much wealth taken in the Red Sea.
There was a sloop in at Rhode Island, undoubtedly a pirate
as the crew went ashore daily and spent their gold freely.
He also was occupied in manning out a ship to go in quest of
the “Quidah Merchant,” Kidd’s ship, left by him in the West
Indies. Long reports were sent to the Lords of Trade and
Plantations by the busy Governor in one of which he mentions
“having writ myself almost dead.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i042' src='images/i042.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>RICHARD COOTE, EARL OF BELLOMONT, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS, 1699-1700<br>
<span class='c2'>From a rare engraving in the Harvard College Library</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>When Bradish and Wetherly stole out of gaol they made
their way to the eastward and Governor Bellomont offered
a reward of two hundred pieces of eight for the recapture of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>
Bradish and one hundred pieces for Wetherly. He also wrote
to the Governors of Canada and St. Johns. There happened
to be in Boston at the time, an Indian sachem, Essacambuit,
who had come to make submission in behalf of the Kennebeck
Indians and the reward sent him on the trail of the fleeing
pirates with such success that they were taken and brought
into the fort at Saco. On Oct. 24th, they were again in Boston
gaol, this time well secured with irons. During the following
months they made two unsuccessful attempts to escape.
Once they broke through the floor, but that failing them a
night or two later they filed off their fetters, whereupon they
were manacled and chained to one another. “I believe this
new gaoler I have got is honest; otherwise I should be very
uneasy,” wrote the Governor.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>

<p>On Feb. 3, 1700, the man-of-war “Advice” arrived in
Boston harbor for the express purpose of conveying Kidd,
Bradish and other pirates to London, for trial before an
Admiralty Court and on April 8th they arrived there, still in
irons.</p>

<p>Justice was summarily meted out to Bradish and his men
and their fate became well-known to sailormen and pirates in
all seas. Twenty years later when Capt. Bart. Roberts
captured a Boston-bound ship, the captain was told by some
of the pirate crew that they never would “go to Hope-Point,
to be hang’d up a Sun drying, as Kidd’s and Braddish’s Company
were; but that if they should ever be overpower’d, they
would set Fire to the Powder, with a Pistol, and go all merrily
to Hell together.”</p>


<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Bradford, <i>History of Plymouth Plantation</i>, Boston, 1856, p. 293.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> Capt. Roger Clap’s <i>Memoirs</i>, p. 35.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Winthrop’s <i>Journal</i>, New York, 1908, Vol. I, p. 96.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> Bradford, <i>History of Plymouth Plantation</i>, p. 441.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Winthrop’s <i>Journal</i>, New York, 1908, Vol. II, p. 273.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> <i>Records of the Massachusetts Bay Colony</i>, Vol. IV, Part II, p. 563.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. LXI, leaf 280.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. CXXVII, leaf 191.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. XXXVII, leaf 117.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> See chapter on Capt. Thomas Pound.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1699, pp. 551-554.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Johnson, <i>The History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> <i>Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1699, p. 1011.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III<br>
<span class="ch-title">John Rhoade, Pilot of the Dutch Pirates on the
Coast of Maine</span></h2>
</div>

<p>In the summer of 1674, while the Dutch were yet in control
of New York, the privateer frigate “Flying Horse,”
came sailing into the harbor. Her commander, Capt.
Jurriaen Aernouts, had been commissioned by the governor of
Curacao, “to take, plunder, spoil and possess any of the ships,
persons or estates” of the enemies of the great States of
Holland, which meant the English and the French at the time
the commission was issued. But when the Dutch captain
reached New York he was much surprised to learn of the
treaty of peace, signed nearly six months before, which made
it illegal for him to prey on English shipping. The war was
still on with France, however, so he decided to sail northward
for the fishing banks and the Gulf of St. Lawrence. While the
“Flying Horse” was recruiting and preparing for sea, Captain
Aernouts accidentally made the acquaintance of a coasting
pilot from Boston, Capt. John Rhoade, an adventurous
character who told the captain that he was well acquainted
with the coast along the French colonies at the north; that
their forts and defences were weak and if taken by surprise
it would be easy conquest for him of a rich fur country. Rhoade
said that he had recently been at Pentagoet (now Castine,
Maine) and had exact information as to the strength of the
French garrison there. The Dutch captain submitted the
project to his officers and crew and it was unanimously
favored. Captain Rhoade then enlisted, took the oath of
allegiance to the Prince of Orange, and was made the chief
pilot of the “Flying Horse.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span></p>

<p>The Dutchmen landed at Pentagoet on Aug. 1, 1674, and
as the fort was garrisoned by only thirty men it soon surrendered.
The commander of the fort, M. de Chambly, was also
the Governor of Acadie and for him a ransom of one thousand
beavers was demanded, an amount he was unable to furnish.
With the Governor on board, the “Flying Horse” sailed eastward
and every French fort and trading post as far as the St.
John river was captured. Captain Aernouts proclaimed
all this territory a Dutch conquest, naming it New Holland,
and at every point where he landed he buried a bottle containing
a copy of his commission and a statement of his conquest.
Laden with the plunder of Acadie, the “Flying Horse”
reached Boston the last of September and the Dutch captain
applied to Governor Leverett for leave to remain in the harbor
in order to repair his ship and dispose of his plunder. This was
granted and soon the frigate lay at anchor before the town.
The Colony gladly purchased the cannon that had been taken
from the French forts and the Boston traders bought the rest
of the spoil.</p>

<p>The Massachusetts fur traders now applied to Captain
Aernouts for leave to trade in the newly conquered territory,
a privilege they had always paid well for in the past. But they
were disappointed, for the Dutch officers claimed that this
conquest had been made by the sword and that the fur trade
was of great value to the States of Holland, so all requests
for leave or license were refused. The owners of two Boston
vessels, however, disregarded the warnings of the Dutch
officers and set sail, and probably others followed.</p>

<p>When Captain Aernouts was ready to depart, which was
about the first of November, he left in Boston two of his
officers, Capt. Peter Roderigo, a “Flanderkin,” and Capt.
Cornelius Andreson, a Dutchman, and also Captain Rhoade
and a Cornishman, John Williams, and gave these men and
their associates, authority to return to New Holland and
there to trade and keep possession until further instructions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>
were received. They induced four or five others to join them
and before the month had gone they had purchased a small
vessel, the “Edward and Thomas,” Thomas Mitchell of
Malden, part-owner, who shipped with the company, which
was commanded by Roderigo, and hired another, the “Penobscot
Shallop,” commanded by Andreson, and after arming
them as well as they could, they sailed down the harbor with
the flag of the Prince of Orange at each topmast. At Pentagoet,
they found that Englishmen from Pemaquid had recently
been there and carried away iron and other materials
found in the ruins of the fort. Farther eastward, Edward
Hilliard of Salem was found in a small vessel, and when
ordered to come on board he immediately submitted and said
he was ignorant that he was trespassing on their authority
and further complained of the bad voyage he had made thus
far. He was dismissed with a warning and his vessel and peltry
returned to him. Not long after they came upon a Boston
vessel, commanded by William Waldron, who had been refused
a permit to trade. He was recognized at once and his vessel
made a prize but after a time returned to him. His peltry,
however, was seized.</p>

<p>Among the men who had applied for a permit to trade and
been refused was George Manning, who commanded a shallop
called the “Philip,” owned by John Feake, a Boston merchant.
Nevertheless he had sailed and on December 4th Captain
Roderigo came upon him at anchor in “Adowoke Bay to ye
Estward of Mount deZart.” The shallop was boarded, the
hatches opened and all the peltry taken away. Captain
Manning had in his cabin a loaded pistol and planned to shoot
Captain Roderigo but a boy on board warned him to look out
for himself and drawing a cutlass the “Flanderkin” laid
about him. There was some firing of guns but no one was
killed. Manning was confined on board the Dutch boat and
the next day it was proposed to burn his shallop and set him
adrift in his boat. Rhoade told him he deserved to be turned<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>
ashore on an island and there be compelled to eat the roots of
trees. Manning had received a flesh wound in one hand and
was cut about the head. There is much confusion in the
testimony bearing on the encounter and doubtless some lying,
but it is plain that Manning continued in command of his
shallop and accompanied the Dutchmen in their later operations.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a></p>

<p>A small barque owned by Major Shapleigh of Piscataqua
in New Hampshire was taken shortly and found to have traded
for peltry and also to have brought provisions from Port
Royal to the French at Gamshake on the St. John river.
The peltry and provisions were seized and the barque dismissed.
The Dutchmen, when on trial in Boston, claimed that
this barque had transported French from Port Royal to the
St. John river and supplied them with ammunition so that
when Captain Roderigo arrived that winter they were able to
defend themselves and he was obliged to return to Machias
in Maine, where he had established a trading post.</p>

<p>The Dutch carried on a prosperous trade with the Indians
that winter at Machias and there was always the hope that
the tri-colored flag of the United Provinces might appear over
a fleet coming to their assistance. On March 10th, 1675, a
vessel flying an English flag appeared off shore. It was commanded
by Thomas Cole of Nantasket. A boatload of men,
well armed, came ashore and finding only four men at the trading
post these were soon overpowered. The Dutch flag was
pulled down, the men taken prisoners and the winter’s store of
peltry and trading goods carried off. The Dutch afterwards
testified in court that Cole ordered Randall Judson’s<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> arms
bound behind him and then put him ashore where he remained
for four days and nights without shelter or food, and this was
early in March on the eastern Maine coast.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span></p>

<p>It was to be expected that sooner or later the news of the
capture of the trading vessels would reach Boston. The
shallop commanded by George Manning was owned by John
Feake, a Boston merchant, and Feb. 15, 1675, he appeared
before Governor Leverett and the Magistrates and made his
complaint, that property had been piratically seized and his
vessel detained. He named Captain Rhoade as the principal
offender. William Waldron and others had already presented
a protest. Mr. Feake proposed that Capt. Samuel Mosely,
afterwards the famous Indian fighter, be instructed to organize
an expedition to proceed to the eastern parts and seize Rhoade
and his company, and the Council at once assented and ordered
that no shipping in the harbor bound eastward should be
permitted to sail until after Captain Mosely and his company
had departed. Captain Mosely had recently been in command
of an armed vessel that had cruised about the island of Nantucket
to protect Boston interests against suspected attacks
by the Dutch, and he was ready for any new adventure. He
received his instructions on Feb. 15, 1675 and soon after sailed
for the eastward. Before reaching the Dutchmen he fell in
with a French vessel which he induced to join his enterprise.
He provided her with men and ammunition and when these
vessels bore down on Captain Roderigo’s little fleet, Manning,
who had gone into the Dutch service at a wage of £7 per month,
at once joined the new-comers and without taking the trouble
to haul down the tri-colored flag flying from his topmast,
opened fire on the Dutch vessels. Taken by surprise and
attacked by three vessels carrying English, French and Dutch
colors, resistance was soon over. The prisoners were closely
confined, their vessels were plundered of the peltry obtained
during the winter’s barter and their remaining trading stock
was turned over to Boston men who had accompanied the
expedition and these traders were left to continue the barter
with the Indians while the victorious Captain Mosely sailed
back to Boston where he arrived on April 2d. Again, had commercial<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>
greed brought about military attack. The Dutch, at
war with France, had seized French territory which previously
had been exploited by colonial traders, who, deprived of their
rich opportunity for gain, now seized the Dutch outpost.</p>

<p>The Court of Assistants met at Cambridge on April 7th and
ordered the pirates, as the prisoners were styled, confined in
the prison at Cambridge. The Dutch vessels and their fittings
were appraised and left in the hands of John Feake who had
made the complaint of the alleged piracy. At the examination
of the prisoners, the day they reached Boston, they frankly
declared what had been done by them and justified in writing
their supposed authority. A special Court of Admiralty was
then summoned to meet on May 17th, but before the day
arrived John Feake, the complainant, was dead and buried.
On May 4th, he had gone on board a ship in the harbor, just
arrived from Virginia, and while in the great cabin with Captain
Scarlett, one of the appraisers of the Dutch vessels, in
conference with the supercargo of the ship and others, there
was a great explosion resulting in the death of Feake, Scarlett
and the supercargo, and the wounding of nine others. The
great Increase Mather preached a sermon “Occasioned by
this awful Providence.”</p>

<p>The Court of Admiralty sat on the day appointed and
shortly declared the Dutch vessels and their cargoes lawful
prizes to be delivered to the heirs of Feake as satisfaction for
the injury done to the shallop commanded by Manning. The
Court then adjourned. A week later it reassembled and Peter
Roderigo and Cornelius Andreson were placed on trial, charged
with piratically seizing several small English vessels and making
prize of their goods, etc.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> A verdict of guilty was declared
against Roderigo and he was sentenced to be hanged. Not
long after he petitioned the Great and General Court for his
life and on May 12th “the Court judged it meete to grant the
petitioner a full &amp; free pardon, according to his desire in his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>
petition.” Roderigo found his way again to the eastward and
in June of the next year served in the company of Capt. Joshua
Scottow in Indian fighting about Black Point, near Scarborough,
Maine. On the other hand Andreson, who owned
during his examination that he had taken two English vessels,
Waldron’s and Hilliard’s, was not found guilty of piracy and
the Court sent the jury out again with instruction to “find
what they could against him.” The jury obediently brought
in a verdict of guilty of “theft and robbery,” based on the
seizure of the peltry. He, too, was sentenced but later pardoned.</p>

<p>It is a curious circumstance that this Cornelius Andreson
should shortly join the independent military company organized
by Captain Mosely to fight Indians in King Philip’s War
which broke out soon after the trials were concluded. Andreson
also appears in Capt. Thomas Wheeler’s company and
fought bravely and with renown in the attacks about Brookfield.
At one time he was sent out as “Captain of a forlorne”
hope<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> and afterwards marched to Groton. On Oct. 13, 1675
he was about leaving the country and nothing is known of his
later history. Undoubtedly he was the “buccaneer,” mentioned
by New England historians as going with Captain
Mosely against Philip near the end of June. After the trial
of Andreson, the Court again adjourned and on June 17th
the other prisoners were brought to trial. Capt. John Rhoade,
when asked why he fought against the King’s colors, replied
that the attacking vessels had fought under French, Dutch and
English colors and he thought that his company would be
given no quarter, and therefore he fought. Richard Tulford
acknowledged that he had acted in company with the others
and had gone ashore at Casco Bay and brought off sheep said
to belong to Mr. Mountjoy, and that Thomas Mitchell had
sent him. The testimony of Peter Grant and Randall Judson
was similar. John Thomas said that he had sailed from Boston<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span>
with Captain Roderigo and was present at the taking of the
vessels and when asked if he didn’t kill a Frenchman he denied
but confessed “that hee did shoote at him, but knew not that
hee hit him.”<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> John Williams told under examination that he
was a Cornishman and had sailed out of Jamaica with Captain
Morrice, but was captured by the Dutch and taken into Curacao,
where he had joined Captain Aernout’s privateering
voyage and on reaching Boston had remained and gone to the
eastward with Captain Roderigo. He had been ashore at
Machias when the rest were captured. Thomas Mitchell
testified that he lived near Malden, Massachusetts, and that
he had come last from Pemaquid. He claimed that the English
vessels had been taken against his will, but he had eaten
of the stolen mutton and also had piloted his vessel from the
St. John river to Twelve Penny harbor where they had
plundered one Lantrimong and killed his cattle. Edward Uran
of Boston, a former fisherman of the Isles of Shoals, had gone
on the expedition in Mitchell’s shallop and offered similar
testimony.</p>

<p>The Court of Assistants presided over by Governor Leverett,
found Rhoade, Fulford, Grant and Judson each guilty of
piracy and sentence was pronounced directing that they be
hanged “presently after the lecture.” Thomas and Williams
were acquitted and discharged. Mitchell was ordered to pay
treble satisfaction to Mr. George Mountjoy, i. e., £9.12.0 for
the four stolen sheep, and Uran was to be “whipt with twenty
stripes.”</p>

<p>A week before the time set for the executions, King Philip
went on the warpath and all else, for the time, was forgotten
in the fearful danger of the emergency. The executions were
postponed again and again. Fulford before long was released
without conditions<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a> and Rhoade, Grant and Judson were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>
banished from the Colony after paying prison charges and
furnishing sureties, and there the affair ended so far as they
were concerned. As for the conquest of French Acadia in
behalf of the United Provinces, when the Amsterdam authorities
learned of what had taken place they at once recognized
the services of John Rhoade of Boston, the pilot of the Dutch
cruiser, and authorized him to hold possession of Acadia and
to carry on unlimited trade with the natives. This was on
Sept. 11, 1676, and over a year after he had been sentenced
to death for piracy while carrying out the very policy now laid
down by the nation that had subjugated the territory. He had
acted clearly within his rights and any exceptions that might
have been taken were questions between the United Provinces
and England, then at peace for some time, and so the
matter was then regarded outside the Massachusetts Bay
Colony.</p>

<p>When the news of the trial and condemnation of the Dutch
officers and their associates reached the States-General, their
ambassador to England was immediately instructed to demand
the release of the prisoners, the restoration of the territory
and the punishment of the offending authorities, and after
much procrastination the Council addressed an order to “The
Bostoners in New England,”<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> requiring a speedy answer to the
complaint. Governor Leverett’s answer calmly recited what
had been done by the Colony and stated that there had not
been any violation of the peace between the two nations.
Meanwhile, Captain Rhoade’s commission had reached him
and he undertook to use the authority conferred upon him and
got into trouble in consequence, for he sailed into the river
St. George and undertook to trade there and was taken prisoner
and with his vessel and goods sent to New York. The
Dutch West India Company of course protested and demand
was made for the release and indemnification of Captain
Rhoade. This was on May 21, 1679. The complaint was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>
renewed and much correspondence followed but nothing
very definite appears as a result. The main issue was lost in a
maze of diplomatic correspondence and evasive reports, and
so ended the conquest of Acadia by the Dutch and the charges
and counter-charges of piracy on the Maine coast.</p>


<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. LXI, leaves 117, 118.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> He was one of the colonists who had joined Captain Roderigo in
Boston.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> <i>Records of the Court of Assistants</i>, Vol. I, p. 35.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. LXVIII, leaf 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. LXI, leaf 72.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> He belonged in Muscongus, Maine, and had married a daughter of
Richard Pearce.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> <i>Massachusetts Historical Society Colls.</i> 4th Ser., Vol. II, p. 286.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV<br>
<span class="ch-title">Thomas Pound, Pilot of the King’s Frigate, who
became a Pirate and Died a Gentleman</span></h2>
</div>

<p>In front of the South Station in Boston, there is an intersection
of wide streets known as “Dewey Square.” It
is very firm ground today, but in 1689, the year in which
these events took place, this space was tidewater and into it
projected Bull’s wharf. On shore, near the head of the wharf,
was a tavern with a swinging sign in front displaying on either
side a beefy looking animal that was labelled “The Bull.”
At about eleven o’clock on the night of Thursday, August 8,
1689, six men and a boy came down to the water’s edge not
far from the tavern and went on board a two-masted, half-decked
fishing boat, of the type known at that time as a
Bermudas boat, and hoisting sails soon disappeared down
the harbor in the direction of the Castle. The leader of the
party was Thomas Pound, pilot of the frigate “Rose,” which
had arrived at the Boston station three years before.</p>

<p>One of the results of the recent insurrection against the
authority of Governor Andros had been the seizure of Captain
George, of the “Rose,” by the townspeople, who also struck
the frigate’s topmasts and brought her sails ashore. On
August 3d, Governor Andros had escaped from the Castle,
but had been recaptured in Rhode Island two days later and
by easy stages was being brought back to Boston at the time
when Thomas Pound and his party planned their expedition
here described.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp85" style="max-width: 150em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i054' src='images/i054.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>
VIEW OF CASTLE WILLIAM, BOSTON HARBOR, ABOUT 1729, AND A MAN-OF-WAR OF THE PERIOD<br>
<span class='c2'>From the only known copy of an engraving probably by John Harris, after a drawing by
William Burgis</span>
  </figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span></p>

<p>Thomas Hawkins, who owned the boat, had agreed with
Pound to put his men ashore at Nantasket, the consideration
being two shillings and six pence, but when the boat reached
Long Island, about halfway to the agreed destination, Hawkins
was ordered to anchor, and there they remained until early in
the morning. Before daylight Pound told Hawkins that he
had changed his mind about going to Nantasket and said that
his party would like to go fishing. So the anchor was hauled
aboard and soon the boat was sailing down the harbor. When
near Lovell’s Island, the sounds of men launching a boat were
heard and one of Pound’s men at once said, “There they are,”
and soon after a small boat with five men in it, came alongside
and boarded Hawkins’ boat. These men were armed and
Pound and one of his men, Richard Griffin, a gunsmith, also
had brought guns. Pound now took command and ordered
the fish casks thrown overboard and then directed that an
easterly course be made which soon carried the boat into deep
water beyond the Brewster Islands at the entrance to the
harbor. He told Hawkins that he and his men had agreed to
take the first vessel they met and proceed in her to the West
Indies, to prey on the French. Hawkins seems to have
acquiesced willingly and thereafter to have been the sailing-master
while Pound commanded the expedition.</p>

<p>Isaac Prince of Hull, the master of a small deck-sloop, had
been out in the Bay after mackerel and with a good catch
was about four or five leagues off the Brewsters, bound in,
when he was hailed from Thomas Hawkins’ boat bound out.
Hawkins brought his boat to the windward of the sloop and
asked Captain Prince if he had any mackerel and water to
spare and then bought eight penny worth of fish and was
given three or four gallons of water. The curiosity of the
fishermen was aroused because Hawkins was careful not to
bring his boat alongside the sloop but held her by the quarter
of the fisherman. The crew on the sloop also noted through
the cracks in the deck or covering of the Bermudas boat, some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>
ten or twelve men who seemed to be keeping out of sight, and
abaft a man, whose body was out of sight, was seen to peer at
the fishermen and then quickly draw back, so Captain Prince
asked Hawkins where he was bound, and he replied to Billingsgate,<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a>
and when asked how he came to be so far to the northward,
Hawkins replied “It’s all one to me.” The two vessels
then separated, but when the fishermen reached Boston, they
went at once to the Governor and reported the suspicious
conduct of Hawkins, whom they said “seemed very cheerful
and Merry.”<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a></p>

<p>When near Halfway Rock, only two or three hours after
parting with the sloop, Hawkins came up with the fishing
ketch “Mary,” Helling Chard,<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> master, owned by Philip
English, the great Salem merchant who was accused of witchcraft
three years later. The ketch was coming in from sea
with a full fare of fish when Captain Hawkins hailed and after
a show of arms took the vessel. Captain Chard knew Hawkins
and also recognized one of his men, “a Limping privateer
called Johnson.” When he reached Salem on Monday,
August 12th, Chard reported that when Hawkins came on
board the ketch on Friday, he pushed him away from the helm
and said the ketch was his prize. Later Hawkins told him that
as soon as they could take a better vessel and supply themselves
with provisions, they intended to go to the West Indies
and plague the French, and they expected forty more men who
had enlisted to join them shortly. Hawkins’ men were supplied
with firearms but had only “two gallons of powder”
aboard and so few bullets that as soon as the ketch had been
taken they set to work at once melting up all the lead they
could find to make bullets. Saturday night Captain Chard
and two of his men were set free and sent away in the Bermudas
boat and Hawkins and his crew, in the ketch, steered a course<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>
to the northeast, taking with them John Darby<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> of Marblehead,
who went voluntarily, and forcing a boy who could
speak French, intending to use him as an interpreter. When
Chard brought the news to Salem, information was sent at
once to the Governor and Council and a vessel manned by the
Salem and Marblehead militia was ordered out “to seeke
after and surprise ye said Ketch,” but it returned to harbor
without finding Pound and Hawkins.</p>

<p>Captain Pound, meanwhile, had ordered a course for Falmouth,
Maine, which was reached early Monday morning.
The ketch came to anchor about four miles below the fort and
sent ashore a long boat with three men in it, one of whom was
John Darby, who was known to Silvanus Davis, the commander
at Fort Loyal. While two of the men filled water
casks, Darby reported to Commander Davis that the ketch had
come from Cape Sable where it had been taken by a privateer
brigantine that had robbed them of some lead and most of
their bread and water. He also said that Captain Chard, the
master of the ketch, had hurt his foot and needed a doctor.
One was sent for and went out to the ketch immediately.
It was all a part of a scheme to secure his services for the proposed
expedition, but the doctor lost his courage and declined
the post, but when he came back to Falmouth, he had a variety
of tales about the ketch,—sometimes that there were few
on board and that they were honest, and at other times that
there were many on board.</p>

<p>It was noticed that the doctor, after he came back from the
ketch, was much in conversation with the soldiers belonging
to the fort which aroused the suspicions of the commander
so that at night, after all the soldiers were in their quarters, he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>
charged the guard to keep a close watch on the water side of the
fort. He little thought at the time that he was placing his
trust in men who already had planned to desert.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> For so it
turned out and as soon as the rest were asleep the guard and
sentinels robbed the sleeping soldiers of everything “except
what was on their backs,” took all the ammunition they could
lay their hands on, including a brass gun and going down to a
large boat, that was afloat just below the fort, went on board
the ketch. Commander Davis was greatly upset over what
had happened, and well he might be, for he lacked a sufficient
number of men to properly garrison the fort from Indian attack
and had no vessel to engage an enemy that might attack by
sea. As it turned out, the fort was attacked by French and
Indians the following May and forced to surrender when
women and children and wounded men were mercilessly
slaughtered.</p>

<p>The morning after the soldiers deserted, there being little
wind, Commander Davis sent two men in a canoe to demand
of Captain Pound that the soldiers be sent back to the fort.
He laughed at the request and not only refused to return any
of the arms and clothing that had been stolen from the sleeping
soldiers but threatened to go into the harbor and cut out a
sloop at anchor belonging to George Hesh.</p>

<p>After helping himself to a calf and three sheep feeding on
an island in the bay, Pound set sail for Cape Cod, and early
on the morning of the 16th came upon the sloop “Good
Speed,” John Smart, master, owned by David Larkin of
Piscataqua, lying at anchor under Race Point, at the tip of the
Cape. A boatload of armed men took possession of the sloop
and as she was a larger vessel than the ketch she was taken over
by the pirates and Captain Smart and his men were given the
ketch and set free. Pound told Captain Smart that when he
<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>reached Boston “to tell there that they knew ye Gov<sup>t</sup> Sloop
lay ready but if she came out after them &amp; came up w<sup>th</sup> them
they sh<sup>d</sup> find hott work for they w<sup>d</sup> die every man before
they would be taken.”</p>

<p>Smart reached Boston on the 19th with this audacious
message. The Great and General Court was in session at the
time and an order was immediately adopted to fit out the sloop
“Resolution,” Joseph Thaxter, commander (which had been
built during the Andros administration as a Province sloop,
but in some way had got into private hands), with a crew of
forty able seamen, to cruise along the coast and “strenuously
to Endeavour the Suppressing and seizing of all Pirates,
Especially one Thomas Hawkins, Pound and others confederated
with them,” being “very careful to avoid the
shedding of blood unless you be necessitated by resistance and
opposition made against you.” And as for “those men who
shall go forth in said Vessel ... It’s ordered that they be
upon usual monthly wages, and upon any casualty befalling
any of the said men by loss of Limb or otherwise be maimed
that meet allowance and provision be made for such.”<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Captain
Thaxter in the “Resolution,” was no more successful in
his search for pirates than the vessel that had been sent out
from Salem for the reason that the pirate sloop was constantly
moving about and after another capture at Homes’ Hole had
sailed through the Sound before a north-easterly gale and
finally brought up in York river, Virginia.</p>

<p>Soon after Pound took possession of the sloop “Good
Speed,” he put in to Cape Cod and sent some of his crew
ashore, in charge of Hawkins, to get fresh meat. They killed
four shoats and after wooding and watering, the sloop sailed
around the Cape to “Martyn’s Vineyard Sound,” and on
August 27th, sighted a brigantine at anchor in Homes’ Hole.
Pound ordered “a bloodie flagg” hoisted and running up to
the brigantine ordered her master to come aboard the pirate
sloop. The brigantine was the “Merrimack,” John Kent of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>
Newbury, master, and he at once obeyed the command, and
after reporting his destination and cargo, the vessel was
plundered of twenty half-barrels of flour, and sugar, rum and
tobacco. Captain Kent was then allowed to go.</p>

<p>Sailing out into the Sound the sloop ran into a stiff northeaster
and was forced away to Virginia where Pound found his
way into York river. Easterly winds kept him at anchor
here for over a week. This happened at a very fortunate time
for the man-of-war ketch at York river had sunk shortly
before and the ship on the station was being careened. The
sloop made into the mouth of James river and there lay
aground for a day before they could get her afloat again. While
the men were at work on the sloop, Pound and Hawkins went
ashore. There they met two sailors, John Giddings and
Edward Browne, who were looking for adventures and at
night these men came off to the sloop on a float bringing with
them a negro they had kidnapped belonging to a Captain
Dunbar. They also brought out some other spoil in the shape
of an old sail, a piece of dowlas, and some galls and copperas.
The next day the weather moderated and the sloop made sail
to go out into the bay. She hadn’t been out very long before
Hawkins noticed that they were being followed by another
sloop so all sail was crowded on and the strange sloop began to
fall behind and at length gave up the pursuit and went back
into James river.</p>

<p>From Virginia, Pound sailed directly for the Massachusetts
coast and came to anchor in Tarpaulin Cove, on the southeast
side of Nanshon Island in Vineyard Sound. Here they
filled their water casks. A Salem bark,<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> William Lord, master,
homeward bound from Jamaica, was also at anchor in the
Cove and as she was evidently more than they cared to tackle,
Hawkins went on board and offered to trade sugar for an
anchor. Captain Lord was ready to trade and he also purchased
for £12, the negro that had been brought from Virginia,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>
and gave a draft on Mr. Blaney of the Elizabeth Islands in
payment.</p>

<p>Not long after coming out of Tarpaulin Cove, Pound
sighted a small ketch, commanded by one Alsop, who escaped
into Martha’s Vineyard harbor when he found that he was
being chased and even then the ketch might have been taken
if the inhabitants hadn’t gathered and made a show of defending
her.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> This happened on a Sunday. Pound and his company
then went over the shoals about the same time that
Captain Lord sailed for home. Near Race Point, at the end of
Cape Cod, Hawkins went ashore with a boat’s crew and
making some excuse went inland over the dunes and didn’t
come back. After waiting a while the men returned to the
sloop and reported his desertion. Hawkins afterward claimed
that while at Tarpaulin Cove he had been recognized and told
if ever he came back to Boston he would be hanged. Probably
he thought he would try to save his skin if possible or at
least drop out of sight for a time.</p>

<p>After leaving the boat’s crew Hawkins walked south along
the shore and finally fell in with some Nauset fishermen to
whom he told his story of escaping from Pound and something
of his adventures. He asked their protection in case Pound
and his men should attempt to find him. The Nauset men,
however, made short work with Hawkins and after fleecing
him thoroughly turned him loose to shift for himself. Fortunately
he met Capt. Jacobus Loper,<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> the master of a small
sloop, whom he had known in Boston and who was about
setting sail for Boston and so was shipped for the voyage.
On the way Hawkins talked freely about his doings. He was
particularly bitter over his treatment by the Nauset fishermen
and said they “ware a pasel of Roughes &amp; if he got Cleer
at Boston from this troble that was now on him, as he did not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>
question but he should, he would be Revenged on them for
theire base dealing for they be wors pirats than Pounds &amp;
Johnson.”<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> He told Captain Loper that when he left Boston
their company had intended to go privateering and expected
to get a commission at St. Thomas. But when he was asked
if he proposed to go all the way to the West Indies in the
small Bermudas boat in which they left Boston, “he was upon
this surprised &amp; wholly silent.” Loper told him “that it
apeered by his words that he would first take a biger vessell
as he before said &amp; did: &amp; that he was a foole &amp; would hang
himself by his discorce then he answered, by God thay kant
hang me for what has bin don for no blood has bin shed.”<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>
As he neared Boston his courage began to fail and soon he
proposed to Captain Loper that for old acquaintance’ sake
he conceal him on board and send the sloop to Salem with
oysters and so allow him to escape to the Dutch man-of-war
lying there at anchor. This was a privateer, the “Abraham
Fisher, a Scotch Rotterdammer.” Loper, however, thought
best to turn him over to the Boston authorities and soon
Hawkins was shackled and safely lodged in the new stone
gaol.</p>

<p>Captain Pound, meanwhile, in no way distressed by Hawkins’
desertion, was busily at work robbing vessels in the
vicinity of the Cape. On Saturday evening, Sept. 28, 1689, he
sighted a small sloop and gave chase and brought her to anchor
under the Cape. She was from Pennsylvania. Not having
any salt pork on board she was allowed to go and Pound sailed
back over the shoals hoping for better luck in Vineyard Sound.
At “Homes his Hole” he found the sloop “Brothers Adventure,”
of New London, Conn., John Picket, master, just coming
out, having been forced in by bad weather. She was bound
for Boston and was loaded with the very provisions that Pound
had been in search of and a boat’s crew of armed men soon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>
induced Captain Picket to come to anchor beside the pirate
sloop. The loot amounted to thirty-seven barrels of pork,
three of beef and a good supply of pease, Indian corn, butter
and cheese. Having at last obtained the provisions so necessary
for a southern voyage, Captain Pound anchored in Tarpaulin
Cove while the rigging was overhauled and everything
made shipshape for the intended voyage to “Corazo”—Curacao,
the Dutch colony near the South American coast.
The Netherlands were then at peace with England and there
Pound could refit before going out to prey upon French
shipping out of Martinique. He lay in Tarpaulin Cove for two
days and was nearly ready to set sail when a sloop appeared
off the anchorage and steered directly for him. Pound at once
came to sail and stood away with the sloop in hot pursuit.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp85" style="max-width: 150em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i062' src='images/i062.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>ARMED SLOOP NEAR BOSTON LIGHTHOUSE IN 1729<br>
  <span class='c2'>From the only known copy of a mezzotint by William Burgis, published Aug. 11,
1729, and now in the possession of the United States Lighthouse Board</span>
  </figcaption>
</figure>

<p>It was now less than two weeks since that Sunday morning
when Captain Pound had chased a small ketch into Martha’s
Vineyard harbor. The island at that time was a part of the
colony of New York and as soon as the pirate was gone, Matthew
Mayhew, the local Governor, sent a messenger, riding
post, to inform the Governor and Council at Boston of the
presence of the pirate so that shipping bound westward might
be warned of the danger. The Council did more than that for
it commissioned Capt. Samuel Pease, late commander of the
Duke of Courland’s ship “Fortune,” two hundred tons and
twelve guns, to go to sea at once in the sloop “Mary,” with a
crew of twenty able seamen in search of the pirate. Benjamin
Gallop was commissioned lieutenant and the “Mary”
was supplied with a barrel of powder, fifty pounds of small
shot, and cartridge papers and match. Captain Pease was
instructed to endeavor to take the pirates by surprise if possible
and “to prevent ye sheding of blood as much as may bee.”<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a></p>

<p>The Council meeting was held on Monday, Sept. 30th and
the “Mary” sailed from Boston that evening every man on
board being a volunteer. When Captain Pease reached Cape<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>
Cod he learned that Pound had gone westward so he sailed on,
over the shoals, expecting to find him at Tarpaulin Cove.
On Friday morning when off Woods Hole, a canoe came out
with the information that the pirate was at Tarpaulin Cove:—</p>

<p>“Upon which Wee presently gave a great shout, and the
word was given to our men to make all ready which was
accordingly done, the wind being SSE, and blew hard. Quickly
after we were all ready we espied a Sloop ahead of us. We
made what saile we could, and quickly came so neere that we
put up our Kings Jack, and our Sloop sailing so very well we
quickly came within Shot, and our Captain ordered a great
Gun to be fired thwart her fore foot. On that a man of theirs
presently carryed up a Red flagg to the top of their maine
mast and made it fast. Our Captain then ordered a musket
to be fired thwart his forefoot. He not striking we came up
with him and our Captain commanded us to fire on them which
accordingly we did, and also called them to strike to the King
of England. Captain Pounds standing on the quarter deck
with his naked sword in his hand flourishing, said, come
aboard, you Doggs, and I will strike you presently or words
to that purpose. His men standing by him with their Guns in
their hands on the Deck, he taking up his Gun, they let fly a
volley upon us, and we againe at him. At last wee came to
Leeward of them, supposing it to be some Advantage to us
because the wind blew so hard and so our weather side did us
good. They perceiving this gave severall Shouts supposing
(as we did apprehend) that we would yield to them. Wee still
fired at them and they at us as fast as they could loade and
fire and in a little space we saw Pounds was shot and gone off
the deck. While we were thus in the fight two of our men met
with a mischance by the blowing up of some gun powder
which they perceiving by ye smoke (we being pretty near
them) gave severall shouts and fired at us as fast as they could.
Wee many times called to them, telling them if they would
yield to us we would give them good quarter, they utterly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>
refusing to have it, saying ‘Ai yee dogs, we will give you
quarter by and by.’ We still continued our fight, having two
more of our men wounded. At last our Captain was much
wounded so that he went off the deck. The Lieutenant quickly
after ordered us to get all ready to board them which was
readily done. Wee layed them on bord presently and at our
Entrance we found such of them that were not much wounded
very resolute, but discharging our Guns at them, we forthwith
went to club it with them and were forced to knock them
downe with the but end of our muskets. At last we queld
them, killing four and wounding twelve, two remaining pretty
well. The weather coming on very bad and being desirous to
get good Doctors or Surgeons for our wounded men, we shaped
our Course for Rhode Island and the same night we secured our
Prisoners and got in between Pocasset and Rhode Island.
The next day being Saturday, the fifth of October we got a
convenient house for our wounded men, got them on shore and
sent away to Newport for Doctors who quickly came and
dressed them. Our Captain being shot in the arm and in the
side and in the thigh, lost much blood and continued weak and
faint, and on Friday after, being the eleventh day of October,
he being on board intending to come home, we set saile and
were come but a little way before he was taken with bleeding
afresh, so that we came to an anchor againe and got him on
shore to another house on Rhode Island side, where he continued
very weake. In the afternoon he was taken with
bleeding again and with fits. He continued that night and
losing so much blood, on Saturday morning, the twelfth of
October, departed this life. We buried him at Newport, in
Rhode Island, the Monday following. That Monday at night
we set saile from Rhode Island and arrived at Boston on
Saturday the 18th of October with fourteen Prisoners. The
Bloody Flag was not put above Pounds his vessell before we
fired at them.”<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span></p>

<p>The prisoners were duly lodged in Boston’s new stone gaol
which had a dungeon in it, walls four feet thick, and all kinds
of irons to keep them there. The “treasure,” including the
sloop, was appraised at £209.4.6. As the owners of the sloop
declined to pay the salvage ordered on her, she was condemned
to her captors. Captain Pease left a widow and four orphans.
In December they were “in a poor and low condition” and
the General Court passed a bill providing for a “collection”
in the several meeting houses for their relief. The wounded
pirates were doctored by Thomas Larkin, whose bill for
attendance amounted to £21.10.0. Pound had been shot in
the side and arm “&amp; Severall bones Taken oute.” Thomas
Johnson lost part of his jaw; Buck had seven holes in one of
his arms; Griffin lost an eye and part of an ear; Siccadam
was shot through both legs; and Browne, Giddings, Phips,
Lander and Warren had various wounds.</p>

<p>Pound and Hawkins and the rest of their company lay in
prison until January 13, 1690, before they were brought to
trial. Hawkins had been examined by the aged Governor
Bradstreet and the Magistrates on October 4th and Pound had
given his version of their doings the day after he had been
placed in gaol. Hawkins was tried first,—on January 9th,
and found guilty at one session of the Court. Pound and the
rest of the indicted men were brought to trial on the 17th and
found guilty of felony, piracy and murder and Deputy-Governor
Thomas Danforth pronounced sentence of death,
that they “be hanged by the neck until they be dead.” Pound,
Hawkins, Johnson and Buck were ordered to be executed on
January 27th.</p>

<p>Samuel Sewall, the diarist, rode into Boston a little before
twelve o’clock on the day of the trial having spent the night
at Braintree. It had been a cold ride and a snowstorm was
threatening. After dinner he went to the Town House where
the Court was sitting and then in company with the Reverend
Cotton Mather, went to the gaol to visit the condemned<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>
prisoners. Mr. Mather never failed to attend to this detail of
his professional work and Pound and the others were thereupon
counseled and prayed with. Mr. Waitstill Winthrop, one of
the magistrates who had tried the pirates, was not satisfied
with the verdict or sentence and immediately after the trial
bestirred himself to obtain for them a reprieve. He went about
obtaining the signatures of influential persons and finally
headed a committee that went before the Governor and
petitioned that reprieve be granted. Sewall records in his
diary that he was one of those who called on the aged Governor
and asked that Pound and Buck be respited, and he further
relates that Mr. Winthrop, Col. Samuel Shrimpton, one of the
magistrates, and Isaac Addington, the clerk of the court,
followed him to his house with another petition asking that
Hawkins be reprieved. Sewall signed it and the Governor
granted the reprieve barely in time to save Hawkins’ neck
for he was on the scaffold and ready to be turned off when the
order reached the sheriff. “Which gave great disgust to the
People; I fear it was ill done”—writes Sewall. “Some in
the Council thought Hawkins, because he got out of the Combination
before Pease was kill’d, might live; so I rashly sign’d,
hoping so great an inconvenience would not have followed.
Let not God impute Sin.”<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> And so it happened that the only
entertainment found by the crowd that had gathered to see the
hanging was the turning off of Thomas Johnson, “the limping
privateer.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i066' src='images/i066.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>SAMUEL SEWALL, CHIEF JUSTICE OF THE SUPERIOR COURT IN MASSACHUSETTS, 1718-1728<br>
  <span class='c2'>From an original painting in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society]</span>
  </figcaption>
</figure>

<p>On February 20th, on petition of Thomas Hawkins and
others, the sentence of death was remitted on Hawkins, Warren,
Watts, Lander, Griffin, Siccadam, Buck and Dunn on
payment of twenty marks<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> each in money, to reimburse the
charges of the prosecution and imprisonment or else be sold
into Virginia. Pound’s name was not included with the others
but four days later, he was further reprieved from execution<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>
at the instance of Mr. Epaphras Shrimpton and sundry
women of quality. Who these “women of quality” were is
not known but Thomas Hawkins’s sisters had married the
leading men of the Colony and may have joined in the petitions.
One sister had been the second wife of Adam Winthrop,
brother of Waitstill Winthrop, who worked so earnestly for
the reprieves. At that time she was the wife of John Richards,
one of the magistrates, who had tried the pirates. Another
sister was the wife of Rev. James Allen of the First Church.
Hannah Hawkins had married Elisha Hutchinson, another of
the magistrates, and Abigail, married the Hon. John Foster,
while Hawkins lay in prison. Certainly these were “women of
quality,” and it seems strange, at this late day, that one so well
connected should have surreptitiously “gone privateering,”
or, in plainer language, have engaged in piracy.</p>

<p>On April 20, 1690, the “Rose” frigate, John George,
commander, lying before the town of Boston, whose sails had
been returned by the King’s command, sailed from Nantasket
for England, and carried Thomas Hawkins, the pirate, whose
sentence had been remitted, and Thomas Pound, his captain,
whose sentence had only been respited. The “Rose” went
into Piscataqua where she lay for a month waiting for two mast
ships to finish their lading and on May 19th sailed in convoy.
On the 24th, off Cape Sable, they met a privateer, “or Pirot,”
of thirty guns and well manned, from St. Malo, France. She
came up under English colors and when hailed from the
“Rose,” answered “Will tell you by and by.” Soon after
she hoisted French colors and fired a broadside and not less
than three hundred small arms. The “Rose” returned the
fire to good purpose and the nearest mast-ship also engaged
the Frenchman. The other mast-ship having only two guns
stood off. At a distance of half a musket-shot the fight obstinately
continued for nearly two hours.</p>

<p>“The Rose had her Mizzon shott down, her Ensign, her
sails and Rigging much torn, but so bored the French Man’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>
sides that his Ports were made Two or three into one. It was
almost quite Calm, else we had Run Thwart him with out
Head, and possibly might have sent him Low enough, but
we had not winde enough, so we Lay on his Quarter which we
fired so that he was necessitated to cutt down and Cast into
the Sea, which was so much as to burn in our View half an
hour as it floated in the Sea. We saw his Captain and Lieutenant
fall &amp; believe we could not have killed less than a
hundred of his men. His Tops were full of Grenadiers and
Fuzes which we saw fall like Pidgeons, and Multitudes of his
Men lay Slaughtered on his Decks. We would have taken
him for Certain would our heavy Ship have workt, but he
was a quick Sailor and so gott away. Captain George and
Mr. Wiggoner were slaine with Musket shott, 5 Common men
more were slain, and 7 desperately wounded. Mr. Maccarty’s
man Michael lost his arm. Paul Main, Sam Mixture and
Thomas Hawkins the Pirate, were amongst the slain.”<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a></p>

<p>Such was the end of Hawkins. As for Captain Pound,—he
reached England safely and on July 8th, after his arrival
at Falmouth, wrote to Sir Edmund Andros, then in London,
announcing his return and sending the latest news from New
England together with a short account of the fight with the
privateer. Pound published in London in 1691, “A New
Mapp of New England,” of which only one copy is now
known,<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and which served as a basis for other charts for
nearly fifty years after. The charge of piracy seems to have
been dismissed at once for on Aug. 5, 1690, he was appointed
captain of the frigate “Sally Rose,” of the Royal Navy.
In 1697 his ship was stationed at Virginia under his old patron
Governor Andros. In 1699, he retired to private life and died
in 1703, at Isleworth, county Middlesex, a “gentleman,” and
respected by friends and neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span></p>


<h3><span class="smcap">Captain Pound’s Company of Pirates</span></h3>

<p><i>Captain Thomas Pound</i>, pilot and sailing master on the
“Rose” frigate; embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat;
wounded in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove, shot in the side and
arm and several bones taken out; found guilty but reprieved;
sent to England where the charge was dismissed; given command
of a ship, and died in 1703 in England, honored and
respected.</p>

<p><i>Thomas Hawkins</i>, son of Capt. Thomas Hawkins, a Boston
privateersman, and Mary his wife; found guilty but reprieved;
sent to England but on the voyage was killed in an engagement
with a French privateer off Cape Sable.</p>

<p><i>Thomas Johnston</i>, of Boston, “the limping privateer”;
embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat; wounded in the
fight at Tarpaulin Cove; shot in the jaw and several bones
taken out; found guilty and hanged in Boston, Jan. 27, 1690;
the only one of the company who was executed.</p>

<p><i>Eleazer Buck</i>, embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat;
had seven holes shot through his arms in the fight at Tarpaulin
Cove; found guilty but pardoned on payment of
twenty marks.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a></p>

<p><i>John Siccadam</i>, embarked from Boston in Hawkins’ boat;
shot through both legs in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found
guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty marks.</p>

<p><i>Richard Griffin</i>, of Boston, gunsmith, embarked from Boston
in Hawkins’ boat; shot in the ear in the fight at Tarpaulin
Cove, the bullet coming out through an eye which he
lost; found guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty
marks.</p>

<p><i>Benjamin Blake</i>, a boy, who embarked from Boston in
Hawkins’ boat.</p>

<p><i>Daniel Lander</i>, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island,
Boston harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>
shot through an arm in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found
guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty marks.</p>

<p><i>William Warren</i>, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island,
Boston harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”;
shot in the head in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; found guilty
but pardoned on payment of twenty marks.</p>

<p><i>Samuel Watts</i>, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island,
Boston harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”;
found guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty marks.</p>

<p><i>William Dunn</i>, came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island,
Boston harbor, and probably from the frigate “Rose”;
found guilty but pardoned on payment of twenty marks.</p>

<p><i>Henry Dipper</i>, a member of Governor Andros’ company of
red coats, commanded by Francis Nicholson, the first English
regulars to come to Massachusetts, brought over in 1686;
came on board in a boat at Lovell’s Island, Boston harbor,
probably from the frigate “Rose”; killed in the fight at
Tarpaulin Cove or died of wounds soon after.</p>

<p><i>John Darby</i>, a Marblehead fisherman, one of the crew of the
ketch “Mary,” of Salem, captured by Pound; voluntarily
joined the expedition and was killed in the fight at Tarpaulin
Cove; left a widow and four children living at Marblehead.</p>

<p><i>A Boy</i>, one of the crew of the ketch “Mary,” of Salem,
captured by Pound; forced to join the expedition to serve as
an interpreter as he could speak French.</p>

<p><i>John Hill</i>, a member of Governor Andros’ company of red
coats, commanded by Francis Nicholson, the first English
regulars to come to Massachusetts, brought over in 1686;
was stationed at Fort Loyal, Falmouth, Maine, where he held
the rank of corporal; deserted and joined the expedition; killed
in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove.</p>

<p><i>John Watkins</i>, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed
in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove.</p>

<p><i>John Lord</i>, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed
in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove.</p>

<p><i>William Neff</i>, son of William and Mary Neff, born in 1667,
in Haverhill, Mass.; his father, while in the military service
against Indians, died in February, 1689, at Pemaquid, Maine;
a soldier and one of the garrison at Fort Loyal, Falmouth,
Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; was found not
guilty of piracy as it was shown that he was “enticed and
deluded away from the Garrison by his corporal,” John Hill;
the Court discharged him he paying for a gun belonging to
the country’s store.</p>

<p><i>William Bennett</i>, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; was
in prison at Boston, where he may have died as he never was
brought to trial.</p>

<p><i>James Daniels</i>, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition; killed
in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove.</p>

<p><i>Richard Phips</i>, a soldier, one of the garrison at Fort Loyal,
Falmouth, Maine; deserted and joined the expedition;
wounded in the head in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove; was in
prison in Boston where he may have died as he never was
brought to trial.</p>

<p><i>John Giddings</i>, joined the expedition at York River, Virginia,
was wounded in the fight at Tarpaulin Cove and imprisoned
in Boston, where he may have died as he never was brought
to trial.</p>

<p><i>Edward Browne</i>, joined the expedition at York River,
Virginia, and was wounded in a hand in the fight at Tarpaulin
Cove; at the trial was found not guilty.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Now the town of Wellfleet.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> <i>Suffolk County Court Files</i>, No. 2539: 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> Elsewhere written Allen Chard.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> John Darby probably was one of the four pirates who were killed
Oct. 4, <ins title='original: 1789'>1689</ins>, in the fight with the Colony sloop “Mary,” Captain Pease,
at Tarpaulin Cove. He had a wife and four children living at Marblehead.
His estate was inventoried on June 17, 1690, and his widow on
July 2, 1690, married John Woodbury of Beverly.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> These men were Corporal John Hill, John Watkins, John Lord, William
Neff, William Bennett, James Daniels, and Richard Phips.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. CVII, leaves 277-279.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> In Hawkins’ deposition called a <i>brigantine</i>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. XXXV, leaf 10a.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Captain Loper was a Portuguese whaler and oysterman who had been
on the Cape since 1665.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> <i>Suffolk Court Files</i>, No. 2539: 13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> <i>Ibid.</i></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. XXXV, leaf 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> <i>Suffolk Court Files</i>, No. 2539: 9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> <i>Diary of Samuel Sewall</i>, Vol. I, p. 310.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> £13.6.8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> <i>Gay Transcripts</i>, <i>Phips</i> (Mass. Hist. Society), Vol. I, leaf 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> In the Library of Congress collection.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> Charnock, <i>Biographia Navalis</i>, Vol. II, p. 401.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> £13.6.8.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V<br>
<span class="ch-title">Capt. William Kidd, Privateersman and Reputed
Pirate</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Long after sunset in the evening of June 13, 1699, there
came riding over Boston Neck, a weary horseman who
inquired his way to the Blue Anchor Tavern, and after
a hasty supper was directed to the fine brick house of Mr.
Peter Sergeant where the Governor, the Earl of Bellomont,
lately arrived from New York, was lodging. It was “late at
night” when he reached the house but the Governor at once
received him on learning that the stranger was Joseph Emmot,
a New York lawyer with important news. In the Governor’s
study the lawyer announced that he had come in behalf of
Capt. William Kidd, the proscribed pirate, who had sailed
from New York, Sept. 5, 1696, on a privateering venture
against the pirates that went out from New England and New
York and made captures about the island of Madagascar and
on the Arabian coast.</p>

<p>Captain Kidd’s appearance just at that time probably was
not wholly unexpected by the Governor, as will be seen later,
but his return unhappily called for an immediate decision as
to what course should be pursued, for Governor Bellomont had
a personal interest in the venture that had sent Kidd into the
Eastern Seas. It was he who had obtained from the King the
commission under which Captain Kidd sailed and he had also
written the sailing orders by which Kidd was directed to
“serve God in the best Manner you can” and after reaching
“the Place and Station where you are to put the Powers you
have in Execution: and having effected the same, you are
according to Agreement, to sail directly to Boston in New<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>
England there to deliver unto me the whole of what Prizes,
Treasure, Merchandizes, and other Things you shall have
taken.... I pray God grant you a good success, and send
us a good Meeting again,” concludes the noble Earl.</p>

<p>The King’s commission to Captain Kidd was issued Jan.
26, 1696, and directed him to apprehend Thomas Tew of
Rhode Island, Thomas Wake and William Maze of New
York, John Ireland and “all other Pirates, Free-booters, and
Sea Rovers, of what Nature soever ... upon the Coasts of
America or in any other Seas or Parts.” In substance it was
a special commission for the capture of Captain Tew and other
known pirates, added to the usual powers granted to the
privateer.</p>

<p>Associated with Bellomont in this venture were Lord
Somers, the Lord Chancellor; the Earl of Orford, the First
Lord of the Admiralty; the Earl of Romney and the Duke of
Shrewsbury, Secretaries of State; Robert Livingston, Esq.
of New York, and Captain Kidd;<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> who had together subscribed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>
£6000, with which to purchase and refit the ship
“Adventure Galley,” 287 tons burthen, armed with thirty-four
guns. Livingston and Kidd were to pay one-fifth of the
cost and the remainder was to be met by the titled members
of the Government in London.</p>

<p>The Government undoubtedly was interested in the suppression
of piracy along the American coast and elsewhere,
but the particular interest of Bellomont and his associates
seems to have been in the “Goods, Merchandizes, Treasure
and other Things which shall be taken from the said Pirates,”
one-fourth part of which, by agreement, was to go to the
ship’s crew. The remainder was to be divided into five parts,
“whereof the said Earl is to have to his own Use, Four full
parts, and the other Fifth Part is to be equally divided between
the said Robert Livingston and the said Wm. Kidd.”</p>

<p>The agreement provided that Captain Kidd was to man the
galley with a crew of one hundred men shipped under a “no
purchase,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> no pay” contract, and in case prize goods to the
value of £100,000 or more were brought to Boston in New
England and delivered to the Earl of Bellomont, that then the
galley should become the property of Captain Kidd as a
“Gratification for his Good Service therein.” If the venture
was unsuccessful, all charges were to be repaid to Bellomont
by Mar. 25, 1697, “the Danger of the Seas, and of the Enemy,
and Mortality of the said Captain Kidd, always excepted,”
and then the galley and her fittings were to become the
property of Livingston and Kidd.</p>

<p>Nearly three years had passed since Captain Kidd had
sailed from New York. In August, 1698, the East India Company
had complained of piracies said to have been committed
by him and four months later the Lords of Trade issued a
letter urging the apprehension of “the obnoxious pirate
Kidd.” In December, 1698, when a general pardon was
extended to pirates who should surrender themselves, Kidd<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>
and “Long Ben” Avery, who was famous for his piracies
on the Arabian coast, were excluded from the “Act of Grace.”</p>

<p>On May 15, 1699, however, Bellomont wrote from New
York to the Lords of Trade:</p>

<p>“I am in hopes the several reports we have here of Captain
Kidd’s being forced by his men against his will to plunder two
Moorish ships may prove true, and ’tis said that neare one
hundred of his men revolted from him at Madagascar and were
about to kill him when he absolutely refused to turn pirate.”</p>

<p>Richard Coote, the first Earl of Bellomont, had been
appointed Governor of New England and New York in 1695.
He made his headquarters in New York and it was not until
May 26, 1699, that he visited Boston. On June 1, 1699,
Captain Kidd reached Delaware Bay. Did Bellomont know
that he was coming and go to Boston to meet him, in accordance
with their mutual agreement and also because he was
afraid of the consequences if he tried to arrest him in New
York as instructed by the Lords of Trade? On Dec. 6, 1700,
Bellomont wrote from New York to Secretary Vernon:</p>

<p>“I own I wrote to Kidd to come to New York after I knew
he had turned pirate. Menacing him would not bring him but
rather wheedling and that way I took and after that manner
got him to Boston and secured him. If I was faulty by the
letter I wrote by Burgesse, I was no less so by that I sent by
Cambel which brought him to Boston.”</p>

<p>Whatever the circumstances or coincidence, Governor
Bellomont came over the road from his New York government
and arrived in Boston on Friday, May 26, 1699, where he
lodged with Mr. Peter Sergeant in what was afterwards
known as the “Province House”—the home of the provincial
governors—and here he received “late at night” on the
evening of June 13th, Mr. Joseph Emmot, the New York
lawyer who specialized in admiralty cases.</p>

<p>The Governor afterwards reported to the Council of Trade
and Plantations that during that midnight conference he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>
learned that Captain Kidd was on the coast in a sloop (Emmot
would not say where) and had brought with him sixty pounds
weight of gold, a hundred weight of silver and a number of
bales of East India goods and that Kidd had left near the
coast of Hispaniola, in a place where no one but himself could
find, a great ship loaded with bale goods, saltpetre and other
valuable commodities, to the value of at least £30,000. Emmot
brought word that if the Governor would give Captain Kidd
a pardon he would bring the sloop and treasure to Boston and
afterwards go for the great ship. Emmot also delivered to
Bellomont two French passes which Captain Kidd had taken
on board two Moorish ships that he had captured in the seas
of India, “or, as he alleges by his men against his will.”<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>
These two ship’s passes were evidence that the prizes taken
were lawful spoil under his commission. It was the suppression
of this evidence and Captain Kidd’s inability to produce them
at the time of his trial that contributed largely to his conviction
and execution.</p>

<p>When Governor Bellomont learned of the great value of the
booty brought back by Captain Kidd he probably experienced
conflicting emotions. Here was plunder to the value of
£40,000 or more in which he and his associates might have
had a considerable interest and yet, it must slip through his
fingers because it chanced that Kidd had been proscribed as a
pirate on Nov. 23, 1698, at the instigation of an interfering
East India Company. Bellomont’s instructions from London
required that Kidd, his late associate and co-partner, should
be arrested and as he had been sent to New York with a
special mission to suppress piracy and unlawful trading and
there seemed to be no way out by which he might now share
in the loot, unless Kidd could be cleared of the charge of
piracy, there was nothing for him to do but to secure Kidd and
send him to London for trial in accordance with the English<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>
law. He therefore sent for Duncan Campbell, the postmaster
in Boston, a bookseller, who like Captain Kidd, was a Scotchman
and an old acquaintance of the captain and instructed
him to go with Emmot and obtain from Kidd a statement of
what had taken place during his voyage.</p>

<p>Campbell and Emmot sailed from Boston in a small sloop
on the morning of June 17th and about three leagues from
Block Island met the sloop commanded by Captain Kidd who
at that time had sixteen men on board. Seemingly both captain
and crew felt reasonably sure of Bellomont’s protection,
but Campbell brought back word to the Governor that they
had heard in the West Indies of their having been proclaimed
pirates and therefore the crew would not consent to come into
any port without some assurance from Bellomont that they
would not be imprisoned or molested. Captain Kidd had
related in much detail the occurrences of his privateering
voyage and had protested with much earnestness that he had
done nothing contrary to his commission and orders aside
from what he was forced to do when overpowered by his men
who afterwards deserted. The crew on board the sloop also
solemnly protested their innocence of piracy. Kidd sent word
to Bellomont that if so directed he would navigate the sloop
to England and there render an account of his proceedings.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a></p>

<p>Duncan Campbell returned to Boston on June 19 and
reported to the Governor in writing and the same day a meeting
of the Council was held at which Bellomont announced for
the first time the return of Captain Kidd and presented the
report just made by Postmaster Campbell. The Governor
also exhibited a draft of a letter which he proposed to send to
Captain Kidd and this was approved by the Council and given
to Emmot with instructions to deliver it to Kidd. This letter
was in substance a safe conduct and in part reads as follows:<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a></p>

<p>“I have advised with His Majesty’s Council, and shewed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>
them this letter, and they are of the opinion that if your
case be so clear as you (or Mr. Emmot for you) have said, that
you may safely come hither, and be equipped and fitted out
to go and fetch the other ship, and I make no manner of doubt
but to obtain the King’s pardon for you, and for those few
men you have left, who I understand have been faithful to
you, and refused as well to dishonour the Commission you
have from England.</p>

<p>“I assure you on my Word and Honour I will perform
nicely what I have promised though this I declare beforehand
that whatever goods and treasure you may bring hither, I
will not meddle with the least bit of them; but they shall be
left with such persons as the Council shall advise until I
receive orders from England how they shall be disposed of.”</p>

<p>Captain Kidd seems to have taken Bellomont’s assurances
at face value, but nevertheless he decided to get rid of most of
his valuable cargo before sailing for Boston; so he set a course
for Gardiner’s Island at the eastern end of Long Island, where
Emmot left him and returned to New York in a small boat.
Kidd lay at anchor here for several days. Three or four small
sloops appeared in which chests and bales of goods were transshipped
and finally Kidd sent for John Gardiner, the owner of
the island, and asked him to take charge of a chest and a box
containing gold dust with several bales of goods, all of which
he assured him were intended for Governor Bellomont.
Gardiner consented and gave him a receipt. Meanwhile Mrs.
Kidd<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> and her children had come from New York, and taking
on board Benjamin Bevins, a pilot, Kidd sailed around the
Cape and reached Boston Harbor on Saturday, July 1st,
where tide waiters were put on board the sloop and the captain
and his wife found lodgings at the house of Postmaster
Campbell.</p>

<p>The Governor was sick with the gout when Kidd reached<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>
Boston, but on Monday, July 3d, he met with the Council and
Captain Kidd was sent for and questioned. He asked leave
to make a detailed report in writing. The next day he was
present with five of his company and was questioned further
and allowed more time in which to prepare his report. On
Thursday morning at nine o’clock, he was sent for again and
informed the Council that his report would be ready that
evening. It was at this meeting that the Governor first informed
the Council that he had instructions to arrest Kidd
and his men and that afternoon the warrants were issued.
It chanced that the constables looking for Captain Kidd came
upon him near the Sergeant house where the Governor lodged
and when Kidd found that he was in danger of arrest he ran
into the house with the constables after him, in the hope of
finding a refuge in the Governor’s study. It was a dramatic
situation and Captain Kidd at once found that Bellomont’s
fair assurances of protection were worthless.</p>

<p>At first Kidd was confined in the house of the prison-keeper,
but after a day or two he was ordered placed in the
stone gaol and kept in irons. His lodgings were searched and
in two sea beds were found gold dust and ingots to the
value of about £1000 and a bag of silver containing money
and pigs of silver. Even the household plate and clothing belonging
to Mrs. Kidd were seized, though afterwards restored.</p>

<p>On July 26th, Governor Bellomont wrote to the Lords of
Trade and Plantations giving a full account of what had taken
place and asked what should be done with Kidd and other
pirates then in custody. At that time a pirate could not be
convicted in the Province of Massachusetts and be punished
by death. The English statute provided that pirates should
be tried before a High Court of Admiralty sitting in London
and this made it necessary to send Kidd to England.</p>

<p>On Feb. 6, 1700, His Majesty’s ship “Advice” arrived in
Boston harbor with orders to convey Kidd, Bradish and other
pirates to England for trial. Ten days later they were safely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>
on board and on April 8th Kidd was in England, arriving just
as Parliament was proceeding in “An humble address to his
Majesty to remove John, Lord Somers, Lord Chancellor of
England, from his presence and counsels forever.” Lord
Somers with other members of the existing Government had
been associated with Bellomont in sending out Kidd and his return
in irons just at that time, accused of piracy, supplied ammunition
for the Opposition and made his case a political issue.</p>

<p>Another powerful influence was working for Kidd’s destruction.
He had been denounced as a pirate by the East India
Company which enjoyed a monopoly of English trade in the
Indian Seas and confiscated the ships and goods of private
traders as it pleased. Kidd was accused of seizing two ships
belonging to the Great Mogul with whom the East India
Company desired to remain on friendly terms. His defense
was that the two captured ships sailed under French passes
issued by the French East India Company and therefore they
automatically became enemy ships and lawful prizes, when
taken by him. It was upon the existence of these two French
passes that his life then depended. Even his enemies admitted
that their introduction as evidence at his trial would go a long
way to clear him of the charge of piracy. The original documents
had been turned over by him in good faith to Bellomont
and in turn had been sent to the Lords of Trade. They
were before the House of Commons during the examination of
Kidd, but when he was brought to trial before the Court of
Admiralty, they had strangely disappeared and Kidd was
deprived of the very cornerstone of his defense. Political
exigencies demanded that he should become a scapegoat and
the life-saving passes disappeared. Strangely enough, however,
they were not destroyed at the time and have recently
come to light<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> in the Public Record Office, so that two centuries
after Captain Kidd was ignominiously executed for piracy it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>
becomes possible to reestablish his fame as a master mariner of
good repute and a privateersman who attacked only the ships
of the enemies of the King of England.</p>

<p>Captain Kidd remained in gaol for over a year before he was
brought to trial and then not for piracy, as he had expected,
“but being moved and seduced by the instigations of the
Devil ... he did make an assault in and upon William
Moore upon the high seas ... with a certain wooden bucket,
bound with iron hoops, of the value of eight pence, giving the
said William Moore ... one mortal bruise of which the
aforesaid William Moore did languish and die.” William
Moore had been the gunner on the “Adventure Galley,”
Captain Kidd’s vessel, and during an altercation, Kidd had
struck him on the right side of the head with an iron-bound
bucket. He died the next day in consequence. Kidd’s
defense was that Moore was the leader of a mutinous crew; but
it is evident from the minutes of the trial that there was no
question as to what the verdict would be. At the most he
should only have been convicted of manslaughter. The jury
found him guilty of murder.</p>

<p>Having made certain that Kidd would be hanged, the
Court next ordered him brought to trial under an indictment
for piracy. He asked postponement until his papers and
particularly the two French passes could be obtained and
submitted as evidence, but without avail. The Lord Chief
Baron, in summing up the evidence even went so far as to
suggest that they existed only in Kidd’s imagination. With
the East India Company forcing a prosecution and the Lord
Chancellor and other high officials in danger should he make
damaging disclosures, it was only a question of time. Kidd
hadn’t a ghost of a chance for his life.</p>

<p>After sentence had been pronounced, Captain Kidd said:
“My Lord, it is a very hard sentence. For my part I am
innocentest of them all, only I have been sworn against
by perjured persons.” And he told the truth.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i082' src='images/i082.jpg' alt=''>
<figcaption>
A FULL<br>
ACCOUNT<br>
OF THE<br>
PROCEEDINGS<br>
In Relation to<br>
Capt.<span class='xls'> KIDD</span>.<br>
In two <span class='xls'>LETTERS</span>.<br>
<br>
Written by a Person of Quality to a Kinsman of the Earl of <i>Bellomont</i> in <i>Ireland</i>.<br>
<br>
<i>LONDON</i>,<br>
<br>
Printed and Sold by the Booksellers of <i>London</i> and <i>Westminster</i>. MDCCI.<br>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span></p>

<p>On May 23, 1721, he was hanged at Execution Dock, on the
Thames water front at Wapping, after which his body was
placed in chains and gibbetted on the shore near Tilbury
Fort, in the lower reaches of the river.</p>

<p>Captain Kidd as he is recalled today is a composite type.
All the pirates who have frequented the New England coast
have become blended into one and that one—Captain Kidd.
A credulous public even denies him his own name and sings of
Robert Kidd in the famous ballad:—</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">My name was Robert Kidd, when I sail’d, when I sail’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">My name was Robert Kidd, when I sail’d;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">My name was Robert Kidd, God’s law I did forbid,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">And so wickedly I did, when I sail’d.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">
<hr class="tb"></div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">I’d a Bible in my hand, when I sail’d, when I sail’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">I’d a Bible in my hand, when I sail’d;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">I’d a Bible in my hand, by my father’s great command,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">But I sunk it in the sand, when I sail’d.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">

<hr class="tb"></div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">I murder’d William Moore, as I sail’d, as I sail’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">I murder’d William Moore, as I sail’d;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">I murder’d William Moore, and left him in his gore,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Not many leagues from shore, as I sail’d.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">

<hr class="tb"></div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">I’d ninety bars of gold, as I sail’d, as I sail’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">I’d ninety bars of gold, as I sail’d;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">I’d ninety bars of gold, and dollars manifold,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">With riches uncontroll’d, as I sail’d.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">

<hr class="tb"></div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">Come all ye young and old, see me die, see me die,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Come all ye young and old, see me die;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Come all ye young and old, you’re welcome to my gold,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">For by it I’ve lost my soul, and must die.</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>


<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Capt. William Kidd was born in Greenock, Scotland, about 1655 and
probably was the son of Rev. John Kidd who suffered the torture of the
boot. In August, 1689, he arrived at the island of Nevis, in the West Indies,
in command of a privateer of sixteen guns that had been taken from the
French at Basseterre by the English members of her crew. The next year
his privateer took part in Hewetson’s expedition to Mariegalante; but in
February, 1691, while he was on shore, his company deserted him and
ran away with the vessel. Most of the crew were former pirates and
liked their old trade better. A month later he reached New York where
he obtained command of another privateer and before long brought in a
French ship. The last of May, 1691, the Government sent him out in
pursuit of a French privateer which he followed so leisurely that she escaped.
Arriving at Boston, June 8th, he received proposals to go in
search of the privateer which were not satisfactory to him and further
negotiations were without result, so that complaint was made to the
Governor of New York that Kidd neglected a fair opportunity to take her.
In August, 1695, he was in London, in command of the brigantine “Antego,”
and while there testified as to the irregularities existing in New
York. Two months later, on October 10th, he signed articles with the
Earl of Bellomont which sent him to the Indian ocean and later to Execution
Dock on the Thames.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Prizes.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> <i>Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1699, pp. 366-367.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> <i>Calendars of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1699, p. 371.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> The original letter is now preserved in the Boston Public Library.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> Captain Kidd married in May, 1691, Sarah Oort, the widow of John
Oort, merchant of New York.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> See Paine, <i>The Book of Buried Treasure</i>, page 104, for a photographic
reproduction.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI<br>
<span class="ch-title">Thomas Tew, who Retired and Lived at Newport</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Privateering was a thriving business during the
last half of the seventeenth century, and commissions
were issued in large numbers by all the colonial governors
in America.</p>

<p>In 1691, Thomas Tew, a young seaman hailing from Rhode
Island in New England, came into Bermuda with gold in
his pockets and after a time purchased a share in the sloop
“Amity,” owned by merchants and officials living on the
island, among whom were Thomas Hall, Richard Gilbert,
John Dickenson, Col. Anthony White and William Outerbridge.
The latter was a member of the Governor’s Council.
Tew claimed to belong to a good Rhode Island family that
had been living there since 1640,<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> and having interested his
part-owners in the “Amity,” a privateering commission
was obtained from the governor and beating up a willing
crew of volunteers, the sloop, with Tew in command, was
shortly on her eastward passage.</p>

<p>It was afterwards claimed by one Weaver, counselor for
the King in the prosecution of Governor Fletcher of New
York, that during Tew’s stay at Bermuda “it was a thing
notoriously known to everyone that he had before then been
a pirate”;<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a> and a sailor who had known him well testified
that he “had been rambling.” When Tew sailed from Bermuda
there went in company with him another privateer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span>
sloop commanded by Capt. George Drew, fitted out by the
governor, and the commissions issued to these captains instructed
them to take the French factory at Goree, on the
river Gambia, on the west coast of Africa.</p>

<p>On the voyage out a violent storm came up; Captain
Drew’s sloop sprung her mast and the two vessels lost sight
of each other. A morning or two after the gale had spent
itself Captain Tew ordered all hands on deck and told them
that they probably realized the proposed attack on the
French factory would be of little value to the public and of
no particular reward to them for their bravery. As for
booty, there was not the least prospect of any. Speaking
for himself, he had only agreed to take a commission for the
sake of being employed and therefore he was of the opinion
they should turn their thoughts to bettering their condition
and if so inclined he would shape a course that would lead
to ease and plenty for the rest of their days. The ship’s
company undoubtedly were prepared for Captain Tew’s
proposal for we are told that they unanimously cried out,
“A gold chain or a wooden leg—we’ll stand by you.”<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>

<p>A quartermaster was then chosen to look out for the interests
of the ship’s company and instead of continuing the
voyage to Gambia, a course was made for the Cape of Good
Hope and in time the Red Sea was reached. Just as they were
entering the Strait of Babelmandeb, a large and richly laden
Arabian vessel hove in sight carrying about three hundred
soldiers and much gold. Tew told his men that this was
their opportunity to strike for fortune and although it was
apparent that the ship was full of men and mounted a great
number of guns, the Arabs would be lacking in skill and
courage; which proved true for she was taken without loss.
Each man’s share in the gold and jewels amounted to over
three thousand pounds sterling and the store of powder was
so great that much was thrown overboard.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span></p>

<p>From the Strait they steered for Madagascar where the
quartermaster and twenty-three others elected to leave the
ship and settle there proposing to enjoy a life of ease in a
delightful climate producing all the necessaries for existence.
The rest of the company remained with Captain Tew who
planned to return to America. The sloop sailed but before
getting out of sight of land sighted a ship and Tew, thinking
to return home somewhat richer, stood towards her and
when within gunshot hoisted black colors and fired a gun
to windward. The stranger hove to and fired a gun to leeward
and hoisting out a boat Captain Tew soon learned
that he had intercepted Captain Mission, a famous pirate
in those parts who had come out from France with a privateering
commission and some time before had established a
settlement on Madagascar and named it Libertatia.</p>

<p>Captain Tew was invited on board the “Victoire,” Captain
Mission’s ship, and after being handsomely entertained
was invited to visit the pirate colony that had been set up
at Libertatia. On returning to the sloop and telling his men
what he had learned, the company consented and Mission’s
ship was followed until the harbor was reached which they
were much surprised to see was well fortified. The first fort
saluted them with nine guns and the company on shore received
Captain Tew and his men with great civility. He
was soon invited to take part in a council of officers to consider
what should be done with the large number of prisoners
brought in by Mission. Seventy-three of these men, English
and Portuguese, took on and the rest were set at work on a
dock in process of construction about half a mile above the
mouth of the harbor.</p>

<p>Tew and his men were charmed with the settlement and
the new friends they had made and here they remained until
Captain Mission, desiring to strengthen his colony, decided
to send a ship to Guinea to seize slaving ships frequenting
that coast. He offered the command of this expedition to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span>
Captain Tew and gave him a crew of two hundred men composed
of thirty English and the rest French, Portuguese
and negroes.</p>

<p>Tew didn’t sight a vessel until in the Atlantic, north of
the Cape of Good Hope, where he fell in with a Dutch East
Indiaman of eighteen guns which he took with the loss of
but one man and secured several chests filled with English
crowns. Nine of the Dutchmen joined his company and the
rest were set ashore in Soldinia Bay. On the coast of Angola
he took an English vessel with two hundred and forty slaves
aboard among whom the negroes in his crew found relatives.
These men told the slaves of the happy life they lead in Madagascar
where none lived in slavery and so prepared, their
leg irons and handcuffs were taken off and a course was made
for Libertatia where the captured slaves were set at work
on the dock.</p>

<p>After his return Captain Tew was given command of a
sloop mounting eight guns and manned with one hundred
men and with the schoolmaster in command of another sloop
of about the same size, made a voyage around Madagascar
charting the coast and discovering the shoals and depths
of water. Tew’s sloop was called the “Liberty.” The
schoolmaster commanded the “Childhood”; and the expedition
was absent nearly four months.</p>

<p>Not long after this Captain Tew proposed that he should
return to America and arrange with merchants to send to
Madagascar ship’s stores, clothing and a variety of luxuries
needed for the safety and comfort of the pirate colony. Some
of his men also wished to return to their families, and so the
“Amity” was refitted and Tew set a course for the Cape
and soon was in the South Atlantic bound for the island of
Bermuda. Contrary winds prevented, however, and running
into a brisk gale he sprung his mast and after beating
about for a fortnight at last made his old home at
Newport, R. I., where he was received with much respect<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span>
when his prosperous “privateering” voyage became
known.</p>

<p>From here he dispatched an account to his part-owners
in Bermuda and an order for them to send an agent to receive
their share in the produce of the voyage and a few weeks
later a sloop arrived, commanded by one Captain Stone, who,
some years after testified that when he presented his order
to Captain Tew from the Bermuda owners, he found that
part of the money was buried in the ground at Newport and
for the remainder he was obliged to go to Boston.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p>

<p>Outerbridge, the councillor, received £540 left by Tew
in Boston and his entire share in the proceeds of the voyage
amounted to over £3000, which reached him in the form of
“Lyon dollars and Arabian gold.” The pieces of Arabian
gold were then worth about two Spanish dollars and soon
were common in Rhode Island and New York. Tew’s share
in the proceeds amounted to about £8000.</p>

<p>Some ten years later, when Kidd and Bradish had been
hanged and the Council of Trade was busily engaged in stirring
up matters supposedly overlooked or forgotten, an
officious agent of the Council appeared at Bermuda and began
to uncover the close relations existing between pirates
and prominent merchants and officials in the islands. Some
of the facts concerning Outerbridge, Colonel White and
others then came out and were reported to London. The
agent was George Larkin and he brought a commission as
Judge of an Admiralty Court which very soon was ignored
and when his true activities were recognized he was threatened
and various complaints were made under oath and at last
he was arrested “by the Marshall with a file of musqueteers
and taken to the castle, a forlorne place, where there is but
one room and the waves of the sea beat over the platform
into it in stormy weather.... The Clerk of the Justices<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>
came to the Islands, a fidler in a Pyrate ship and the proceedings
here against me differ in few circumstances from the Inquisition
till they come to the Rack.”<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a></p>

<p>Captain Tew when in Boston had applied to the governor
for a new privateering commission and been refused but
found no considerable objection in Rhode Island although
it cost him £500. In New York, he found Frederick Phillips
not averse to making profitable voyages to Madagascar
and soon the ship “Frederick” was dispatched with a full
cargo and seven years later the Rev. John Higginson of Salem,
when writing to his son Nathaniel, in command of Fort
George, at Madras, reported the current rumor that Phillips
had attained an estate of £100,000, much of it gained in the
pirate trade to Madagascar.</p>

<p>Having completed his arrangements, Tew set sail with
a commission authorizing him to seize the ships of France
and the enemies of the Crown of England and in a few weeks
had rounded the Cape and was at anchor in the harbor at
Libertatia.</p>

<p>Not long after his return he went out with Captain Mission
on a cruise to the Red Sea, each in command of a ship manned
by about two hundred and fifty men including many negroes.
Off the coast of Arabia Felix they came upon a large ship
belonging to the Great Mogul with more than a thousand
pilgrims on board bound for Mecca. The ship carried one
hundred and ten guns but made a poor defence and was
boarded and taken without the loss of a single man. After
a consultation it was decided to put the prisoners ashore near
Aden, but as they wanted women, over one hundred unmarried
girls, from twelve to eighteen years old, were kept
notwithstanding their tears and the lamentations of their
parents. With the large ship in company they made their
way back to Libertatia where they found in her hold a vast<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span>
quantity of diamonds, besides rich silks, spices, rugs and
wrought and bar gold.</p>

<p>The prize was a heavy sailer and of no use so she was taken
to pieces and her guns mounted in two batteries near the
mouth of the harbor. The settlement was now so strongly
fortified that there was little danger of successful attack from
shipping. By this time they had also cleared and cultivated
a considerable area of land and had in pasturage over three
hundred black cattle. The dock was finished and all were
living comfortably and happily each supplied according to
taste and nationality with several white, yellow or black
wives.</p>

<p>One morning a sloop that had been sent out to exercise
the negroes, came back chased by five tall ships which proved
to be fifty-gun ships flying the Portuguese flag. The alarm
was given and all the forts and batteries manned. Tew
commanded the English and Mission commanded the French
and the negroes. The two forts at the entrance to the harbor
didn’t stop the ships, though one was brought on the careen,
but once inside, the forts, batteries, sloops and ships gave
them so warm a reception that two of them sank and many
men were drowned. Having entered just before the turn
of the tide, the other ships, with the help of the ebb tide,
made haste to escape; but they were followed by the ships and
sloops in the harbor and in the bay, after a running fight,
one was taken that greatly increased the store of powder and
shot in the magazine. The other two escaped but in crippled
condition. This was the engagement with the pirates that
made so much noise in Europe and America.</p>

<p>Captain Tew was now made admiral of their fleet and
proposed building an arsenal, which was agreed upon. He
also proposed going on a cruise, hoping to meet East India
ships and bring in some volunteers, for he thought the colony
at that time more in need of men than riches. The flagship
“Victoire” was accordingly fitted out and manned with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span>
three hundred men and Tew put to sea intending to call
first at the settlement made by his former quartermaster
and men, where, coming to anchor, he went ashore. The
governor, <i>alias</i> quartermaster, received him civilly but could
not be persuaded to agree upon a change in his comfortable
situation where his company enjoyed all the necessaries of
life and were free and independent of all the world.</p>

<p>Late that afternoon, while they were drinking a bowl of
punch, a violent storm came up suddenly with so high a sea
that Captain Tew could not go out to his ship. The storm
increased and in less than two hours the “Victoire” parted
her cables and was driven ashore on a steep point where
everyone on board was drowned in sight of Tew who could
give no assistance. Not knowing which way to turn he
remained with his former men hoping that Captain Mission
in time might come in search of him, which happened a few
weeks later.</p>

<p>One morning two sloops came to anchor off-shore and
soon a canoe was hoisted out and brought Captain Mission
ashore. He brought doleful news. At dead of night two
great bodies of natives had come down on the pirate settlement
and slaughtered men, women and children without
mercy. The absence of the three hundred men on the “Victoire”
and the sailing about the same time of another pirate
ship, the “Bijoux,” had so weakened the settlement that
the natives soon prevailed through sheer force of numbers
and Captain Mission escaped with only forty-five men. He
was able, however, to bring away with him a considerable
weight of rough diamonds and bar gold.</p>

<p>The two captains condoled with each other over their
misfortunes and Tew at last proposed that they abandon
further roving and return to America where, with the riches
that remained to them, they could live in comfort and safety
for the rest of their lives. Mission was a Frenchman and
could not think of retiring from active life until he had visited<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span>
his family, but he gave up one of the sloops to Tew and divided
with him the diamonds and gold that had been saved.</p>

<p>A week later the two captains sailed, Mission having fifteen
Frenchmen and Portuguese in his sloop and Tew taking
thirty-four English in the sloop commanded by him. They
shaped a course for the Guinea Coast, but off Infantes, before
reaching the Cape, they were overtaken by a storm in which
the unhappy Mission’s sloop went down within a musket
shot of Captain Tew who could give no assistance.</p>

<p>Captain Tew continued his course for America and reached
Newport safely where his men took their share of diamonds
and gold and quietly dispersed as they thought best while
Tew settled down among his former acquaintances to spend
a tranquil life. He lived unquestioned and with his easy
fortune might in time have married the daughter of some
neighbor and spent the remainder of his days as a retired
privateersman. One of his company, Thomas Jones, who
had formerly sailed with “Long Ben” Avery, married Penelope
Goulden and also settled down and lived in Rhode Island,
but others, who continued to live there or elsewhere in the
province, soon squandered their shares and began soliciting
him to make another voyage. For a time he refused until
at last a considerable number of resolute lads came in a body
and so earnestly begged him to head them for one more voyage
that he finally agreed.</p>

<p>His frequent journeys to New York in connection with
shipments to Madagascar and more recently for the purpose
of disposing of some part of his store of diamonds, had given
him an acquaintance with Governor Fletcher, so in October,
1694, he presented himself at the Governor’s mansion for
the purpose of obtaining a privateering commission. Governor
Fletcher, like some other colonial governors, was always
ready to turn “an honest penny” and on Nov. 8, 1694, Tew
was in possession of the desired commission it having cost
him exactly £300.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span></p>

<p>It was afterwards claimed by the Attorney General of New
York in a report to the Earl of Bellomont, the succeeding
governor, that it was well-known in New York that Captain
Tew had been roving in the Red Sea and had made much
money. “He had brought his spoil to Rhode Island and
his crew dispersed in Boston where they shewed themselves
publicly. In 1694 or 1695 Tew came to New York, where
Governor Fletcher entertained him and drove him about
in his coach, though Tew publicly declared that he would
make another voyage to the Red Sea and make New York
his port of return.... He fitted out his sloop in Rhode
Island, whence he sailed to the Red Sea and there died or
was killed. His crew picked up another ship at Madagascar.”<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a></p>

<p>Governor Bellomont sent numerous dispatches to the Lords
of Trade describing in much detail the relations of his predecessor
in office with those who had sailed “on the account,”
armed with privateering commissions issued by Fletcher.
He wrote that many pirates in the Red Sea and elsewhere
had been fitted out in New York or Rhode Island. The ships
commanded by Mason, Tew, Glover and Hore were commissioned
by Governor Fletcher. Everybody knew at the
time they were bound for the Red Sea, “being openly declared
by the captains so as to enable them to raise men and proceed
on their voyage quickly.... Captain Tew, who had
before been a notorious pirate, on his return from the East
Indies with great riches visited New York, where, although
a man of infamous character, he was received and caressed
by Governor Fletcher, dined and supped often with him
and appeared publicly in his coach. They also exchanged
presents, such as gold watches, with each other.”<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a></p>

<p>Governor Fletcher, on the other hand, protested that
Captain Tew had produced a commission from the Governor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span>
of Bermuda and accordingly he had granted him another to
make war against the French. “Captain Tew brought
no ship into this port. He came as a stranger and came
to my table like other strangers who visit this province. He
told me he had a sloop well manned and gave bond to fight
the French at the mouth of Canada river, whereupon I gave
him a commission and instructions accordingly.... It
may be my misfortune, but not my crime, if they turn pirates.
I have heard of none yet that have done so.”</p>

<p>“Tew appeared to me,” wrote the disingenuous governor,
“not only a man of courage and activity, but of the greatest
sense and remembrance of what he had seen of any seaman
that I ever met with. He was also what is called a very
pleasant man, so that some times after the day’s labour was
done, it was divertisement as well as information to me to
hear him talk. I wished in my mind to make him a sober
man, and in particular to cure him of a vile habit of swearing.
I gave him a book for that purpose, and to gain the
more upon him I gave him a gun of some value. In return
he made me a present which was a curiosity, though in value
not much.”<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a></p>

<p>Tew’s commission was signed by Gov. Benjamin Fletcher
and countersigned by his private secretary, Daniel Honan,
but his bond was signed by Edward Coates, a notorious
pirate, so it was said, and by John Feny, “a Popist tailor of
this city and a beggar.”<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile, reasonably certain of securing his commission,
Tew had been busily engaged in fitting out his sloop for the
new venture. He made no bones about his intentions and
such was his sense of security that he talked freely with
neighbors and also strangers.</p>

<p>A traveller passing through Newport in October, 1694,
records that he then saw three vessels fitting out. One of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span>
them, a sloop, was commanded by Thomas Tew or Tue,
whom he had known in Jamaica, twelve years before. “He
was free in discourse with me and declared that he was last
year in the Red Sea; that he had taken a rich ship belonging
to the Mogul and had received for his owner’s dividend and
his sloop’s twelve thousand odd hundred pounds, while his
men had received upwards of a thousand pounds each. When
I returned to Boston there was another barque of about thirty
tons ready to sail and join Tew in the same account. I was
likewise advised of another that had sailed from the Whore
Kills in Pennsylvania, and that one or two were since gone
on the same account. I understand that two of the four
that I saw are returned with great booty.”<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p>

<p>“Captain Tew had a commission from the Governor of
New York to cruise against the French,” afterwards wrote
Governor Bellomont. “He came out on pretence of loading
negroes at Madagascar, but his design was always to go
into the seas, having about seventy men on his sloop of sixty
tons. He made a voyage three years ago in which his share
was £8000. Want was then his mate. He then went to
New England and the Governor would not receive him;
then to New York where Governor Fletcher protected him.
Colonel Fletcher told Tew he should not come there again
unless he brought store of money, and it is said that Tew gave
him £300 for his commission. He is gone to make a voyage
in the Red Sea, and if he makes his voyage will be back about
this time. This is the third time that Tew has gone out,
breaking up for the first time in New England and the second
time in New York. The place that receives them is chiefly
Madagascar, where they must touch both going and coming.
All the ships that are now out are from New England, except
Tew from New York and Want from Carolina. They build
their ships in New England, but come out under pretence of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span>
trading from island to island. The money they bring in is
current there and the people know very well where they go.
One Captain Gough who keeps a mercer’s shop at Boston got
a good estate in this way. On first coming out they generally
go first to the Isle of May for salt, then to Fernando for
water, then round the Cape of Good Hope to Madagascar to
victual and water and so for Batsky [<i>sic</i>] where they wait
for the traders between Surat and Mecca and Tuda, who
must come at a certain time because of the trade wind.
When they come back they have no place to go to
but Providence, Carolina, New York, New England and
Rhode Island, where they all along have been kindly
received.”<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a></p>

<p>Captain Tew sailed from Newport in the sloop “Amity,”
in November, 1694, and was joined by Captain Want in a
brigantine and Captain Wake<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> in another small vessel that
had been fitted out at Boston. Want was Tew’s mate on
the first voyage and returned with him and spent his share
of the plunder in Rhode Island and Pennsylvania. On the
present voyage, Thomas Jones of Newport was also associated
with him. One Captain Glover, in a ship owned by
New York merchants, is also said to have joined Tew’s fleet
and to have remitted to his owners the value of the vessel.
Probably Tew’s gold may have made the restitution possible.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span></p>

<p>In June, 1695, Captain Tew was at Liparau island at the
mouth of the Red Sea, where with other English vessels he
joined the fleet commanded by Captain Avery. Tew at that
time had a crew of about forty men. After lying there some
time Avery sent a pinnace to Mocha and took two men who
gave them information as to the ships <ins title='Original: comin'>coming</ins> down. They
then stood out to sea and five or six days later the Moors’ ships,
twenty-five in number, passed them in the night. Hearing of
this from a captured junk they followed. The “Amity”
was a bad sailer and fell astern and never came up. The
rest of the fleet overtook one of the Moorish vessels and captured
her after having fired three shots and found on board
£60,000 in gold and silver. Soon another ship was taken
after a fight of three hours. The loot of this vessel was so
great that each of the one hundred and eighty men engaged
received as his share over £1000. There was a great quantity
of jewels and a saddle and bridle set with rubies designed
as a present for the Great Mogul.<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a></p>

<p>After this fight, mention of Captain Tew disappears from
all contemporary sources of information save the passing
allusions made by the Attorney General of New York in his
report to the Earl of Bellomont (see page 93). It therefore
is highly probable that there may be foundation for the
statement by Captain Johnson in his “History of the Pirates,”
that Captain Tew “attack’d a Ship belonging to the Great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span>
<i>Mogul</i>; in the Engagement, a Shot carried away the Rim
of <i>Tew’s</i> Belly, who held his Bowels with his Hands some
small Space; when he dropp’d it struck such a Terror in his
men, that they suffered themselves to be taken, without
making Resistance.”</p>

<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Richard Tew came from Maidford, co. Northampton, England, and
settled at Newport, R. I., in 1640, where he was a prominent citizen. He
served as deputy and assistant and was named in the charter granted in
1663. Thomas Tew undoubtedly was his grandson. It was a well-known
family in Rhode Island and highly respected.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and the West Indies</i>, 1699, p. 44.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and the West Indies</i>, 1702-1703,
p. 1014.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1702-1703, p. 237.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1697-1698, p. 860.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1697-1698, p. 473.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1697-1698, p. 587.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, 1697-1698, p. 473.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> John Graves, in a letter printed in the <i>Calendar of State Papers, America
and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, p. 744.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, pp. 259-260.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Captain Wake was an old pirate who had received a pardon in King
James’ time.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Jeremiah Basse, writing to the Secretary of the Council of Trade in a
letter that reached London on July 26, 1697, reported as follows:—“In
all I am told that there are gone from Boston, New York, Pennsylvania
and Carolina, from each one ship and from Rhode Island two.... The
Nassau met one of these rovers at the Cape Bonne Esperance homeward
bound from India. I was told by the mate of her that being fearful lest the
Dutch should make prize of her they got leave to put some chests of money
on board her, which chests were so heavy that six men at the tackles could
hardly hoist them in. The chests were given back to the rovers at sea, who
announced that they were bound to Madagascar. The persons expected
to return are Tew’s company, and all those that sailed from New York and
Rhode Island. It is expected that they will try to conceal themselves in
the Jerseys or Pennsylvania being little inhabited about the harbour, they
reckon themselves safe there. I am told that some persons have already
been preparing for their reception there.”—<i>Calendar of State Papers,
America and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, p. 1203.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, pp. 260-262.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span></p>
<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII<br>
<span class="ch-title">John Quelch and his Crew who were Hanged in Boston
and their Gold Distributed</span></h2>
</div>

<p>About the middle of May, 1704, there came to anchor
in the harbor of Marblehead, the “Charles,” a brigantine
of some eighty tons burden, commanded by one
Capt. John Quelch. This newly-built vessel had been fitted
out the previous summer by Charles Hobby, Col. Nicholas
Paige, William Clarke, Benjamin Gallop and John Colman,
leading citizens and merchants of Boston, as a privateer to
prey upon French shipping off the coast of Acadia and Newfoundland.
She was commissioned on July 13, 1703 by
Governor Dudley in the usual manner and her commander,
Capt. Daniel Plowman, was then given his instructions
governing his conduct while in the pursuit of pirates and
the Queen’s enemies.</p>

<p>After receiving her equipment and while riding at anchor
off Marblehead, Captain Plowman was taken sick and on
Aug. 1, 1703 sent a letter to his owners informing them that
he was unable to take her to sea on account of his severe
illness. He may have realized at the time the character
of the crew that he had shipped, for he wrote proposing that
the owners of the “Charles” come to Marblehead at once
and “take some speedy care in saving what we can. The
Lieutenant the Bearer can give you a full Account.” One
of the owners went to Marblehead the next day but found
the captain too sick to see him. A survey of the situation
resulted in a recommendation to his associates that the vessel
be sent out as planned but under another captain. This
intelligence reached Captain Plowman and he aroused sufficiently
to send another letter urging that the vessel be sent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span>
to Boston and declaring that “it will not do with these people”
(meaning his crew), to send the vessel out under a new commander
and the sooner the guns and stores were landed on
shore the better it would be for all concerned. However,
before the owners could take effectual measures in relation
to the vessel, she went to sea. It afterwards appeared that
before sailing, the crew, under the lead of one of their number,
had locked Captain Plowman in his cabin and John
Quelch, the lieutenant-commander, had come on board and
after a conference with the crew had taken command and
steered a course to the southward. Sometime after Quelch
assumed command the captain was thrown overboard, but
whether alive or dead is not known.</p>

<p>In November, 1703, the “Charles” was off the coast of
Brazil and during the next three months Quelch made nine
captures,—five brigantines (the largest being about forty
tons), a small shallop, two fishing boats, and a ship of about
two hundred tons loaded with hides and tallow and carrying
twelve guns and about thirty-five men. These vessels were
the property of subjects of the King of Portugal, an ally of
the Queen of England, and from them Quelch secured rich
booty including a hundred weight of gold dust, gold and
silver coins to the value of over one thousand pounds, ammunition,
small arms and a great quantity of fine fabrics, provisions
and rum.</p>

<p>When Quelch planned his descent on Portuguese shipping
he may not have known of the treaty of amity and alliance
between Great Britain and Portugal that was signed in Lisbon
on May 16, 1703, and which contained the following
section:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“XVIII. Piratical ships, of whatever nation, shall not
only not be permitted or received into the ports which their
Portugueze and Brittanic Majesties, and the States General
of the United Provinces, possess in the East Indies, but shall<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span>
be deemed the common enemies of the Portugueze, the English
and the Dutch.”</p>
</div>

<p>However that may be, Quelch was well aware that few
gold mines existed in the dominions of the French King,
with whom England was at war, and that the loot of French
ships promised less valuable spoil than might be found in
the South Atlantic. His avarice led to his undoing.</p>

<p>Not long after the “Charles” came to anchor in Marblehead
harbor, on her return from pillaging Portuguese shipping,
the crew began to disappear. Some of them went to Salem
and from there found their way to Cape Ann, while others
went to Rhode Island. The sudden departure of the vessel
less than a year before was recalled and the fishing village
became very skeptical of the story told by Captain Quelch
of the recovery of great treasure from a wreck in the West
Indies. The <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, the first newspaper published
in the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay, had begun
publication only a short time before and the fifth number
issued announced the arrival of the “Charles” in the following
words:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Arrived at <i>Marblehead</i>, Capt. <i>Quelch</i> in the Brigantine
that Capt. <i>Plowman</i> went out in, are said to come from <i>New-Spain</i>
&amp; have made a good Voyage.”—<i>Boston News-Letter</i>,
May 15-22, 1704.</p>
</div>

<p>The owners of the vessel having previously learned nothing
of the fortunes of their privateering venture became suspicious.
Not long after her sudden departure they had concluded
that she was bound for the West Indies and had written
to various West India ports in the hope of obtaining some
trace of the missing vessel and recovering their property,
but without success. Colman and Clarke now filed a written
“information” with the Secretary of the Province and the
Attorney-General. This was on the twenty-third of May,
the day following the publication of the news of the arrival<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span>
of the “Charles,” and the Attorney-General, Paul Dudley,
the son of the Governor, at once set out to capture Quelch
and his crew. Judge Samuel Sewall, Acting Chief Justice
of the Superior Court, who was returning from a visit to
relatives in Newbury, records in his diary that he stopped
that day to “Refresh at Lewis’s [in Lynn], where Mr. Paul
Dudley is in egre pursuit of the Pirats. He had sent one to
Boston.”</p>

<p>The next day, May 24th, Lieutenant-Governor Povey,
acting during the temporary absence of the Governor, issued
a proclamation announcing:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Whereas <i>John Quelch</i>, late Commander of the Briganteen
<i>Charles</i> and Company to her belonging, <i>Viz.</i> <i>John Lambert</i>,
<i>John Miller</i>, <i>John Clifford</i>, <i>John Dorothy</i>, <i>James Parrot</i>,
<i>Charles James</i>, <i>William Whiting</i>, <i>John Pitman</i>, <i>John Templeton</i>,
<i>Benjamin Perkins</i>, <i>William Wiles</i>, <i>Richard Lawrence</i>,
<i>Erasmus Peterson</i>, <i>John King</i>, <i>Charles King</i>, <i>Isaac Johnson</i>,
<i>Nicholas Lawson</i>, <i>Daniel Chevalle</i>, <i>John Way</i>, <i>Thomas Farrington</i>,
<i>Matthew Primer</i>, <i>Anthony Holding</i>, <i>William Rayner</i>,
<i>John Quittance</i>, <i>John Harwood</i>, <i>William Jones</i>, <i>Denis Carter</i>,
<i>Nicholas Richardson</i>, <i>James Austin</i>, <i>James Pattison</i>, <i>Joseph
Hutnot</i>, <i>George Peirse</i>, <i>George Norton</i>, <i>Gabriel Davis</i>, <i>John
Breck</i>, <i>John Carter</i>, <i>Paul Giddins</i>, <i>Nicholas Dunbar</i>, <i>Richard
Thurbar</i>, <i>Daniel Chuley</i> and others; Have lately Imported
a considerable Quantity of Gold dust, and some Bar and
coin’d Gold, which they are Violently Suspected to have
gotten &amp; obtained by Felony and Piracy, from some of Her
Majesties Friends and Allies, and have Imported and Shared
the same among themselves, without any Adjudication or
Condemnation thereof, to be lawful Prize. The said Commander
and some others being apprehended and in Custody,
the rest are absconded and fled from Justice.”</p>
</div>

<p>All officers, civil and military, were commanded to apprehend
the said persons and secure their treasure.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i102' src='images/i102.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption>JOSEPH DUDLEY, GOVERNOR OF MASSACHUSETTS, WHO PRESIDED AT THE TRIAL OF CAPTAIN QUELCH<br>
<span class='c2'>From an original painting in possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society</span>
  </figcaption>
</figure>


<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span></p>

<p>Within two days the assiduous Mr. Dudley had safely
landed in Boston gaol Quelch, Lambert, Miller, Clifford,
Dorothy, Parrot and Wiles. William Whiting lay on a sick
bed at Marblehead and was likely to die. Two others were
sick at Marblehead. James Austin was in gaol at Piscataqua
(Portsmouth) and another pirate was in Salem gaol. On
Friday, May 26, news from Newport, R. I., reached Boston
that five of Quelch’s crew had bought a small decked boat
and sailed the day before, it was supposed, for Long Island;
but the news of the piracy arriving by an express from Boston
about the time of their departure, one of the men had been
seized and was being sent to Boston the constable of each
intervening town delivering the prisoner to the constable of
the next town and so on in like order.</p>

<p>Gov. Joseph Dudley having returned to Boston and not
content with the proclamation issued by the Honourable
Mr. Povey, issued a new one over his own name in which he
included the name of Christopher Scudamore among the
suspected pirates and also stated definitely that their gold
and treasure had been taken from the subjects of the Crown
of Portugal, “on whom they have also acted divers Villanous
Murders.” All sheriffs were required to publish immediately
the proclamation in the principal towns and cause it to be
posted up in all other towns. A proclamation was also issued
by Governor Cranston in Rhode Island. Soon Scudamore,
Lawrence and Pimer were in custody and several parcels of
gold dust were in the possession of the authorities.</p>

<p>The Governor was very keen to secure the gold dust brought
in by Quelch and on the 6th of June he appointed a Commission
of Inquiry consisting of Samuel Sewall, Acting Chief
Justice of the Superior Court, Nathaniel Byfield, Judge of
the Court of Admiralty, and Paul Dudley, Attorney-General,
“to repair to Marblehead, &amp; to send for and examine all persons
of whom they shall have Information or just ground of
suspition, do conceal and detain” gold and treasure brought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span>
in by the pirates, “either at Marblehead or parts adjacent,
and to take what they shall find into their hands; as also to
secure any of the Pirates.” The next day the Commission
rode to Salem arriving there about eight o’clock in the evening
and were informed by Samuel Wakefield, the water bailey,<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>
of a rumor that Captain Larramore, in the “Larramore
Galley” at Cape Ann, had turned rogue and several of
Quelch’s company designed to go off in her. The Commission
at once issued a warrant to Wakefield to go to Gloucester
and investigate the matter and if true to seize the men. He
got away from Salem about midnight. By this time about
seventy ounces of gold and an equal weight of silver plate
had been brought to the Council in Boston by different persons
who had received it from Quelch or his men.</p>

<p>The next morning, June 8th, in a heavy rain, the Commission
rode over to Marblehead and held a court before an
open fire at Captain Brown’s house and there they spent the
night. About six o’clock the next morning, before they were
out of bed, an express arrived from Cape Ann bringing information
of “9 or 11 Pirats, double arm’d, seen in a Lone-house
there.” Colonel Legg of Marblehead, the colonel of the
Essex South Regiment, was sent for and directed to order
out at once companies for service at Cape Ann and like orders
were sent to Colonel Wainwright at Ipswich, the colonel of
the Essex North Regiment. Judge Sewall records in his
diary that he incorporated in his letter to Colonel Wainwright,
as a gentle prod to that estimable gentleman, the information
“we were moving thither our selves to be Witness of
his forwardness for Her Majesties Service.”</p>

<p>Judges Sewall and Byfield then rode over to Salem and
Major Stephen Sewall, clerk of the Inferior Court, got a
shallop, the “Trial,” and the pinnace belonging to Salem
Fort and with about twenty men of his military company<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span>
started for Cape Ann by water while Sewall and Byfield,
escorted by a troop of horse, went overland. At Beverly,
the local troop were starting and at Manchester the military
company “was mustering upon the top of a Rock.” Excitement
was rampant but there was no great anxiety to hunt
pirates. Meanwhile Attorney-General Dudley and Colonel
Legg had sailed for Gloucester direct from Marblehead and
on arriving learned that Captain Larramore had already sailed
and taken the pirates on board at the head of the Cape near
Snake Island. Judge Sewall records what followed.</p>

<p>“When we came to Capt. Davis’s we waited Brother’s
arrival with his Shallop Trial, and Pinnace: When they were
come and had Din’d, Resolv’d to send after Larramore.
Abbot was first pitch’d on as Captain. But matters went
on heavily, ’twas difficult to get Men. Capt. Herrick pleaded
earnestly his Troopers might be excus’d. At last Brother
offer’d to goe himself: then Capt. Turner offer’d to goe,
Lieut. Brisco, and many good Men; so that quickly made
up Fourty two; though we knew not the exact number till
came home, the hurry was so great, and vessel so small for
43. Men gave us three very handsom cheers; Row’d out
of the Harbour after sun-set, for want of wind. Mr. Dudley
return’d to Salem with Beverly Troop. Col. Byfield and I
lodg’d at Cape Ann all night; Mr. White pray’d very well
for the Expedition Evening and morning; as Mr. Chiever
had done at Marblehead, whom we sent for to pray with us
before we set out for Gloucester. We rose early, got to Salem
quickly after Nine. Din’d with Sister, who was very thoughtfull
what would become of her Husband. The Wickedness
and despair of the company they pursued, their Great Guns
and other war like Preparations, were a terror to her and to
most of the Town; concluded they would not be taken without
Blood. Comforted our selves and them as well as we
could.”</p>

<p>Major Stephen Sewall with his company of volunteers in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span>
the shallop and pinnace followed the course of the “Larramore
Galley” and reached the Isles of Shoals about seven
o’clock the next morning where they sighted the galley as
they approached. The men were “rank’d with their Arms
on both sides the shallop in covert; only the four fishermen
were in view.” As the expedition drew near they saw the
boat belonging to the galley go ashore with six hands including
three of the pirates, “which was a singular good Providence
of God” as Judge Sewall piously commented afterwards.
When the shallop approached nearer Larramore’s men at
last saw the large number of men on board and “began to
run to and fro and pull off the aprons from the Guns, and draw
out the Tamkins [tampions], but when Major Sewall ordered
his men to stand and show themselves ready to fight Larramore
quickly abandoned all signs of resistance. Seven of
the pirates were seized and with them over forty-five ounces
of gold dust. The officers of the galley were also taken and
with the galley in tow the expedition triumphantly returned
to Salem “without striking a stroke or firing a gun.” While
passing Gloucester, there being little wind, the men from the
Cape were sent ashore at Eastern Point with the information
that two of the pirates William Jones and Peter Roach, had
mistaken their way and were still on the Cape. Strict search
was immediately made by the town’s people and “being
Strangers and destitute of all Succors they surrendered themselves
and were sent to Salem Prison.”</p>

<p>Before the return of the expedition a warrant had been
issued for the apprehension of Captain Larramore and the
<i>News-Letter</i> of June 5-12 announces that two more of the
pirates, Benjamin Perkins and John Templeton, were in
custody and that “His Excellency intends to bring forward
the Tryal of <i>Quelch</i> and Company now in Custody for Piracy
within a few days.” This prompt decision was in keeping
with the haste displayed thus far and boded ill for the looters
of Portuguese treasure. Their ill-gotten spoil was reputed to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span>
be immense and much of it was likely to fall into the hands
of the Court, in fact, a considerable weight of gold had already
been secured making certain the distribution of handsome
rewards and large fees to the informers and all officials concerned
in their capture and prosecution. Twenty-five of
the pirates were then in custody. The “Charles,” when she
arrived at Marblehead had forty-three white men on board
and of this number eighteen got away without capture.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp85" style="max-width: 150em;">
<img class='w100' id='i106' src='images/i106.jpg' alt=''>
<figcaption>
THE<br>
Arraignment, Tryal, and Condemnation,<br>
OF<br>
Capt. John Quelch,<br>
And Others of his Company, <i>&amp;c.</i><br>
<br>
FOR<br>
Sundry <i>Piracies</i>, <i>Robberies</i>, and <i>Murder</i>, Committed
upon the Subjects of the King of
<i>Portugal</i>; Her Majesty’s Allie, on the Coast
of <i>Brasil</i>, &amp;c.<br>
<br>
WHO<br>
Upon full Evidence, were found Guilty, at the <i>Court-House</i> in
<i>Boston</i>, on the Thirteenth of <i>June, 1704</i>. By Virtue of
a Commission, grounded upon the Act of the Eleventh
and Twelfth Years of King <i>William</i>, <i>For the more effectual,
Suppression of Piracy</i>. With the Arguments of the
QUEEN’s Council, and Council for the Prisoners upon
the said Act.<br>
<br>
PERUSED<br>
By his Excellency <i>JOSEPH DUDLEY</i>, Esq; Captain-General and
Commander in Chief in and over Her Majesty’s Province of the
<i>Massachusetts-Bay</i>, in <i>New-England</i>, in <i>America</i>, &amp;c.
<p class='center mt1'>To which are also added, some PAPERS that were produc’d
at the Tryal abovesaid.<br></p>
<br>
WITH<br>
An Account of the Ages of the several Prisoners, and the Places where they were Born.<br>
<br>
<i>LONDON</i>:<br>
<br>
Printed for <i>Ben. Bragg</i> in <i>Avemary-Lane</i>, 1705.<br>
<br>
( Price One Shilling. )<br>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The Governor’s announced intention of a prompt trial
resulted in the holding of a Court of Admiralty at the Town
House in Boston. The building stood at the head of what
is now State Street and on Tuesday June 13, 1704, Joseph
Dudley, Esq., “Captain-General and Governor in Chief of
the Provinces of the <i>Massachusetts-Bay</i> and <i>New-Hampshire</i>
in <i>New-England</i> in <i>America</i>,” sat as President of the Court
and with him were Lieutenant-Governor Thomas Povey;
the Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of New-Hampshire,
John Usher; Nathaniel Byfield, Judge of the Vice-Admiralty;
Samuel Sewall, First Judge of the Province of the Massachusetts-Bay;
Jahlael Brenton, Esq., Collector of Her Majesty’s
Customs in New England; Her Majesty’s Council
in the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, twelve in number;
and Isaac Addington, Esq., the Secretary of the Province.
That morning Major Sewall, attended by a strong guard,
brought to Boston the pirates that had been confined in
Salem and gave to His Excellency a full account of his adventures
while in pursuit of Quelch’s men. The <i>News-Letter</i>
states that “The service of Major <i>Sewall</i> and Company
was very well Accepted and Rewarded by the Governor,”
and this is borne out by an entry in the Council records showing
that £132.5.0 was ordered “paid out of the Treasure
imported by the said Pirates,” to Major Sewall, Captain
Turner and other officers of his company. This amount
included a “gratification” made to these gentlemen for
special services rendered.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span></p>

<p>The Court of Admiralty having assembled and proclamation
for silence having been made, the statute made during
the reign of King William, “An Act for the more effectual
Suppression of Piracy,” was read and John Valentine, a Notary
Publick, was sworn by the Governor as Register of the Court.
The President of the Court and his Associates were then
sworn in turn and the Court was opened by three proclamations
as a “Court of Admiralty for the Tryal of Pirates.”
A warrant was sent to the keeper of the prison to bring Capt.
John Quelch before the Court which then adjourned for
dinner to reassemble at three o’clock in the afternoon. At
that time “<i>Matthew Pymer</i>, <i>John Clifford</i>, and <i>James Parrot</i>
(the first of whom had surrendered himself quickly after his
Arrival to his Excellency the Governor) were brought to the
Bar, and Arraigned upon several Articles of Piracy, Robberry,
and Murder, drawn against Captain <i>Quelch</i>, and others his
Accomplices.” These three men pleaded guilty and then
were ordered to “stand within the Bar, and to be Sworn as
Witnesses on Her Majesty’s behalf.” Quelch was next
brought to the bar and on being arraigned pleaded not guilty
and asked the Court if he “might not have Council allow’d
him upon any Matter of Law that might happen upon his
Tryal,” and also that time be granted to prepare for the same.
The Court replied that the articles under which he had been
arraigned were “plain Matters of Fact,” but it did assign
as council for the prisoner, James Meinzies, a Scotchman
living in Boston, an attorney-at-law of ability who afterwards
became Register of the Court of Vice-Admiralty. He seems
to have defended the accused with skill and learning and to
have called the attention of the Court to important objections
to its course of procedure; but his personal relations
with the Court and the unpopularity of his side of the case
may have been an influence indicating how impolitic it was
to contend too persistently against the obvious opinions of
the Court. Twenty other prisoners were arraigned and then<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span>
the Court adjourned until the next Friday morning at nine
o’clock when further time was prayed for and adjournment
was made until the following Monday morning, the Court
refusing Attorney Meinzies motion that meanwhile “the
Queen’s witnesses might be kept asunder until the Prisoners
came upon their Tryals.”</p>

<p>On Monday, June 9, 1704, Quelch was brought for trial
and his irons were taken off. The nine articles of his indictment
accused him of piracy, robbery and murder. As “Lieutenant”
of the brigantine “Charles” he had neglected the
orders of the owners and refusing to set on shore Matthew
Pymer and John Clifford (witnesses for the Queen), who
“dreading your Pyratical Intention, earnestly desired the
same,” had directed a course for Fernando Island off the
coast of Brazil, and while thereabouts had piratically taken
various vessels belonging to subjects of the King of Portugal,
“Her Majesty’s good Allie,” among them a ship
of about two hundred tons burden, killing the captain and
wounding several of the crew and from the several vessels had
secured a rich booty. The chase of the ship had lasted for
nearly two days. One of the Queen’s witnesses testified that
it was Scudamore, the cooper of the brigantine, who had
killed the Portuguese captain with a petard, but there was
some dispute among the men as to which of them it was who
killed him. From the various testimonies it appeared that
Captain Plowman’s cabin door had been fastened with a
marlin spike which was done by order of Anthony Holding
who planned with others to seize the vessel. When Quelch
came on board he didn’t object to what had been done or
what was planned. Holding, who was among those who
had escaped, was really the ringleader but Quelch was made
commander, perhaps because he understood navigation.</p>

<p>There were three negroes in Quelch’s company—Cæsar-Pompey,
Charles, and Mingo, who also were tried, for, as
the Queen’s Advocate, Mr. Dudley, said in open court, “The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span>
Three Prisoners now at the Bar are of a different Complexion,
’tis true, but it is well known that the First and most Famous
Pirates that have been in the World, were of their Colour.”
The two first were shown to be Mr. Hobby’s slaves and
that they didn’t run away from their master but were forcibly
carried away by Captain Quelch. They were not active
during the voyage and only did as they were commanded.
They were the cooks on the brigantine and also sounded the
trumpet when ordered. The Court cleared them whereupon
they were “ordered upon their knees.”</p>

<p>Among the crew of one of the captured vessels was a Dutchman,
originally from Jutland, who entered himself for the
remainder of the voyage, but because the company voted
that he should not have a full share in the loot he threatened
to inform against them when he came on shore with the result
that he was given a gun and some powder and shot and set
ashore at once.</p>

<p>Although by the civil law at that time the testimony of an
accomplice was not admissible, yet the Court permitted the
greatest latitude in the testimony of witnesses and also disregarded
the prevailing rules of procedure in not excluding
interested witnesses. At no time did it appear that Quelch
had killed the Portuguese captain; in fact, the testimony
showed that Scudamore probably was the man who did it.
The prosecuting Attorney-General in his speech to the Court
said that the accused</p>

<p>“After obtaining a Commission to draw the Sword to fight
the open and declared Enemies of Her Sacred Majesty, instead
of drawing it against the French and Spaniards, they
have sheathed it in the Bowels of some of the best Friends
and Allies of the Crown at this bay ... instead of fighting
for Honour with the French, or Money with the Spaniards,
they must go and surprize a few honest and peaceable Men,
and our good Friends.”</p>

<p>And so it came about that Quelch, Lambert, Scudamore,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span>
Miller, Peterson, Roach and Francis King had sentence of
death pronounced against them. Fifteen of the crew who
had pleaded “not guilty,” withdrew their pleas and asked
for the mercy of the Court. The sentence of death was
passed upon them but only two of the fifteen were executed.
The rest remained in prison until July 19th of the next year
when “Her Majesty’s most gracious pardon” was communicated
to the Council and in open Court their chains
“were knocked off,” on condition that they enter the Queen’s
service. At the time of the trial two of the men had been
acquitted on paying the prison fees. Wilde broke out of prison
in September, 1704, but was apprehended the following June
and again committed to close prison.</p>

<p>Quelch came from Old England as did most of his crew.
He was born in London and was about thirty-eight years old.
Scudamore had been apprenticed to a cooper in Bristol, England;
Miller came from Yorkshire; Peterson was a Swede;
Roach was an Irishman; and King was born in Scotland. Of
the New England men, John Lambert may serve as an example
typical of the rest. He was born in Salem and at the time of
his execution was about forty-nine years old. His father and
grandfather were fishermen and he, too, doubtless followed
the sea although in deeds he is called a “ship wright.” At
the time that he sailed with Quelch he was married and had
children. In his testimony during the trial he claimed that
he was sick in the gun room at the time the captain was confined
in his cabin and that he was forced to go on the voyage
to the south. However, during the voyage he was as active
as the rest and accepted his share of the spoils, but claimed
that if he had not accepted, the company might have killed
him or set him ashore on some desolate island where he would
have starved to death. However that may be he suffered
death with the others. A broad-sheet issued at the time, giving
an account of the “Behaviour and last Dying Speeches of
the Six Pirates, that were Executed on Charles River, Boston<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span>
Side, on Fryday, June 30, 1704,” states that on the gallows
Lambert “appeared much hardened and pleaded much on his
Innocency: He desired all men to beware of Bad Company;
he seemed in a great Agony near his Execution.”</p>

<p>Previous to the day of the execution “the Ministers of the
Town had used more than ordinary Endeavours to Instruct
the Prisoners, and bring them to Repentance. There were
Sermons Preached in their hearing Every Day; And Prayers
daily made with them, And they were Catechised; and they
had many occasional Exhortations, And nothing was left that
could be done for their Good,”—so says the broad-sheet. It
must have been a harrowing ordeal for the victims. The
Reverend Cotton Mather, who never failed to be present at
public executions, preached a sermon which was printed under
the title of “Faithful Warnings to prevent Fearful Judgments,”
and he and another minister walked with the condemned
in solemn procession on that Friday afternoon, from
the prison to Scarlett’s wharf, when “the silver oar” was
carried before them as they continued by water to the place
where the gallows had been set up between high- and low-water
mark off a point of land just below Copp’s hill “about
midway between Hudson’s Point and Broughton’s warehouse.”<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>
The condemned were guarded by forty musketeers
and the constables of the town and were preceded by the
Provost Marshal and his officers. Great crowds gathered to
see the execution. Judge Sewall in his diary comments on
the great number of people on Broughton’s hill, as Copp’s hill
was called at that time.</p>

<p>“But when I came to see how the River was cover’d with
People, I was amazed: Some say there were 100 Boats. 150
Boats and Canoes, saith Cousin Moodey of York. Mr. Cotton
Mather came with Capt. Quelch and six others for Execution
from the Prison to Scarlet’s Wharf, and from thence in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span>
the Boat to the place of Execution about midway between
Hanson’s [<i>sic</i>] point and Broughton’s Warehouse. When the
scaffold was hoisted to a due height, the seven Malefactors
went up: Mr. Mather pray’d for them standing upon the
Boat. Ropes were all fasten’d to the Gallows (save King,
who was Repriev’d). When the Scaffold was let to sink, there
was such a Screech of the Women that my wife heard it sitting
in our Entry next the Orchard, and was much surprised at it;
yet the wind was sou-west. Our house is a full mile from the
place.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i112" style="max-width: 100em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i112.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
<i>Faithful Warnings to prevent Fearful<br>
Judgments.</i><br>
<br>
Uttered in a brief<br>
DISCOURSE,<br>
Occasioned, by a<br>
Tragical Spectacle,<br>
in a Number of<br>
Miserables<br>
Under a Sentence of Death for<br>
PIRACY.<br>
<br>
At BOSTON in N. E. <i>Jun. 22. 1704</i><br>
<br>
Deut. XIII. 11.<br>
<i>All Israel shall hear, and fear, and shall do no
more any such wickedness as this is among you.</i><br>
<br>
Occultam culpam sequitur aperta percussio.<br>
<span style="margin-left: 14.5em;"><i>Cassiodor.</i></span><br>
<br>
<i>Boston</i>, Printed &amp; Sold by <i>Timothy Green</i>, at the <i>North</i> End of the Town. 1704.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>According to the custom of the time the bodies remained
hanging on a gibbet until by decay they gradually disappeared.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>
There was an exception made, for some reason, in
the case of Lambert for his body was turned over to his widow
after his son and others had made petition to Judge Sewall.
It was buried that night about midnight in the old burying
ground “near some of his relatives.”</p>

<p>In his speech on the gallows Quelch warned the people to
“take care how they brought money into New England, to be
Hanged for it” and he also asked “Gentlemen, I desire to be
informed for what I am here. I am condemned only upon
Circumstances.” Peterson also complained of the injustice
done him; and said, “it is very hard for so many mens Lives
to be taken away for a little Gold.”<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span></p>

<p>While the trial was yet in progress, accounts of charges in
connection with the seizure of Quelch and his company began
to come in. Judge Sewall and his Commission of Inquiry
were awarded £25.7.10 for their sitting at Marblehead and
journey to Cape Ann. Paul Dudley, the Attorney-General,
received £36 for his work, while Meinzies, who defended the
prisoners, was given £20 and then only after petitioning the
Council on Aug. 4th for the usual fee “according to Custome
in the like Case.” Sheriff Dyer for his service was paid
five pounds and Thomas Bernard “for erecting the gibbet”
was awarded forty shillings additional “to be paid out of the
treasure.” By the time all accounts had been adjusted the
sum of £726.19.4 had been “paid out of the treasure.”</p>

<p>By October, 1705, the officials of the Province were ready to
turn over to the Crown what remained of the “Coyn’d, Bar
and Dust Gold imported by Capt. John Quelch.” This was
weighed by Jeremiah Dummer, the Boston goldsmith, and
found to be 788 ounces and after being placed in five leather<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span>
bags, properly marked and sealed, it was sent by H. M. Ship
“Guernsey,” to the “Lord high Treasurer of England for her
Majesty’s use,” and so ended what has been characterized as
“one of the clearest cases of judicial murder in our American
annals,”<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> save that Governor Dudley’s personal interest in
the case appeared on May 27, 1707 when there was awaiting
his order in London, the “royal bounty” awarded to him as
his share of the “pirate money.” Not long after the trial of
the pirates the Rev. Cotton Mather quarrelled with the Governor
and published in London in 1708—“The <i>Deplorable
State</i> of New England, By Reason of a <i>Covetous</i> and <i>Treacherous</i>
Governor,” in which appears the following paragraph indicating
that acts of piracy at that time were not confined
entirely to the high seas.</p>

<p>“III There have been odd <i>Collusions</i> with the Pyrates of
Quelch’s Company, of which one Instance is, That there was
Extorted the Sum of about Thirty Pounds from some of the
Crue, for Liberty to Walk at certain times in the <i>Prison</i> Yard;
and this Liberty having been Allow’d for Two or Three Days
unto them, they were again Confined to their former Wretched
Circumstances.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp61" id="i114" style="max-width: 105.0625em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i114.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>REV. COTTON MATHER, PASTOR OF THE SECOND (NORTH) CHURCH, BOSTON, 1685-1728<br>
<span class='c2'>From a mezzotint by Peter Pelham after a portrait painted in 1728.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Water bailiff:—a custom house officer charged with the duty of searching
ships.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> The place of the execution was about where the North End Park bathing
beach is today.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> In the summer of 1755, two negro servants of Capt. John Codman of
Charlestown, poisoned their master. Phillis, the woman servant and the
principal in the murder, was burned at the stake at Cambridge and Mark,
her accessory, was hanged and then gibbetted on Charlestown Neck.
Three years later Dr. Caleb Rea of Wenham, while on his way to Ticonderoga,
rode by and stopped to inspect the body of Mark. He recorded in
his diary that “the skin was but little broken altho’ he had been hanging
there near three or four years.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> These pirates were tried under authority conferred by a commission
sent over in accordance with an Act of the 11th and 12th year of William III,
authorizing the trial of pirates by Courts of Admiralty, out of the realm.
The commission sent to New England was dated Nov. 23, 1700. This
commission required that all trials should be conducted “according to the
civil law” of the Province, which at that time required two innocent witnesses
against each defendant necessary for a conviction, and in no case was
the testimony of an accomplice admissible. Moreover, by the Act under
which the commission was issued, principals only were triable in the Admiralty
Courts held in the Provinces; accessories were expressly required
to be sent to England for trial. We learn from the <i>Boston News-Letter</i> of
the third week in July, that Captain Larramore and Lieutenant Wells, of
the “Larramore Galley,” had been sent for England in the express sloop
“Sea Flower,” Captain Cary, for trial as “Accessaries in endeavouring to
carry off the 7 Pirates.... He carries also with him three Evidences of
their crime committed.” All the men on board the pirate brigantine could
not be considered as principals. In fact, only six men were executed and
the rest of those condemned to death at the same time were afterwards set
free. Only such as could be shown were principals in committing acts of
piracy or murder could be sentenced by the court. All others must clearly
be sent to England to be tried by jury. Nothing in the somewhat detailed
report of the trial that was printed in London at the time, shows that the
accused were even given the benefit of a doubt either as to the law or the
testimony. For an analytical summary of this trial, see <i>Acts and Resolves
of the Province of Massachusetts Bay</i>, <i>Vol.</i> VIII, p. 397.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> <i>Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay</i>, Vol. VIII, p.
397.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII<br>
<span class="ch-title">Samuel Bellamy, whose Ship was Wrecked at Wellfleet
and 144 Drowned</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Very little is known of the origin of this man save that
he came from the west of England where families of
the same name are living today. In company with
one Paul Williams,<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> he first appears in the West Indies where
they tried to raise a Spanish wreck hoping to salve the bags
of silver supposed to be in the hold. Meeting with no success
and being at odds with honest merchants and shipmasters,
they decided to turn pirates or “go on the account,” a term
adopted by men of that profession, and not long after they fell
in with Capt. Benjamin Hornygold, in the sloop “Mary
Anne,” and Capt. Louis Lebous, in the sloop “Postillion,”
and agreed to join forces. They set out in two large sloops
each having about seventy men aboard.</p>

<p>Before long several captures were made that increased their
gains and also enlarged their crews, but Hornygold and some
of the Englishmen on board his sloop refused to take and
plunder English vessels, so his company divided and he went
away in a prize sloop with twenty-six men leaving ninety men
who elected Bellamy their new captain. Most of those on
board were English and at that time it was not their habit to
force men.</p>

<p>Bellamy and Lebous sailed together and off the Virgin
Islands took several small vessels and off St. Croix, a French
ship from Quebec laden with fish and flour. Afterwards making
Saba they sighted two ships which they chased and came
up with, spreading a large black flag “with a Deaths Head and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span>
Bones a-cross.” The larger of the two was the ship “Sultana,”
commanded by Captain Richards. The other was commanded
by Captain Tozor. The “Sultana” was taken over by Bellamy
and cut down and made into a galley and Paul Williams,
his quartermaster, was given command of the sloop.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i116" style="max-width: 90.3125em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i116.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
THE<br>
TRIALS<br>
Of Eight Persons<br>
Indited for Piracy <i>&amp;c.</i><br>
<br>
Of whom Two were acquitted, and the rest found Guilty.<br>
<br>
At a Justiciary Court of Admiralty Assembled and Held in Boston
within His Majesty’s Province of the Massachusetts-Bay
in New-England, on the 18th of October 1717. 
and by several Adjournments continued to the 30th. Pursuant
to His Majesty’s Commission and Instructions, founded
on the Act of Parliament. Made in the 11th. &amp; 12th of
KING William IIId. Intituled, <i>An Act for the
more effectual Suppression of Piracy</i>.<br>
<br>
With an APPENDIX,<br>
<br>
Containing the Substance of their Confessions
given before His Excellency the Governour,
when they were first brought to
<i>Boston</i>, and committed to Goal.
<br>
<br>
<i>Boston</i>:<br>
<br>
Printed by B. Green, for John Edwards, and Sold at his Shop in King’s Street. 1718.
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>On Dec. 19, 1716, about nine leagues to the leeward of the
island of Blanco, they fell in with the ship “St. Michael,”
James Williams, master, a Bristol ship that had sailed from
Cork in September, bound for Jamaica with provisions. The
ship was taken to the island of Blanco where they helped themselves
to such provisions as they wanted and forced four men.
Among the men who were forced was Thomas Davis, the ship’s
carpenter, born in Carmarthenshire, Wales, who was the only
white man to escape drowning when Bellamy was afterwards
wrecked on Cape Cod. Thomas South of Boston, England,
also was forced.</p>

<p>When Davis was told he must join the pirate crew he cried
out that he was undone and “one of the pirates hearing him
lament his sad condition, said, ‘Damn him, He is a Presbyterian
Dog, and should fight for King James.’” Captain
Williams tried to say a good word for Davis and finally Bellamy
promised that he might go free on the next vessel that
was taken. On Jan. 9, 1717, with fourteen other forced men,
he was put on board the “Sultana.” At that time there were
on the three pirate vessels eighty men of the “old Company”
and one hundred and thirty forced men. “When the Company
was called together to consult, each Man to give his
Vote, they would not allow the forced Men to have a vote.”<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p>

<p>From Blanco, they sailed to a maroon island called Testegos
where they refitted and then sailed for the Windward Passage,
but the wind blowing hard they parted company with Captain
Lebous and went into St. Croix, “where a French pirate was
blown up.”</p>

<p>About the end of February, 1717, the “Whidaw,” a fine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span>
London-built galley commanded by Capt. Lawrence Prince,
was making her way under easy sail through the Windward
Passage between Cuba and Porto Rico. She had lately cleared
from Jamaica and was bound for London, with a rich cargo of
elephants’ teeth, gold dust, sugar, indigo and Jesuit’s bark,
having previously been on a slaving voyage to the Guinea
coast. The galley was about three hundred tons burthen,
mounted eighteen guns and carried a crew of fifty men. Early
in the morning a ship and a sloop in company were sighted.
They shortly altered their course and followed the “Whidaw”
and after a three days’ chase took her with practically no resistance.
In fact, Captain Prince was so lacking in spirit that
only two chase guns were fired at the sloop and his flag was
hauled down at the first demand to surrender.</p>

<p>The pirate ship was commanded by Captain Bellamy who
ordered a prize crew on board the “Whidaw” and all three
vessels then made a course for Long Island, one of the Bahamas,
where they came to anchor. This prize not only enriched
but strengthened them for Bellamy immediately took her over
and mounted additional guns, so that she carried twenty-eight.
Captain Prince was rewarded for making an easy surrender
by being given the ship “Sultana.” He also was permitted
to load her with much of the best and finest of the cargo
of the “Whidaw,” not wanted by the pirates, and after his
crew had been picked over and the boatswain and two other
men forced and seven had volunteered, he was allowed to go.
Bellamy felt so well-disposed that he gave the captain £20 in
silver and gold, “to bear his charges.”<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p>

<p>When the “Whidaw” was taken over, Davis reminded
Captain Bellamy of his promise and asked if he might go with
Captain Prince. Bellamy said he might go if the company consented
and called for a vote; but the pirates expressed themselves
violently and voted no. He was a carpenter and needed
on board. “Damn him,” said the company, “rather than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span>
let him go he should be shot or whipped to Death at the Mast.”
All the new men were now sworn to be true and not cheat the
company to the value of a piece of eight and it was agreed to
treat forced men and volunteers alike. “When a prize was
taken the Watch Bill was to be called over and Men put on
board as they stood named in the Bill.”</p>

<p>The money taken on the “Whidaw” was reported to
amount to £20,000. It was counted over in the cabin and
put up in bags, fifty pounds as every man’s share, there being
one hundred and eighty men on board. “The money was
kept in chests between decks without any Guard.”</p>

<p>The next day Bellamy and Williams sailed and shaped a
course for the Capes of Virginia on the way taking an English
ship, hired by the French, laden with sugar and indigo, and
after an inspection dismissing her. Off the Virginia coast
three ships and a snow were taken, two of them hailing from
Scotland, one from Bristol, and the last, a Scotch ship from the
Barbadoes with a little rum and sugar aboard, in so leaky a
condition that the crew refused to go farther in her and so the
pirates sunk her and put the crew on board the snow which
was commanded by a Captain Montgomery. This vessel was
taken over and manned by men from the “Whidaw.” The
two other ships were plundered and discharged.</p>

<p>Just at this time a storm came up and Bellamy took in all
his small sails and Williams double-reefed his main sail. It
was a thunder-storm and the wind blew with such violence that
the “Whidaw” was very nearly over-set. Fortunately it
blew from the northwest and so drove them away from the
coast with only the goose-wings of the foresails to scud with.
Towards night the storm increased mightily “and not only
put them by all Sail, but obliged the <i>Whidaw</i> to bring her
Yards aportland, and all they could do with Tackles to the
Goose Neck of the Tiler, four Men in the Gun Room, and two
at the Wheel, was to keep her Head to the Sea, for had she once
broach’d to, they must infallibly have founder’d. The Heavens,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span>
in the mean while, were cover’d with Sheets of Lightning,
which the Sea by the Agitation of the saline Particles seem’d
to imitate; the Darkness of the Night was such, as the Scripture
says, as might be felt; the terrible hollow roaring of the
Winds, cou’d be only equalled by the repeated, I may say, incessant
Claps of Thunder, sufficient to strike a Dread of the
supream Being, who commands the Sea and the Winds, one
would imagine in every Heart; but among these Wretches,
the Effect was different, for they endeavoured by their Blasphemies,
Oaths, and horrid Imprecations, to drown the Uproar
of jarring Elements. Bellamy swore he was sorry he
could not run out his Guns to return the Salute, meaning the
Thunder, that he fancied the Gods had got drunk over their
Tipple, and were gone together by the Ears:</p>

<p>“They continued scudding all that Night under their bare
Poles. The next Morning the Main-Mast being sprung in
the Step, they were forced to cut it away, and, at the same
time, the Mizzen came by the Board. These Misfortunes
made the Ship ring with Blasphemy, which was encreased,
when, by trying the Pumps, they found the Ship made a great
Deal of Water; tho’ by continually plying them, it kept it
from gaining upon them: The Sloop as well as the Ship, was
left to the Mercy of the Winds, tho’ the former, not having a
Tant-Mast, did not lose it. The Wind shifting round the
Compass, made so outrageous and short a Sea, that they had
little Hopes of Safety; it broke upon the Poop, drove in the
Taveril, and wash’d the two Men away from the Wheel, who
were saved in the Netting. The Wind after four Days and
three Nights abated of its Fury, and fixed in the North, North
East Point, hourly decreasing, and the Weather clearing up,
so that they spoke to the Sloop, and resolv’d for the Coast of
Carolina; they continued this Course but a Day and a Night,
when the Wind coming about to the Southward, they changed
their Resolution to that of going to <i>Rhode Island</i>. All this
while the <i>Whidaw’s</i> Leak continued, and it was as much as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span>
the Lee-Pump could do to keep the Water from gaining, tho’
it was kept continually going. Jury-Masts were set up, and
the Carpenter finding the Leak to be in the Bows, occasioned
by the Oakam spewing out of a Seam, the Crew became very
jovial again; the Sloop received no other Damage than the
Loss of the Main-Sail, which the first Flurry tore away from
the Boom.”<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a></p>

<p>While on the voyage to Rhode Island they came upon a
Boston-owned sloop commanded by Captain Beer, who was
ordered on board the “Whidaw” while the sloop was being
plundered. Both Bellamy and Williams were for giving
Captain Beer his sloop again but for some reason the company
would not agree to it and so the sloop was sunk and later Captain
Beer was set ashore on Block Island. He reached his
home in Newport, the first of May.</p>

<p>After the vote to sink the sloop had been taken Bellamy
announced the fact to the captain in a speech that has been
preserved in the “History of the Pirates.”</p>

<p>“D—— my Bl——d,” says he, “I am sorry they won’t
let you have your Sloop again, for I scorn to do any one a Mischief,
when it is not for my Advantage; damn the Sloop, we
must sink her, and she might be of Use to you. Tho’, damn
ye, you are a sneaking Puppy, and so are all those who will
submit to be governed by Laws which rich Men have made
for their own Security, for the cowardly Whelps have not the
Courage otherwise to defend what they get by their Knavery;
but damn ye altogether: Damn them for a Pack of crafty Rascals,
and you, who serve them, for a Parcel of hen-hearted
Numskuls. They villify us, the Scoundrels do, when there is
only this Difference, they rob the Poor under the Cover of Law,
forsooth, and we plunder the Rich under the Protection of
our own Courage; had you not better make One of us, than
sneak after the A——s of these Villains for Employment?
Capt. Beer told him, that his Conscience would not allow him<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span>
to break thro’ the Laws of God and Man. You are a devilish
Conscience Rascal, d——n ye, replied Bellamy, I am a free
Prince, and I have as much Authority to make War on the
whole World, as he who has a hundred Sail of Ships at Sea, and
an Army of 100,000 Men in the Field; and this my Conscience
tells me; but there is no arguing with such sniveling Puppies,
who allow Superiors to kick them about Deck at Pleasure; and
pin their Faith upon a Pimp of a Parson: a Squab, who neither
practices nor believes what he puts upon the chuckle-headed
Fools he preaches to.”<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p>

<p>On board the “Whidaw” was a man named Lambert, and
John Julian, a Cape Cod Indian, both of whom knew the coast
and who were to act as pilots. It was Bellamy’s intention to
clean his ship at Green Island.</p>

<p>On Friday, April 26, 1717, early in the morning, about a
fortnight after setting Captain Beer ashore, when halfway
between Nantucket shoals and St. George’s banks, the pirates
came up with a pink, the “Mary Anne,” of Dublin, Capt.
Andrew Crumpstey, with a cargo of wine from Madeira. She
had touched at Boston and was bound for New York. The
pirate vessels came up “with King’s Ensign and Pendant flying”
and after the pink had struck her colors a boat was hoisted
out from the “Whidaw” and seven men were sent on board
“armed with Musquets, Pistols and Cutlasses.” Captain
Crumpstey, with five of his hands, was ordered to go aboard
the “Whidaw” with his ship’s papers. The mate, Thomas
Fitzgerald, and two seamen, Alexander Mackconachy and
James Dunavan, were left on board the “Mary Anne.”</p>

<p>A little later, men from the “Whidaw” rowed over to get
some wine from the cargo but finding it difficult to get at returned
with only a small quantity, carrying back at the same
time some clothing needed by the men from the pink. Soon
after the boat was hoisted aboard, the ship hailed and ordered
the pink to steer N. W. by N. and the little fleet followed this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>
course until about four o’clock in the afternoon when it came
up very thick, foggy weather and they lay to. Presently the
snow came up under the ship’s stern and hailed Captain Bellamy
and told him that they saw land. He then ordered the
pink to steer north. A sloop from Virginia had also been taken
that afternoon and as night came on all four vessels put out
lights a-stern and made sail, keeping together. Soon Captain
Bellamy hailed the pink, which was a slow sailer, and
ordered them to make more haste, whereupon John Brown,
one of the pirates, swore “that she should carry sail till she
carryed her Masts away.”</p>

<p>The pirates on board the pink drank plentifully of the wine
on board and took turns at the helm. As she was leaky all
hands were forced to pump hard and in consequence damned
the vessel and wished they had never seen her. A pirate
named Thomas Baker was in command of the company on
the pink and told Fitzgerald, the mate, that Captain Bellamy
held a commission from King George, and Simon van Vorst,
one of his men, said, “Yes, and we will stretch it to the World’s
end.”</p>

<p>At this time there were about fifty forced men on board
the pirate vessels “over whom they kept a watchful eye, and
no Man was suffered to write a word, but what was nailed up
to the Mast. The names of the forced men were put in the
Watch Bill and fared as others. They might have had what
money they wanted from the Quartermaster, who kept a Book
for that purpose.”<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> It was common report on board that
they had with them about £20,000, in gold and silver.</p>

<p>About ten o’clock in the evening it came on very thick
weather. The wind blew from the east, it lightened and rained
hard and the vessels soon lost sight of each other. Fitzgerald,
the mate, was then at the helm and suddenly found that the
pink was among the breakers. All hands tried to trim the
head sail but before they could do it the vessel ran ashore<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span>
opposite to Slutts-bush, at the back of Stage Harbor, on the
south side of Cape Cod in what is now the town of Orleans.
Baker, the pirate in command, at once ordered the foremast
and mizzen mast cut down and the heavy sea soon drove the
pink high on shore. Some of the prize crew, fearful of apprehension,
then said “For God’s sake let us go down into the
Hould and Die together” and later asked Fitzgerald to read
to them out of the common prayer book which he did for about
an hour. As the pink gave no signs of breaking up everybody
remained on board until daybreak when they found it possible
on the shore side to jump directly on land. It was a small
island called Pochet Island, now a part of the mainland of
Orleans. Here they breakfasted on sweetmeats found in a
chest, washed down with wine from the cargo. At the time
they could see at anchor beyond the bar, the snow and the
small sloop, both having ridden out the storm safely. About
the middle of the morning they worked off shore.</p>

<p>At ten o’clock in the forenoon two men, John Cole and
William Smith, came out to the island in a canoe and carried
them all to the mainland where they went to Cole’s house and
stayed for a short time, “looking very dejected.” Cole afterwards
testified that they asked the way to Rhode Island and
seemed in great haste to be off.</p>

<p>News of the wreck traveled swiftly and soon reached the
ears of Joseph Doane of Eastham, a justice of the peace and
representative to the Great and General Court. Fitzgerald
testified at the trial of the pirates that Mackconachy, the cook
on the pink, had bravely denounced the seven pirates as soon
as they reached the house of John Cole. At any rate,
Justice Doane, with a deputy sheriff and posse of men, was
soon in pursuit of the fleeing pirates who were overtaken
and seized at Eastham tavern and taken to Barnstable gaol.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, the “Whidaw” drove ashore ten miles<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span>
north with a great loss of life. Only two out of the ship’s
company of one hundred and forty-six men reached the
shore alive,—Thomas Davis, a young Welsh shipwright
who had been forced the previous December, and John
Julian, an Indian, born on Cape Cod,—these two men, by
great endurance and good fortune, not only swam ashore
from the bar on which the “Whidaw” was breaking up,
but after reaching the shore successfully scaled “the
Table Land” and escaped the smother of pounding rollers
beneath.</p>

<p>Davis told the judges of the Admiralty Court in Boston
that when the thunder-storm broke, the “Whidaw” lost sight
of her escorts and like the pink soon found breakers ahead.
An anchor was let go but the violence of the sea was so great
that the cable was cut and the attempt made to work off shore
but she soon drove on the bar. A quarter of an hour after
she struck, the mainmast went by the board and in the morning
the fine new ship was a tangled mass of wreckage. About
sixteen prisoners were drowned including Crumpstey, the master
of the pink. “The riches on board were laid together in
one head,” testified Davis.</p>

<p>While the condemned pirates were awaiting execution they
were taken to the North Meeting House, as an edifying spectacle,
and there the Rev. Cotton Mather preached a sermon
which was published under the title: “Instructions to the
Living from the Condition of the Dead.” In this pamphlet
he states that “when it appeared that the wrecked ship was
breaking up the pirates murdered their prisoners on board
lest they should escape and appear as witnesses. Wounds
were afterwards found on their dead bodies washed up by the
sea.” Nowhere in the testimony given at the trial is there an
allusion to anything of the sort. Davis, the white survivor,
testified in great detail and makes no mention of such horrible
brutality. That dead bodies may have come ashore battered
and mutilated is highly probable. Every great loss of life in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span>
a wrecked ship that has broken up and buffeted its victims
has exhibited similar horrors.</p>

<p>Another tale that has survived relates to the supposed heroism
of the captain of the Irish pink. The “<i>Boston News-Letter</i>”
of April 29-May 6, 1717, prints news of the wreck and
states that “The Pyrates being free with the Liquor that the
Captive had, got themselves Drunk and asleep, and the Captive
master in the Night, thought it a fit opportunity to run
her ashore on the back side of Eastham.” Nearly eighty
years later a citizen of Wellfleet wrote a short history of the
town with an account of the pirate wreck, in which he doubtless
perpetuated the local traditions. He relates that Bellamy’s
entire fleet was “cast on the shore of what is now Wellfleet,
being led to the shore by the captain of a snow, which
was made a prize on the day before: who had the promise of
the snow as a present, if he would pilot the fleet into Cape Cod
harbor; the captain, suspecting that the pirate would not
keep his promise, and that instead of clearing his ship, as was
his pretence, his intentions were to plunder the inhabitants of
Provincetown. The night being dark, a lantern was hung in
the shrouds of the snow, the captain of which, instead of piloting
where he was ordered, approached so near the land, that
the pirate’s large ship which followed him struck on the outer
bar; the snow being less, struck much nearer the shore. The
fleet was put in confusion; a violent storm arose; and the
whole fleet was shipwrecked on the shore. Many in the
smaller vessels got safe on shore. Those that were executed,
were the pirates put on board a prize schooner before the
storm.... At times to this day [1793], there are King William
and Queen Mary coppers picked up, and pieces of silver,
called cob money. The violence of the seas moves the sands
upon the outer bar; so that at times the iron caboose of the
ship, at low ebb, has been seen.”<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i126_1" style="max-width: 66.5em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i126_1.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>SPANISH DOUBLOON<br>
<span class='c2'>From the original coin found on the beach at Wellfleet, Mass., where Bellamy’s
pirate ship was wrecked in 1717 and now in the possession of
Charles A. Taylor.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i126_2" style="max-width: 99.1875em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i126_2.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>A SPANISH “PIECE OF EIGHT”<br>
<span class='c2'>From a coin in the cabinet of the Massachusetts Historical Society</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>No longer ago than the year 1900, Capt. Webster Eldridge<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span>
of Chatham, secured two guns that undoubtedly came from
the wreck of the wine ship. The guns of the “Whidaw”
should be found where she first struck on the outer bar, as
she turned bottom up before she broke up and came ashore.</p>

<p>The “Whidaw” came ashore about twelve o’clock at night.
As soon as it was light, Thomas Davis, one of the two survivors,
found his way to the house of Samuel Harding, about
two miles distant from the wreck, and after telling his story
Harding took him on his horse and they went to the shore and
began to salvage what had washed up from the ship. They
made several trips between the shore and the house. By ten
o’clock a dozen others were there busily at work. The next
day was Sunday and when Mr. Justice Doane reached the
beach that morning he found that everything of value had
been carried away. Davis was apprehended by him and a few
days later the nine men in Barnstable <ins title='original: goal'>gaol</ins> were placed on
horseback and started for Boston under a strong guard and on
May 4th they were placed in irons in the stone gaol that then
was located where the City Hall Annex now stands.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, Governor Shute saw visions of a great store of
pirate gold and so issued a proclamation charging all of His
Majesty’s officers and subjects within the Province to use all
diligence to seize and apprehend not only escaped pirates but
“money, bullion, treasure, goods and merchandizes” from the
pirate ship. He also dispatched Capt. Cyprian Southack to
the scene of the wreck. Captain Southack had been in command
of the “Province Galley” for over nineteen years and
afterwards published a chart of the New England coast on
which he located the pirate wreck. He hired a small sloop,
the “Nathaniel,” John Sole, master, and sailed from Boston
on May 1st, at ten o’clock in the morning, only five days after
the “Whidaw” had come ashore. The wind was at the south,
“a frisking gale,” and he didn’t reach Cape Cod harbor until
the afternoon of the next day. There he hired a whale boat
and sent two men to Truro where they got horses and at seven<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span>
o’clock in the evening reached the wreck where a watch was
maintained all night.</p>

<p>At four o’clock on the morning of May 3, 1717, the diligent
captain started in a whale boat and crossed the Cape by means
of the natural canal that existed at that time between Orleans
and Eastham, sometimes called “Jeremy’s Drean.” At
Truro, he was “much afronted by one Caleb Hopkins, Senr.
of Freetown,” and nowhere on the Cape did he find a cordial
spirit of coöperation, as may be surmised. He found the
“Pepol very Stife and will not [give up] one thing of what
they Gott on the Rack.” He wrote to the Governor that
“Samuel Harding has a great many Riches that he saved out
of the Rack being the first man there and says that the Englishman
give him orders to Deliver nothing of the Riches they
had saved, so I find the said Harding is as Gilty as the Pirates
saved.”</p>

<p>The day after he arrived at Eastham, he posted a notice on
the doors of three nearby meeting-houses announcing that he
had been authorized by the Governor to discover and take
care of the wreck, with power to “go into any house, shop,
cellar, warehouse, room or other place and in case of resistance
to break open any door, chests, trunks and other packages”
and seize any plunder belonging to the wreck. But His Majesty’s
“loving subjects” refused to disgorge. “They are
very wise and will not tell one nothing of what they got on the
Rack,” wrote the complaining captain. The coroner and his
jury had ordered the victims of the wreck to be buried and
demanded £83, as their due for the cost of burying the sixty-two
bodies. Captain Southack claimed that public money
should not be wasted in burying outlawed pirates and so the
thrifty coroner “putt a stop” on some of the goods from the
wreck and secured payment, which “is very hard,” writes the
captain.</p>

<p>The fragments of the wrecked ship he found scattered along
the shore for a distance of nearly four miles. The anchor of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span>
the “Whidaw” could be seen on the bar at low tide but the
sea was so rough that it was impossible to go out in the whale
boat that he had impressed until nearly a week had gone by
and then nothing could be seen for the moving sand made the
water thick and muddy. It also rained much of the time. Altogether,
a disagreeable experience for the faithful captain!
Eventually he was obliged to abandon his attempt to recover
“the riches” believed to be buried in the sand on the bar and
return to Boston. Fate also played him a scurvy trick by
sending along a pirate vessel to capture the sloop “Swan,”
Samuel Doggett, master, that had been ordered from Boston
to bring back the goods saved from the wreck. After being
plundered of stores to the value of £80 she was allowed to go.
This happened on the voyage down to the Cape.</p>

<p>Does the sandy bar off Wellfleet still conceal the pirate gold?
Who can say? Certainly no large salvage has ever been made.
Moreover, there is a possibility that a part of it was carried
off by some of the crew who may have escaped from the
stranded ship. Captain Williams, the escort of Bellamy, also
put in a belated appearance two days after the “Whidaw”
was wrecked and came to anchor off shore and sent in a boat.
Some salvage may have been effected then.</p>

<p>Williams had reached Block Island on April 28th, too late
to join Bellamy, and while there had beguiled on board and
forced three men, Dr. James Sweet, George Mitchell and
Willaim Tosh.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> From Block Island, he steered easterly and
the next day, April 29th, reached the scene of the wreck. From
there he chased several fishing vessels and then stood out to sea.
He was back again a month later and took a ship and a
schooner and even came into Cape Cod harbor on May 24th
and then sailed through Vineyard Sound the following Sunday.
He was then in great want of provisions. On May
25th, a man-of-war and an armed sloop, with ninety men, had
sailed from Boston in pursuit. The news was sent to Rhode<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span>
Island and Governor Cranston replied, “I hope it will please
god to Bless Your Excellency’s Indevours by the Sirprize and
Caption of those Inhumaine Monsters of pray so as our Navigation
may be made more Safe and Secure.”</p>

<p>As for the possible escape of men from the wrecked “Whidaw,”
the only evidence that now appears is found in the
deposition of Daniel Collins, the master of a Cape Ann fishing
sloop, who was captured by a small pirate sloop on May 10th.
He was forty leagues eastward of Cape Ann at the time. There
were nineteen men on board the pirate and they told him that
“they were the only men that escaped that belonged to the
ship that run on shoar att Cape Cod and that they made their
escape in the long boat.” Since then they had taken three
shallops and three schooners that belonged to Marblehead.</p>

<p>Pirates usually were brought to a speedy trial in Boston;
but for some reason the men who escaped the perils of the sea
on Cape Cod remained in <ins title='original: goal'>gaol</ins> until Friday, Oct. 18th before
they were taken into Admiralty Court and made to taste the
perils of the land. John Julian, the Cape Cod Indian, was
brought to Boston with the others but never was tried. He
disappears from the records and may have died. Thomas
Davis, the twenty-two year old Welshman, was able to convince
the Court that he was a forced man and when he was
cleared “put himself on his knees and thanked the Court and
was dismissed with a suitable admonition.”</p>

<p>The remaining seven:—Simon Van Vorst, 24 years, born
in New York; John Brown, 25 years, born in Jamaica;
Thomas Baker, 29 years, born in Flushing, Holland; Hendrick
Quintor, 25 years, born in Amsterdam; Peter Cornelius Hoof,
34 years, born in Sweden; John Sheean, 24 years, born in
Nantes; and Thomas South, 30 years, born in Boston, England;
were brought to trial in the Court House standing at
the head of what is now State Street. Governor Shute, the
Captain-General of the Province, sat as President of the Court
and beside him was Lieutenant-Governor Dummer. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span>
prisoners were charged with piracy in taking the “free trading
Vessel or Pink called the Mary Anne” and were tried
under the statute made in the 11th and 12th year of the reign
of William III. The evidence was conclusive. Thomas South,
it appeared by the testimony, was a ship carpenter who had
been forced by Bellamy the previous December, from a Bristol
ship commanded by Capt. James Williams. He was cleared.
The others were found guilty and sentenced to be hanged on
Friday, Nov. 15, 1717, “at Charlestown Ferry within the
flux and reflux of the Sea.”</p>

<p>After the condemned pirates were removed from the courtroom
the ministers of the town took them in hand and “bestowed
all possible <i>Instructions</i> upon the Condemned Criminals;
often <i>Pray’d</i> with them; often <i>Preached</i> to them; often <i>Examined</i>
them; and <i>Exhorted</i> them; and presented them with
Books of Piety.” At the place of execution Baker and Hoof
appeared penitent and the latter joined with Van Vorst in
singing a Dutch psalm. John Brown, on the contrary, broke
out into furious expressions with many oaths and then fell to
reading prayers, “not very pertinently chosen,” remarks
the Rev. Cotton Mather. He then made a short speech, at
which many in the assembled crowd trembled, in which he
advised sailors to beware of wicked living and if they fell into
the hands of pirates to have a care what countries they came
into. Then the scaffold fell and six twitching bodies, outlined
against the sky, ended the spectacle.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i130" style="max-width: 78.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i130.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
Instructions to the LIVING,<br>
from the Condition of the<br>
DEAD.<br>
<br>
A Brief Relation of REMARKABLES<br>
in the Shipwreck of above<br>
One Hundred<br>
Pirates,<br>
<br>
Who were Cast away in the Ship
<i>Whida</i>, on the Coast of <i>New-England</i>,
<i>April 26. 1717</i>.<br>
And in the Death of Six, who after
a Fair Trial at <i>Boston</i>, were
Convicted &amp; Condemned, <i>Octob.
22.</i> And Executed, <i>Novemb. 15.
1717</i>. With some Account of
the Discourse had with them on
the way to their Execution.<br>
<br>
And a SERMON Preached on their Occasion.<br>
<br>
<i>Boston</i>, Printed by <i>John Allen</i>, for
<i>Nicholas Boone</i>, at the Sign of
the Bible in <i>Cornhill</i>. 1717.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>



<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Paul Williams, sometimes styled Paulsgrave Williams, is said to have
been born on Nantucket. Later he lived at Newport, Rhode Island.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> <i>The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy</i>, Boston, 1717.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> <i>The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy</i>, Boston, 1717.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> <i>The Trials of Eight Persons Indited for Piracy</i>, Boston, 1717.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> About two and one-half miles south of the present life-saving station
at Wellfleet.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> <i>Massachusetts Historical Society Collections</i>, Vol. III, p. 120.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. II, leaf 165.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX<br>
<span class="ch-title">George Lowther who Captured Thirty-Three Vessels
in Seventeen Months</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Most of the piracies perpetrated by this man took place
away from the New England coast, but as he aided
Capt. Ned Low to begin his piratical career and at
various times was his consort, it seems proper to include here
some relation of the villainies that he committed. Lowther
was an Englishman and an honest man when he sailed from
London in March, 1721, as second mate of the ship “Gambia
Castle,” owned by the Royal African Company and commanded
by Capt. Charles Russell. The ship was carrying
stores and a company of soldiers to the river Gambia, on the
African coast, to garrison a fort some time before captured
and destroyed by Capt. Howel Davis, the pirate. She came
to anchor at Gambia in May and before long disputes arose
between Lowther and Captain Russell in which many of the
crew sided with the second mate. These disputes eventually
led to a conspiracy whereby the ship was seized during the
absence of the captain on shore, and with Lowther in command
the ship sailed down the river.</p>

<p>When safely at sea Lowther called the entire company together
and made a speech in which he pointed out the folly of
returning to England, for, by seizing the ship they had been
guilty of an offence, the penalty of which was hanging, and for
one he didn’t propose to chance such a fate. Continuing, he
said if the company didn’t accept his proposal he only asked
to be set ashore in some safe place. His proposal was that
they should seek their fortunes on the seas as other brave men<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span>
had done before them. The sailors and soldiers on board
proved to be a crowd of good fellows not suited for the gallows
or damp prison cells and so fell in with his suggestions. The
cabins were knocked down, the ship made flush fore and aft
and renamed the “Happy Delivery,” and the following “Articles”
were drawn up, signed and, strangely enough, sworn to
upon a Bible, viz:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“1. The Captain is to have two full Shares; the Master
is to have one Share and a half; the Doctor, Mate, Gunner,
and Boatswain, one Share and a quarter.</p>

<p>“2. He that shall be found guilty of taking up any unlawful
Weapon on Board the Privateer, or any Prize, by us taken,
so as to strike or abuse one another, in any regard, shall suffer
what Punishment the Captain and Majority of the Company
shall think fit.</p>

<p>“3. He that shall be found Guilty of Cowardice, in the
Time of Engagement, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain
and Majority shall think fit.</p>

<p>“4. If any Gold, Jewels, Silver, &amp;c. be found on Board of
any Prize or Prizes, to the Value of a Piece of Eight, and the
Finder do not deliver it to the Quarter-Master, in the Space
of 24 Hours, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and
Majority shall think fit.</p>

<p>“5. He that is found Guilty of Gaming, or Defrauding
another to the Value of a Shilling, shall suffer what Punishment
the Captain and Majority of the Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“6. He that shall have the Misfortune to lose a Limb, in
Time of Engagement, shall have the Sum of one hundred and
fifty Pounds Sterling, and remain with the Company as long
as he shall think fit.</p>

<p>“7. Good Quarters to be given when call’d for.</p>

<p>“8. He that sees a Sail first, shall have the best Pistol, or
Small-Arm, on Board her.”</p>
</div>

<p>This occurred on June 13, 1721. Seven days later, near<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span>
Barbadoes, they came in sight of the brigantine “Charles,”
James Douglass, master, owned in Boston in the Massachusetts
Bay, which fell into their hands without any resistance
and was plundered in the usual piratical manner. No one on
board was injured and the vessel was let go without damage.
Several other captures were made near Hispaniola including
a Spanish pirate that recently had taken a Bristol ship, then
in company. The Spaniards being engaged in the same trade
expected some consideration at the hands of Lowther, but he
rifled and then burned both ships, permitting the Spaniards
to go away unharmed in their launch and adding all the English
sailors to his own pirate crew. Meanwhile the news of
his venture on the high seas had reached England and in
September, H. M. Ship “Feversham,” stationed at Barbadoes,
was reported to have taken Lowther, so Captain Russell
set out from Plymouth for Barbadoes to take possession of his
ship and give evidence against Lowther and his crew.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> Unfortunately
for him, on his arrival at Barbadoes he learned
that the capture had not been made. About that time Lowther
took a small sloop owned at St. Christopher’s which he
manned from his enlarged crew and together they made for a
small island where the vessels were careened and their bottoms
cleaned and here the company spent some time drinking
and carousing with some Indian women they had seized.</p>

<p>About Christmas time, 1721, they went aboard their vessels
and took a course across the Caribbean for the Bay of Honduras,
but running short of water made for the Grand Caimane
islands to fill up the water butts. While here a small vessel
came into the same harbor with only thirteen men aboard and
with a man named Edward Low in command. It turned out
that this company had recently come away from a Boston
sloop in the Bay of Honduras and had turned pirates like
themselves. Lowther accordingly proposed to Captain
Low that they should join forces and shortly an agreement<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span>
was reached and all went aboard the “Happy Delivery.”
The joint adventures of these kindred spirits are related at
length in the chapter on Captain Edward Low, until Low’s
ambition led to a rupture between them. They separated at
night on May 28, 1722, in the latitude of 38°, and Captain
Lowther set a course for the mainland and took three or four
fishing vessels off New York.</p>

<p>On June 2d, the ship “Mary Galley,” Peter King, master,
was overhauled, in latitude 35°. She was bound homeward
to Boston from the Barbadoes and from her Lowther took
thirteen hogsheads and a barrel of rum, a sufficient supply to
wet thirsty throats for some days it would seem. He also
secured five barrels of sugar and several cases of loaf sugar
and pepper, a box of English goods and six negroes. The
passengers were examined and robbed of all their money and
plate and at eleven o’clock the next morning the ship was
allowed to proceed. She reached Boston on the 14th and soon
the intelligence was published in the newspapers. At the
time of this capture Lowther was reported as commanding a
sloop mounting four guns. About the same time sloops from
the West Indies arriving at New York, brought news of the
capture of a New York sloop, Thomas Noxon, master, on the
voyage to Jamaica, loaded with provisions. The captain and
crew had been marooned but taken off by a passing vessel
bound for Bermuda. This may have been an earlier capture
of Lowther. He next appeared near the Capes of the Chesapeake
and cruised on and off for nearly three weeks, the wind
being southerly and blowing an easy gale. Many persons
harvesting on plantations near the shore reported the strange
vessels, for Lowther and Harris were than in company. Several
times they sailed up the bay for ten or twelve leagues and
on July 8th brought down with them a large sloop taken high
up in the bay. That night the vessels anchored at no great
distance from shore and the excited neighborhood heard drums
beating “all night,” so says the report, and could see a large<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span>
number of men on board. Trade between the Capes was entirely
stopped, no vessels daring to venture out. Franklin’s
newspaper, the “New England Courant,” when publishing
this information just arrived from Philadelphia, makes the
satirical comment that for some time no man-of-war had been
seen in the vicinity, “who, by dear experience, we know, love
Trading better than Fighting.” One vessel did enter safely
through the Capes, the sloop “Little Joseph,” commanded
by Captain Hargrave, “who sailed from hence about two
months ago for the Island of St. Christophers, but was taken
by the Pyrates three Times and rifled of most of her Cargo, so
that she was obliged to return back.”<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a></p>

<p>From the Capes of the Chesapeake, Captain Lowther directed
a course southerly and near the South Carolina coast
met a ship just out of port bound for England,—the “Amy,”
Captain Gwatkins. Lowther hoisted his piratical colors and
fired a gun. Captain Gwatkins did not lose courage at sight
of the black flag and replied with a broadside which caused
Lowther to sheer off and the ship getting the pirate between
her and the shore stood boldly after him. Finding that at
last he had “caught a Tartar,” Lowther ran in towards shore
and at length went aground and landed all his men with their
arms. Captain Gwatkins hove to as near in-shore as he dared
and filling one of his boats with armed men rowed toward the
stranded sloop with the intention of setting it on fire. Most
unfortunately, just before reaching the vessel, a volley from
Lowther’s men on shore picked off Captain Gwatkins, wounding
him fatally, after which the mate turned about and made
for the ship without attempting farther to reach the sloop.
When the “Amy” had left them, Lowther soon got his vessel
afloat but found her in shattered condition. During the engagement
he had a good many men killed and wounded and
all in all it seemed best to pull into one of the many inlets on
the North Carolina coast and refit and allow his wounded to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span>
recover. This required more time than he had anticipated
and soon winter was at hand and at their chosen anchorage
they finally remained until the next spring. Much of the
time during the winter months was spent in hunting black
cattle, hogs, etc., to supply fresh meat. The crew was divided
up into small parties and sent out to ravage the back country,
at last coming back to their huts and tents near the sloop where
they lodged during the winter and only went on board when
the weather grew very cold.</p>

<p>Spring came at last and leaving their winter quarters they
went to sea steering a course for the fishing banks off Newfoundland.
On June 18th, 1723, the schooner “Swift” of
Boston, John Hood, master, fell into their hands and supplied
them with forty barrels of salt beef, very much needed at the
time. Other miscellaneous stores were taken and three men—Andrew
Hunter, Henry Hunter and Jonathan Deloe—were
forced to join the pirate crew. Lowther’s sloop at that
time had ten guns mounted.<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p>

<p>Several other captures were made on the banks or in harbors
along shore but none supplied much plunder. On July
5th, being then about a hundred leagues eastward of the banks
of Newfoundland, Lowther overhauled the brigantine “John
and Elizabeth,” owned in Boston, Richard Stanny, master,
bound home from Holland having called at Dover. Captain
Stanny afterward reported that Lowther at that time had with
him about twenty men and the sloop mounted only seven guns.
The pirates broke open the hatches and helped themselves to
a variety of merchandise and stores and forced two men,—Ralph
Kendale of Sunderland, county Durham, and Henry
Watson of Dover. These men struggled against being forced
on board the sloop and before this was accomplished were
badly whipped and beaten.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> At the time this capture was
made Lowther was headed for warmer waters and early in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span>
September, in company with Capt. Ned Low, reached Fayal
in the Western Islands, as is related elsewhere.</p>

<p>The depredations of Low and Lowther that spring and summer
aroused the fears of every shipmaster along the New England
coast and every unrecognized vessel was imagined to be
a rogue. Capt. James Codin on his passage from New York
to Newport, R. I., sighted a sloop at anchor near Fisher’s
Island which immediately made sail and chased him all day
so that he concluded the sloop to be a pirate, more especially
as he was followed when he altered his course. Captain Codin
made for Stonington which he reached safely during the evening.
The next morning the strange sloop was not in sight.
She afterwards proved to be a New York sloop commanded
by one Captain Heed, homeward bound from Jamaica. Not
long after a sloop with a white bottom and eight gun-ports
came to anchor near Block Island and sent a boat ashore for
fresh provisions and a pilot. At Captain Rea’s some sheep
were bought and payment was made in silver money. “It
is conjectured to be Lowther the Pirate.”<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> Two weeks later
the Boston newspapers published a new batch of information
according to which the sloop at Block Island proved to be a
Londoner, owned by the Royal Assiento Company, and commanded
by Capt. Rupert Wappen. She mounted eight guns
and carried a crew of thirty-nine men, and on board were ten
or twelve chests of silver money, a fact which her captain seems
to have been at no pains to conceal. She was said to have
come from Laver de Cruz and South Carolina and to be bound
for Jamaica and was waiting at Block Island for a pilot.</p>

<p>About the same time Capt. George Slyfield arrived at Philadelphia
from South Carolina, in the sloop “Lincolnshire,”
with the news that Lowther had gone to Cape Fear, to careen
and Governor Nickolson had sent an Indian to learn the truth
of the report and was also fitting out a man-of-war to go in
search. And so the rumors flew about.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i138" style="max-width: 110.6875em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i138.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>CAPT. GEORGE LOWTHER AT PORT MAYO<br>
 <span class='c2'>From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College
Library</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span></p>

<p>Meanwhile, Lowther, in the sloop “Happy Delivery,”
cruised about the Western Islands with Low and then made
for the Guinea coast and the West Indies where he seems to
have left Low, for he was alone when he had the good luck to
capture a Martinico vessel that gave him greatly needed provisions.
Not long after, a Guinea-man, the “Princess,” Captain
Wickstead, surrendered to him. The bottom of the
“Happy Delivery” having become foul, Lowther began to
look about for a suitable inlet in which to careen and finally
hit upon the island of Blanco which lies between the islands of
Margarita and Rocas and is not far from Tortuga. It is a
low-lying island, about two leagues in circumference and uninhabited.
It is well wooded and there is a heavy scrub growth
everywhere. Besides being frequented by large sea turtles
it supports great numbers of iguanas, a kind of lizard that
grows to a length of about five feet and is very good to eat;
in fact, the pirates used to go there to catch them, as was well-known
at the time. On the northwest end of the island there
is a small cove or sandy bay and here Lowther, about the first
of October, 1723, unrigged his sloop, sent the guns, sails, etc.,
ashore and began to careen his vessel. Just at this time, most
unfortunately for him, there appeared off the cove, the armed
sloop “Eagle,” Walter Moore, commander, owned by Colonel
Otley of the island of St. Christopher. She was bound for
Comena, in Spanish territory, and passing near this well-known
resort for pirates and catching sight of the sloop on
the careen and so unprepared, Captain Moore decided to
grasp the advantage and attack the rogues. So he fired a gun
to oblige them to show their colors and they hoisted the St.
George’s flag to their topmast head. But Captain Moore felt
sure that she was no trader and so came in close. When
Lowther found that the strange sloop was determined to engage
him he opened fire from the shore, but was at so great a
disadvantage that shortly his men called for quarter and began
to run for the woods behind them. All resistance was soon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span>
over and Captain Moore got the “Happy Delivery” off,
secured her, and then went ashore with twenty-five men in
search of Lowther and his crew, and after five days of beating
about the bushes succeeded in taking sixteen of the pirates
including the sloop’s surgeon and seven others who surrendered
themselves as forced men. Lowther they were unable to discover.
At last abandoning further search Captain Moore
continued his voyage to Comena, with the captured sloop in
company, and on his arrival the Spanish Governor condemned
the sloop a prize to the Englishman and also sent a sloop with
twenty-three armed men to make further search for pirates
at the island of Blanco. This search resulted in the capture
of four more men whom the Spanish Governor tried and condemned
to slavery for life. Captain Lowther and three of his
men were able to conceal themselves in some dense undergrowth
and so escaped capture, but not long after another
party visited the island and came upon his dead body with
a pistol beside it and it was supposed that in desperation he
at last committed suicide.</p>

<p>The sloop “Eagle,” having brought Captain Moore’s prisoners
to St. Christopher’s, a Court of Vice-Admiralty was held
on Mar. 11, 1724 when the following men were tried for piracy,
viz: John Churchill, Edward Mackdonald, Nicholas Lewis,
Richard West, Samuel Levercott, Robert White, John Shaw,
Andrew Hunter, Jonathan Deloe, Matthew Freeborn, Henry
Watson, Roger Granger, Ralph Candor and Robert Willis.
The last three were acquitted, and the others found guilty,
two of them, however, being recommended to mercy, were
afterwards pardoned. Eleven of Lowther’s piratical crew
accordingly were hanged by the neck until dead on Mar. 20,
1724, on a gallows erected between high- and low-water mark
at St. Christopher’s in the West Indies.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, Feb. 6, 1722.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, Aug. 6, 1722.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> <i>Boston Gazette</i>, Sept. 9, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Aug. 8, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Aug. 22, 1723.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X<br>
<span class="ch-title">Ned Low of Boston and how he became a Pirate
Captain</span></h2>
</div>

<p>There was living in Boston in the year 1719, a young
man who went by the name of Ned Low. He was a
ship-rigger by trade and as shipbuilding in Boston was
brisk about that time, Low’s services were in demand. He
was born in Westminster, England, and such meagre biographical
information as is now available shows that he could neither
read nor write and that as a boy he ran wild in the streets of
his native parish. He seems to have begun his career early
as a petty thief and gamester among the boys of his neighborhood
and later to have spent much time among the hangers-on
about the House of Commons which was near his home.
Strong and fearless, he was always ready to attack any one
who might catch him cheating or attempt to relieve him of his
ill-gotten gains. It is said that one of his brothers, at the age
of seven, was carried about in a basket on the back of a porter,
in crowded streets, where he would snatch off hats and wigs
and conceal them in his basket,—a profitable occupation for
his family, it seems; and as he grew too large for the basket
trick, he became a pickpocket and petty thief and in time, a
housebreaker. According to the “Newgate Calendar,” he
ended his days on a scaffold at Tyburn in company with
others of his stripe.</p>

<p>Ned Low was more fortunate for when old enough he went
to sea with a brother and during the next three or four years
visited many of the larger seaports, at last reaching Boston,
in New England, where his fancy was caught by the pretty
face of Eliza Marble, a girl of a good family, and after a time<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span>
they were married,<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> Ned meanwhile having found regular
work as a ship-rigger. His wife became a member of the
Second Church in 1718 and a son and daughter were baptized
there.</p>

<p>The couple had a daughter Elizabeth, born in the winter
of 1719, and shortly after the young mother died, no doubt
to the great sorrow of Low, for in after life probably the only
redeeming traits in his character, were a love for his young
daughter (the son having died in infancy) and his refusal to
force married men to join his pirate crew. In lucid intervals
between revelling and fighting Low is said to have frequently
expressed great affection for the young child<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> he had left in
Boston, and mere mention of her would often bring tears to
his eyes. Philip Ashton, a Marblehead fisherman whom Low
captured and forced and who afterwards escaped after many
adventures, has preserved in his “Narrative,” much curious
information concerning Low, including instances of this vein
of sentiment so strangely associated in a brutal nature.</p>

<p>Low was of a rather cock-sure disposition and frequently
engaged in disputes and quarrels. Not long after the death
of his wife he was discharged by his employer for some cause
and soon decided to leave Boston. He shipped on board a
sloop bound for the Bay of Honduras for a cargo of logwood
and proving himself to be no ordinary type of seaman, as soon
as the sloop reached the Bay he was appointed to command
the boat’s crew that was sent ashore to get the logwood and
bring it out to the vessel. As Honduras was Spanish territory
and the logwood was cut without permission, in fact, was being
stolen from the Spaniards, the boat’s crew of twelve men always
went on shore fully armed.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i142" style="max-width: 139.3125em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i142.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>THE IDLE APPRENTICE SENT TO SEA<br>
 <span class='c2'>From an engraving by William Hogarth in the “Industry and Idleness” series, published in 1747. The young
reprobate is being rowed past Cuckold’s Point on the Thames on which can be seen
a pirate hanging from a gibbet</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<p>One day it happened that the loaded boat came out to the
sloop just before dinner was ready and as the men were tired<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span>
and hungry, Low proposed that they stay and eat before
going ashore again; but the captain was in a hurry to complete
the loading of his vessel and sending for a bottle of rum
he ordered them to take another trip at once so that no time
should be lost. This angered the men and particularly Low
who seized a musket and fired at the captain and missed him
but shot through the head a sailor who happened to be standing
behind him. Low then leaped into the boat and with its
crew of twelve men made off from the sloop.</p>

<p>It is more than likely that some such action had already
been discussed by Low and his intimates among the crew.
At any rate, they now decided to make a black flag and prey
upon the vessels in the Bay. Luck was with them and the
next day they came upon a small vessel which they captured.</p>

<p>Low was now embarked on his bloody and cruel career as a
pirate and if ever a man sailing the seas deserved to be hanged
and gibbeted in chains, it was Low. If one half of the tales
that have been told of him are true he must at times have been
little short of a maniac. Time and again part of his crew deserted
him because of his cruelty. No evil or cruel action
was beyond his doing so that it is quite remarkable that he
did not die a violent death within the knowledge of his men.
In point of fact, however, it is not known exactly how or when
he died.</p>

<p>After the capture of the small vessel, Low, who had been
elected captain, ordered a course made for the Grand Caimanes—islands
lying about halfway between Yucatan and the island
of Jamaica—intending to refit their vessel for piratical forays.</p>

<p>The Grand Caimanes or Caymans, as they are known today,
were much resorted to by gentlemen of the kidney of Captain
Low and soon after arriving at the islands he fell in with Capt.
George Lowther, another pirate, who was short of men and
who, after becoming somewhat acquainted with Low, proposed
that they join forces. As Low’s company was small in number
and ill-fitted, an agreement was soon arrived at whereby<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span>
Lowther remained in command with Low as his lieutenant.
The small vessel brought in by Low was sunk and the united
company made off together in the “Happy Delivery,” the
name of Lowther’s ship.</p>

<p>On the 10th of January, 1722, they came into the Bay of
Honduras and sighted the ship “Greyhound,” Benjamin
Edwards, commander, of about two hundred tons burden and
owned in Boston. Lowther hoisted his piratical colors and
fired a gun for the “Greyhound” to bring to, and she refusing,
he gave her a broadside which was bravely returned. The
engagement lasted for about an hour when Captain Edwards
ordered his ensign struck fearing the consequences of too
great a resistance. The pirate’s boat soon came aboard and
the ship was thoroughly looted. The crew were cruelly
whipped, beaten and cut, and five of them, Christopher Atwell,
Charles Harris, Henry Smith, Joseph Willis and David Lindsay,
were forced and the ship was burned.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>

<p>Lowther also captured and burned seven other vessels belonging
to Boston, and all their logwood, “because they were
New-England men,” it was reported. About the same time
a sloop belonging to Connecticut, Captain Ayres, was taken
and burned and also a sloop from Jamaica, Captain Hamilton,
which was taken for their own use and the command given to
Charles Harris, who had been second mate of the “Greyhound”
and who joined the pirates, it would seem, willingly.
A sloop from Virginia, they took and then unloaded and generously
gave back to her master who owned her. A sloop of
about one hundred tons, belonging to Newport, Rhode Island,
also was captured and as it was a new hull and a good sailer
she was made a part of the pirate fleet and fitted with eight
carriage and ten swivel guns and the command given to Ned
Low.</p>

<p>The pirate fleet was then composed of the “Happy Delivery,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span>
commanded by Admiral Lowther; the Rhode Island
sloop, commanded by Captain Low; Hamilton’s sloop, commanded
by Captain Harris, formerly of the “Greyhound”;
and with a small sloop for a tender, the fleet set sail from the
Bay and made for Port Mayo in the gulf of Matique where
they intended to careen and clean the foul bottoms of their
vessels. There they carried ashore all their sails and made
tents in which they placed their plunder and stores and then
began heaving down their ship. This turned out to be a very
unfortunate move for just as they were in the midst of scrubbing
and tallowing the bottom of the ship and wholly unprepared
for any attack, a considerable number of the natives
appeared from among the trees nearby and attacking the
pirates forced them to go aboard their sloops which had not
yet been careened. The natives carried off or destroyed all
the stores and plunder, which was of considerable value, and
also set fire to the ship.</p>

<p>Lowther then took command of the largest sloop, which he
called the “Ranger.” It was armed with ten guns and eight
swivels and was the best sailer, so the entire company went
aboard and abandoned at sea the other sloops. Provisions,
however, were very short and empty stomachs and thinking
of the loot that had been lost soon put them all in a vile temper
and there was much fighting and blaming each other for their
misfortune.</p>

<p>About the beginning of May, 1722, they came near the
island of Discade, in the West Indies, and while there took a
brigantine, one Payne, master, which supplied what they
needed most and put them in better temper. The brigantine,
after it was well plundered, was sent to the bottom. After
watering at the island, the sloop stood for the Florida coast
where Lowther proposed to ravage the shipping in the vicinity
of the Bahamas. On May 28th, in the latitude of thirty-eight
degrees north, they overtook the brigantine “Rebecca,”
of Charlestown in the Massachusetts Bay, James Flucker,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span>
commander, bound for Boston from St. Christophers. She
fell into their hands at once as her crew were too few in number
to contend with Lowther and his hundred pirates. There
were twenty-three persons on board including five women, all
of whom were treated decently and in due time reached Boston.
The master of the brigantine they held promising him his vessel
again when they had taken a better one.</p>

<p>For some time Lowther had found Low an unruly officer,
always aspiring and never satisfied with his proposals so that
Lowther thought this a good opportunity to rid himself of a
source of trouble and annoyance. Whereupon he proposed
to Low that he take command of the brigantine and together
with forty men, who elected to sail with him, Low made
off by himself. Of the crew of the brigantine, three men were
forced,—Joseph Sweetser of Charlestown and Robert Rich of
London, Old England, who were compelled to go with Low,
and Robert Willis, also of London, who, having broken his
arm by a fall from the mast, begged that his condition be considered.
But he was a vigorous and intelligent fellow and
Lowther refused his plea and forced him away with him.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>
These two commanders accordingly parted company, Low
with forty-four men going off in the brigantine and Lowther
with the same number remaining in the sloop. This happened
in the afternoon of the 28th of May, 1722. Low took
with him in the brigantine, two guns, four swivels, six quarter-casks
of powder, provisions and some stores.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i146_1" style="max-width: 69.4375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i146_1.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>A BARQUE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720</figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp98" id="i146_2" style="max-width: 107.25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i146_2.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>A BRIGANTINE IN THE WEST INDIES ABOUT 1720</figcaption>
</figure>


<div class="blockquot">

<p><span class="smcap">“Here follow the Articles of Capt. Edward Low
the Pirate with his Company</span></p>

<p>“1. The Captain is to have two full Shares; the Master
is to have one Share and one Half; The Doctor, Mate, Gunner
and Boatswain, one Share and one Quarter.</p>

<p>“2. He that shall be found guilty of taking up any Unlawfull
Weapon on Board the Privateer or any other prize<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span>
by us taken, so as to Strike or Abuse one another in any regard,
shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and Majority of
the Company shall see fit.</p>

<p>“3. He that shall be found Guilty of Cowardice in the
time of Ingagements, shall suffer what Punishment the Captain
and Majority of the Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“4. If any Gold, Jewels, Silver, &amp;c. be found on Board of
any Prize or Prizes to the value of a Piece of Eight, &amp; the
finder do not deliver it to the Quarter Master in the space of
24 hours he shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and
Majority of the Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“5. He that is found Guilty of Gaming, or Defrauding one
another to the Value of a Ryal of Plate, shall suffer what
Punishment the Captain and Majority of the Company shall
think fit.</p>

<p>“6. He that shall have the Misfortune to loose a Limb
in time of Engagement, shall have the Sum of Six hundred
pieces of Eight, and remain aboard as long as he shall think
fit.</p>

<p>“7. Good Quarters to be given when Craved.</p>

<p>“8. He that sees a Sail first, shall have the best Pistol or
Small Arm aboard of her.</p>

<p>“9. He that shall be guilty of Drunkenness in time of
Engagement shall suffer what Punishment the Captain and
Majority of the Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“10. No Snaping of Guns in the Hould.”<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a></p>

<p class="right">
<span style="margin-right: 2em;">—<i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Aug. 8, 1723.</span><br>
</p>
</div>

<p>Low’s first adventure in the brigantine took place on the
following Sunday when a sloop belonging to Amboy, in New
Jersey, fell into his hands. This vessel he rifled of provisions
and then let go. This happened off Block Island near the
Rhode Island coast. The same day he captured and plundered
a sloop belonging to Newport, commanded by James Cahoon,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span>
and took away his mainsail and provisions and water. His
bowsprit was cut away and all his rigging and thrown overboard
intending thereby to prevent his getting in to give the
alarm. Cahoon himself was badly cut in the arm during the
scrimmage. Low then stood away to the south-eastward, with
all the sail that could be made, there being then but little
wind at the time.</p>

<p>He judged well in making haste to get away from the coast
for notwithstanding the disabled condition of Cahoon’s sloop
she reached Block Island about midnight and a whale boat
was sent out at once with the news which reached Newport
about seven the next morning. The Governor immediately
ordered the drums to be beaten about the town for volunteers
to go in search of the pirates and two of the best sloops in the
harbor were armed and fitted out. One of these sloops, commanded
by Capt. John Headland, mounted ten guns and
carried eighty men. The other sloop, which was commanded
by Capt. John Brown, jun., was armed with six guns and
plenty of small arms and carried sixty men. These sloops
were both under sail before sunset, each commander carrying
a ten days’ commission from the Governor. At about
the same time the pirate vessel could be seen from Block
Island. But good fortune favored Low and the sloops returned
to Newport several days afterwards without so much
as catching sight of the brigantine.</p>

<p>Proclamation also was made in Boston, by beat of drum,
for the encouragement of volunteers to engage against the
pirates and over a hundred men enlisted under Capt. Peter
Papillion who fitted out a ship and sailed shortly; but he, too,
returned to harbor without finding Low, but bringing in the
brigantine “Rebecca” which Low had turned over to Captain
Flucker at Port Roseway, near the southern end of Acadia
(Nova Scotia), to carry home the Marblehead fishermen taken
by him, he having shipped his arms and stores on board a
recently built schooner belonging to Marblehead.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span></p>

<p>By the <i>Boston News-Letter</i> of July 9, 1722, we learn that
sundry goods left by the pirates on board the brigantine
“Rebecca” were to be sold at publick vendue at the house of
Captain Long in Charlestown. These consisted of “1 Turtle
Net, 1 Scarlet Jacket, 1 small Still, 2 pair Steel yards, 1 Jack
and Pendant, 2 doz. Plates, 2 papers of Pins, 5 Horn books,
2 pieces of cantaloons, 1 main-sail, Boom and small Cable
belonging to a Scooner, a small Boat and 20 yards of old Canvas.”
There was also found cast ashore on the back side of
Martha’s Vineyard, a sloop supposed to have been taken and
set adrift by Low, on board of which were a few shillings in
silver money and some strips of paper on which were found
written the names of Dan Hide, Nath. Hall and John Wall.
This Dan Hide was one of Low’s crew and about a year later
he was hanged at Newport, as will be told at length in another
place.</p>

<p>After his escape from the attacking expeditions sent out
from Newport and Boston, Captain Low went among the
islands at the mouth of Buzzard’s Bay, in search of enough
fresh water to make the run to the Bahamas. He remained
here for some days while his boat crews stole sheep at No
Man’s Land and rifled whale boats out of Nantucket. Changing
his mind about the course towards the Bahamas, he then
sailed northerly towards Marblehead and on the afternoon of
Friday, June 15th, put into the harbor of Roseway which is
located near the arm of the sea that makes up to what is now
Shelburne, Nova Scotia.</p>

<p>At that time it was the habit of the banks fishermen to come
into Port Roseway for a Sunday’s rest and when Low sailed
into the harbor he found thirteen vessels at anchor. They
supposed him to be inward bound from the West Indies and
his arrival gave no concern. But soon a boat from the brigantine,
with four men, came alongside the fishing vessels, one
after another, the men coming aboard as though to make a
friendly visit to inquire for news. When on deck the four<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span>
men drew cutlasses and pistols from under their clothes and
cursing and swearing demanded instant surrender. Taken
by surprise the fishermen of course submitted and by this
means all the vessels in the harbor were captured and afterwards
plundered.</p>

<p>Among them was a newly-built schooner, the “Mary,” of
eighty tons, owned by Joseph Dolliber of Marblehead, clean
and a good sailer. Low liked her lines and decided to appropriate
her for his own use, so he renamed her the “Fancy” and
the guns, stores and men were transferred from the brigantine.
The fishermen from the different vessels were then put on
board the brigantine and Captain Flucker was ordered to
make sail for Boston. Meanwhile, Low forced a number of
likely men from among the fishermen including Philip Ashton,
Nicholas Merritt, Joseph Libbie, Lawrence Fabens and two
others from Marblehead and four men belonging to the Isle
of Shoals.</p>

<p>On Tuesday afternoon, June 19th, 1722, Low and his company
sailed from Port Roseway bound for the Newfoundland
coast and arrived at the mouth of St. John’s harbor in a fog
which lifted somewhat disclosing a ship riding at anchor within
the harbor. She looked to Low like a fish-trader and he
determined to attempt her capture by a stratagem. All of his
men were ordered below, save six or seven, to make a show of
being a fisherman, and so he sailed boldly into the harbor intending
to run alongside the ship and bring her off. Before
having gone far, however, a small fishing boat was met coming
out which hailed them asking from what port they had
come. Low answered, “from Barbadoes, loaded with rum
and sugar”; and then asked the fisherman what large ship
that was in the harbor. Imagine his chagrin when they replied
that it was the “Solebay,” man-of-war. He immediately
put about and escaped before the suspicious fishermen could
alarm the town. This happened on July 2d.</p>

<p>At Carbonear, a small harbor about fifteen leagues farther<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span>
to the north, Low was more successful, for going on shore and
meeting little opposition, he plundered the place and burned
all the houses. The next day he sailed for the Grand Banks
where he took seven or eight vessels including a French banker,
a ship of nearly four hundred tons armed with two guns. Considerable
rigging and ammunition was secured and a number
of fishermen were forced. Late in the month he had an encounter
with two sloops from Canso bound for Annapolis-Royal
loaded with provisions for the garrison and having
soldiers on board. Low’s schooner was the better sailer and
coming up began the attack. The red coats at once replied
and gave him so warm a reception that Low sheered off and a
fog coming on they escaped into Annapolis after having been
chased by Low for two days and a night.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> About the time
the French banker was taken, the news came that the “Solebay”
was cruising about in search of him so Low decided to
steer for the Leeward Islands taking with him the French ship.
While on the voyage down they ran into a hurricane that
nearly ended matters. The sea ran mountains high and all
hands were employed both day and night keeping the pump
constantly going besides bailing with buckets and yet finding
themselves unable to keep the vessel free. The schooner
made somewhat the better weather of it but on board the ship
they began to hoist out their heavy goods and provisions and
throw them overboard together with six guns in order to lighten
the vessel. They even debated cutting away the masts, but
the ship making less water, so that they could at last keep it
under with the pump, instead of cutting away the masts they
were made more secure by means of preventer-shrouds and by
laying-to on the larboard tack, the hurricane was safely ridden
out. The schooner split her mainsail, sprung her bowsprit
and both of her anchors had to be cut away.</p>

<p>After the storm, Low went to a small island, one of the
westernmost of the Caribbees, and there refitted his vessels<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span>
so far as possible with the supplies at hand and traded goods
with the natives for provisions. As soon as the ship was
ready he then decided to make a short cruise in her leaving
the schooner at anchor until their return. They hadn’t been
out many days before they came upon a ship that had lost
all her masts in the storm. She was a rich find for they plundered
her of money and goods amounting to over a thousand
pounds in value. This ship was bound home from Barbadoes
and was then slowly making her way under jury-rig to Antigua
to refit, where she afterwards safely arrived but minus the
best of her cargo.</p>

<p>This hurricane, it afterwards appeared, did great damage
throughout the West Indies and was particularly violent at
the island of Jamaica where there happened a tidal wave that
overflowed the town of Port Royal and destroyed about half
of it. Immense quantities of rocks and sand were thrown
over the wall of the town and the next morning the streets
were about five feet deep in water. The cannon of Fort
Charles were dismounted and some washed into the sea and
about four hundred lives were lost. Scores of houses were
ruined and forty vessels at anchor in the harbor were cast
away.</p>

<p>When Low returned to the island where the schooner had
been left, future plans were discussed by the company and
after having been put to vote it was decided to make for the
Azores or Western Islands. This was largely due to the
presence near the Leeward Islands of several men-of-war
cruising about their stations in search of piratical gentry. So
both vessels made sail to the eastward and on August 3d came
into St. Michael’s road, off which they took seven sail including
a French ship of 34 guns; the “Nostra Dame”; the
“Mere de Dieu,” Captain Roach; the “Dove,” Captain Cox;
the “Rose” pink, formerly a man-of-war, Captain Thompson;
another English ship, Captain Chandler; and three other
vessels. Low threatened with instant death all who resisted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span>
and at that time there was such a deadly fear of the excesses
committed by pirates that these vessels struck without firing
a gun or offering any resistance. The “Rose” pink, was a
large Portuguese vessel, loaded with wheat. She struck to
the schooner, fearing the ship which was coming down on her,
although she was much the stronger and was more than a
match for Low and his company had she made a good resistance.
The pink proved to be a better sailer than the French
banker, so most of the cargo of wheat was thrown overboard
and guns from the French ship were mounted on board the
pink and after stores were transferred the banker was burned.
The French ship also was burned, the crew having been transferred
to a large Portuguese launch except the cook who Low
declared was a greasy fellow and would fry well in a fire, so he
was bound to the mainmast and burnt alive with the ship.
The command of the “Rose” pink, mounting fourteen guns,
was taken over by Low and Harris was given command of the
schooner.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="i152" style="max-width: 115.5em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i152.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>CAPTAIN EDWARD LOW IN A HURRICANE<br>
<span class='c2'>From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>As water and fresh provisions were needed, Low then sent
word to the Governor at St. Michaels, that if furnished with
supplies he would release the vessels that had been taken,
otherwise they would be burned. The Governor was a prudent
man and thought best not to debate the matter, so fresh
provisions soon made their appearance and the six vessels
were released, as Low had promised, that is, after he had
plundered them. While the schooner was lying at anchor in
the fairway between St. Michael’s and St. Mary’s, about
August 20th, Captain Carter in the “Wright” galley came
sailing by and fell into Harris’ hands after a short but ill-judged
resistance. Those on board were cut and mangled in
a barbarous manner and especially some Portuguese passengers,
two of whom were Roman Catholic friars. These unfortunate
men Harris had triced up at each arm of the foreyard,
but before they were quite dead he let them down again
and after having recovered somewhat they were sent up again,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span>
a sport much enjoyed by these Puritan pirates. Another
Portuguese passenger who was much terrified by what was
going on, was attacked by one of the pirate crew who gave
him a slashing cut across the belly with his cutlass that opened
his bowels and soon caused death. The fellow said that he did
it because “he didn’t like the looks” of the Portuguese. Captain
Low happened to be on board at the time this capture
was made and while the cutting and slashing was going on
among the unfortunate passengers he accidentally received a
blow on his under jaw intended for a Portuguese, that laid
open his teeth. The surgeon was called and the wound
stitched up, but Low found fault with the way the work was
done and the surgeon becoming incensed struck him on the
jaw with his fist so that the stitches were pulled away, at the
same time telling Low to go to Hell and sew up his own chops.
After the drunken crew were tired of their slashing and had
thoroughly plundered the ship, it was proposed that she be
burned as they had done with the Frenchman, but at last it
was decided to cut her sails and rigging in pieces and turn her
adrift.</p>

<p>Low in the pink and Harris in the schooner now steered for
the island of Madeira where, needing a supply of water, they
came upon a fishing boat having in her two old men and a boy.
They detained one of the old men on board and sent the other
ashore with a demand to the governor for a boatload of water,
under penalty of hanging the old man at the yard-arm in case
their demand was not complied with. When the water was
received the old man was released and he and his companions
were given a supply of handsome clothing that had been
plundered from some captured vessel as an evidence of the
“generous treatment” sometimes shown by the pirates.
From here they sailed for the Cape Verde islands and near
Bonavista captured an English ship called the “Liverpool
Merchant,” Captain Goulding, from which they stole a
quantity of provisions and dry goods, three hundred gallons<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span>
of fine brandy, a mast and hawsers and forced six of his men.
They also captured among these islands a ship owned in London,
the “King Sagamore,” Captain Andrew Scot, homeward
bound from Barbadoes by way of Cape Verde islands. The
captain was wounded and set ashore on the island of Bonavista
absolutely naked and the ship burned. Several of the
crew joined the pirates.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> Two Portuguese sloops bound for
Brazil also fell into their hands and three sloops from St.
Thomas bound for Curacao, commanded by Captains Lilly,
Staples and Simpkins, all of which were plundered and then
set free. A small trading sloop, owned in England and commanded
by Capt. James Pease, they detained to use as a tender;
but a majority of the men placed on board of her chanced
to be forced men, who for some time had been looking for an
opportunity to escape, and the sloop having been sent in search
of two small galleys, expected at the Western Islands about
that time, the New England men in the crew rose against the
others and took possession of the sloop and set a course for
England. This happened on the fifth of September. Their
provisions and water soon began to run low and the course was
changed for St. Michael’s in the Azores where they sent two
men ashore to give information who they were and to obtain
the needed provisions. The Portuguese officials, however,
were skeptical and seized and jailed the entire crew and kept
them in close quarters for several months. Some of the men
in time escaped as is shown in the narrative of Nicholas Merritt,
a Marblehead fisherman,<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> but most of them are supposed
to have rotted in the castle until they died.</p>

<p>Meanwhile Captain Low had gone to the island of Bonavista
to careen his vessels. The schooner was hove down first
and then the pink, which, it will be recalled, was ballasted
with wheat. Low now gave this wheat to the Portuguese
living nearby and took on other ballast. After cleaning and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span>
refitting he steered for the island of St. Nicholas to fill his water
butts. At this time Francis Farrington Spriggs was in command
of a ship that was escort to Low and with them was a
schooner commanded by the quartermaster of the fleet, one
John Russell, who in reality was a Portuguese instead of the
North Country Englishman that he pretended to be. At
Curisal Road, on the southeast end of St. Nicholas, they captured
a sloop, the “Margaret,” from Barbadoes, Capt. George
Roberts, commander, that had recently arrived and the
events that immediately followed are related in the next
chapter.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> Edward Low and Eliza Marble were married by Rev. Benjamin Wadsworth
of the First Church, Boston, on Aug. 12, 1714.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> Elizabeth Low married James Burt, Dec. 7, 1739, in Boston.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> A full account of this outrage was afterwards printed in the <i>Boston
News-Letter</i> of April 30, 1722.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, June 18, 1722.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> These Articles are similar to Captain Lowther’s with some additions.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Sept 17, 1722.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, May 9, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> See Chapter XIV.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI<br>
<span class="ch-title">Captain Roberts’ Account of what Happened
on Low’s Ship</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Captain George Roberts sailed from London in
September, 1721, mate of the ship “King Sagamore,”
twenty-two guns, Capt. Andrew Scott, commander,
bound for the Barbadoes and Virginia where he was to take
command of a sloop and buy a cargo to slave with on the
coast of Guinea. After various delays he reached the Cape
Verde islands in the sloop “Margaret,” “sixty ton of cask,”
and at Curisal Road, on the island of St. Nicholas, was taken
by the pirate fleet of which Capt. Ned Low was commodore.
Captain Roberts afterwards recounted his adventures in a
volume published<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> in London, from which the following
account is taken.</p>

<p>“When I came on board the <i>Rose Pink</i>, the Company welcomed
me on board, and said, <i>They were sorry for my Loss;
but told me, I must go to pay my Respects to the Captain, who was
in the Cabbin, and waited for me</i>. I was ushered in by an
Officer, who, I think, was their Gunner, and who, by his
Deportment, acted as though he had been Master of the
Ceremonies; tho’ I do not remember to have heard of such an
Officer or Office mentioned among them, neither do I know
whether they are always so formal on Board their Commodore,
at the first Reception of their captivated Masters of Vessels.
When I came into the Cabbin, the Officer who conducted me
thither, after paying his Respects to the Commodore, told
him, <i>That I was the Master of the Sloop which they had taken the
Day before</i>, and then withdrew out of the Cabbin, leaving us
two alone.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span></p>

<p>“Captain <i>Loe</i>, with the usual Compliment, welcomed me on
board, and told me, <i>He was very sorry for my Loss, and that it
was not his Desire to meet with any of his Country-men, but rather
with Foreigners, excepting some few that he wanted to chastise for
their Rogueishness</i>, as he call’d it: <i>But however</i>, says he, <i>since
Fortune has ordered it so, that you have fallen into our Hands, I
would have you to be of good Cheer, and not to be cast down</i>. I
told him, <i>That I also was very sorry, that it was my Chance to
fall into their Way; but still encouraged myself in the Hopes, that
I was in the Hands of Gentlemen of Honour and Generosity;
it being still in their Power whether to make this their Capture of
me, a Misfortune or not</i>. He said, <i>It did not lie in his particular
Power; for he was but one Man, and all Business of this Nature,
must be done in Publick, and by a Majority of Votes by the whole
Company; and though neither he, nor, he believed, any of the
Company, desired to meet with any of their own Nation (except
some few Persons for the Reasons before-mention’d) yet when
they did, it could not well be avoided, but that they must take as
their own what Providence sent them: And as they were Gentlemen,
who entirely depended upon Fortune, they durst not be so
ungrateful to her, as to refuse any Thing which she put into their
Way; for if they should despise any of her Favours, tho’ never so
mean, they might offend her, and thereby cause her to withdraw
her Hand from them; and so, perhaps, they might perish for
want of those Things, which in their rash Folly they slighted</i>.
He then, in a very obliging Tone, desired me to sit down, he
himself all this Time not once moving from his Seat, which was
one of the great Guns, though there were Chairs enough in
the Cabbin; but I suppose, he thought he should not appear
so martial, or Hero-like, if he sat on a Chair, as he did on a
great Gun.</p>

<p>“After I had sat down, he asked me, <i>What I would drink?</i>
I thank’d him, and told him, <i>I did not much Care for drinking;
but out of a Sense of the Honour he did me in asking, I would
drink any Thing with him which he pleased to drink</i>. He told<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span>
me, <i>It would not avail me any Thing to be cast down: It was
Fortune of War, and grieving or vexing myself, might be of no
good Consequence in respect to my Health; besides, it would be
more taking</i>, he said, <i>with the Company, to appear brisk, lively,
and with as little Concern as I could. And come</i>, says he, <i>you
may, and I hope you will, have better Fortune hereafter</i>. So
ringing the Cabbin-bell, and one of his <i>Valet de Chambres</i>, or
rather <i>Valet de Cabins</i>, appearing, he commanded him to make
a Bowl of Punch, in the great Bowl, which was a rich silver
one, and held, I believe, about two Gallons; which being done,
he ordered likewise some Wine to be set on the Table, and
accordingly two Bottles of Claret were brought; and then he
took the Bowl and drank to me in Punch; but bid me pledge
him in which I liked best; which I did in Wine. He told me,
<i>That what he could favour me in, he would, and wished that it had
been my Fortune to have been taken by them ten Days or a Fortnight
sooner; for then</i>, he said, <i>they had abundance of good
Commodities, which they took in</i> 2 Portugueze <i>outward-bound</i>
Brasile <i>Men, viz. Cloth, as well Linens as Woollens, both fine
and coarse, Hats of all sorts, Silk, Iron, and other rich Goods
in abundance, and believed, he could have prevailed with the
Company even to have loaded my Sloop. But now they had no
Goods at all, he believed, having disposed of them all, either by giving
them to other Prizes, &amp;c. or heaving the rest into</i> David
Jones’s Locker (i.e. the Sea); <i>but did not know, but it might be
his Lot, perhaps, to meet with me again, when it might lie in his
Way to make me a Retaliation for my present Loss; and he did
assure me, that when such an Occasion, as he was but now a
speaking of, offered, I might depend he would not be wanting to
serve me in any Thing that might turn to my Advantage, as far as
his Power or Interest could reach</i>. I could do no less, in common
Civility, and the Truth is, I dared do no less, than thank
him....</p>

<p>“I was order’d to remain on Board the Commodore till by a
general Vote of the Company it should be determin’d how I and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span>
the Sloop were to be dispos’d of; and Captain <i>Loe</i> ordered a
Hammock and Bedding to be fix’d for me, and told me, <i>That
he would not oblige me to sit up later than I thought fit, nor drink
more than suited my own Inclination; and that he lik’d my
Company no longer than his was agreeable to me</i>; adding, <i>That
there should be no Confinement or Obligation as to drinking, or
sitting up, but I might drink, and go to sleep, when I pleas’d,
without any Exceptions being taken, ordering me to want for
nothing that was on Board; for I was very welcome to anything
that was there, as to Eatables and Drinkables</i>. I thank’d him,
and told him, <i>I would, with all due Gratefulness, make Use
of that Freedom which he was so generous to offer me, &amp;c.</i> About
Eight a-Clock at Night I took my Leave of him, and went to
my Hammock, where I continued all Night, with Thoughts
roving and perplex’d enough, not being able, as yet, to guess
what they design’d to do with me, whether they intended to
give me the Sloop again, or to burn her, as I heard it toss’d
about by some, or to keep me as a Prisoner on Board, or put
me ashoar.</p>

<p>“My two Boys and Mate remained still on Board the Sloop,
but all the rest they took on Board of them, not once so much
as asking them whether they would Enter with them, only
demanding their Names, which the Steward writ down in their
Roll-Book.</p>

<p>“About eight a-Clock in the Morning I turn’d out, and went
upon Deck, and as I was walking backwards and forwards,
as is usual amongst us Sailors, there came up one of the Company
to me, and bid me Good-Morrow, and told me, <i>He was
very sorry for my Misfortune</i>. I answer’d, <i>So was I</i>: He look’d
at me, and said, <i>He believ’d I did not know him</i>. I replied, <i>It
was true, I did not know him; neither, at present, could I call
to mind that ever I had seen him before in the whole Course of my
Life</i>. He smil’d, and said, <i>He once belong’d to me, and sail’d
with me when I was Commander of the</i> Susannah <i>in the Year
1718</i> (At that Time I was Master of a Ship call’d the <i>Susannah</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span>
about the Burthen of 300 Tons, whereof was sole Owner
Mr. <i>Richard Stephens</i>, Merchant, living at this present writing
in <i>Shad-Thames</i>, <i>Southwark</i> Side, near <i>London</i>——) In
the <i>Interim</i> came up two more, who told me they all belong’d
to me in the <i>Susannah</i>, at one Time. By this time I had
recollected my Memory so far as just to call them to Mind, and
that was all; and then I told them I did remember them.
They said, they were truly very sorry for my Misfortune, and
would do all that lay in their Power to serve me, and told me,
they had among them the Quantity of about 40 or 50 Pieces of
white Linnen Cloth, and 6 or 8 Pieces of Silk, besides some
other Things; and they would also, they said, make what
Interest they could for me with their Consorts and Intimates,
and with them would make a Gathering for me of what Things
they could, and would put it on Board for me as soon as the
Company had determined that I should have my Sloop again.
They then look’d about them as tho’ they had something to
say that they were not willing any body should hear; but as it
happen’d, there was no body nigh us, which was an Opportunity
very rare in these Sort of Ships, of speaking without
Interruption: But we lying too all Night, no body had any
thing to do, but the Lookers-out, at the Topmast-head; the
Mate of the Watch, Quarter-master of the Watch, Helmsman,
<i>&amp;c.</i> being gone down to drink a Dram, I suppose, or to smoak
a Pipe of Tobacco, or the like. However it was, we had the
Quarter Deck intire to our selves, and they seeing the Coast
clear, told me, with much seeming Concern, That if I did not
take abundance of Care, they would force me to stay with
them, for my Mate had inform’d them, that I was very well
acquainted on the Coast of <i>Brasile</i>, and they were bound down
along the Coast of <i>Guinea</i>, and afterwards design’d to stretch
over to the Coast of <i>Brasile</i>: That there was not one Man of
all the Company that had ever been upon any Part of that
Coast; and that there was but one Way for me to escape being
forced; but I must be very close, and not discover what they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span>
were going to tell me; for if it was known that they had
divulg’d it, notwithstanding they were enter’d Men, and as
much of the Company as any of them, yet they were sure it
would cost them no smaller a Price for it than their Lives.
I told them, I was very much obliged to them for their Goodwill,
and did not wish them to have any Occasion for my Service;
but if ever it should be so, they might depend it should be
to the utmost of my Power; and as for my betraying any thing
that they should tell me of, they could not fear that, because
my own Interest would be a sufficient Tye upon me to the
contrary; and were it not so, and that I was sure to get Mountains
of Gold by divulging it to their Prejudice, I would
sooner suffer my Tongue to be pluck’d out.</p>

<p>“They said, they did not much fear my revealing it, because
the disclosing it would rather be a Prejudice to me than an
Advantage, and therefore out of pure Respect to me they would
tell me; which was thus: <i>You must know</i>, said they, <i>that we
have an Article which we are sworn to, which is, not to force any
married Man, against his Will, to serve us: Now we have been at
a close Consultation whether we should oblige you to go with us,
not as one of the Company, but as a forc’d Prisoner, in order to
be our Pilot on the Coast of</i> Brasile, <i>where we are designed to
Cruise, and hope to make our Voyage; and your Mate</i>, continued
they, <i>has offer’d to Enter with us, but desires to defer it till
we have determined your Case</i>. <i>Now your Mate, as yet, is
ignorant of our Articles, we never exposing them to any till they
are going to sign them. He was ask’d, Whether you was married
or not? and he said, he could not tell for certain, but believed you
was not: Upon which we spoke, and said, we had known you
several Years, and had sail’d with you in a Frigat-built Ship of
300 Tons, or more: That you was an extraordinary good Man to
your Men, both for Usage and Payment; and that, to our Knowledge,
you was married, and had four Children then: However,
there is one Man who would fain have the Company break through
their Oath on that Article, and tells them, they may, and ought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>
to do it, because it is a Case of Necessity, they having no Possibility
of getting a Pilot at present for that Coast, except they take you:
And in their Run along the Coast of</i> Guinea, <i>if they should light
of any body that was acquainted with the Coast of</i> Brasile, <i>and no
way exempted from serving them by the Articles, then they might
take him, and turn you ashore, but ’till such offer’d, he did not see
but the Oath might be dispens’d with; but</i>, continued they, <i>Captain</i>
Loe <i>is very much against it, and told them, That it would be
an ill Precedent, and of bad Consequence; for if we once take the
Liberty of breaking our Articles and Oath, then there is none of
us can be sure of any thing: If</i>, said Captain <i>Loe, you can perswade
the Man upon any Terms to stay with us as a Prisoner,
or otherwise, well and good; if not, do not let us break the Laws
that we have made our selves, and sworn to</i>. They went on, and
told me, <i>That most of the Company seem’d to agree with Captain</i>
Loe’s <i>Opinion, but</i> Russel, said they, <i>seem’d to be sadly nettled
at it, that his Advice was not to be taken; and</i>, continued they,
<i>you will be ask’d the Question, we reckon, by and by, when</i> Russel
<i>comes on Board, and all the Heads meet again; but you must
be sure to say you are married, and have five or six Children; for
it is only that, that will prevent your being forced; tho’, you may
depend upon it</i>, Russel <i>will do what he can to perswade the Company
to break the Article, which we hope they will not, nor shall
they ever have our Consent; and, indeed, there are very few of the
Company but what are against it, but</i> Russel <i>bears a great Sway
in the Company, and can almost draw them any Way. However,
we have put you in the best Method that we can, and hope it
will do: But, for fear Notice should be taken of our being so long
together, we have told you as much as we can, and leave you to
manage it; and so God bless you.</i></p>

<p>“Upon this, away they went, and by-and-by Captain <i>Loe</i>
turns out, and comes upon Deck, and bidding me Good-morrow,
ask’d me, <i>How I did? and how I lik’d my Bed?</i> I
thank’d him, and told him, <i>I was very well, at his Service, and
lik’d my Bed very well, and was very much obliged to him for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span>
Care he had taken of me</i>. After which, he order’d a Consultation
Signal to be made, which was their <i>Green Trumpeter</i>, as
they call’d him, hoisted at the Mizen-Peek: It was a green
silk Flag, with a yellow Figure of a Man blowing a Trumpet on
it. The Signal being made, away came the Boats flocking
on Board the Commodore, and when they were all come on
Board, Captain <i>Loe</i> told them, He only wanted them to
Breakfast with him; so down they went into the Cabbin, as
many as it would well hold, and the rest in the Steerage, and
where they could.</p>

<p>“After Breakfast, Captain <i>Loe ask’d</i> me, <i>If I was married?
and how many Children I had?</i> I told him, <i>I had been married
about ten Years, and had five Children when I came from Home,
and did not know but I might have six now, one being on the
Stocks when I came from Home</i>. He asked me, <i>Whether I
had left my Wife well provided for, when I came from Home?</i>
I told him, <i>I had left her in but very indifferent Circumstances:
That having met with former Misfortunes, I was so low reduc’d,
that the greatest Part of my Substance was in this Sloop and Cargo;
and that, if I was put by this Trip, I did not know but my Family
might want Bread before I could supply them</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Loe</i> then turning to <i>Russel</i>, said, <i>It will not do</i>, Russel. <i>What
will not do</i>, said <i>Russel</i>? <i>Loe</i> answer’d, <i>You know who I mean;
we must not, and it shall not be, by G—d. It must, and shall, by
G—d</i>, reply’d <i>Russel; Self-Preservation is the first Law of
Nature, and Necessity, according to the old Proverb, has no Law.
Well</i>, says <i>Loe, It shall never be with my Consent</i>. Hereupon
most of the Company said, <i>It was a Pity, and ought to be taken
into Consideration, and seriously weighed amongst them, and then
put to the Vote</i>. At which <i>Loe</i> said, <i>So it ought, and there is
nothing like the Time present to decide the Controversy, and to
determine the Matter</i>. They all answered, <i>Ay, it was best to
end it now</i>.</p>

<p>“Then <i>Loe</i> ordered them all to go upon Deck, and bid me stay
in the Cabbin; so up they went all hands, and I sat still and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span>
smoak’d a Pipe of Tobacco, Wine and Punch being left on the
Table: And tho’ I was very impatient to know the Determination,
sometimes hoping it would be in my Favour, and sometimes
fearing the contrary; yet I durst not go out of the Cabbin
to hear what they said, nor make any Enquiry about it.</p>

<p>“After they had been upon Deck about two Hours, they came
down again, and <i>Loe</i> ask’d me, <i>How I did? and how I lik’d my
Company since they went upon Deck?</i> I thank’d him, and said,
<i>I was very well, at his Service; and as for my Company, I lik’d it
very well, and it was Company that few would dislike. Why</i>, said
he, <i>I thought you had been all alone ever since we went upon Deck</i>.
I answer’d, <i>How could you think, Sir, that I was alone, when you
left me three such boon, jolly Companions to keep me Company?</i></p>

<p>“<i>Z—ds</i>, says <i>Loe</i>, and seem’d a little angry, <i>I left no-body, and
ordered no-body but the Boy</i> Jack, <i>and him I bid stay at the Cabbin-Door,
with-out-side, and not go in, nor stir from the Door, ’till
I bid him. But</i>, I said, <i>Sir, my three Companions were not humane
Bodies, but those which you left on the Table, to wit, a Pipe
of Tobacco, a Bottle of</i> French <i>Claret, and a Bowl of Punch</i>; at
which they all laugh’d, and <i>Loe</i> said, <i>I was right</i>: So after some
Discourses had pass’d by way of Diversion, <i>Russel</i> said to me.
<i>Master, your Sloop is very Leaky</i>; I said, <i>Yes, she made Water.
Water!</i> says he, <i>I do not know what you could do with her, suppose
we were to give her to you. Besides, you have no Hands, for all your
Hands now belong to us.</i> I said, <i>Sirs, if you please to give her
to me, I do not fear, with God’s Blessing, but to manage her well
enough, if you let me have only those which are on Board, which I
hope you will: namely, my Mate and the two Boys. Well</i>, says
he, <i>and suppose we did, you have no Cargo, for we have taken, to
replenish our Stores, all the Rum, Sugar, Tobacco, Rice, Flower,
and, in short, all your Cargo and Provisions</i>. I told him, <i>I
would do as well as I could, and if the worst came to the worst, I
could load the Sloop with Salt, and carry it to the</i> Canaries,
<i>where, I knew, they were in great Want of Salt at present, and
therefore was sure it would come to a good Market there: Ay, but</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span>
says he, <i>how will you do to make your Cargo of Salt, having no
Hands, and having nothing wherewith to hire the Natives to help
you to make it, or to pay for their bringing it down on their Asses;
for you must believe</i>, said he, <i>I understand Trade</i>. I told him,
<i>If it did come to that Extremity, I had so good Interest both at the
Island of</i> Bona Vist, <i>as likewise at the Isle of</i> May, <i>that I was
sure the Inhabitants would assist me all that they could, and trust
me for their Pay till I return’d again; especially when they came
to know the Occasion that oblig’d me to it; and that, upon the
Whole, I did not fear, with God’s Blessing, to get a Cargo of Salt
on Board, if they would be so generous as to give me the Sloop
again. Well but</i>, says Russel, <i>suppose we should let you have
the Sloop, and that you could do as you say, what would you do
for Provisions? for we shall leave you none; and I suppose I need
not tell you, for, without doubt, you know it already, that all these
Islands to Windward are in great Scarcity of Victuals, and
especially the two Islands that produce the Salt, which have been
oppress’d for many Years with a sore Famine</i>. I told him, <i>I
was very sensible that all he said last was true, but hop’d, if they
gave me the Sloop, they would also be so generous as to give me
some Provisions, a small quantity of which would serve my little
Company; but if not, I could go down to the Leeward Islands,
where, likewise, I had some small Interest, and I did not doubt
but I could have a small Matter of such Provisions as the Islands
afforded, namely, Maiz, Pompions, Feshunes, &amp;c. with which, by
God’s Assistance, we would endeavour to make shift, ’till it pleased
God we could get better. Ay but</i>, says he, <i>perhaps your Mate
and Boys will not be willing to run that Hazard with you, nor
care to endure such Hardship</i>. I told him, <i>As for my Boys, I
did not fear their Compliance, and hop’d my Mate would also
do the same, seeing I requir’d him to undergo no other Hardship
but what I partook of myself. Ay, but</i>, says Russel, <i>Your Mate
has not the same Reasons as you have, to induce him to bear with
all those Hardships, which you must certainly be exposed to in
doing what you propose; and therefore you cannot expect him to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>
be very forward in accepting such hard Terms with you; (tho’
I cannot conceive it to be so easie to go through with, in the Manner
you propose, as you seem to make it)</i>. I answer’d, <i>As for the
Mate’s Inclinations, I was not able positively to judge in this
Affair, but I believed him to be an honest, as well as a conscientious
Man, and as I had been very civil to him in several Respects,
in my Prosperity, so I did not doubt, if I had the Liberty to talk
with him a little on this Affair, but he would be very willing to
undergo as much Hardship to extricate me out of this my Adversity,
as he could well bear, or I in Reason require of him,
which would be no more than I should bear myself; and when it
pleased God to turn the Scales, I would endeavour to make him
Satisfaction to the full of what, in reason, he could expect, or, at
least, as far as I was able</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Come, come</i>, says Captain <i>Loe, let us drink about. Boy!
how does the Dinner go forward?</i> The Boy answer’d, <i>Very
well, Sir</i>. Says Loe, <i>Gentlemen, you must all Dine with me to
Day.</i> They unanimously answer’d, <i>Ay: Come then</i>, says Loe,
<i>toss the Bowl about, and let us have a fresh One, and call a fresh
Cause</i>.</p>

<p>“They all agreed to this, and then began to talk of their past
Transactions at <i>Newfoundland</i>, the <i>Western Islands</i>, <i>Canary
Islands</i>, &amp;c. What Ships they had taken, and how they
serv’d them when in their Possession; and how they oblig’d
the Governor of the Island of St. <i>Michael</i> to send them off
two Boat-Loads of fresh Meat, Greens, Wine, Fowls, &amp;c. or
otherwise, threatened to damnifie the Island, by burning some
of the small Vilages: Of their Landing on the Island of <i>Teneriff</i>,
to the Northward of <i>Oratavo</i>, in hopes of meeting with a Booty,
but got nothing but their Skins full of Wine; and how they
had like to have been surpriz’d by the Country, which was
raised upon that Occasion, but got all off safe, and without
any Harm, except one Man, who receiv’d a Shot in his Thigh
after they were got into their Boats; but, they said, they
caused several of the <i>Spaniards</i> to drop; and, That they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span>
should have been certainly lost, if they had tarried but half a
quarter of an Hour longer in the House where they were drinking,
and where they expected to get the Booty, which they
Landed in quest of, according to the Information given them
by one of the Inhabitants of the Island, who was taken by
them in a Fishing-Boat, and told them, that, that Gentleman
had an incredible Quantity of Money, as well as Plate, in his
House: And on this Occasion they threatened the poor Fisherman
how severely they would punish him for giving them a
false Information, if ever they should light of him again; but,
I suppose, the Fellow kept close ashore after they let him go,
all the Time they lay lurking about the Island: They also
boasted how many <i>French</i> Ships they had taken upon the
Banks of <i>Newfoundland</i>, and what a vast Quantity of Wine,
especially <i>French</i> Claret, they took from them; with abundance
of such like Stuff; which, as it did not immediately concern
me, so I shall not trouble myself with particularizing:
And, indeed, my Attention was so wholly taken up with the
Uncertainty of my own Affairs, that I gave no great Heed to
those Subjects that were foreign to me; and which, for that
Reason, made but a slight Impression on my Memory.</p>

<p>“In this Manner they pass’d the Time away, drinking and
carousing merrily, both before and after Dinner, which they
eat in a very disorderly Manner, more like a Kennel of Hounds,
than like Men, snatching and catching the Victuals from one
another; which, tho’ it was very odious to me, it seem’d one of
their chief Diversions, and, they said, look’d Martial-like.</p>

<p>“Before it was quite dark, every one repaired on Board their
respective Vessels, and about Eight a-Clock at Night I went
to my Hammock, without observing, as I remember, any
thing worth remarking, save, that Captain <i>Loe</i>, and I, and
three or four more, drank a couple of Bottles of Wine after
the Company were gone, before we went to Sleep, in which
time we had abundance of Discourse concerning <i>Church</i> and
<i>State</i>, as also about <i>Trade</i>, which would be tedious to relate in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span>
that confused Manner we talked of these Subjects, besides the
Reason I just now mentioned.</p>

<p>“<i>Loe</i> stay’d up after me, and when I was in my Hammock,
I heard him give the necessary Orders for the Night, which
were, that they were to lie too with their Head to the <i>North
Westward</i>, as, indeed, we had ever since I had been on Board of
him; to mind the Top-light, and for the Watch, to be sure,
above all things, to keep a good Look-out; and to call him if
they saw any thing, or if the other Ships made any Signals.</p>

<p>“I passed this Night as the former, ruminating on my present
unhappy Condition, not yet being able to dive into, or fathom
their Designs, or what they intended to do with me, and often
thinking on what the three Men told me, as also on what the
Company said, but in a more particular manner, of what
<i>Russel</i> told me concerning my Mate, ’till Sleep overpowered
my Senses, and gave me a short Recess from my Troubles.</p>

<p>“In the Morning, about five a-Clock, I turned out, and a
little after, one of the three Men who spoke to me the Morning
before, came to me, and bid me Good-morrow, and ask’d me
very courteously how I did? and told me, that they would all
three, as before, have come and spoke to me, but were afraid
the Company, especially <i>Russel’s</i> Friends, would think they
held a secret Correspondence with me, which was against one
of their Articles, it being punishable by Death, to hold any
secret Correspondence with a Prisoner; but they hop’d all
would be well, and that they believ’d I should have my Sloop
again; <i>Russel</i> being the only Man who endeavour’d to hinder
it, and he only, on the Account of having me to go with them
on the Coast of <i>Brasile</i>; but that most of the Company was
against it, except the meer Creatures of <i>Russel</i>. He said, I
might thank my Mate for it all, who, he much fear’d, would
prove a Rogue to me, and Enter with them; and then, if they
should give me my Sloop, I should be sadly put to it to manage
her myself, with one Boy, and the little Child. He also said,
That he, and the other two, heartily wish’d they could go with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span>
me in her, but that it was impossible to expect it, it being
Death even to motion it, by another of their Articles, which
says, <i>That if any of the Company shall advise, or speak any
thing tending to the separating or breaking of the Company, or
shall by any Means offer or endeavour to desert or quit the Company,
that Person shall be shot to Death by the Quarter-Master’s
Order, without the Sentence of a Court-Martial</i>. He added,
That ’till my Mate had given <i>Russel</i> an Account of my being
acquainted on the Coast of <i>Brasile</i>, he seem’d to be my best
Friend, and would certainly have prov’d so, and would have
prevail’d with the Company to have made a Gathering for me,
which, perhaps, might not have come much short in Value of
what they had taken from me; for there was but few in the
Company but had several Pieces of Linnen Cloth, Pieces of
Silk, spare Hats, Shoes, Stockings, gold Lace, and abundance
of other Goods, besides the publick Store, which, if <i>Russel</i>
had continued my Friend, for one Word speaking, there was
not one of them but would have contributed to make up my
Loss; it being usual for them to reserve such Things for no
other Use but to give to any whom they should take, or that
formerly was of their Acquaintance, or that they took a present
Liking to: He said farther, That he believ’d Captain <i>Loe</i>
would be my Friend, and do what he could for me; but that,
in Opposition to <i>Russel</i>, he could do but little, <i>Russel</i> bearing
twice the Sway with the Company, that Captain <i>Loe</i> did; and
that <i>Russel</i> was always more considerate to those they took,
than <i>Loe</i>; but now I must expect no Favour from him, he was
so exasperated by the Opposition that the Company, and
especially Captain <i>Loe</i>, made to my being forc’d to go with
them on the Coast of <i>Brasile</i>: He, however, bid me have a
good Heart, and wish’d it lay in his Power to serve me more
than it did, and bid me not to take very much Notice, or shew
much Freedom with them, but rather a seeming Indifference:
Adding, That he and his two Consorts wish’d me as well as
Heart could wish, and whatever Service they could do me,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span>
while among them, I might assure myself it should not be
wanting; desiring me to excuse him, and not take amiss his
withdrawing from me; concluding, with Tears in his Eyes,
that he did not know whether he should have another Opportunity
of private Discourse with me; neither would it be
for the Advantage of either of us, except some new Matter
offer’d them Occasion to forewarn, or precaution me, which,
if it did, one of them would not fail to acquaint me with it:
And so he left me.</p>

<p>“Some time after, Captain <i>Loe</i> turn’d out, and after the usual
Compliments pass’d, we took a Dram of Rum, and enter’d
into Discourse with one or another, on different Subjects;
for as a Tavern or Alehouse-keeper endeavours to promote his
Trade, by conforming to the Humours of every Customer, so
was I forc’d to be pleasant with every one, and bear a Bob with
them in almost all their Sorts of Discourse, tho’ never so contrary
and disagreeable to my own Inclinations; otherwise I
should have fallen under an <i>Odium</i> with them, and when once
that happens to be the Case with any poor Man, the Lord
have Mercy upon him; for then every rascally Fellow will let
loose his Brutal Fancy upon him, and either abuse him with
his Tongue (which is the least hurtful) or kick or cuff him, or
otherways abuse him, as they are more or less cruel, or artificially
raised by Drinking, Passion, <i>&amp;c.</i></p>

<p>“Captain <i>Russel</i>, with some more, came on Board about ten
or eleven a-Clock in the Forenoon, and seem’d to be very
pleasant to me, asking me how I did? telling me, that he had
been considering of what I said Yesterday, and could not see,
how I should be able to go through with it: That it would be
very difficult, if not wholly impossible, and I should run a very
great Hazard in what I propos’d. He believed, he said, that
I was a Man, and a Man of Understanding, but in this Case I
rather seem’d to be directed by an obstinate Desperation, than
by Reason; and for his Part, since I was so careless of myself
as to determine to throw myself away, he did not think it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span>
would stand with the Credit or Reputation of the Company,
to put it into my Power. He wish’d me well, he said, and did
assure me, that the Thoughts of me had taken him up the
greatest Part of the Night; and he had hit on a Way which, he
was sure, would be much more to my Advantage, and not
expose me to so much Hazard and Danger, and yet would be
more profitable, than I could expect by having the Sloop, tho’
every thing was to fall out to exceed my Expectation; and did
not doubt of the Company’s agreeing to it: <i>And this</i>, says he,
<i>is, to take and sink or burn your Sloop, and keep you with us no
otherwise than as you are now</i>, viz. <i>a Prisoner; and I promise
you, and will engage to get the Company to sign and agree to it,
the first Prize we take, if you like her; and if not, you shall stay
with us till we take a Prize that you like, and you shall have her
with all her Cargo, to dispose of how and where you please, for your
own proper Use</i>. He added, <i>that this, perhaps, might be the
making of me, and put me in a Capacity of leaving off the Sea,
and living ashore, if I was so inclin’d</i>; protesting, <i>that he did
all this purely out of Respect to me, because he saw I was a
Man of Sense</i>, as he said, <i>and was willing to take Care and
Pains to get a Living for myself and Family</i>.</p>

<p>“I thank’d him, and told him, <i>I was sorry I could not accept of
his kind Offer; and hoped he would excuse me, and not impute it
to an obstinate Temper; because</i>, I said, <i>I did not perceive it
would be of any Advantage to me, but rather the Reverse; for I
could not see how I should be able to dispose of the Ship, or any
Part of her Cargo; because no Body would buy, except I had a
lawful Power to sell; and they all certainly knew, they had no
farther Right to any Ship or Goods that they took, than so long as
such Ship or Goods was within the Verge of their Power; which,
they were sensible, could not extend so far, as to reach any Place
where such Sale could be made: Besides</i>, I said, <i>if the Owners of
any such Ship or Goods should ever come to hear of it, then
should I be liable to make them Restitution, to the full Value of
such Ship and Cargo, or be oblig’d to lie in a Prison the remaining<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span>
Part of my Days; or, perhaps, by a more rigid Prosecution of the
Law against my Person, run a Hazard of my Life</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> said, <i>These were but needless and groundless Scruples,
and might easily be evaded: As for my having a Right to make
Sale of the Ship and Cargo, which they would give me, they could
easily make me a Bill of Sale of the Ship, and such other necessary
Powers in Writing, as were sufficient to justify my Title to it
beyond all Possibility of Suspicion; so that I should not have any
Reason to fear my being detected in the Sale: And as for my
Apprehension of being discover’d to the Owners, that might as
easily be prevented; for they should always know, by Examination
of the Master, &amp;c. and also by the Writings taken on board such
Ship (which they always took Care to seize upon) who were the
Owners and Merchants concern’d in both Ship and Cargo, as also
their Places of Abode; by which I might be able to shun a Possibility
of their discovering me</i>: Adding, <i>That I might have the
Powers and Writings made in another Name, which I might go by
’till I had finish’d the Business, and then could assume my own;
which Method would certainly secure me from all Possibility of
Discovery</i>.</p>

<p>“I told him, <i>I must confess, there was not only a Probability,
but a seeming Certainty, in what he said, and that it argued
abundance of Wit in the Contrivance; but</i>, I assur’d him, <i>that
were I positively certain, which I could not be, that ’till the Hour
of my Death it would not be discover’d, yet there was still a strong
Motive to deter me from accepting it; which, tho’ it might seem,
perhaps, to them to be of no Weight, and but a meer Chimera,
yet it had greater Force with me than all the Reasons I had hitherto
mention’d; and that was my Conscience; which would be a continual
Witness against me, and a constant Sting, even when,
perhaps, no Body would accuse me: And as there could be no
hearty and unfeigned Repentance, without making a full Restitution,
as far as I was able, to the injur’d Person</i>; I ask’d them,
<i>What Benefit would it be to me, if I got Thousands of Pounds,
and could not be at Peace with my Conscience, ’till I had restor’d<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span>
every Thing to the proper Owners, and after all, remain as I was
before?</i> A great deal more, I told them, I could say upon this
Head; but doubted that Discourses of this Nature were not
very taking with some of them, and might seem of very little
Account; <i>Yet I hope</i>, said I, <i>and God forbid that there should
not be some of you, who have a Thought of a great and powerful
God, and a Consciousness of his impartial Justice to punish, as
well as of his unfathomable Mercy to pardon Offenders upon their
unfeigned Repentance, which would not so far extend as to
encourage us to run on in sinning, thereby presuming to impose
on his Mercy</i>.</p>

<p>“Some of them said, <i>I should do well to preach a Sermon, and
would make them a good Chaplain</i>. Others said, <i>No, they
wanted no Godliness to be preach’d there: That Pirates had no
God but their</i> Money, <i>nor</i> Saviour <i>but their</i> Arms. Others said,
<i>That I had said nothing but what was very good, true, and rational,
and they wish’d that Godliness, or, at least, some Humanity, were
in more Practice among them; which they believ’d, would be more
to their Reputation, and cause a greater Esteem to be had for them,
both from God and Man</i>.</p>

<p>“After this, a Silence follow’d; which Capt. <i>Russel</i> broke,
saying to me again, <i>Master, as to your Fear that you wrong your
Neighbour in taking a Ship from us, which we first took from him;
in my Judgment, it is groundless and without Cause; nor is it a
Breach of the Laws of God or Man, as far as I am able to apprehend;
for you do not take their Goods from them, nor usurp their
Property: That we have done without your Advice, Concurrence,
or Assistance; and therefore whatever Sin or Guilt follows that
Action, it is intirely</i> Ours, <i>and, in my Opinion, cannot extend to
make any unconcern’d Person guilty with us. It is plain, beyond
disputing</i>, continu’d he, <i>that you can be no Way Partaker with us
in any Capture, while you are only a constrain’d Prisoner,
neither giving your Advice or Consent, or any Ways assisting;
and therefore it may be most certainly concluded, that it is We
only that have invaded the Right, and usurp’d the Property of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>
another; and that you must be innocent, and cannot be Partaker
of the Crime, unless concern’d in that Action that made it a Crime.
But you seem to allow, that we have a Property, while we are in
Possession; but</i>, added he, <i>I suppose you think, that all the
Claim we have to the Ships and Goods that we take, is by an Act
of Violence, and therefore unjust, and of no longer Force than
while we are capable to maintain them by the same superior
Strength by which we obtain’d them</i>.</p>

<p>“I told him, <i>I could not express my Conceptions of it better or
fuller, I thought, than he had done; but hoped, neither he, nor
Capt.</i> Loe, <i>nor any of the Gentlemen present, would be offended at
my taking so much Liberty; which was rather to acquaint them
with my Reasons for not being able to accept of their kind Offer,
than to give any Gentleman Offence</i>; adding, <i>That I had so much
Confidence in their Favours, that, if I could have accepted them, I
verily believ’d, they would all have concurred with Capt.</i> Russel
<i>in what he so kindly and friendly design’d me</i>.</p>

<p>“At which Words they all cry’d, <i>Ay, Ay, by G—</i>, and that
<i>I was deserving of that and more</i>.</p>

<p>“I told them, <i>I heartily thank’d them all in general, and did not
wish any of them so unfortunate, as to stand in Need of my
Service; yet, if ever they did, they should find, that the uttermost of
my Ability should not be wanting in Retaliation of all the Civilities
they had shewn me, ever since it was my Lot to fall into their
Hands; but, in a more especial Manner, for this their now
offer’d Kindness, tho’ I could not accept it with a safe and clear
Conscience, which I valued above any Thing to be enjoy’d in this
World</i>. I said, <i>I could add farther Reasons to those I had already
urg’d; but I would not trouble them longer, fearing I had already
been too tedious or offensive to some of them; which, if I had, I
heartily begg’d their Pardon; assuring them once more, that if it
was so, it was neither my Design nor Intent, but the Reverse</i>.</p>

<p>“Hereupon they all said, <i>They liked to hear us talk, and thought
we were very well match’d</i>: Adding, <i>That Capt.</i> Russel <i>could
seldom meet with a Man that could stand him: But, as for their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span>
Parts, they were pleas’d with our Discourse, and were very sure</i>
Loe <i>and</i> Russel <i>were so too</i>.</p>

<p>“Capt. <i>Loe</i> than said, He liked it very well; but told me, I
had not return’d Capt. <i>Russel</i> an Answer to what he last said,
which he thought deserv’d one.</p>

<p>“I answer’d, That since the Gentlemen were so good-natur’d,
as not only to take in good Part what I had hitherto said, but
also to give me free Liberty to pursue my Discourse, I should
make Use of their Indulgence, and answer what Capt. <i>Russel</i>
had said last to me, in as brief and inoffensive a Manner as I
was capable of.</p>

<p>“Then turning to <i>Russel</i>, I said, <i>Sir, Your Opinion of my
Notion of the Right you have to any Ship or Goods you may take,
is exactly true; and I think your Right cannot extend farther than
your Power to maintain that Right; and therefore it must follow,
you can transfer no other Right to any one than what you have
your selves, which will render any Person who receiv’d them, as
guilty for detaining them from the proper Owners, as you for the
taking them</i>.</p>

<p>“He said, <i>Be it so; we will suppose</i> (and seemed a little angry)
<i>for Argument Sake, we have taken a Ship, and are resolv’d to sink
or burn her, unless you will accept of her: Now, pray, where is the
Owner’s Property, when the Ship is sunk, or burned? I think
the Impossibility of his having her again, cuts off his Property to
all Intents and Purposes, and our Power was the same, notwithstanding
our giving her to you, if we had thought fit to make use
of it.</i></p>

<p>“I was loth to argue any farther, seeing him begin to be
peevish; and knowing, by the Information afore given me by
the three Men, that all his pretended Kindness and Arguments
were only in order to detain me, without the Imputation of
having broken their Articles; which he found the major Part
of the Company very averse to; wherefore, to cut all short, I
told him, I was very sensible of the Favours design’d me; and
should always retain a grateful Sense of them: That I knew I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span>
was absolutely in their Power, and they might dispose of me as
they pleas’d; but that having been hitherto treated so generously
by them, I could not doubt of their future Goodness to
me. And that if they would be pleas’d to give me my Sloop
again, it was all I requested at their Hands; and I doubted
not, but that, by the Blessing of God on my honest Endeavours,
I should soon be able to retrieve my present Loss; at
least, I said, I should have nothing to reproach myself with,
whatever should befal me, as I should have, if I were to
comply with the Favour they had so kindly intended for me.</p>

<p>“Upon which, Capt. <i>Loe</i> said, <i>Gentlemen, the Master, I must
needs say, has spoke nothing but what is very reasonable, and I
think he ought to have his Sloop. What do you say Gentlemen?</i></p>

<p>“The greatest Part of them answered aloud, <i>Ay, Ay, by G—,
let the poor Man have his Sloop again, and go in God’s Name,
and seek a Living in her for his Family. Ay</i>, said some of
them, <i>and we ought to make something of a Gathering for the poor
Man, since we have taken every Thing that he had on Board his
Vessel</i>. This put an End to the Dispute; and every Body
talked according to their Inclinations, the Punch, Wine, and
Tobacco being moving Commodities all this Time: And every
one who had an Opportunity of speaking to me, wish’d me
much Joy with, and success in, my newly obtain’d Sloop.</p>

<p>“Towards Night, <i>Russel</i> told Capt. <i>Loe</i>, that as the Company
had agreed to give me the Sloop again, it was to be hoped they
would discharge me, and let me go about my Business in a
short Time; and therefore, with his Leave, he would take me
on Board the Scooner with him, to treat me with a Sneaker of
Punch before parting. Accordingly, I accompany’d him on
Board his Vessel, tho’ I had rather stay’d with <i>Loe</i>, and he
welcomed me there, and made abundance of Protestations of
his Kindness and Respect to me; but still argued, that he
thought I was very much overseen in not accepting what he
had so kindly, and out of pure Respect, offer’d to me, and
which, he said, would really have been the making of me. I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span>
told him, I thank’d him for his Favour and Good-will; but
was very well satisfy’d with the Company’s Generosity in
agreeing to give me the Sloop again, which, I said, was more
satisfactory to me, than the richest Prize that they could take.</p>

<p>“Well, says he, I wish it may prove according to your Expectation.
I thank’d him; so down we went into the Cabbin, and,
with the Officers only, diverted ourselves in talking ’till
Supper was laid on the Table.</p>

<p>“After Supper, a Bowl of Punch, and half a Dozen of Claret,
being set on the Table, Capt. <i>Russel</i> took a Bumper, and drank
<i>Success to their Undertaking</i>; which went round, I not daring
to refuse it. Next Health was <i>Prosperity to Trade</i>, meaning
their own Trade. The third Health was, <i>The King of France</i>:
After which, <i>Russel</i> began the <i>King of</i> England<i>’s Health</i>;
so they all drank round, some saying, <i>The King of</i> England’s
<i>Health</i>, others only <i>The aforesaid Health</i>, ’till it came round to
me; and Capt. <i>Russel</i> having empty’d two Bottles of Claret
into the Bowl, as a Recruit, and there being no Liquor that I
have a greater Aversion to, than red Wine in Punch, I heartily
begg’d the Captain and the Company would excuse my drinking
any more of that Bowl, and give me leave to pledge the
Health in a Bumper of Claret.</p>

<p>“Hereupon <i>Russel</i> said, <i>Damn you, you shall drink in your
Turn a full Bumper of that Sort of Liquor that the Company does.
Well, Gentlemen</i>, said I, <i>rather than have any Words about it, I
will drink it, tho’ it is in a Manner Poyson to me; because I
never drank any of this Liquor, to the best of my Remembrance,
but it made me sick two or three Days at least after it.</i> <i>And
d—n you</i>, says <i>Russel, if it be in a Manner, or out of a Manner,
or really, rank Poyson, you shall drink as much, and as often,
as any one here, unless you fall down dead, dead</i>!</p>

<p>“So I took the Glass, which was one of your <i>Hollands</i> Glasses,
made in the Form of a Beaker, without a Foot, holding about
three Quarters of a Pint, and filling it to the Brim, said, <i>Gentlemen,
here is the aforesaid Health. What Health is that</i>, said<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span>
<i>Russel? Why</i>, says I, <i>the same Health you all have drank, The
King of</i> England’s <i>Health. Why</i>, says <i>Russel, who is King of</i>
England? I answer’d, <i>In my Opinion, he that wears the Crown,
is certainly King while he keeps it. Well</i>, says he, <i>and pray who
is that? Why</i>, says I, <i>King</i> George <i>at present wears it</i>. Hereupon
he broke out in the most outrageous Fury, damning me,
and calling me Rascally Son of a B—; and abusing his Majesty
in such a virulent Manner, as is not fit to be repeated,
asserting, with bitter Curses, that we had no King.</p>

<p>“I said, <i>I admir’d that he would begin and drink a Health to a
Person who was not in being</i>. Upon which, he whipp’d one of
his Pistols from his Sash, and I really believe would have shot
me dead, if the Gunner of the Scooner had not snatch’d it out
of his Hand.</p>

<p>“This rather more exasperated <i>Russel</i>, who continu’d swearing
and cursing his Majesty in the most outrageous Terms, and
asserting the Pretender to be the lawful King of <i>England, &amp;c.</i>
He added, That ’twas a Sin to suffer such a false traiterous Dog
as I was to live; and with that whipp’d out another Pistol
from his Sash, and cock’d it, and swore he would shoot me
through the Head, and was sure he should do God and his
Country good Service, by ridding the World of such a traiterous
Villain. But the Master of the Scooner prevented him, by
striking the Pistol out of his Hand.</p>

<p>“Whether it was with the Fall, or his Finger being on the
Trigger, I cannot tell, but the Pistol went off without doing
any Damage: At which the Master, and all present, blamed
<i>Russel</i> for being so rash and hasty; and the Gunner said, I
was not to blame; for that I drank the Health as it was first
propos’d, and there being no Names mention’d, and King
<i>George</i> being possess’d of the Crown, and establish’d by
Authority of Parliament, he did not see but his Title was the
best. <i>But what have we to do</i>, continued he, <i>with the Rights of
Kings or Princes? Our Business here, is to chuse a King for
our own Commonwealth; to make such Laws as we think most<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span>
conducive to the Ends we design; and to keep ourselves from being
overcome, and subjected to the Penalty of those Laws which are
made against us.</i> He then intimated to <i>Russel</i>, That he must
speak his Sentiments freely, and imputed his Quarrel with me,
to his being hinder’d from breaking thro’ their Articles:
Urging, that he would appear no better than an Infringer of
their Laws, if the Matter were narrowly look’d into: And
that it was impossible ever to have any Order or Rule observ’d,
if their Statutes were once broken thro’. He put him in Mind
of the Penalty, which was Death, to any one who should infringe
their Laws; and urg’d, That if it were once admitted
that a Man, thro’ Passion, or the like, should be excused
breaking in upon them, there would be an End to their Society:
And concluded with telling him, that it was an extraordinary
Indulgence in the Company, not to remind him of the Penalty
he had incurr’d.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i>, still continuing his Passion, answer’d, That if he had
transgress’d, it was not for the Sake of his own private Interest,
but for the general Good of the Company; and therefore did
not fear, neither in Justice could he expect, any Severity from
the Company for what he had done; and for that Reason,
whatever he (the Gunner) or those of his Sentiments, thought
of it, he was resolv’d, whatever came of it, to pursue his
present Humour.</p>

<p>“Then says the Gunner to the rest, <i>Well, Gentlemen, if you
have a Mind to maintain those Laws made, establish’d, and
sworn to by you all, as I think we are all obligated by the strongest
Tyes of Reason and Self-Interest to do, I assure you, my Opinion
is, that we ought to secure</i> John Russel, <i>so as to prevent his
breaking our Laws and Constitutions, and thereby do ourselves,
and him too, good Service: Ourselves, by not suffering such an
Action of Cruelty in cold Blood, as he more than once attempted
to commit, as you are Eye-witnesses of, and, I believe, most on
Board have been Ear-witnesses to the Pistol’s going off; and all
this for no other Reason in the World, but through a proud and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span>
ambitious Humour, conceiting he is the Man that is not to be contradicted,
and that his Words, though tending to our Ruin, must
yet be receiv’d as an Oracle, without any Opposition</i>.</p>

<p>“At which they all said, It was a pity the Master should
suffer, neither would they permit it; and speaking to <i>Russel</i>,
they said, they would not allow him to be so barbarous: That
they had always valued themselves upon this very Thing of
being civil to their Prisoners, and not abusing their Persons:
That, ’till now, he himself had been always the greatest
Perswader to Clemency, and even to the forgiving Provocations,
and permitting them to go from ’em with as little Loss
as could be, after they had taken what they had Occasion for:
<i>But now</i>, said they, <i>you are quite the Reverse, to this poor Man,
and for no other Reason, that we know of, but, as the Gunner said
just now, because we would not yield a greater Power to you alone,
then you with the whole Company have when conjoin’d; that is,
that you at any Time, to gratify your own Humour, shall have
Liberty, not only to dispense with our Laws, but to act against
the Sentiments of the whole Company</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> answer’d, That he never did oppose the Company
before; neither could he believe any present could charge him
with any Cruelty in cold Blood, ever since he belong’d to the
Company; but that he had a Reason for what he did, or would
have done, if he had not been prevented. Hereupon the
Master interrupting him, said, <i>Capt.</i> Russel, <i>we know of no
Reason for your passionate Design, but what we have told you;
and, as you have been told before, it reflects a Revenge against the
Company; but not being able to effect that, you turn it on that poor
Man the Master of the Sloop, and, as it were, in despite of the
Company, because they have decreed him his Sloop again, that
he may provide a Living for his Family, you would barbarously,
nay brutishly, as well as to the Company contemptuously, murder
that poor Man, who has given you no Occasion to induce you to
such an Action that we know of; and if he has given you any
sufficient Cause to be so offended at him, we promise you this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span>
Instant, to deliver him up to you, to suffer Death, or what other
Punishment you think fit to inflict on him</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> told them, That he had been in the Company almost
from the first, and he challeng’d any one to charge him with
Singularity, or Opposition to the Company, or of Cruelty to
any one Prisoner before that Rascal, as he call’d me, and that
therefore they might be assur’d, he should not have taken up
such Resentments against me, if he had not a sufficient Reason
to provoke him to it, which he did not think proper at that
Time to divulge.</p>

<p>“<i>Then</i>, says the Gunner, <i>neither do we think proper that you
shall take any Man’s Life away in cold Blood, ’till you think fit
to acquaint the Company with the Reasons for it; and I think it
was your Place to satisfy the Company, before you took the
Liberty to attempt the Life of any Man under the Company’s
Protection, as I think all Prisoners are: And, to say the Truth,
I do verily believe, you have no other Reasons to give than those
hinted by the Master and me; and therefore, I think it but Reason,
to use such Methods as may prevent your passionate Design, and
secure the Prisoner ’till Morning, and then send him on Board the
Commodore, who, with the Advice of the Majority, may order the
Matter as he thinks best</i>.</p>

<p>“This was consented to by all, and so <i>Russel</i>, having his
Arms taken from him, was order’d not to offer the least Disturbance
again, nor concern himself with or about me, ’till after
I was on Board the Commodore, on Pain of the Crew’s Displeasure,
and also of being prosecuted as a Mutineer; and the
Gunner, Master, Boatswain, <i>&amp;c.</i> bid me not be discourag’d;
assuring me, that there should no Harm come to me while I
was on Board of them; and that they would send me away now,
but that there is, said they, an express Order among us, to receive
no Boats on Board after eight at Night, or nine a-Clock at
farthest; but they would put me on Board Capt. <i>Loe</i> in the
Morning, where they were sure I should be protected and
secur’d from the revengeful Hand of Capt. <i>Russel</i>; for they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span>
said, they were sure that Capt. <i>Loe</i> had a great Respect for me,
and would be a Means to counter-ballance <i>Russel</i>; and they
said they would sit up with me all Night for my greater Security:
Which they did, smoaking and drinking and talking, every
one according to his Inclination, and so we pass’d the Time
away ’till Day.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> went to sleep about two a-Clock in the Morning in his
Cabbin; however, the Master, the Gunner, and five or six
more, did not go to Bed all that Night, but would have had
me gone to sleep, telling me, I need not fear, for they would
take Care that <i>Russel</i> should not hurt me.</p>

<p>“About eight a-Clock in the Morning, I was carry’d on Board
Capt. <i>Loe</i>, the Gunner and Steward going with me, who told
him all that had pass’d; and acquainted him, that they still
believ’d <i>Russel</i> to be so implacable against me, that he would
murder me in cold Blood before I got clear of them, if he did
not interpose to protect me from his Violence. Capt. <i>Loe</i>
said, He very well knew, and he believ’d so did they all, what
was the Reason that made <i>Russel</i> so inveterate and implacable
to me: He added, That <i>Russel</i> did not do well; and that I had
behav’d myself so inoffensively, that there could be no Reason
to induce the most savage Monster to be such an irreconcilable
Enemy to me; but that ’twas an easy Matter to dive into the
Cause of it, to wit, his being thwarted by the Company in his
Humour; and because they would not break thro’ the Articles
which cemented them together, and which were sign’d and
swore to by them all, as the standing Rule of their Duty, by
which only they could decide and settle Controversies and
Differences among themselves; the least Breach of which,
would be a Precedent for the like Infractions, whenever <i>Russel</i>,
or any other, thought fit to give Way either to Revenge or
Ambition, and that then all their Counsels would be fluctuating;
and Fancy, and not Reason, would be the Rule of their Conduct;
and their Resolutions would be render’d more unconstant
than the Weathercock. He added, That he hoped the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span>
Company would inviolably adhere to their establish’d Laws,
which, he said, were very good; and were they not, yet, as
they were made by the unanimous Consent of the whole Company,
so they ought not to be alter’d without the same unanimous
Consent; concluding, that, for his Part, he would rather
chuse to be out of the Company than in it, if they did not
resolve to be determin’d by their Articles. Hereupon they
answer’d, That what he had said was very good, and they were
resolv’d to adhere to his Advice.</p>

<p>“After this they drank a Dram, and then return’d with their
Boat on Board the Scooner; and Capt. <i>Loe</i> told me, he was
sorry for Capt. <i>Russel’s</i> Disgust against me, because he believ’d
it would be a disadvantage to me; but, however, there
was no Remedy but Patience; assuring me, That <i>Russel</i>
should neither kill me, nor abuse my Person, and I should have
my Sloop again, and be discharg’d in as short a while as possible,
that I might be clear of <i>Russel</i>, who, he was afraid, would
always continue my Foe.</p>

<p>“All the Officers and Men likewise spoke very friendly to me,
and bid me not be daunted; so we pass’d the Time away in
several Kinds of Discourse ’till Dinner; after which, <i>Loe</i>
order’d a Bowl of Punch to be made, and said he wish’d I was
well clear of them.</p>

<p>“About four a-Clock in the Afternoon Capt. <i>Russel</i> came on
Board, as did also <i>Francis Spriggs</i>, who commanded the other
Ship, and after a little while, says <i>Russel</i> to Capt. <i>Loe</i>, <i>The
Mate of the Sloop is willing to enter with us as a Volunteer</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Loe</i> made Answer, and said, <i>How must we do in that Case?
For then the Master of the Sloop will have no Body to help him,
but one Boy; for</i>, says he, <i>the little Child is no Help at all</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> said, <i>He could not help that. But</i>, said Loe, <i>we must
not take all the Hands from the poor Man, if we design to give him
his Sloop again</i>; adding, <i>That he thought in Reason there could
not be less than two Boys and the Mate</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Z—ds</i>, says <i>Russel, his Mate is a lusty young brisk Man, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span>
has been upon the Account before, and told me but even now</i> (<i>for</i>,
said he, <i>I was on Board the Sloop but just before I came here, and</i>
Frank Spriggs <i>was along with me, and heard him say</i>), <i>That he
was fully resolv’d to go with us, and would not go any more in the
Sloop, unless forced; and when he came out of</i> Barbadoes, <i>he
said, his Design was to enter himself on Board the first Pyrate that
he met with; And will you refuse such a Man, contrary to your
Articles, which you all so much profess to follow; and which
enjoin you by all Means, not repugnant to them, to encrease and
fill your Company? Besides</i>, continued he, <i>he spoke to me the
first Day, that he was resolv’d to enter with us</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Loe</i> reply’d, That to give the Man his Sloop, and no Hands
with him to assist him, was but putting him to a lingering
Death, and they had as good almost knock him on the Head,
as do it.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> answer’d, As to that, they might do as they pleas’d;
what he spoke now was for the Good of the whole Company,
and agreeable to the Articles, and he would fain see or hear that
Man that should oppose him in it. He said, He was Quarter-Master
of the whole Company, and, by the Authority of his
Place, he would enter the Mate directly, and had a Pistol
ready for the Man that should oppose him in it.</p>

<p>“<i>Loe</i> said, As for what was the Law and Custom among them
(as what he now pleaded, was) he would neither oppose, nor
argue against; but, if they thought fit to take the Man’s Mate
from him, then they might let him have one of his own Men
with him.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> said, No; for all the Sloop’s Men were already enroll’d
in their Books, and therefore none of them should go in
her again. <i>Gentlemen</i>, continu’d he, <i>you must consider I am
now arguing, as well for the Good of the Company, as for the
due Maintenance and Execution of the Laws and Articles; and
as I am the proper Officer substituted and intrusted by this Company
with Authority to execute the same, so</i> (<i>as I told you before</i>)
<i>I have a Pistol and a Brace of Balls ready for any one, who dare<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span>
oppose me herein</i>; and turning to me, said, <i>Master, the Company
has decreed you your Sloop, and you shall have her; you
shall have your two Boys, and that is all: You shall have neither
Provisions, nor any Thing else, more than as she now is. And,
I hear, there are some of the Company design to make a Gathering
for you; but that also I forbid, by the Authority of my Place,
because we are not certain but we may have Occasion ourselves
for those very Things before we get more; and for that Reason I
prohibit a Gathering; and I swear by all that is Great and Good,
that if I know any Thing whatsoever carry’d, or left on Board the
Sloop against my Order, or without my Knowledge, that very
Instant I will set her on Fire, and you in her.</i></p>

<p>“Upon which I said, that since it was their Pleasure to order
it thus, I begged that they would not put me on Board the
Sloop in such a Condition; but rather begg’d, if they so pleas’d,
to do what they would with the Sloop, and put me, and my two
Boys, ashore on one of the Islands.</p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> said, No; for they were to Leeward of all the Islands,
and should hardly come near any of them this Season again.</p>

<p>“I said, I should rather be put ashore any where else, either
on the Coast of <i>Guinea</i>, or on whatever Coast they came at
first, than be put as a Victim on Board the Sloop; where I
should have no Possibility of any Thing but perishing, except
by an extraordinary Miracle.</p>

<p>“He told me, My Fate was already decreed by the Company,
and he, by his Place, was to see all their Orders put in Execution;
and he would accordingly see me safely put on Board the
Sloop, in the exact Condition as he had but now mention’d.</p>

<p>“I was going to make him a Reply, but casting my Eye on
Capt. <i>Loe</i>, he wink’d at me to be silent; and taking a Bumper,
drank Success to their Proceedings. The Health went round,
and <i>Loe</i> order’d the great Bowl to be fill’d with Punch, and
Bottles of Wine to be set on the Table in the Cabbin, to which
we all resorted, and spent the remaining Part of the Evening in
Discourses on different Subjects: Only <i>Frank Spriggs</i> offer’d<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span>
to perswade me to accept of what was first offer’d me, which
<i>Russel</i> swore I should not now have, I having not once,
but several Times already refus’d it. Capt. <i>Loe</i> not being
then willing to have any more of that Kind of Discourse,
broke it off by singing a Song, and enjoining every one present
to do the same, except me, whom he said he would excuse
’till Times grew better with me: And thus they diverted themselves,
and pass’d the Evening away ’till towards eight a-Clock,
and then every one repair’d on Board their respective Ships;
and, after they were gone, <i>Loe</i> and I, and two or three of his
Confidents, smoak’d a Pipe, and drank a Bottle or two of
Wine; in which Time he told me, He was very sorry that <i>Jack
Russel</i> was so set against me. I said, So was I, and wonder’d
what should be the Reason of it, having given him no Cause,
unless by drinking that Health the preceding Night: I said, I
had imputed to Liquor, the Fury he was then in, and was in
Hopes, that after that had work’d off, his Resentments also
would have cooled, and was not a little concern’d to find it
otherwise. <i>Loe</i> said, The Health was not the Cause, but
rather the Effect of his Anger, and a meer Pretence to cloak his
Resentment for other Disappointments: Adding, That I did
right to take his Hint given me by winking, to answer no more;
<i>For</i>, says he, <i>I knew that every Thing which you could speak to
him, would be taken Edge-ways; and the more you said to excuse
yourself, the more it would add Fuel to his Anger, which he turn’d
against you who could not resist him, because he could not have
his Will of us; but we will endeavour to draw him off by Degrees;
and for that Reason will not discharge you, but I will keep you on
Board with me, where he shall not hurt nor abuse you, except
with his Tongue, which you must bear, ’till we see if we can alter
his Temper, so as to deal with you a little more favourable than
at present he designs</i>.</p>

<p>“I thank’d him, and all of them present, for their Favours
and Good-will, and it being near Midnight, we parted, and
every one retired to his Rest, and I to my Hammock; and being<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span>
pretty much fatigued the Night before, as well as the preceding
Day, soon fell asleep; and about Day-dawning, I got up, and
came upon Deck, and walking upon the Quarter Deck very
solitary, one of the three Men, mention’d before, pass’d by
me, and ask’d me how I did, and said he was very sorry for the
Unkindness already shew’d me, and like to be shew’d; but it
was what they expected, as they had before hinted to me, and
that still there was like to be a tough Struggle about me: That
<i>Russel</i> did design to be very barbarous to me, and that <i>Loe</i>,
and a great Part of the Company, intended to oppose him in
it; that there were a great many who were <i>Russel’s</i> Gang or
Clan, and design’d to stand by him in it, and had threaten’d,
that if there were much Disturbance about it, they would
shoot me, and so put an End to the Controversy: That there
were some, on the other Hand, that threaten’d hard if they did,
to revenge my Death by some of theirs; so that it was likely
to be an untoward Touch, and he wish’d it might not prove to
my Disadvantage in the End; but would have me still to keep
a good Heart, and trust in God, and hope for the best, and by
no means to speak one Word, or concern myself either Way,
but patiently wait the Issue, which he hoped would be better
for me than some of them intended; and so heartily wishing
me well, walk’d his Way.</p>

<p>“Now you must believe these Accounts were not a little
shocking to me; but I had no Friend that I could really rely
on, but God, to whom I made my Petitions, and whose
Assistance I humbly besought, to extricate me, in his own good
Time, out of these Difficulties and Snares which were laid for
me on every Side, and, in the mean Time, patiently so to bear
them, as not to murmur and repine at his fatherly Chastisements,
nor, by their Extremity, through Desperation, wound
my Conscience; but that in all Things I might, through the
Guidance of the holy Spirit, be directed so as to submit myself
entirely to his Will, who infinitely knew what was better for
me than I knew myself.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span></p>

<p>“After some Time pass’d, Capt. <i>Loe</i> came upon Deck, who
ask’d me how I had rested the preceding Night? I told him,
Very well, considering my present Case; but, next under
God, had grounded my Hopes upon him, to rid me of my
present Fears, by dispatching me away as soon as possible he
could with Conveniency. He told me, He would do every
Thing in his Power to further my Desires, and hoped that what
he had already done on my Account, would sufficiently convince
me of his Desire to serve me; but that Things hitherto
had fallen out very unluckily and cross, as I myself was able
to judge by what was already pass’d.</p>

<p>“I told him, I had very good Reasons to return him my hearty
Thanks, and own’d myself bound to him in the strictest Ties
of Gratitude; and that if it ever should be in my Power to
serve him, I would not content myself with bare Acknowledgments
of his Favour.</p>

<p>“He said, His Will was at present more extensive than his
Power; but that he still hoped to prevail with <i>Russel</i>, and
those who were of his Side, to be more compassionate to me
before I parted with them, than at present they seem’d to
intend, and as soon as he had brought them to a better Temper,
he then would procure my Discharge; but if <i>Russel</i> still continu’d
inexorable, which he should be very sorry for, then you
must endeavour, says he, to keep up a good Heart, and
patiently wait ’till Providence brings you out of your present
Calamities, which I hope he will.</p>

<p>“I thank’d him, and told him, I would endeavour to follow his
Advice, tho’, I said, ’twas with some Impatience that I waited
to have my Doom determin’d in a Discharge from them. He
bid me be easy, it should be shortly.</p>

<p>“By this Time there were several join’d with us, so we broke
off that Discourse, and fell into other Talk.</p>

<p>“About two or three a-Clock in the Afternoon, Capt. <i>Russel</i>,
Capt. <i>Spriggs</i>, and some of their Officers, came on Board, and
held a Consultation, which I was not allow’d to be a Hearer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span>
of; but understood afterwards, ’twas chiefly about their
own Affairs, in Relation to the further Prosecution of their
intended Voyage; and by the little mention that was made
of me, it appear’d, that <i>Russel</i> continu’d still inflexible,
bitterly swearing, that he would, if he had a thousand
Lives, lose them all, rather than miscarry in this his fix’d
Resolution.</p>

<p>“In this difficult Situation I stood, not daring to speak freely
for fear of offending, nor be silent, lest I should be thought
contemptuous; not knowing how to avoid their Resentments,
and every Resentment menacing, and often bringing Death.
And thus I tediously, as well as dangerously, pass’d my Time
among them, until it pleas’d God to put it into their Hearts to
discharge me; tho’, if seriously weigh’d, this my Discharge
seem’d like sentencing me to a lingering and miserable Death;
yet I must needs confess, considering the whole Matter, that
I was in a Manner miraculously befriended and supported,
even in spite of Malice, Rage, and Revenge, for which I shall
always pay my humble Acknowledgements to the Divine
Providence.</p>

<p>“After several Efforts made by Capt. <i>Loe</i>, and others, and
abundance of Arguments used to bring <i>Russel</i> to better Temper
relating to me; and finding it all to no Purpose, and that
some of his Clan had bound themselves by Oath to stand by
him, even to my Destruction, if the Dispute continu’d much
longer; Capt. <i>Loe</i>, and Capt. <i>Spriggs</i>, and others, who were
my Friends, resolv’d on sending me away as soon as possible;
and for that Purpose <i>Loe</i>, the 10th Day after I was taken,
made a Signal for a general Consultation on Board of him;
and as soon as the Officers and leading Men of the other two
Ships, were assembled, he made a Speech to them, to let them
know the Reason of his calling them to a Consultation, telling
them, <i>That he thought it was Time to discharge me, as they had
before agreed, as also to prosecute their intended Voyage, they
having lain a long Time driving; and that, altogether out of their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span>
Way, by Reason they could not expect, either here, or in this Drift,
to meet with any Ships</i>.</p>

<p>“To this they all agreeing, Capt. <i>Loe</i> told them, <i>He thought
it would be best to discharge me first, for several Reasons, among
which, my being cumbersome to them, as well as unserviceable,
they being forc’d to sail the Sloop themselves; besides, he said it
was not proper that I should be made acquainted with the Design
of their Voyage</i>.</p>

<p>“They ask’d, <i>Why he did not turn me away?</i> Saying, <i>They
did not know for what Reason I had been kept so long, the Company
having settled that Matter so long since</i>.</p>

<p>“Capt. <i>Loe</i> said, <i>Gentlemen, you all know what Arguments we
have had already about this Matter, and how Capt.</i> Russel, <i>and
some more, were angry with the Master of the Sloop, and, I verily
believe, without any Cause by him given to any of you designedly;
and therefore, I hope you have consider’d better of it since, and
laid aside your Resentments against the poor Man; neither</i>,
said he, <i>let us do any Thing now in Passion, for I do not design
(nor would I, if I could) to inforce any of you to comply to any
Thing against your Will; nor would I have you think, Gentlemen,
that I shall ever shew so much Respect to any Prisoner, as, on his
Account, to cause a Difference or Wrangling among our selves;
but yet, Gentlemen, give me Leave to say, That tho’ we are Pirates,
yet we are Men, and tho’ we are deem’d by some People dishonest,
yet let us not wholly divest ourselves of Humanity, and make
ourselves more Savage than Brutes. If we send this poor Man
away from us, without Provisions or Hands to assist him, Pray
what greater Cruelty can there be? I think the more lingering
any Death is made, the more barbarous ’tis accounted by all Men;
and therefore, Gentlemen, I leave it to your own Consideration.</i></p>

<p>“To this, <i>Russel</i> made answer, <i>That he, in the Company’s
Name, had made the Master of the Sloop very good and generous
Offers, in the Hearing of all the Company; but that I had, in his
Opinion, after a very slighting Manner, refus’d them: That
’twas my Choice to be sent thus on Board the Sloop, rather than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span>
the Compulsion of the Company; and that, notwithstanding he
told me what I must trust to by insisting on the Sloop, and how
favourable they were design’d to be to me, if I would have but a
little Patience ’till they could provide for me, yet that I had refus’d
their Favours, notwithstanding the Pains he took to perswade me</i>;
adding an egregious Falshood, (but I durst not tell him so)
<i>That I had petition’d and begg’d of the Company, rather to be put
in the Sloop in the Condition he now propos’d for me, and that
therefore, according to my Desire, it should be so; and he hoped it
could never be reckon’d Cruelty in them to give a Person his free
Choice. And, Gentlemen</i>, says he, <i>we have had a great many
more Words about this Matter already, than ever we had in the
like Case before; but I hope you all have so much Value and
Respect for one another, and for the general Peace, as that we
shall have no more Debate on this Head, but determine at once
the Time when he is to be discharg’d, the Manner of it being
already settled by the major Part, and I as your Quarter-master,
as my Office requires, will see it executed, and, perhaps, in a more
favourable Manner than at first I design’d, or he really deserves at
mine or your Hands either; but let that rest there</i>.</p>

<p>“Then Capt. <i>Loe</i> said, <i>Mr.</i> Russel <i>hath spoke to you, Gentlemen,
his Sentiments, which, in the main, are reasonable and true,
and I am glad he is reconcil’d to the Master of the Sloop before
their parting; and, I cannot say, but I always believ’d</i> Jack
Russel <i>to be a Man of so much Sense, as well as Good-nature,
that he would scorn to take Revenge on one whose Condition
render’d him uncapable of helping himself. And I think,
Gentlemen, we may discharge him as soon as you please, and this
Afternoon, if you are all agreed to it.</i> They all said <i>Ay</i>. Upon
which <i>Russel</i> told them, it should be done that Afternoon;
telling <i>Loe</i>, <i>That after Dinner he would take me on Board the
Scooner with him, and, from thence, send me on Board the Sloop,
and see what could be done for me</i>.</p>

<p>“Some of <i>Loe’s</i> Company said, <i>They would look out some
Things, and give me along with me when I was going away</i>;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span>
but <i>Russel</i> told them, <i>they should not, for he would toss them all
into</i> Davy Jones’s Locker <i>if they did; for I was the Scooner’s
Prize, and she had all my Cargo and Plunder on Board of her,
and therefore what was given to me should be given to me out of her</i>:
And turning to me said, <i>Well, Master, I will this Evening put
you on Board your own Sloop, and will be a better Friend to you,
perhaps, than them that pretended a great deal more; but I am
above being led by Passion</i>, &amp;c. They all din’d on Board of
<i>Loe</i>, who, after Dinner, order’d a Bowl of Punch to be made in
the great Silver Bowl, and set a Dozen of Claret on the Table,
and that they said was for me to take my Leave of them, and
part Sailor-like. I thank’d them; so they drank round to my
good Success, and then to their own fortunate Proceedings
and good Success; and <i>Loe</i> told me, <i>He wish’d me very well, and
hoped to meet with me again, at some Time when they had a good
Prize of rich Goods, and he would not fail to make me a Retaliation
with good Advantage for my present Loss</i>. And they all
present said, <i>I need not fear meeting with a Friend, whenever
I met with them again</i>.</p>

<p>“About duskish, they began to prepare to go on Board their
Ships, and I took my Leave of Capt. <i>Loe</i>, and all his Ship’s
Company, and in particular of the three Men, who, I believe,
were my hearty Friends, and return’d them all Thanks for
their Kindness, as well as good Humour, shew’d to me since
my first coming on Board of them. I also took my Leave of
Capt. <i>Spriggs</i>, and those of his Company who were present,
wish’d me well, but not one of them, I believe, dar’d to give me
any Lumber with me, nor durst I have accepted of it had they
offer’d it, for Fear of angering my but newly and seemingly
reconcil’d Enemy, who, in all Likelihood, would have taken
from me whatever they would have given me: And for that
Reason I believe it was, that none of them offer’d to give me a
Farthing, notwithstanding all their Professions of Kindness to
me; tho’ this Generosity is very usual with them, to People
that they profess much less Favour for, than they did to me.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span></p>

<p>“<i>Russel</i> being ready, I was order’d to go in his Boat, which I
did; and, as soon as we were come on Board the Scooner, he
order’d a Supper to be got ready, and, in the mean Time, there
was a Bowl of Punch made, and some Wine set on the Table.
<i>Russel</i> invited me down into the Cabbin, as also all his Officers,
and we drank and smoak’d ’till Supper was brought, and then
he told me I was very welcome, and bid me eat and drink
heartily; <i>For</i>, he said, <i>I had as tedious a Voyage to go through, as</i>
Elijah’s <i>forty Days Journey was to Mount</i> Horeb, <i>and, as far
as he knew, without a Miracle, it must only be by the Strength of
what I eat now; for I should have neither Eatables nor Drinkables
with me in the Sloop</i>.</p>

<p>“I told him, <i>I hoped not so</i>: He rapt out a great Oath, <i>That
I should find it certainly true</i>. I told him, <i>That rather than be
put on Board the Sloop, in that Manner, where there was no
Possibility to escape perishing, without a Miracle, I would submit
to tarry on Board, ’till an Opportunity offer’d to put me ashore
where they pleas’d; or would yield to any Thing else they should
think fit to do with me, excepting to enter into their Service</i>.</p>

<p>“He said, <i>It was once in my Power to have been my own Friend;
but my slighting their proffer’d Favours, and my own chusing
what I now must certainly accept, had render’d me uncapable of
any other Choice; and that therefore all Apologies were but in
vain; and he thought he shew’d himself more my Friend than I
could well expect, or than I had deserv’d at his Hands, having
caused him to have a great deal of Difference with the Company
more than ever he had in his Life before, or ever should have again,
he hoped</i>.</p>

<p>“I told him, <i>I was very sorry that I was so unfortunate as to be
the unhappy Occasion of it; but could from my Heart aver, that
it was not only undesign’d, but also sorely against my Inclinations</i>;
and begg’d of him, and all the Gentlemen then present,
<i>to consider me as an Object rather of their Pity, than of their
Revenge</i>.</p>

<p>“He told me, <i>All my Arguments and Perswasions now were in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span>
vain, it being too late: I had not only refus’d their Commiseration
when I was offer’d it, but ungratefully despis’d it: Therefore</i>,
says he, <i>as I told you before, it’s in vain for you to plead any more:
Your Lot is cast, and you have nothing now to do, but to go through
with your Chance as well as you can, and fill your Belly with good
Victuals and good Drink, to strengthen you to hold it as long as you
can: It may be, and is very probable to be, the last Meal that ever
you may eat in this World: However, perhaps, such a Conscientious
Man as you would fain seem, or it may be are, may
have a supernatural, or, at least, a natural Means wrought by a
supernatural Power, in a miraculous Manner, to deliver you.
However, I cannot say but I pity the two Boys, and have a great
Mind to take them on Board, and let the miraculous Deliverance
be wrought on you alone</i>.</p>

<p>“The Master and Gunner said, <i>They heard the Boys say, they
were willing to take their Chance with their Master, let it be what
it would. Nay, then</i>, says <i>Russel</i>, <i>it’s fit they should. I suppose
their Master has made them as religious and as conscientious as
himself. However, Master</i>, says <i>Russel</i>, (speaking to me) <i>I
would have you eat and drink heartily, and talk no more about
changing your allotted Chance; because, as I told you before, it is
all in vain; besides, it may be a Means of Provocation to serve you
worse</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Gentlemen</i>, says I, <i>I have done: I will say no more; you can do
no more than God is pleas’d to permit you; and I own, for that
Reason, I ought to take it patiently</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Well, well</i>, says <i>Russel</i>, <i>if it be done by God’s Permission, you
need not fear that he will permit any Thing hurtful to befall so
good a Man as you are</i>.</p>

<p>“About ten a-Clock at Night, he order’d to call the Sloop’s
Boat, which was brought by some of the Pirates of his own
Clan, who were station’d on Board of her, and ask’d them, <i>If
they had done as he had order’d them</i>, viz. <i>to clear the Sloop of
every Thing</i>? And they said <i>Yes</i>, raping out a great Oath or
two, adding, <i>She had nothing on Board except Ballast and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span>
Water. Z—ds</i>, said <i>Russel</i>, <i>did not I bid you have all the Casks
that had Water in them on Board? So we did</i>, said they; <i>but
the Water that we spoke of was Salt-water, leak’d in by the Vessel,
and is now above the Ballast; for we have not pump’d her we do
not know when</i>.</p>

<p>“Said <i>Russel</i>, <i>Have you brought away the Sails I told you of?</i>
They said, <i>All but the Mainsail that was bent, for the other old
Mainsail that he had order’d to be left, was good for nothing but
to cut up for Parceling, and hardly for that, it was so rotten;
besides, it was so torn, that it could not be brought too, and was
past mending, and for that Reason they let it lie, and would not
unbend the other Mainsail</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Z—ds</i>, says <i>Russel</i>, <i>we must have it, for I want it to make us a
Mainsail. D—n it</i>, said the Men, <i>then you must turn the Man
adrift in the Sloop without a Mainsail</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Pish</i>, said <i>Russel</i>, <i>the same miraculous Power that is to bring
him Provisions, can also bring him a Sail</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>What a Devil, is he a Conjurer?</i> said one of them.</p>

<p>“<i>No, no</i>, says <i>Russel</i>, <i>but he expects Miracles to be wrought for
him, or he never would have chosen what he hath</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Nay, nay</i>, said they, <i>if he be such a one, he will do well enough;
but I doubt</i>, says one of them, <i>he will fall short of his Expectation;
for if he be such a mighty Conjurer, how the Devil was it that
he did not conjure himself clear of us?</i></p>

<p>“<i>Pish</i>, said another, <i>it may be his conjuring Books were shut
up. Ay, but</i>, said another, <i>now we have hove all his Conjuration
Books over Board, I doubt he will be hard put to it to find them
again</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Come, come</i>, says the Gunner, <i>Gentlemen, the poor Man is like
to go through Hardship enough, and very probably may perish;
yet it is not impossible but he may meet with some Ship, or other
timely Succour, to prevent his perishing, and I heartily wish he
may; but however, you ought not to add Affliction to the Afflicted;
You have sentenc’d him to a very dangerous Chance, which I
think is sufficient to stop your Mouths from making a Droll and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span>
Game of him. I would have you consider</i>, added he, <i>if any of you
were at</i> Tyburn, <i>or any other Place to be executed, as many better
and stouter Men than some of you, have been, and the Spectators,
or</i> Jack Catch <i>should make a Droll and May-game of you, you
would think them a very hard-hearted, as well as an inconsiderate
Sort of People: And pray, Gentlemen, consider the Sentence which
you are now going to execute on this poor Man, will be as bad, or
rather worse, than one of our Cases would be there; because,
unless Providence stand his Friend in an extraordinary Manner,
his Death must as certainly ensue or be the Consequence of this
your Sentence, as it would there be to any of us by the Sentence of
a Judge, and so much the more miserable, by how much it is more
lingering</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Damn it</i>, said <i>Russel</i>, <i>we have had enough, and too much of this
already</i>.</p>

<p>“<i>Ay</i>, said the Gunner, <i>and take Care</i>, Russel, <i>you have not this
to answer for one Day, when perhaps you will then, but too late,
wish you had never done it. But you have got the Company’s
Assent in this, I cannot tell how, and therefore I shall say no
more, only that I, as I believe most of the Company, came here
to get Money, but not to kill, except in Fight, and not in cold
Blood, or for private Revenge. And I tell you</i>, John Russel, <i>if
ever such Cases as these be any more practis’d, my Endeavour
shall be to leave this Company as soon as I possibly can</i>.</p>

<p>“To which <i>Russel</i> said nothing in Answer; but bid the Men
that came on Board in the Boat, to leave the Sloop’s Boat on
Board the Scooner, and take the Scooner’s Boat with them on
Board the Sloop; and, as soon as they saw the Lights upon
Deck on Board the Scooner, to come away from the Sloop with
the Scooner’s Boat, and bring the Master of the Sloop’s
biggest Boy with them; and to take their Hands out of the
Sloop’s Boat, and put the Master’s Boy on Board of the
Sloop’s Boat with his Master, and let them go on Board themselves
with their Boat, and to be sure to bring the Sloop’s
Mainsail with them, and also the Mate of the Sloop. All<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span>
which they said they would do; so away they went; and then
<i>Russel</i> told me, <i>He would give me something with me to remember
him</i>; which was an old Musket, and a Cartridge of Powder,
but for what Reason he made me that Present, I cannot tell;
and then order’d the Candles to be lighted in the Lanthorns
and carry’d upon Deck, and order’d two Hands to step into
the Sloop’s Boat to carry me away, and to execute his former
Orders; and then shaking Hands with me, he wish’d me a good
Voyage. I told him I hoped I should. The Gunner, Master,
and several of the Crew, shook Hands with me also, and heartily
wish’d me Success, and hoped I should meet with a speedy
and safe Deliverance. I thank’d them for their good Wishes;
and told them I was now forc’d into a Necessity of going
through it, whether I would or not; but thank’d God I was
very easy at present, not doubting in God’s Mercy to me, tho’
I was not deserving of it: And that if I was permitted to
perish, I knew the worst; and doubted not but he would
graciously pardon my Sins, and receive me to his Everlasting
Rest; and, in this Respect, what they had intended for my
Misfortune, would be the Beginning of my Happiness; and
that in the mean Time, I had nothing to do but to resign
myself to his blessed Will and Protection, and bear my Lot
with Patience. And so bidding them farewell, I went over the
Side into the Boat, which was directly put off; and about
half Way between the Scooner and Sloop, we met the Scooner’s
Boat, and, according to their Orders from <i>Russel</i>, they put my
Boy on Board of me, and so put away again to get on Board
their own Vessel.</p>

<p>“After their Boat put away from us, I thought I heard the
Voice of my Mate, but was not certain, because he spoke so low,
his Conscience checking him, I suppose, for his leaving me so
basely. I call’d to him, and said Arthur, <i>what are you going
to leave me?</i> He answer’d, <i>Ay</i>. <i>What</i>, said I, <i>do you do it
voluntary, or are you forc’d?</i> He answer’d faintly, <i>I am forc’d,
I think</i>. I said, <i>It was very well</i>. He call’d to me again, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span>
said, <i>He would desire me to write to his Brother, and give him an
Account where he was, if ever I should have an Opportunity</i>.
I told him, <i>I did not know where his Brother liv’d</i>. He called
and said, <i>He liv’d in</i> Carlingford. I told him, <i>I did not know
where that was</i>. He said, <i>It was in</i> Ireland. <i>Why</i>, said I,
<i>you told me in</i> Barbadoes that you was a Scotchman, <i>and that
all your Friends liv’d in</i> Scotland. But he made me no further
Answer; but away they row’d towards their Vessel, and I
towards the Sloop, and it being a very dark, as well as a close
Night, it was as much as ever I could do to see her; this being
the last Time that I spoke to, or saw any of them, nor do I
ever more desire to see them, except at some Place of Execution.”</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> <i>The Four Voyages of Capt. George Roberts ... written by Himself</i>,
London, 1726.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span></p>
<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII<br>
<span class="ch-title">The Brutal Career and Miserable End of Ned Low</span></h2>
</div>

<p>The day after parting with Captain Roberts the pirate
fleet put to sea bound for the coast of Brazil hoping for
some rich Portuguese prizes. They made land on the
northern part of the coast, meanwhile sighting only one sail,
a ship they could not come up with, and fell in with much
dangerous shoal water. The trade-winds were very strong
just at that time and the pirate vessels narrowly escaped
foundering. Good fortune not seeming to lie in that direction,
Captain Low bore away for the West Indies and soon reached
the Triangles, three islands lying off the mainland about forty
leagues eastward of Surinam, where they went in to careen the
vessels in order to remove the foul growth that had accumulated
during the passage up from the equator. They began with
the pink and ill fortune continued, for Low ordered too many
men into the shrouds and yards so that the vessel heeled over
too far and the water came rapidly into the ports, which had
been left open, so that she soon overset. Low was in the cabin
at the time and barely escaped by climbing out at one of the
stern ports. Where the pink turned turtle there was about six
fathoms of water, just enough for the masts to strike into the
mud and keep the hull above water, so that the men could hold
on until picked up by the boats. Nevertheless two men were
drowned.</p>

<p>Having found it impossible to right the pink, Low went to
sea in the schooner and for lack of water, which could not be
obtained at the Triangles, they soon were in bad shape. For
sixteen days only half a pint of water a day was allowed each<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span>
man. They tried to reach Tobago but the winds were light
and the current strong and at last they stood away for the
French island of Grand Grenada. When the port officers
came on board they saw only men enough to man the ship.
The rest were hidden below. Low told the Frenchmen that
he was from Barbadoes and that his water casks had sprung
aleak so he was obliged to put in for a supply. The story
was swallowed and Low was permitted to send men ashore but
after a time the Frenchmen became suspicious and the next
day fitted out a large Rhode Island-built sloop and with thirty
men aboard they sailed out into the harbor and had nearly
come alongside the schooner before Low understood their
intention. He at once called up his men on deck, some
ninety in all, and with his eight guns to the Frenchman’s four,
the sloop soon fell an easy prey.</p>

<p>Low now took over the sloop and gave the command of the
schooner to Francis Farrington Spriggs, who had been his
quartermaster, and they cruised together for some time, capturing
seven or eight sloops and a rich Portuguese ship called
“Nostra Signiora de Victoria.” Low tortured several of her
men to compel them to disclose where the money was concealed
on board and soon learned that during the chase of the
ship the Portuguese captain had hung out of a cabin window, a
canvas bag containing about eleven thousand gold moidores,
the equivalent of nearly fifteen thousand English pounds, and
when the ship was captured the captain cut the rope and let
the bag drop into the sea. Low raved like a fury when he
discovered what he had lost and ordered the unfortunate
captain to be tied to the mast, when he slashed off the poor
man’s lips with his cutlass and had them broiled before the
galley fire and then compelled the Portuguese mate to eat
them while hot from the fire. Captain and crew were then
murdered, thirty-two persons in all.</p>

<p>Among the vessels captured about this time was the snow
“Unity” from New York bound for Curacao, Robert Leonard,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span>
master, which was taken within sight of her destination.
A man on board, who once belonged to a man-of-war, they
whipped unmercifully and two of the crew were forced, viz.:
Richard Owen and Frederick Van der Scure, both living in
New York. The snow was taken on Jan. 25, 1723. Low also
captured a snow bound from London for Jamaica, part of the
cargo being wines shipped at Madeira, of which a generous
stock was taken on board the sloop and the schooner.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> Other
captures were Captain Craig, in a sloop from the Bay of
Honduras bound for New York, whom Low afterwards
released so that he reached New York on April 27th. Captain
Simpkins of New York on a sloop bound for Curacao, was
taken in sight of the island and shortly released. The pink
“Stanhope,” Andrew Delbridge, master, for Boston from
Jamaica, was less fortunate and was burnt because of Low’s
hatred for New England men.</p>

<p>After a time Low came to anchor off the island of Santa Cruz
and while laying there took it into his head that he wanted a
new doctor’s chest. Shortly before he had captured two
French sloops which were then at anchor near him. So putting
four Frenchmen in one of the sloops and handing them some
money, he ordered them to make all haste to buy a doctor’s
chest at St. Thomas, about twelve leagues distant, swearing
that if they didn’t bring back the chest the other sloop should
be burnt and the rest of the Frenchmen killed. To his great
amusement within twenty-four hours they returned with the
chest and according to promise the sloops and Frenchmen were
then allowed to go.</p>

<p>From Santa Cruz, Low sailed for Curacao, meeting on the
passage two sloops which outsailed him and got away. He
then ranged the coast of New Spain and in the Gulf of Darien,
about half-way between Carthagena and Porto Bello, sighted
two ships which afterwards turned out to be the “Mermaid,”
British man-of-war, and a large Guinea-man. Low was in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span>
Rhode Island sloop that he had taken at Grand Grenada and
Spriggs was in command of the Marblehead schooner “Fancy,”
captured at Port Roseway the previous year. With them was
the snow “Unity,” Captain Leonard, late commander, a
recent capture. For some time Low made sail after the two
ships until he came so near that he discovered his mistake
and then there was nothing for him to do but to turn tail and
run. The man-of-war of course gave chase and slowly overhauled
Low’s fleet which was rapidly making towards the
shoal water near the coast. Deciding to rid himself of the
snow, the more unreliable of the forced men were put aboard
and she was abandoned and Low and Spriggs took separate
courses. As the sloop was the larger and carried more men,
the “Mermaid” stood after her and was within gun-shot
when she ran aground on a shoal. This happened because
one of the men with Low knew of this uncharted shoal and
telling him what course to steer the whole company thereby
escaped hanging.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> Spriggs, meanwhile, got safely into Pickaroon
Bay, about eighteen leagues from Carthagena, and
afterwards made sail for the Bay of Honduras and came to
anchor near a small island called Utilla, about seven or eight
leagues from the large island of Roatan and here the schooner
was hove down and cleaned.</p>

<p>Five weeks had passed since Spriggs parted from Low and
the day that he was ready to sail out of Utilla a large sloop
was discovered bearing down on them. At first sight Spriggs
thought her to be a Spanish privateer full of men and being
much weaker in both guns and men he made sail and tried to
get away. Low, who was in the sloop, had recognized the
schooner at once and when she tried to escape imagined that
she had been captured from Spriggs, so he fired a shot that
struck the schooner in the bow. Spriggs, still failing to recognize
the sloop, continued on his course and Low then hoisted
his pirate colors and discovered who he was, to the uproarious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span>
joy of them all. The next day the two vessels went into
Roatan harbor where Low careened and cleaned the bottom
of the sloop, the crews meanwhile living on shore in booths
which they built for shelter. There was much drinking and
carousing. By Saturday, the 9th of March, all was in readiness
for another foray and the long-boat brought off the last
of the casks from the watering place. It was here that Philip
Ashton, a Marblehead fisherman who had been forced at Port
Roseway, the previous year, made his escape into the forest
growth, where he lived a solitary existence for nine months,
as will be told in another chapter.</p>

<p>By the Boston newspapers of May, 1723, it appears that
Low and Spriggs were not the only pirates ranging the Bay of
Honduras at that time. On the 10th of March, 1723, quite
a fleet of New England vessels were there busily engaged in
loading logwood. Three sloops hailing from Newport, Rhode
Island, commanded by Captains Benjamin Norton, John
Madbury and Jeremiah Clark, were nearly ready to sail.
In addition there was a Boston sloop commanded by Capt.
Edward Lyde, and a brigantine from the same port; a ship
and a snow; and two or three other sloops that hailed from
New York, one commanded by Captain Spafforth and another
by Captain Craig. That morning a Spanish privateer of six
guns and about sixty men came upon the small fleet that lay
there at anchor. One of the Boston captains, Lyde, immediately
cut his cables and made sail and although chased by the
privateer succeeded in getting away safely. He lacked fresh
water for the homeward passage, however, and so stood in for
a small creek farther up the coast and while there learned
from some Bay men that the Spaniard had taken all the other
vessels. But this victory was short-lived for only four hours
later Captains Low and Spriggs came sailing in to the anchorage
flying Spanish colors which were hauled down as they
came near the privateer and the black flag hoisted. Low fired
a broadside and boarded at once. The Spaniards were greatly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span>
outnumbered and made no resistance, so Low’s men fell to
plundering the vessel, soon finding the New England captains
confined in the hold. When Low learned of the captures made
by the Spaniards it was decided after a short discussion to kill
the entire company, so they fell to with their cutlasses, pollaxes
and pistols and soon wiped out nearly all of them. Some
who jumped overboard were knocked in the head by men who
manned the canoe belonging to the sloop. Seven of the
younger and more active men did succeed in reaching the
shore and escaped into the forest growth in more or less
wounded condition. In one account of this affair it is related
that while Low’s men were on shore carousing, one of the
unfortunate Spaniards who reached shore, in his extremity
came crawling out to them begging for God’s sake they would
give him quarter. One of the crew took hold of him and
said, “G— d— you, I will give you good quarters presently,”
and forcing the unfortunate Spaniard to his knees, pushed the
muzzle of his fusil into his mouth and fired down his throat.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i204" style="max-width: 104.1875em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i204.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>ONE OF LOW’S CREW KILLING A WOUNDED SPANIARD<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in Johnson’s “Historie der Engelsche Zee-roovers,”
Amsterdam, 1725, in the Harvard College Library</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The captains who had been confined in the hold of the
privateer Low ordered released and restored to their vessels,
but made them solemnly promise not to steer for Jamaica
for fear that a man-of-war should learn of his whereabouts.
He threatened them with instant death in case they met again,
should they violate their promise. The carpenter of the snow
he forced and after burning the privateer sloop, the pirate
sailed boisterously away steering for the Leeward Islands.</p>

<p>Three months later a sloop arrived at Perth Amboy, New
Jersey, with the following account of Low’s adventures on
this cruise:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Perth-Amboy, June 6, 1723. The Sloop <i>William</i>, William
Fraser, Master, arrived here from Jamaica. They sailed the
last day of April in company with a Snow bound for Liverpool,
whose Commander’s name was Sandison; also 3 Ships, viz.
Capt. Willing, Capt. Burlington, and Capt. Eastwick, and a
Scooner, all belonging to New England, and a Sloop, Capt.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span>
Ellicot, for Hampton in Virginia. In sailing round the West
end of Cuba, off of Cape San Antonia, the aforesaid Vessels
were taken by Pyrates and only Fraser escaped by running
close under the Land and coming to an Anchor within the
breakers, then weighing and standing to the Southward past
them in the Night and so got clear of them. But entering the
Gulf the Pyrates waiting there for them, took them and
Plundered them. They cut and whiped some and others they
burnt with Matches between their Fingers to the bone to make
them confess where their Money was. They took to the value
of a Thousand Pistoles from Passengers and others. They
them let them go. But coming on the Coast off of the Capes of
Virginia, they were again chased by the same Pyrates who
first took them. They did not trouble them again but wished
them well Home. They saw at the same time his Consort, a
Sloop of eight Guns, with a Ship and a Sloop which were supposed
to be his Prizes. They are commanded by one Edward
Low. The Pyrates gave us an account of his taking the Bay of
Hondoras from the Spaniards, which had surprized the English,
and taking them and putting all the Spaniards to the
Sword Excepting two Boys; as also burning the <i>King George</i>
and a Snow belonging to New York, and sunk one of the New
England Ships, and cut off one of the Masters Ears and slit
his Nose; all this they confessed themselves. They are now
supposed to be cruising off of Sandy Hook or thereabouts.”—<i>American
Weekly Mercury</i>, June 13, 1723.</p>
</div>

<p>On the 27th of May, 1723, Captain Low appeared off the
coast of South Carolina in the sloop “Fortune.” Capt.
Charles Harris was then in command of the sloop “Ranger”
lately commanded by Spriggs. Nothing has been learned of
the whereabouts of Harris during the preceding five months.
No mention of him is made in any account of Low’s doings
until he reached the Carolina coast in May. There these
two commanders, after a long chase, took three ships, the
“Crown,” Captain Lovering, the “King William,” and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span>
“Carteret,” and a brigantine that came out of port only two
days before. A few days before they had taken the ship
“Amsterdam Merchant,” Capt. John Welland [Williard?]
from Jamaica, but owned in New England. As Low seldom
allowed a New Englander to go free without carrying away
some mark of his hatred, Captain Welland in consequence,
lost one of his ears, had his nose slit up and was cut in several
places about his body. After the ship was plundered it was
sunk and the next day Captain Estwick of Piscataqua was
taken, plundered and set free and in his ship Captain Welland
and his crew later reached Portsmouth, N. H.<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a></p>

<p>Early in June, Low overhauled the sloop “Hopefull Betty,”
Captain Greenman, off the Capes of the Delaware and took
away all his water and his sails and sheet anchor. The captain
was badly cut about his body but was able to reach Philadelphia
ten days later. He brought the news of the capture of
Captain Pitman in a pink bound from Virginia to London and
said that the pirates claimed they had recently taken sixteen
sail of vessels but seemed to be in a great hurry to be gone,
probably because of the intelligence that men-of-war from
Virginia, New York and Boston were cruising in search of
them. Low was reported to have on board about £80,000 in
gold and silver. The man-of-war on the New York station
was the ship “Greyhound,” Peter Solgard, commander, of
twenty guns and one hundred and twenty men, and from one
of the unfortunate vessels plundered by Low he learned of the
whereabouts of the pirate vessels and steering as directed, at
half-past four in the morning of June 10th came in sight of the
rovers. He then tacked and stood to the southward and the
pirates, always on the lookout for prey, gave chase which
lasted for nearly two hours while Captain Solgard cleared his
ship for action. At half-past seven he was ready for them.
The sloop and the schooner were then about a gunshot off.
Suddenly the ship tacked again and stood for them and both<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span>
of the pirate vessels at once hoisted a black flag and fired on the
“Greyhound.” A little later when about three-quarters of a
mile distant the black flags came down and were replaced by
red ones. The “Greyhound” passed to the windward and
received their fire several times and when abreast made such
good return with round- and grape-shot, that the sloop and
the schooner began to edge away under the “Greyhound’s”
stern and she after them. They made a running fight for
nearly two hours when the pirates got out their oars and soon
began to draw away from the ship. On discovering this, Captain
Solgard ordered firing to cease and turned all hands to
rowing and at about half-past two in the afternoon came up
with them. The pirates hauled into the wind and the fight
was warmly renewed. After a time, the “Greyhound” fell
in between the pirate vessels and soon the main-yard of the
schooner was shot down. Low now showed the real stuff that
he was made of and bore away leaving Harris, in the “Ranger,”
to his fate, and he, seeing the treachery of his commodore,
lost courage and called for quarter. This happened at about
four o’clock and an hour later the rogues were safely on board
the “Greyhound.” There were then thirty-seven whites and
six blacks in Harris’ crew, and ten or twelve of his men had
been killed or wounded. Captain Low heretofore had borne so
high a reputation for courage and boldness that in the minds of
even his own men he had become a terror. But his behavior
in the action with the “Greyhound” shows him to have been
at heart a treacherous scoundrel. When the prisoners were
safely in irons Captain Solgard followed the course of Captain
Low toward the northwest, but he had too great a start and
after a time drew out of sight in the growing darkness.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p>

<p>After this narrow escape Low’s chagrin and rage knew no
bounds and swearing many oaths, he vowed vengeance on the
unfortunates that next fell into his hands. This happened
only two days later, when he came upon a sloop out of Nantucket<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span>
that was whale fishing about eighty miles off shore.
She had two whale-boats and one of them fortunately was out
and at some considerable distance from the sloop at the time
she was taken. The men in this boat seeing what had happened
got safely to another whaling sloop some distance away
and all escaped. The captain of the captured sloop was
Nathan Skiff, a young unmarried man living at Nantucket.
Low first ordered him stripped and then cruelly whipped him
about the deck. His ears were then slashed off. After a time
they grew tired of beating the unfortunate man and telling
him that because he had been a good captain he should have
an easy death, at last they shot him through the head and sunk
the sloop. Low forced a boy and two Indian men and allowed
three others of the crew to go away in the whale-boat in which,
fortunately, there was a little water and a few biscuits, and with
good weather these men at last safely reached Nantucket—“beyond
all Expectation,” ends the account in the <i>Boston
News-Letter</i>.</p>

<p>Low’s insane rage was unabated two days later when a
fishing boat was taken off Block Island. The master was
dragged on board the pirate sloop and Low with furious oaths
at once attacked him with a cutlass and hacked off his head.
He gave the boat to two Indians who sailed with the murdered
man and sent them away with the information that he intended
to kill the master of every New England vessel he captured.
On the afternoon of the same day two whaling sloops out of
Plymouth were taken near the Rhode Island shore. The
master of one vessel he ripped open alive and taking out the
poor man’s heart ordered it roasted and then compelled the
mate to eat it. The master of the other vessel he slashed and
mauled about the deck and then cut off his ears and had them
roasted and after sprinkling them with salt and pepper, made
the unfortunate men eat them. The man’s wounds were so
severe that he afterwards died.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> Low proposed to murder<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span>
some of the hands on these whaling sloops but the pirate crew
had had enough blood about the deck for one day and swore
the rest of the men should go free so Low was obliged to submit.
These men brought home the information that the
pirate master and crew claimed to have on board nearly
£150,000 value in gold and silver coin and plate.<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a></p>

<p>On the 5th of June, 1723, the sloop “Farley,” Thomas
Calder, master, a “Pock-fretten” Scotchman, sailed from
Piscataqua, N. H., bound for Maryland. On the 14th, when
off Nantucket, she sighted a sloop with sails fluttering and
rigging badly cut to pieces. The boat’s crew who boarded the
sloop found that an attempt had been made to sink her. Not
a soul was found on board. A pipe of wine was on the deck
with the head knocked in and standing about were several
buckets half-full of wine. From ship’s papers it was learned
that the sloop belonged to William Clark of Boston.<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a> Undoubtedly
this sloop had been captured by Low but no record
has been found giving any information regarding the fate of
her master or crew. Capt. Jacob Waldron brought the derelict
into Boston and libelled her for salvage. In the order
of the Vice-Admiralty Court published in the <i>Boston Gazette</i>
of July 15, 1723, the sloop is described as “Flotsom,
taken up on the high Seas,” and so ended another
chapter in the lives of those who “go down to the
sea in ships.”</p>

<p>From the waters off Cape Cod, Low sailed north for the
banks off Newfoundland and near Cape Breton took twenty-three
French fishing vessels. One of the larger of them, a ship
of twenty-two guns, he refitted and manned from his own
crew and the two vessels then scoured the harbors and banks
off Newfoundland and took eighteen more ships and smaller
vessels some of which were sunk. While near Canso, two
French shallops were taken by a small company of the pirates<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span>
in a periagua that was serving as a tender. The Frenchmen
were abused, noses were slit and faces slashed with cutlasses
before they were allowed to go. A letter received by a Boston
merchant not long after, gives some interesting details of the
depredations committed by Low and his crew. It was printed
in the <i>Boston News-Letter</i> for Sept. 19, 1723.</p>

<p class="right">
<span style="margin-right: 4em;">“Canso, August 1, 1723.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“In my last Letter to you, I inform’d you of the mischief the
Pirates had done on the French at Whitehead, 6 Leagues
Westward of this Harbour; and now I proceed to say, that they
went to the Eastward and took a Sloop belonging to this
Harbour, but treated them very kindly, and dismiss’d them
without harm. The next News we heard of them was that
they had taken another Vessel, Capt. Job Prince, Commander;
they order’d them on Board, but Capt. Prince had no Boat,
wherefore they only detain’d him about an hour and dismiss’d
him without doing him any Damage. The next Vessel they
took was Capt. Robinson’s whom they divested of their
Arms, Ammunition and Silver Buckles, and then dismiss’d
them. They had then in their Custody four French Ships,
which they Plundered, used the men very Barbarously, and
sent them in a Vessel belonging to Canso, to Cape
Briton. They took Mr. Hood belonging to Boston, in a large
Fishing Scooner,<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> when they first came on the Banks from
Boston; but that was another Pirate, who also forced away
three of his Men. The latter Sloop, which is known to be
Low, uses the English very Kindly; but the French find little
Mercy, at his hand; they cutt off some of their Ears and Noses,
and treated them with all the Barbarity imaginable. One of
the French Commanders desired him only to give him a Line
from under his hand, that he had taken away some Casks of his
Wine and Brandy, that his Owners might not suspect he had
Dishonestly Sold them; upon which Low told him he would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span>
fetch him one, and accordingly brought up two Pistols, presenting
one at Bowels, he told him there was one for his Wine,
and Discharg’d it; and there, says he (presenting the other
at his Head in the same manner) is one for your Brandy;
which said, he discharg’d that also. We hear they have since
Taken near 40 French Fishing Vessels, and are gone towards
Newfoundland. This is all that is Remarkable concerning
these Enemies to Mankind in General.”</p>

<p>Two men-of-war were cruising at that time near the Cape
Breton coast. Captain Solgard in the “Greyhound,” after
landing his captured pirates at Newport, R. I., had sailed to
the eastward and searched all the principal harbors for Low,
but without success. On the 16th of June he met His Majesty’s
ship “Sea Horse,” Captain Durell, from the Boston
station, and they kept company for several days while cruising
about the coast and fishing banks. All sorts of wild rumors
were flying about the Province and the current newspapers
reported several times that Low had been taken. One circumstantial
story had it that the “Sea Horse” had surprised
Low near Cape Sables, where he had gone to careen, and after
a smart engagement had captured him killing eight of his
pirate crew. From Salem it was reported that Low had been
taken near Canso by a French man-of-war and another
report had it that Low had died of his wounds three days after
an engagement with H. M. ship “Greyhound.” A sloop
arriving at New York on Sept. 19th, from Placentia in Newfoundland,
after a month’s passage, brought news of the
depredation of the pirates and reported that “it’s believed Low
is dead for he was a little man and the new Capt. of those
Pyrates is a lusty Man.” Undoubtedly Lowther had been
confused with Low in this report. The sloop also brought
news that the day before it sailed, Captain Harris, in a sloop
from Boston, had reached Placentia and reported sighting
“on the banks about eighteen or twenty Vessels together,
which he imagined were all taken by the Pyrates and kept<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span>
together by them.”<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> The <i>Boston News-Letter</i> also published
earlier intelligence from Canso, that one of their bank sloops
had met a pirate sloop with one hundred and fifty men aboard,
who had “ask’d them some Questions, who was at Canso.
Inquired after most of the Notedest Men and left them without
abuse; they did not Know the Master’s Name, but say
most of them are West Country-men.”<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a></p>

<p>Towards the end of July, 1723, Low captured a large ship
from Virginia, called the “Merry Christmas,” and opening
several new ports mounted her with thirty-four guns and
refitting went on board and made her his principal ship. He
assumed the title of Admiral and hoisted at the main-topmast
head a new black flag—having on it a skeleton in red. As
the fishing banks had been pretty thoroughly cleared of
vessels and it was supposed that men-of-war were cruising on
several of them,<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> it was thought best by Low and Lowther
to make a course for the Western Islands where they arrived
about the first of September. Soon after reaching Fayal,
they took an English brigantine, formerly commanded by
Elias Wild, but recently bought by a Portuguese nobleman.
She was manned partly by English and partly by Portuguese
and the latter Low caused to be hanged. The English sailors
were put into their boat to shift for themselves and the
brigantine was set on fire.</p>

<p>“Thus these inhumane Wretches went on, who could not
be contented to satisfy their Avarice only, and travel in the
common Road of Wickedness; but, like their Patron, the
Devil, must make Mischief their Sport, Cruelty their Delight,
and damning of Souls their constant Employment. Of all
the pyratical Crews that were ever heard of, none of the
<i>English</i> Name came up to this, in Barbarity; their Mirth and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span>
their Anger had much the same Effect, for both were usually
gratified with the Cries and Groans of their Prisoners; so
that they almost as often murthered a Man from the Excess
of good Humour, as out of Passion and Resentment; and the
Unfortunate could never be assured of Safety from them, for
Danger lurked in their very Smiles. An Instance of this had
liked to have happened to one Captain Graves, Master of a
Virginia Ship last taken; for as soon as he came aboard of the
Pyrate, Low takes a Bowl of Punch in his Hand, and drinks
to him, saying, Captain Graves, here’s half this to you. But
the poor Gentleman being too sensibly touched at the Misfortune
of falling into his Hands, modestly desired to be
excused, for that he could not drink; whereupon Low draws out
a Pistol, cocks it, and with the Bowl in t’ther Hand, told him,
he should either take one or the other; So Graves, without
Hesitation, made Choice of the Vehicle that contained the
Punch, and guttled down about a Quart, when he had the
least Inclination that ever he had in his Life to be merry.”<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a></p>

<p>At St. Michael’s, Low and Lowther sent their boats into
the road and cut out a London-built ship of fourteen guns
commanded by Captain Thompson, the same captain who had
been taken there by Low the year before. His ship was
stronger than the boats and he could have defended himself
with every prospect of success, but his men through cowardice
or an inclination to join the pirates, obliged him to surrender.
When he came aboard Low’s vessel his ears were cut off close
to his head by way of compensation for having proposed to his
men to resist the pirate boats. The ship was burned. A
bark was taken not long after and the Portuguese crew fared
better than was usually the case, for the pirates happened to
be in good humor, and only slashed them here and there with
cutlasses and then set them adrift in their boat and fired the
bark. Johnson, in his account of Low’s career, preserves a
curious anecdote in connection with this capture, as follows:</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span></p>

<p>“When the Boat was going from the Side of the Ship, one
of Low’s Men, who, we may suppose, was forced into his
Gang, was drinking with a Silver Tankard at one of the Ports,
and took his Opportunity to drop into the Boat among the
Portugueze, and lye down in the Bottom, in order to escape
along with them: After he had stowed himself in the Boat, so
as not to be seen, it came into his Head, that the Tankard might
prove of some Use to him, where he was going; so he got up
again, laid hold of the Utensil, and went off, without being
discover’d: In which Attempt had he failed, no doubt his Life,
if not the Lives of all the People in the Boat, would have paid
for it: The Name of this Man is Richard Hains.”<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a></p>

<p>The Portuguese authorities in the Islands were highly
incensed at Low’s cruelties and became exceedingly suspicious
of all English vessels coming into their harbors. A sloop from
Boston, commanded by Capt. Peter Tillinghast, going into
Fayal about that time, was received by cannon shot from the
castle and when the captain went ashore with a few hands he
was seized and after an examination sent to jail. His vessel
was boarded and his chest and papers brought ashore for
examination and finding nothing by which he might be accused
at last he obtained his liberty.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p>

<p>Low and Lowther, in company, sailed from the Canaries
to the Cape Verde Islands and the London newspapers had
news that they had gone down the African coast as far as
Sierre Leone, and Captain Wyndham, in the “Diamond”
man-of-war, was reported to have captured Low, sunk Lowther’s
sloop and made twenty of the pirates prisoners. This
account was soon contradicted<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> and not long after there came
reports of his appearance near the Leeward Islands in the
West Indies. The evidence is obscure and it is more probable
that from the Cape Verdes, Low and Lowther made for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">[216]</span>
South American coast. At any rate. Low was off the Guinea
coast during the fall of 1723 and captured a schooner and
afterwards took the ship “Delight,” Captain Hunt, of twelve
guns, formerly a man-of-war in the English service. She
seemed well suited to their needs and so four more guns were
mounted on her and Francis Farrington Spriggs, who had been
serving as quartermaster, was given command with a crew of
about sixty men. The fleet then consisted of the ship “Merry
Christmas,” 34 guns, commanded by Captain Low; the sloop
“Happy Delivery,” 16 guns, commanded by Captain Lowther;
and the ship “Delight,” 16 guns, Captain Spriggs, and together
they sailed along the Guinea coast bound for the West
Indies. Spriggs seems to have been a slippery fellow for
within two days he deserted the other vessels and went off
pirating on his own account, as will be related in another
chapter. Lowther may have separated from Low about
the same time for he had no consort when he met with a
disastrous adventure some time later at the island of Blanco
near Tortuga.</p>

<p>In January, 1724, Low took a ship called the “Squirrel,”
Captain Stephenson,<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> and in March the news reached Boston
that Low had had a fight with other pirates who had taken
him, burned his vessel and marooned the survivors on an
uninhabited island,<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a> and this report persisted and was
repeated as late as the spring of 1726, when Capt. William
Cross arrived at Piscataqua, N. H., in a sloop, from the Bay of
Honduras and related that both Low and Spriggs had been
marooned and were supposed to have escaped among the
Mosquito Indians.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> From that time nothing can be learned
about him until May 17th when some sailors belonging to a
sloop owned in the Barbadoes, arrived there after much
suffering and reported that they had been taken near the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">[217]</span>
island of St. Lucia by Low, who, at that time, had only thirty
men with him. A French man-of-war from the Martinico
station was reported to be in pursuit<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> and may have
afterwards captured him for a French account of Low’s piracies
relates that in the spring of 1724, Low got into a dispute with
his men in which the quartermaster took sides against him,
which so greatly enraged Low that he afterwards murdered
the quartermaster while he lay asleep. The crew at once
rose against Low and with two or three of his strongest partisans
he was thrown into a boat without provisions and abandoned
to his fate. This proved to be capture by a French
vessel owned in Martinico, the day after he had been set
adrift, and after a quick trial by the French, he and his companions
received short shift on a gallows erected for their
benefit.</p>

<p>This account of Low’s fate is confirmed, in part, by the
narrative of Jonathan Barlow, a sailor who was taken off the
Guinea coast, by Low in the “Merry Christmas.” Barlow
relates that after capturing a French sloop near Martinico
“some Differance arising among said Pirates they disbanded
Low from his office &amp; sent him away w’th only two more
hands in s’d French sloop &amp; put one Shipton Captain in his
steed.” The pirate company then went to the Isle of Ruby
and not long after Captain Spriggs put in appearance in the
“Delight.” Spriggs “heft down” his ship and cleaned her
and Shipton burned the “Merry Christmas” and went away
in a sloop that had been taken not long before commanded
by Capt. Jonathan Barney of Newport, R. I. The two
pirate captains cruised to the westward and in the Bay of
Honduras were chased by the “Diamond” man-of-war as is
told in the chapter on Francis Farrington Spriggs.—<i>Massachusetts
Archives</i>, vol. 38<span class="allsmcap">A</span>, leaf 73.</p>



<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, Mar. 14, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, May 2, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, June 17, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, June 17, 1723 (<i>postscript</i>).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, June 27, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, June 27, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, Aug. 8, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> This vessel was captured by Captain Lowther who was there about the
same time as Captain Low.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> <i>American Weekly Mercury</i>, Oct. 4, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, July 18, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> In point of fact the “Greyhound” reached Newport, R. I. early in
July and the “Sea Horse” arrived in Boston on July 13th.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Johnson, “<i>History of the Pirates</i>,” London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Johnson, “<i>History of the Pirates</i>,” London, 1762.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Oct. 18, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Oct. 8, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, May 7, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Mar. 27, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, Apr. 30, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Oct. 15, 1724.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">[218]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII<br>
<span class="ch-title">The Strange Adventures of Philip Ashton</span></h2>
</div>

<p>On Friday, June 15, 1722, a number of the vessels of the
fishing fleet hailing from Massachusetts Bay, were at
anchor at Port Roseway near what is now Shelburne,
Nova Scotia. It was the custom of these God-fearing fishermen,
when possible, to come into some harbor not too remote
from their fishing grounds and there to spend the Sabbath.
On this occasion thirteen schooners and shallops were lying
peacefully at anchor when a strange brigantine hove in sight
and soon found an anchorage near them. She seemed to be
an inward bound vessel from the West Indies and little attention
was paid to her at first, even when a boat put off from her
side with four men in it. When this boat’s crew reached the
side of the nearest fisherman, the men climbed boldly on
board and drawing pistols and cutlasses demanded a surrender.</p>

<p>The brigantine turned out to be the “Rebecca,” owned in
Boston, but recently captured and then commanded by Capt.
Edward Low, the Boston man who had become a pirate and
whose bloody excesses were becoming more notorious every
day. One by one the fishermen surrendered and were pillaged.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a>
On Tuesday, the 19th, Low decided to take for his “privateer,”
the new schooner “Mary,” owned by Joseph Dolliber
of Marblehead. He fitted her with ten guns, renamed her
the “Fancy,” and went aboard with a crew of fifty men,
including eight whom he forced from among the fishermen.
The forced men were Philip Ashton and Nicholas Merritt,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">[219]</span>
masters; Joseph Libbie, one of Ashton’s crew; Lawrence
Fabens, one of the crew of the schooner “Rebeckah,” all of
Marblehead, and four other men belonging to Piscataqua and
the Isles of Shoals, all nimble young men, about twenty years
of age and unmarried. Low shipped the prisoners he designed
to send home, on board his late brigantine, the “Rebecca,”
of Boston, which he and his consort Lowther had taken May
28th, and gave her to her former master, Capt. James Flucker,
with orders to take them to Boston. On their arrival the
news was duly published in the <i>Boston News-Letter</i> of July 2d,
with the customary advertisement as to the forcing, but in
order to make the matter doubly sure, a further advertisement,
in more legal form, appeared in the <i>News-Letter</i>, of July
9th, viz:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New-England,
Essex, ss. Anno Regni Regis Georgij nunc Magna Britaniæ,
&amp;c. Octavo.</p>

<p>“The Depositions of Thomas Trefry late Master of the
Scooner Mary; Robert Gilford Master of the Shallop Elizabeth;
and John Collyer, one of the Crew belonging to the
Scooner Samuel, William Nichols Master, all of Marblehead
in the County of Essex, Fisher men, Testify and say, That as
they were upon their lawfull Imployment nigh Cape Sables,
on or about the 14th, 15th and 16th Days of June last past,
they were taken Prisoners by Captain Edward Low a Pirate
then Commander of the Brigantine [Rebecca] but since removed
himself into the before named Scooner Mary, which
they took from the Deponent Trefry; and besides these Deponents
they took several other Fishing Vessels, viz.: <i>Nicholas
Merrit Master of the Shallop Jane</i>, <i>Philip Ashton Master of the
Scooner Milton</i>, <i>Joseph Libby one of said Ashton’s Crew</i>,
<i>Lawrence Phabens one of the Crew belonging to the Scooner
Rebeckah, Thomas Salter Commander</i>, all these four Men, to
wit, Nicholas Merrit, Philip Ashton, Joseph Libbey, and
Lawrence Phabens, being Young Nimble Men of about<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">[220]</span>
Twenty Years of Age, the Pirates kept them by Force and
would not let them go tho’ they pleaded as much as they dare
to, yet nothing would avail, so as they wept like Children;
yet notwithstanding they forceably Carried them away to the
great Grief and Sorrow of the aforenamed four Young Men, as
well as these Deponents; and when any of these Deponents
mentioned any thing in favour of the said four Young Men,
the Quarter Master of the Pirate Publickly Declared, They
would carry them, and let them send to New England and
Publish it if they pleased. The Deponants further say, That
the said Pirates constrained four more Fisher men belonging
to Piscataqua, and the Isle of Sholes to go with them against
their wills also.</p>

<p class="no-indent">
“Salem, July the<br> 
3d 1722.<br></p>     
<p class="right">Thomas Trefry,<br>
John Collyer,<br>
Robert Gilford.</p>

<p class="center">Essex, ss. Salem, July the 3d, 1722.</p>

<p>“Then Thomas Trefry, John Collyer and Robert Gilford
the Three Deponants above named personally Appearing
made Oath to the Truth of the foregoing Deposition taken ad
Perpetuam rei memoriam.</p>
<p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;
&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;{Josiah Wolcot&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Justices of the Peace<br>
“Coram Nobis&nbsp;{Stephen Sewall&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;Quorum Unis</p>
 
<p>“A True Copy of the Original, and as of Record appears.
Examin’d per Stephen Sewall, Regist.”</p>

<p class="right">
<span style="margin-right: 2em;">—<i>Boston News-Letter</i>, July 9, 1722.</span><br>
</p>
</div>

<p>Philip Ashton served, unwillingly, with Low in the schooner
“Fancy,” in the “Rose Pink,” alias “Frigate,” and again in
the “Fancy,” with Low’s late quartermaster, Francis Farrington
Spriggs. In the spring of 1723, Low went to the
island of Roatan, in the Bay of Honduras, to clean and refit
his fleet. Roatan lies in the latitude of 16° 31’ and is about
thirty miles long. On March 9, 1723, while there, Ashton
went ashore with the cooper and others for water and managed
to escape and after five days Low and Spriggs sailed away<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">[221]</span>
without him. Ashton remained alone on the island, except
for three days, until June, 1724, when he was joined by eighteen
Bay men, seeking shelter from the Spaniards, who took him
with them to the Island of Barbarat. Ashton then made
several hunting trips to the island of Bonaco and in the spring
of 1725 was found there by Captain Dove, the master of a
Salem brigantine, who came in over the shoals for water.
They sailed for Salem on March 31st, and Ashton arrived
home May, 1725, having been absent almost three years.
The <i>New England Courant</i> announced his return soon after
as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Boston, May 10. We hear from Salem, that a Vessel
arrived there from the Bay [of Honduras] <i>has brought a Man
who was taken by Low the Pirate some Years since</i>, and ran
away from him when he went ashore at a Maroon Island to
take in Water, where he had been above two Years, when some
of this Vessel’s Company going on Shore brought him off.”</p>
</div>

<p>Shortly after Ashton’s return to Marblehead, Roads, the
historian of Marblehead, says the next Sunday, which would
have been the day after his return, the Rev. John Barnard,
pastor of the First Church, preached a sermon on “God’s
Ability to Save His People from All Danger,” using for his
text Daniel III, 17.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p>

<p>Philip Ashton<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a> and his parents were present and the sermon
closed with a personal address to him.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">[222]</span></p>

<p>Public interest having been aroused in the local Robinson
Crusoe, who, indeed, had gone Alexander Selkirk one better,
having landed on an uninhabited island wearing only a frock,
trousers and cap, without a shirt or shoes, stockings, knife or
other iron instrument, or any means of making a fire, and who
had lived there nine months without fire or cooked food, there
was naturally a demand for an account of his adventures. This
was met by Mr. Barnard, who, on Aug. 3d, 1725, writing from
Marblehead, says:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“The great Reason why this Narrative, which has been so
long wished for, has no sooner appeared, is because Mr. Ashton
has necessarily been so absent, that I have not been able to
get the opportunity of Conferring with him, more than two or
three times, about the Remarkable Occurrences he has met
with; and having no leisure himself to write, I have taken the
Minutes of all from his own Mouth, and after I had put them
together, I have improved the first vacant Hour, I could, to
Read it over distinctly to him, that he might Correct the
Errors, that might arise from my misunderstanding his Report.
Thus corrected, he has set his Hand to it as his own History.</p>

<p>“I have added to a short Account of Mr. Nicholas Merritt,
(who was taken at the same time with Mr. Ashton), the manner
of his Escape from the Pirates, and the hard usage he met
with upon it, till his return to his own Country; which I had
from his own Mouth, all tending to the same end and purpose.”</p>
</div>

<p>The narrative was soon published under the following title:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“<span class="smcap">Ashton’s Memorial.</span> / An / History / of the / Strange
Adventures, / and / Signal Deliverances, / of / Mr. Philip Ashton, /
Who, after he had made his Escape from the Pirates,
liv’d alone on a Desolate / Island for about Sixteen Months,
&amp;c. / With A Short Account of Mr. Nicholas Merritt, / who was
taken at the same time. / To which is added / A Sermon on
Dan. 3. 17. / By John Barnard V. D. M. / <i>We should not trust
in our selves, but in God; / —who delivered us from so great a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">[223]</span>
Death, and doth deliver; in whom we trust, that he will yet
deliver us.</i> / 11. Cor. 9. 10. / Boston, N. E. Printed for Samuel
Gerrish, at his Shop in Corn-Hill, 1725.”</p>
</div>

<p>An edition was also published in London the next year
and reprints in whole or in part have been made at Portland,
Me., in 1810; Edinburgh, 1815; Boston, 1850; and Marblehead
in 1910.</p>

<hr class="tb">

<p>This interesting recital of the veritable experiences of a
New England man on board notorious pirate vessels, together
with other adventures that fall to the lot of but few men, is
here reprinted as a document of great value in corroborating
many of the statements appearing elsewhere in this volume in
chapters devoted to the exploits of Low, Lowther and Spriggs.</p>


<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="i222" style="max-width: 92.4375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i222.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
<i>Ashton’s</i> Memorial.<br>
<br>
AN<br>
<i>HISTORY</i><br>
OF THE<br>
Strange Adventures,<br>
AND<br>
Signal Deliverances,<br>
OF<br>
Mr. <i>Philip Ashton</i>,<br>
<br>
Who, after he had made his Escape from the
<span class="smcap">Pirates</span>, liv’d alone on a Desolate
<i>Island</i> for about Sixteen Months, &amp;c.<br>
<br>
WITH<br>
A short Account of Mr. <i>Nicholas Merritt</i>,
who was taken at the same time.<br>
<br>
To which is added<br>
A SERMON on <i>Dan. 3. 17.</i><br>
<br>
By <span class="smcap">John Barnard</span>, V. D. M.<br>
<br>
——<i>We should not trust in our selves, but in God; ——who
delivered us from so great a Death, and doth
deliver; in whom we trust, that he will yet deliver us.</i><br>
II. Cor. I. 9, 10.<br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON</i>, N. E. Printed for <i>Samuel Gerrish</i>,
at his Shop in Corn-Hill, 1725.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>



<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Among the thirteen vessels taken were the following from Marblehead,
viz.:—schooner Milton, Philip Ashton, master; shallop Jane, Nicholas
Merritt, master; schooner Rebeckah, Thomas Salter, master; schooner
Mary, Thomas Trefry, master; shallop Elizabeth, Robert Gifford, master;
schooner Samuel, William Nichols, master.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> “If it be so, our God whome we serve, is able to Deliver us from the
Burning Fiery Furnace, and He will Deliver us out of thine Hand, O
King.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> Ashton was the son of Philip and Sarah (Hendly) Ashton, and was
born in Marblehead, Aug. 12, 1702. He married, first, Jane or Jean Gallison,
Dec. 8, 1726, who bore him a daughter Sarah, baptized Dec. 3, 1727,
in the First Church, the mother dying a week later.</p>

<p>On July 15, 1729, he married, second, Sarah Bartlett and they had
Eliza, baptized Oct. 25, 1730; Philip, baptized May 28, 1732; William,
baptized Oct. 20, 1734; Thomas, baptized Apr. 17, 1737 and Jean, baptized
Aug. 15, 1742. The date of his death is not known.</p>

</div>
</div>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">



<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">[224]</span></p>
<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak">ASHTON’S MEMORIAL<br>
<br>
<span class="ch-title">An History of the Strange Adventures, and Signal<br>
Deliverances of<br>
Mr.</span> PHILIP ASHTON, <span class="smcap">Jun.<br>
of Marblehead</span></h2>
</div>


<p>Upon Friday, June 15th, 1722, After I had been out for
some time in the Schooner Milton, upon the Fishing
grounds, off Cape Sable Shoar, among others, I came to
Sail in Company with Nicholas Merritt, in a Shallop, and stood
in for Port-Rossaway, designing to Harbour there, till the
Sabbath was over; where we Arrived about Four of the Clock
in the Afternoon. When we came into the Harbour, where
several of our Fishing Vessels had arrived before us, we spy’d
among them a Brigantine, which we supposed to have been
an Inward bound Vessel, from the West Indies, and had no apprehensions
of any Danger from her; but by that time we had
been at Anchor two or three Hours, a Boat from the Brigantine,
with Four hands, came along side of us, and the Men
Jumpt in upon our Deck, without our suspecting any thing
but that they were Friends, come on board to visit, or inquire
what News; till they drew their Cutlasses and Pistols from
under their Clothes, and Cock’d the one and Brandish’d the
other, and began to Curse &amp; Swear at us, and demanded a
Surrender of our Selves and Vessel to them. It was too late for
us to rectify our Mistake, and think of Freeing our Selves
from their power; for however we might have been able,
(being Five of us and a Boy) to have kept them at a Distance,
had we known who they were, before they had boarded us;
yet now we had our Arms to seek, and being in no Capacity
to make any Resistance, were necessitated to submit our
selves to their will and pleasure. In this manner they surprised<span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">[225]</span>
Nicholas Merritt, and 12 or 13 other Fishing Vessels
this Evening.</p>

<p>When the Boat went off from our Vessel, they carried me
on board the Brigantine, and who should it prove but the
Infamous Ned Low, the Pirate, with about 42 Hands, 2 Great
Guns, and 4 Swivel Guns. You may easily imagine how I
look’d, and felt, when too late to prevent it, I found my self
fallen into the hands of such a mad, roaring, mischievous
Crew; yet I hoped, that they would not force me away with
them, and I purposed to endure any hardship among them
patiently, rather than turn Pirate with them.</p>

<p>Low presently sent for me Aft, and according to the Pirates
usual Custom, and in their proper Dialect, asked me, If I
would sign their Articles, and go along with them. I told him,
No; I could by no means consent to go with them, I should be
glad if he would give me my Liberty, and put me on board any
Vessel, or set me on shoar there. For indeed my dislike of
their Company and Actions, my concern for my Parents, and
my fears of being found in such bad Company, made me dread
the thoughts of being carried away by them; so that I had not
the least Inclination to continue with them.</p>

<p>Upon my utter Refusal to joyn and go with them, I was
thrust down into the Hold, which I found to be a safe retreat
for me several times afterwards. By that time, I had been
in the Hold a few Hours, they had compleated the taking the
several Vessels that were in the Harbour, and the Examining
of the Men; and the next Day I was fetched up with some
others that were there, and about 30 or 40 of us were put on
board a Schooner belonging to Mr. Orn of Marblehead, which
the Pirates made use of for a sort of a Prison, upon the present
occasion; where we were all confined unarm’d, with an armed
Guard over us, till the Sultan’s pleasure should be further
known.</p>

<p>The next Lord’s Day about Noon, one of the Quarter
Masters, John Russel by Name, came on board the Schooner<span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">[226]</span>
and took six of us, (Nicholas Merritt,<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a> Joseph Libbie,<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a>
Lawrence Fabens,<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> and my self, all of Marblehead, the
Eldest of, if I mistake not, under 21 Years of Age, with two
others) and carried us on board the Brigantine; where we were
called upon the Quarter Deck, and Low came up to us with
Pistol in hand, and with a full mouth demanded, Are any of
you, Married Men? This short and unexpected Question,
and the sight of the Pistol, struck us all dumb, and not a
Man of us dared to speak a word, for fear there should have
been a design in it, which we were not able to see thro’. Our
Silence kindled our new Master into a Flame, who could not
bear it, that so many Beardless Boyes should deny him an
Answer to so plain a Question; and therefore in a Rage, he
Cock’d his Pistol, and clapt it to my Head, and cryed out, You
D—g! why don’t you Answer me? and Swore vehemently, he
would shoot me thro’ the Head, if I did not tell him immediately,
whether I was Married or no.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">[227]</span></p>

<p>I was sufficiently frightened at the fierceness of the Man,
and the boldness of his threatening, but rather than lose my
Life for so trifling a matter, I e’en ventured at length to tell
him, I was not Married, as loud as I dar’d to speak it; and
so said the rest of my Companions. Upon this he seemed
something pacified, and turned away from us.</p>

<p>It seems his design was to take no Married Man away with
him, how young soever he might be, which I often wondred at;
till after I had been with him some considerable time, and
could observe in him an uneasiness in the sentiments of his
Mind, and the workings of his passions towards a young Child
he had at Boston (his Wife being Dead, as I learned, some
small time before he turned Pirate) which upon every lucid
interval from Revelling and Drink he would express a great
tenderness for, insomuch that I have seen him sit down and
weep plentifully upon the mentioning of it; and then I concluded,
that probably the Reason of his taking none but Single
Men was, that he might have none with him under the Influence
of such powerful attractives, as a Wife &amp; Children, lest
they should grow uneasy in his Service, and have an Inclination
to Desert him, and return home for the sake of their
Families.</p>

<p>Low presently came up to us again, and asked the Old
Question, Whether we would Sign their Articles, and go along
with them? We all told him No; we could not; so we were
dismissed. But within a little while we were call’d to him
Singly, and then it was demanded of me, with Sternness and
Threats, whether I would Joyn with them? I still persisted
in the Denial; which thro’ the assistance of Heaven, I was
resolved to do, tho’ he shot me. And as I understood, all my
Six Companions, who were called in their turns, still refused
to go with him.</p>

<p>Then I was led down into the Steerage, by one of the
Quarter-Masters, and there I was assaulted with Temptations
of another kind, in hopes to win me over to become one of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">[228]</span>
them; a number of them got about me, and instead of Hissing,
shook their Rattles, and treated me with abundance of
Respect and Kindness, in their way; they did all they could
to sooth my Sorrows, and set before me the strong Allurement
of the Vast Riches they should gain, and what Mighty Men
they designed to be, and would fain have me to joyn with
them, and share in their Spoils; and to make all go down the
more Glib, they greatly Importuned me to Drink with them,
not doubting but this wile would sufficiently entangle me, and
so they should prevail with me to do that in my Cups, which
they perceived they could not bring me to while I was Sober;
but all their fair and plausible Carriage, their proffered Kindness,
and airy notions of Riches, had not the Effect upon me
which they desired; and I had no Inclination to drown my
Sorrows with my Senses in their Inebriating Bowls, and so
refused their Drink, as well as their Proposals.</p>

<p>After this I was brought upon Deck again, and Low came
up to me, with His Pistol Cock’d, and clap’d it to my Head,
and said to me, You D—g you! if you will not Sign our Articles,
and go along with me, I’ll shoot you thro’ the Head, and
uttered his Threats with his utmost Fierceness, and with the
usual Flashes of Swearing and Cursing. I told him, That I
was in his hands, and he might do with me what he pleased,
but I could not be willing to go with him: and then I earnestly
beg’d of him, with many Tears, and used all the Arguments I
could think of to perswade him, not to carry me away; but
he was deaf to my Cryes, and unmoved by all I could say to
him; and told me, I was an Impudent Dog, and Swore, I
should go with him whether I would or no. So I found all
my Cryes, and Entreaties were in vain, and there was no help
for it, go with them I must, and as I understood, they set mine
and my Townsmens Names down in their Book, tho’ against
our Consent. And I desire to mention it with due Acknowledgments
to GOD, who withheld me, that neither their
promises, nor their threatenings, nor blows could move<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">[229]</span>
me to a willingness to Joyn with them in their pernicious
ways.</p>

<p>Upon Tuesday, June 19th, they changed their Vessel,
and took for their Privateer, as they call’d it, a Schooner
belonging to Mr. Joseph Dolliber of Marblehead, being new,
clean, and a good Sailer, and shipped all their hands on board
her, and put the Prisoners, such as they designed to send home,
on board the Brigantine, with one ———————— who was
her Master, and ordered them for Boston.</p>

<p>When I saw the Captives were likely to be sent Home, I
thought I would make one attempt more to obtain my Freedom,
and accordingly Nicholas Merrit, my Townsman and
Kinsman, went along with me to Low, and we fell upon our
Knees, and with utmost Importunity besought him to let us go
Home in the Brigantine, among the rest of the Captives: but
he immediately called for his Pistols, and told us we should not
go, and Swore bitterly, if either of us offered to stir, he would
shoot us down.</p>

<p>Thus all attempts to be delivered out of the hands of unreasonable
Men (if they may be called Men) were hitherto
unsuccessful; and I had the melancholy prospect of seeing the
Brigantine sail away with the most of us that were taken at
Port-Rossaway, but my self, and three Townsmen mentioned,
and four of Shoal-men detained on board the Schooner, in the
worst of Captivity, without any present likelyhood of Escaping.</p>

<p>And yet before the Brigantine sailed, an opportunity
presented, that gave me some hopes that I might get away
from them; for some of Low’s people, who had been on shoar
at Port-Rossaway to get water, had left a Dog belonging to
him behind them; and Low observing the Dog a shoar howling
to come off, order’d some hands to take the Boat and fetch him.
Two Young Men, John Holman, and Benjamin Ashton, both
of Marblehead, readily Jumpt into the Boat, and I (who pretty
well know their Inclination to be rid of such Company, &amp; was
exceedingly desirous my self to be freed from my present<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">[230]</span>
Station, and thought if I could but once set foot on shoar,
they should have good luck to get me on board again) was
getting over the side into the Boat; but Quarter Master
Russel spy’d me, and caught hold on my Shoulder, and drew
me in board, and with a Curse told me, Two was eno’, I should
not go. The two Young Men had more sense and virtue than
to come off to them again, so that after some time of waiting,
they found they were deprived of their Men, their Boat, and
their Dog; and they could not go after them.</p>

<p>When they saw what a trick was play’d them, the Quarter
Master came up to me Cursing and Swearing, that I knew
of their design to Run away, and intended to have been one of
them; but tho’ it would have been an unspeakable pleasure to
me to have been with them, yet I was forced to tell him, I
knew not of their design; and indeed I did not, tho’ I had good
reason to suspect what would be the event of their going.
This did not pacifie the Quarter-Master, who with outragious
Cursing and Swearing clapt his Pistol to my Head, and snap’d
it; but it miss’d Fire: this enraged him the more; and he
repeated the snapping of his Pistol at my Head three times, and
it as often miss’d Fire; upon which he held it over-board, and
snap’d it the fourth time, and then it went off very readily.
(Thus did GOD mercifully quench the violence of the Fire,
that was meant to destroy me!) The Quarter-Master upon
this, in the utmost fury, drew his Cutlass, and fell upon me
with it, but I leap’d down into the Hold, and got among a
Crowd that was there, and so escaped the further effects of his
madness and rage. Thus, tho’ GOD suffered me not to gain
my wished-for Freedom, yet he wonderfully preserved me from
Death.</p>

<p>All hopes of obtaining Deliverance were now past and gone;
the Brigantine and Fishing Vessels were upon their way
homeward, the Boat was ashore, and not likely to come off
again; I could see no possible way of Escape; and who can
express the concern and Agony I was in, to see my self, a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">[231]</span>
Young Lad not 20 Years Old, carried forcibly from my Parents,
whom I had so much reason to value for the tenderness I knew
they had for me, &amp; to whom my being among Pyrates, would
be as a Sword in their Bowels, and the Anguishes of death to
them; confined to such Company as I could not but have an
exceeding great abhorrence of; in Danger of being poisoned in
my morals, by Living among them, and of falling a Sacrifice
to Justice, if ever I should be taken with them. I had no way
left for my Comfort, but earnestly to commit my self and my
cause to GOD, and wait upon Him for Deliverance in his own
time and way; and in the mean while firmly to resolve, thro’
Divine Assistance, that nothing should ever bring me to a
willingness to Joyn with them, or share in their Spoils.</p>

<p>I soon found that any Death was preferible to being link’d
with such a vile Crew of Miscreants, to whom it was a sport
to do Mischief; where prodigious Drinking, monstrous Cursing
and Swearing, hideous Blasphemies, and open defiance of
Heaven, and contempt of Hell it self, was the constant Employment,
unless when Sleep something abated the Noise and
Revellings.</p>

<p>Thus Confined, the best course I could take, was to keep
out of the way, down in the Hold, or wherever I could be most
free from their perpetual Din; and fixed purpose with my
self, that the first time I had an opportunity to set my Foot
on shore, let it be in what part of the World it would, it should
prove (if possible) my taking a final leave of Low and Company.</p>

<p>I would remark it now also (that I might not interrupt the
Story with it afterwards) that while I was on board Low,
they used once a Week, or Fortnight, as the Evil Spirit moved
them, to bring me under Examination, and anew demand my
Signing their Articles, and Joyning with them; but Blessed
be GOD, I was enabled to persist in a constant refusal to become
one of them, tho’ I was thrashed with Sword or Cane, as
often as I denyed them; the fury of which I had no way to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">[232]</span>
avoid, but by Jumping down into the Hold, where for a while
I was safe. I look’d upon my self, for a long while, but as a
Dead Man among them, and expected every Day of Examination
would prove the last of my Life, till I learned from some
of them, that it was one of their Articles, Not to Draw Blood,
or take away the Life of any Man, after they had given him
Quarter, unless he was to be punished as a Criminal; and this
emboldned me afterwards, so that I was not so much affraid
to deny them, seeing my Life was given me for a Prey.</p>

<p>This Tuesday, towards Evening, Low and Company came
to sail in the Schooner, formerly called the Mary, now the
Fancy, and made off for Newfoundland; and here they met
with such an Adventure, as had like to have proved fatal to
them. They fell in with the Mouth of St. John’s Harbour in
a Fogg, before they knew where they were; when the Fogg
clearing up a little, they spy’d a large Ship riding at Anchor
in the Harbour, but could not discern what she was, by reason
of the thickness of the Air, and concluded she was a Fish-Trader;
this they look’d upon as a Boon Prize for them, and
thought they should be wonderfully well accommodated with
a good Ship under Foot, and if she proved but a good Sailer,
would greatly further their Roving Designs, and render them
a Match for almost any thing they could meet with, so that
they need not fear being taken.</p>

<p>Accordingly they came to a Resolution to go in and take her;
and imagining it was best doing it by Stratagem, they concluded
to put all their Hands, but Six or Seven, down in the
Hold, and make a shew as if they were a Fishing Vessel, and
so run up along side of her, and surprise her, and bring her off;
and great was their Joy at the distant prospect how cleverly
they should catch her. They began to put their designs in
Execution, stowed away their Hands, leaving but a few upon
Deck, and made Sail in order to seise the Prey; when there
comes along a small Fisher-Boat, from out the Harbour, and
hailed them, and asked them, from whence they were? They<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">[233]</span>
told them, from Barbadoes, and were laden with Rhum and
Sugar; then they asked the Fisherman, What large Ship that
was in the Harbour? who told them it was a large Man-of-War.</p>

<p>The very Name of a Man-of-War struck them all up in a
Heap, spoil’d their Mirth, their fair Hopes, and promising
Design of having a good Ship at Command; and lest they
should catch a Tartar, they thought it their wisest and safest
way, instead of going into the Harbour, to be gone as fast as
they could: and accordingly they stretched away farther
Eastward, and put into a small Harbour, called Carboneur,
about 15 Leagues distance; where they went on Shoar; took
the Place, and destroyed the Houses, but hurt none of the
People; as they told me, for I was not suffered to go a shore
with them.</p>

<p>The next Day they made off for the Grand Bank, where
they took seven or eight Vessels, and among them a French
Banker, a Ship of about 350 Tuns, and 2 Guns; this they
carried off with them, and stood away for St. Michaels.</p>

<p>Off of St. Michaels they took a large Portugueze Pink, laden
with Wheat, coming out of the Road, which I was told was
formerly call’d the Rose-Frigat. She struck to the Schooner,
fearing the large Ship that was coming down to them; tho’
all Low’s Force had been no Match for her, if the Portugueze
had made a good Resistance. This Pink they soon observed
to be a much better Sailer than their French Banker, which
went heavily; and therefore they threw the greatest part of the
Wheat over board, reserving only eno’ to Ballast the Vessel
for the present, and took what they wanted out of the Banker,
and then Burnt her, and sent the most of the Portugueze
away in a large Lanch they had taken.</p>

<p>Now they made the Pink, which Mounted 14 Guns, their
Commodore, and with this and the Schooner Sailed from St.
Michaels, to the Canaries, where off of Teneriff, they gave
Chase to a Sloop, which got under the Command of the
Fortress, and so escaped sailing into their Hands; but stretching<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">[234]</span>
along to the Western end of the Island, they came up with
a Fishing Boat, and being in want of Water, made them Pilot
them into a small Harbour, where they went a shore and got a
supply.</p>

<p>After they had Watered, they Sailed away for Cape de
Verde Islands, and upon making the Isle of May, they descry’d
a Sloop, which they took, and it proved to be a Bristol-man,
one Pare or Pier Master; this Sloop they designed for a Tender,
and put on board her my Kinsman Nicholas Merritt,
with 8 or 9 hands more, and Sailed away for Bonavista, with
a design to careen their Vessels.</p>

<p>In their Passage to Bonavista, the Sloop wronged both the
Pink and the Schooner; which the Hands on board observing,
being mostly Forced Men, or such as were weary of their
Employment, upon the Fifth of September, Ran away with
her and made their Escape.</p>

<p>When they came to Bonavista, they hove down the
Schooner, and careen’d her, and then the Pink; and here they
gave the Wheat, which they had kept to Ballast the Pink with,
to the Portugueze, and took other Ballast.</p>

<p>After they had cleaned and fitted their Vessels, they steered
away for St. Nicholas, to get better Water; and here as I
was told, 7 or 8 hands out of the Pink went a shore a Fowling,
but never came off more, among which I suppose Lawrence
Fabins was one, and what became of them I never could hear
to this Day. Then they put out to Sea, and stood away for
the Coast of Brasil, hoping to meet with Richer Prizes than
they had yet taken; in the Passage thither, they made a Ship,
which they gave chase to, but could not come up with; and
when they came upon the Coast, it had like to have proved a
sad Coast to them; for the Trade-Winds blowing exceeding
hard at South East, they fell in upon the Northern part of the
Coast, near 200 Leagues to the Leeward of where they designed;
and here we were all in exceeding great Danger, and
for Five Days and Nights together, hourly feared when we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">[235]</span>
should be swallowed up by the violence of the Wind and Sea,
or stranded upon some of the Shoals, that lay many Leagues
off from Land. In this time of Extremity, the Poor Wretches
had no where to go for Help! For they were at open Defiance
with their Maker, &amp; they could have but little comfort in the
thoughts of their Agreement with Hell; such mighty Hectors
as they were, in a clear Sky and a fair Gale, yet a fierce Wing
and a boisterous Sea sunk their Spirits to a Cowardly dejection,
and they evidently feared the Almighty, whom before
they defied, lest He was come to Torment them before their
expected Time; and tho’ they were so habituated to Cursing
and Swearing, that the Dismal Prospect of Death, &amp; this of so
long Continuance, could not Correct the language of most of
them, yet you might plainly see the inward Horror and Anguish
of their Minds, visible in their Countenances, and like
Men amazed, or starting out of Sleep in a fright, I could hear
them ever now and then, cry out, Oh! I wish I were at Home.</p>

<p>When the Fierceness of the Weather was over, and they
had recovered their Spirits, by the help of a little Nantes, they
bore away to the West Indies, and made the three Islands
call’d the Triangles, lying off the Main about 40 Leagues to
the Eastward of Surinam. Here they went in and careened
their Vessels again; and it had like to have proved a fatal
Scouring to them.</p>

<p>For as they hove down the Pink, Low had ordered so many
hands upon the Shrouds, and Yards, to throw her Bottom
out of Water, that it threw her Ports, which were open, under
Water; and the Water flow’d in with such freedom that it
presently overset her. Low and the Doctor were in the
Cabin together, and as soon as he perceived the Water to gush
in upon him, he bolted out at one of the Stern-Ports, which
the Doctor also attempted, but the Sea rushed so violently
into the Port by that time, as to force him back into the
Cabin, upon which Low nimbly run his Arm into the Port, and
caught hold of his Shoulder and drew him out, and so saved<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">[236]</span>
him. The Vessel pitched her Masts to the Ground, in about
6 Fathom Water, and turn’d her Keel out of Water; but as
her Hull filled, it sunk, and by the help of her Yard-Arms,
which I suppose bore upon the Ground, her Masts were raised
something out of Water; the Men that were upon her Shrouds
and Yards, got upon her Hull, when that was uppermost, and
then upon her Top-Masts and Shrouds, when they were raised
again. I (who with other light Lads were sent up to the
Main-Top-Gallant Yard) was very difficultly put to it to save
my Life, being but a poor Swimmer; for the Boat which
picked the Men up, refused to take me in, &amp; I was put upon
making the best of my way to the Buoy, which with much ado
I recovered, and it being large I stayed my self by it, till the
Boat came along close by it, and then I called to them to take
me in; but they being full of Men still refused me; and I
did not know but they meant to leave me to perish there;
but the Boat making way a head very slowly because of her
deep load, and Joseph Libbie calling to me to put off from the
Buoy and Swim to them, I e’en ventured it, and he took me
by the hand and drew me in board. They lost two Men by
this Accident, viz. John Bell, and one they called Zana Gourdon.
The Men that were on board the Schooner were busy
a mending the Sails, under an Auning, so they knew nothing
of what had happened to the Pink, till the Boat full of Men
came along side of them, tho’ they were but about Gun-Shot
off, and We made a great out-cry; and therefore they sent not
their Boat to help take up the Men.</p>

<p>And now Low and his Gang, having lost their Frigate, and
with her the greatest part of their Provision and Water, were
again reduced to their Schooner as their only Privateer, and
in her they put to Sea, and were brought to very great straits
for want of Water; for they could not get a supply at the
Triangles, and when they hoped to furnish themselves at
Tobago, the Current set so strong, &amp; the Season was so Calm,
that they could not recover the Harbour, so they were forced<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">[237]</span>
to stand away for Grand Grenada, a French Island about 18
Leagues to the Westward of Tobago, which they gained, after
they had been at the hardship of half a pint of Water a Man
for Sixteen Dayes together.</p>

<p>Here the French came on board, and Low having put all
his Men down, but a sufficient number to Sail the Vessel, told
them upon their Enquiry, Whence he was, that he was come
from Barbadoes, and had lost his Water; and was oblig’d
to put in for a recruit; the poor People not suspecting him for
a Pyrate, readily suffered him to send his Men ashoar and
fetch off a supply. But the Frenchmen afterwards suspecting
he was a Smugling Trader, thought to have made a Boon
Prize of him, and the next day fitted out a large Rhode-Island
built Sloop of 70 Tuns, with 4 Guns mounted, and about 30
Hands, with design to have taken him. Low was apprehensive
of no danger from them, till they came close along side of
him and plainly discovered their design, by their Number and
Actions, and then he called up his hands upon Deck, and having
about 90 Hands on board, &amp; 8 Guns mounted, the Sloop and
Frenchmen fell an easy prey to him, and he made a Privateer
of her.</p>

<p>After this they cruised for some time thro’ the West Indies,
in which excursion they took 7 or 8 Sail of Vessels, chiefly
Sloops; at length they came to Santa Cruiz, where they took
two Sloops more, &amp; then came to Anchor off the Island.</p>

<p>While they lay an Anchor here, it came into Low’s Head,
that he wanted a Doctor’s Chest, &amp; in order to procure one,
he put four of the Frenchmen on board one of the Sloops,
which he had just now taken, &amp; sent them away to St.
Thomas’s, about 12 Leagues off where the Sloops belonged,
with the promise, that if they would presently send him off a
good Doctor’s Chest, for what he sent to purchase it with,
they should have their Men &amp; Vessels again, but if not, he
would kill all the Men &amp; burn the Vessels. The poor People
in Compassion to their Neighbours, &amp; to preserve their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">[238]</span>
Interest, readily complyed with his Demands; so that in
little more than 24 Hours the four Frenchmen returned with
what they went for, &amp; then according to promise, they &amp; their
Sloops were Dismissed.</p>

<p>From Santa Cruz they Sailed till they made Curacao, in
which Passage they gave Chase to two Sloops that out sailed
them &amp; got clear; then they Ranged the Coast of New Spain,
and made Carthagena, &amp; about mid-way between Carthagena
and Port-Abella, they descry’d two tall Ships, which proved
to be the Mermaid Man-of-War, &amp; a large Guinea-Man.
Low was now in the Rhode Island Sloop, &amp; one Farrington
Spriggs a Quarter-Master, was Commander of the Schooner,
where I still was. For some time they made Sail after the
two Ships, till they came so near that they could plainly see
the Man-of-War’s large range of Teeth, &amp; then they turned
Tail to, and made the best of their way from them; upon
which the Man-of-War gave them Chase &amp; overhalled them
apace. And now I confess I was in as great terrour as ever I
had been yet, for I concluded we should be taken, &amp; I could
expect no other butt to Dye for Companies sake; so true is
what Solomon tells us, a Companion of Fools shall be destroyed.
But the Pirates finding the Man-of-War to overhale
them, separated, &amp; Low stood out to Sea, &amp; Spriggs stood in
for the Shoar. The Man-of-War observing the Sloop to be the
larger Vessel much, and fullest of Men, threw out all the Sail
she could, &amp; stood after her, and was in a fair way of coming
up with her presently. But it hapened there was one Man on
board the Sloop, that knew of a Shoal Ground thereabouts,
who directed Low to run over it; he did so; and the Man-of-War
who had now so forereached him as to sling a Shot over
him, in the close pursuit ran a Ground upon the Shoal, and so
Low and Company escaped Hanging for this time.</p>

<p>Spriggs, who was in the Schooner, when he saw the Danger
they were in of being taken, upon the Man-of-War’s outsailing
them, was afraid of falling into the hands of Justice;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">[239]</span>
to prevent which, he, and one of his Chief Companions, took
their Pistols, and laid them down by them, and solemnly
Swore to each other, and pledg’d the Oath in a Bumper of
Liquor, that if they saw there was at last no possibility of
Escaping, but that they should be taken, they would set Foot
to Foot, and Shoot one another, to Escape Justice and the
Halter. As if Divine Justice were not as inexorable as
Humane!</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i238" style="max-width: 144.9375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i238.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>PIRATES BOARDING A SPANISH VESSEL IN THE WEST INDIES<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in “The History and Lives of the most Notorious Pirates,” by an old
Seaman, London, n.d., in possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>But, as I said, he stood in for the Shoar, and made into
Pickeroon Bay, about 18 Leagues from Carbagena, and so
got out of reach of Danger. By this means the Sloop and
Schooner were parted; and Spriggs made Sail towards the
Bay of Honduras, and came to Anchor in a small Island called
Utilla, about 7 or 8 Leagues to Leeward of Roatan, where by
the help of a small Sloop, he had taken the Day before, he
haled down, and cleaned the Schooner.</p>

<p>While Spriggs lay at Utilla, there was an Opportunity
presented, which gave occasion to several of us to form a
design, of making our Escape out of the Pirates Company;
for having lost Low, and being but weak handed, Spriggs had
determined to go thro’ the Gulf, and come upon the Coast of
New-England, to encrease his Company, and supply himself
with Provision; whereupon a Number of us had entred into
a Combination, to take the first fair advantage, to Subdue our
Masters; and Free our selves. There were in all about 22
Men on board the Schooner, and 8 of us were in the Plot, which
was, That when we should come upon the Coast of New-England,
we would take the opportunity when the Crew had
sufficiently dozed themselves with Drink, and had got sound
a Sleep, to secure them under the Hatches, and bring the
Vessel and Company in, and throw ourselves upon the Mercy
of the Government.</p>

<p>But it pleased GOD to disappoint our Design. The Day
that they came to Sail out of Utilla, after they had been
parted from Low about five Weeks, they discovered a large<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">[240]</span>
Sloop, which bore down upon them. Spriggs, who knew not
the Sloop, but imagined it might be a Spanish Privateer, full
of Men, being but weak handed himself, made the best of his
way from her. The Sloop greatly overhaled the Schooner.
Low, who knew the Schooner, &amp; thought that since they had
been separated, she might have fallen into the hands of honest
Men, fired upon her, &amp; struck her the first Shot. Spriggs,
seeing the Sloop fuller of Men than ordinary, (for Low had been
to Honduras, &amp; had taken a Sloop, &amp; brought off several
Baymen, &amp; was now become an Hundred strong) &amp; remaining
still ignorant of his old Mate, refused to bring to, but continued
to make off; and resolved if they came up with him, to
fight them the best he could. Thus the Harpies had like to
have fallen fowl of one another. But Low hoisting his Pirate
Colours, discovered who he was; and then, hideous was the
noisy Joy among the Piratical Crew, on all sides, accompanied
with Firing, &amp; Carousing, at the finding their Old Master, &amp;
Companions, &amp; their narrow Escape; and so the design of
Crusing upon the Coast of New-England came to nothing.
A good Providence it was to my dear Country, that it did so;
unless we could have timely succeeded in our design to surprise
them.</p>

<p>Yet it had like to have proved a fatal Providence to those
of us that had a hand in the Plot; for tho’ our design of surprising
Spriggs and Company, when we should come upon the
Coast of New-England, was carried with as much secrecy as
was possible, (we hardly daring to trust one another, and
mentioning it always with utmost privacy, and not plainly,
but in distant hints) yet now that Low appeared, Spriggs
had got an account of it some way or other; and full of Resentment
and Rage he goes aboard Low, and acquaints him with
what he called our Treacherous design, and says all he can to
provoke him to Revenge the Mischief upon us, and earnestly
urged that we might be shot. But GOD who has the Hearts
of all Men in His own Hands, and turns them as He pleases,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">[241]</span>
so over ruled, that Low turned it off with a Laugh, and said
he did not know, but if it had been his own case, as it was
ours, he should have done so himself; and all that Spriggs
could say was not able to stir up his Resentments, and procure
any heavy Sentence upon us.</p>

<p>Thus Low’s merry Air saved us at that time; for had he
lisped a Word in compliance with what Spriggs urged, we had
surely some of us, if not all, have been lost. Upon this he
comes on board the Schooner again, heated with Drink, but
more chased in his own mind, that he could not have his Will
of us, and swore &amp; tore like a Madman, crying out that four
of us ought to go forward, &amp; be shot; and to me in particular
he said, You D—g, Ashton, deserve to be hang’d up at the
Yards Arm, for designing to cut us off. I told him, I had
no design of hurting any man on board, but if they would let
me go away quietly I should be glad. This matter made a
very great noise on board for several Hours, but at length
the Fire was quenched, and thro’ the Goodness of GOD, I
escaped being consumed by the violence of the Flame.</p>

<p>The next Day, Low ordered all into Roatan Harbour to
clean, and here it was that thro’ the Favour of GOD to me, I
first gained Deliverance out of the Pirates hands; tho’ it was
a long while before my Deliverance was perfected, in a return
to my Country, and Friends; as you will see in the Sequel.</p>

<p>Roatan Harbour, as all about the Gulf of Honduras, is
full of small Islands, which go by the General Name of the
Keys. When we had got in here, Low and some of his Chief
Men had got a shoar upon one of these small Islands, which
they called Port-Royal Key, where they made them Booths,
and were Carousing, Drinking, and Firing, while the two
Sloops, the Rhode-Island, and that which Low brought with
him from the Bay were cleaning. As for the Schooner, he
loaded her with the Logwood which the Sloop brought from
the Bay, &amp; gave her, according to promise, to one John Blaze,
and put four men along with him in her, and when they came<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">[242]</span>
to Sail from this Place, sent them away upon their own account,
and what became of them I know not.</p>

<p>Upon Saturday the 9th of March, 1723, the Cooper with Six
hands in the Long-Boat were going ashore at the Watering
place to fill their Casks; as he came along by the Schooner I
called to him and asked him, if he were going a shoar? he
told me Yes; then I asked him, if he would take me along
with him; he seemed to hesitate at the first; but I urged that
I had never been on shoar yet, since I first came on board, and
I thought it very hard that I should be so closely confined,
when every one else had the Liberty of going ashoar, at several
times, as there was occasion. At length he took me in, imagining,
I suppose, that there would be no danger of my Running
away in so desolate uninhabitated a Place, as that was.</p>

<p>I went into the Boat with only an Ozenbrigs Frock and
Trousers on, and a Mill’d Cap upon my Head, having neither
Shirt, Shoes, nor Stockings, nor any thing else about me;
whereas, had I been aware of such an Opportunity, but one
quarter of an Hour before, I could have provided my self
something better. However, thought I, if I can but once get
footing on Terra-Firma, tho’ in never so bad Circumstances, I
shall count it a happy Deliverance; for I was resolved, come
what would, never to come on board again.</p>

<p>Low had often told me (upon my asking him to send me
away in some of the Vessels, which he dismissed after he had
taken them), that I should go home when he did, and not
before, and Swore that I should never set foot on shoar till he
did. But the time for Deliverance was now come. GOD had
ordered it that Low and Spriggs, and almost all the Commanding
Officers, were ashoar upon an Island distinct from Roatan,
where the Watering place was; He presented me in sight,
when the Long Boat came by, (the only opportunity I could
have had) He had moved the Cooper to take me into the Boat,
and under such Circumstances as rendred me least lyable to
Suspicion; and so I got ashoar.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp75" id="i242" style="max-width: 128.1875em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i242.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>MAP OF THE BAY OF HONDURAS SHOWING RATTAN ISLAND<br>
<span class='c2'>From the map in “Voyages and travels of Capt. Nathaniel Uring,” London, 1726, in the library
of the Massachusetts Historical Society</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">[243]</span></p>

<p>When we came first to Land, I was very Active in helping
to get the Casks out of the Boat, &amp; Rowling them up to the
Watering place; then I lay down at the Fountain &amp; took a
hearty Draught of the Cool Water; &amp; anon, I gradually
strol’d along the Beech, picking up Stones &amp; Shells, &amp; looking
about me; when I had got about Musket Shot off from them
(tho’ they had taken no Arms along with them in the Boat) I
began to make up to the Edge of the Woods; when the Cooper
spying me, call’d after me, &amp; asked me where I was going; I
told him I was going to get some Coco-Nuts, for there were
some Coco-Nut Trees just before me. So soon as I had
recovered the Woods, and lost sight of them, I betook my self
to my Heels, &amp; ran as fast as the thickness of the Bushes, and
my naked Feet would let me. I bent my Course, not directly
from them, but rather up behind them, which I continued till
I had got a considerable way into the Woods, &amp; yet not so far
from them but that I could hear their talk, when they spake
any thing loud; and here I lay close in a very great Thicket,
being well assured, if they should take the pains to hunt after
me never so carefully they would not be able to find me.</p>

<p>After they had filled their Casks and were about to go off,
the Cooper called after me to come away; but I lay snug in my
Thicket, and would give him no Answer, tho’ I plainly eno’
heard him. At length they set a hallooing for me, but I was
still silent; I could hear them say to one another, The D—g
is lost in the Woods, and can’t find the way out again; then
they hallooed again; and cried, he is run-away and won’t
come again; the Cooper said, if he had thought I would have
served him so, he would not have brought me ashoar. They
plainly saw it would be in vain to seek me in such hideous
Woods, and thick Brushes. When they were weary with
hallooing, the Cooper at last, to shew his good Will to me,
(I can’t but Love and Thank him for his Kindness) call’d out,
If you don’t come away presently, I’ll go off and leave you
alone. But all they could say was no Temptation to me to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">[244]</span>
discover my self, and least of all that of their going away and
leaving me; for this was the very thing I desired, that I might
be rid of them, and all that belonged to them. So finding it
in vain for them to wait any longer, they put off with their
Water, without me; and thus was I left upon a desolate
Island destitute of all help, and much out of the way of all
Travellers; however this Wilderness I looked upon as Hospitable,
and this Loneliness as good Company, compared with
the State and Society I was now happily Delivered from.</p>

<p>When I supposed they were gone off, I came out of my
Thicket, and drew down to the Water side, about a Mile below
the Watering place, where there was a small run of Water;
and here I sat down to observe their Motions, and know when
the Coast was clear; for I could not but have some remaining
fears lest they should send a Company of Armed Men after
me; yet I thought if they should, the Woods and Bushes were
so thick that it would be impossible they should find me. As
yet I had nothing to Eat, nor indeed were my Thoughts much
concerned about living in this Desolate Place, but they were
chiefly taken up about my geting clear. And to my Joy, after
the Vessels had stayed five Days in this Harbour, they came
to Sail, and put out to Sea, and I plainly saw the Schooner
part from the two Sloops, and shape a different Course from
them.</p>

<p>When they were gone and the Coast clear, I began to reflect
upon my self, and my present Condition; I was upon an Island
from whence I could not get off; I knew of no Humane Creature
within many scores of Miles of me; I had but a Scanty
Cloathing, and no possibility of getting more; I was destitute
of all Provision for my Support, and knew not how I should
come at any; every thing looked with a dismal Face; the sad
prospect drew Tears from me in abundance; yet since GOD
had graciously granted my Desires, in freeing me out of the
hands of the Sons of Violence, whose Business ’tis to devise
Mischief against their Neighbour, and from whom every thing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">[245]</span>
that had the least face of Religion and Virtue was intirely
Banished, (unless that Low would never suffer his Men to
work upon the Sabbath, (it was more devoted to Play) and
I have seen some of them sit down to Read in a good Book)
therefore I purposed to account all the hardship I might now
meet with, as Light, &amp; Easy, compared with being Associated
with them.</p>

<p>In order to find in what manner I was to Live for the time
to come, I began to Range the Island over, which I suppose is
some 10 or 11 Leagues Long, in the Latitude of 16 deg. 30
min. or thereabouts. I soon found that I must look for no
Company, but the Wild Beast of the Field, and the Fowl of
the Air; with all of which I made a Firm Peace, and GOD
said Amen to it. I could discover no Footsteps of any Habitation
upon the Island; yet there was one walk of Lime Trees
near a Mile long, and ever now &amp; then I found some broken
Shreds of Earthen Pots, scattered here and there upon the
Place, which some say are some remains of the Indians that
formerly Lived upon the Island.</p>

<p>The Island is well Watered, and is full of Hills, high Mountains,
and lowly Vallies. The Mountains are Covered over
with a sort of scrubby black Pine, &amp; are almost inaccessible.
The Vallies abound with Fruit Trees, and are so prodigiously
thick with an underbrush, that ’tis difficult passing.</p>

<p>The Fruit were Coco-Nuts, but these I could have no
advantage from, because I had no way of coming at the
inside; there are Wild-Figs, and Vines in abundance, these I
chiefly lived upon, especially at first; there is also a sort of
Fruit growing upon Trees somewhat larger than an Orange,
of an Oval shape, of a brownish Colour without, and red
within, having two or three Stones about as large as a Walnut
in the midst: tho’ I saw many of these fallen under the Trees,
yet I dared not to meddle with them for sometime, till I saw
some Wild Hogs eat them with safety, and then I thought
I might venture upon them too, after such Tasters, and I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">[246]</span>
found them to be a very delicious sort of Fruit; they are called
Mammees Supporters, as I learned afterwards. There are
also a sort of small Beech-Plumb, growing upon low shrubs;
and a large form of Plumb growing upon Trees, which are
called Hog-Plumbs; and many other sorts of Fruit which I am
wholly a Stranger to. Only I would take notice of the Goodness
of GOD to me, in preserving me from destroying my self
by feeding upon any Noxious Fruit, as the Mangeneil Apple,
which I often took up in my hands, and look’d upon, but had
not the power to eat of; which if I had, it would have been
present Death to me, as I was informed afterwards, tho’ I
knew not what it was.</p>

<p>There are also upon this Island, and the Adjacent Islands,
and Keys, Deer, and Wild Hogs; they abound too with Fowl
of diverse sorts, as Ducks, Teil, Curlews, Galdings, (a Fowl
long Legged, and shaped somewhat like a Heron, but not so
big) Pellicans, Boobys, Pigeons, Parrotts, &amp;c. and the Shoars
abound with Tortoise.</p>

<p>But of all this Store of Beast, and Fowl, I could make no
use to Supply my Necessities; tho’ my Mouth often watered
for a Bit of them; yet I was forced to go without it; for I had
no Knife, or other Instrument of Iron with me, by which to
cut up a Tortoise, when I had turned it; or to make Snares or
Pitts, with which to entrap, or Bows &amp; Arrows with which to
kill any Bird or Beast withal; nor could I by any possible
means that I knew of, come at Fire to dress any if I had taken
them, tho’ I doubt not but some would have gone down Raw
if I could have come at it.</p>

<p>I sometimes had thoughts of Digging Pits and covering
them over with small Branches of Trees, &amp; laying Brush and
Leaves upon them to take some Hogs or Deer in; but all was
vain imagination, I had no Shovel, neither could I find or
make any thing that would answer my end, and I was presently
convinced, that my Hands alone, were not sufficient to make
one deep and large eno’ to detain any thing that should fall<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">[247]</span>
into it; so that I was forced to rest satisfied with the Fruit of
the Vine, and Trees, and looked upon it as good Provision, and
very handy for one in my Condition.</p>

<p>In length of time, as I was poking about the Beech, with a
Stick, to see if I could find any Tortoise Nests, (which I had
heard lay their Eggs in the Sand) I brought up part of an
Egg clinging to the Stick, and upon removing the Sand which
lay over them, I found near an Hundred &amp; Fifty Eggs which
had not been laid long eno’ to spoil; so I took some of them and
eat them: And in this way I sometimes got some Eggs to Eat,
which are not very good at the best; yet what is not good to
him that has nothing to Live upon, but what falls from the
Trees.</p>

<p>The Tortoise lay their Eggs above High Water Mark, in a
hole which they make in the Sand, about a Foot, or a Foot and
half deep, and cover them over with the Sand, which they
make as smooth &amp; even as any part of the Beech, so that there
is no discerning where they are, by any, the least sign of a
Hillock, or Rising; and according to my best observation,
they Hatch in about 18 or 20 Days, and as soon as the Young
Ones are Hatched they betake themselves immediately to the
Water.</p>

<p>There are many Serpents upon this, and the Adjacent
Islands. There is one sort that is very Large, as big round
as a Man’s Wast, tho’ not above 12 or 14 Feet long. These
are called Owlers. They look like old fallen Stocks of Trees
covered over with a short Moss, when they lye at their length;
but they more usually lye coiled up in a round. The first I
saw of these greatly surprised me; for I was very near to it
before I discovered it to be a Living Creature, and then it
opened it’s Mouth wide eno’ to have thrown a Hat into it,
and blew out its Breath at me. This Serpent is very slow in
its motion, and nothing Venemous, as I was afterwards told
by a Man, who said he had been once bitten by one of them.
There are several other smaller Serpents, some of them very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">[248]</span>
Venemous, particularly one that is called a Barber’s Pole,
being streaked White and Yellow. But I met with no Rattle-Snakes
there, unless the Pirates, nor did I ever hear of any
other being there.</p>

<p>The Islands are also greatly infested with vexatious Insects,
especially the Musketto, and a sort of small Black Fly, (something
like a Gnat) more troublesome than the Musketto;
so that if one had never so many of the comforts of Life about
him, these Insects would render his Living here very burthensome
to him; unless he retired to a small Key, destitute of
Woods and Brush, where the Wind disperses the Vermin.</p>

<p>The Sea hereabouts, hath a variety of Fish; such as are
good to Eat, I could not come at, and the Sharks, and Alligators
or Crocodiles, I did not care to have any thing to do with;
tho’ I was once greatly endangered by a Shark, as I shall tell
afterwards.</p>

<p>This was the Place I was confined to; this my Society and
Fellowship; and this my State and Condition of Life. Here
I spent near Nine Months; without Converse with any Living
Creature; for the Parrots here had not been taught to Speak.
Here I lingred out one Day after another, I knew not how,
without Business, or Diversion; unless gathering up my Food,
rambling from Hill to Hill, from Island to Island, gazing upon
the Water, and staring upon the Face of the Sky, may be
called so.</p>

<p>In this Lonely and Distressed Condition, I had time to
call over my past Life; and Young as I was, I saw I had grown
Old in Sin; my Transgressions were more than my Days;
and tho’ GOD had graciously Restrained me from the Grosser
Enormities of Life, yet I saw Guilt staring me in the Face;
eno’ to humble me and forever to vindicate the Justice of
GOD in all that I underwent. I called to mind many things
I had heard from the Pulpit, and what I had formerly Read in
the Bible, which I was now wholly Destitute of, tho’ I thought
if I could but have one now, it would have sweetened my<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">[249]</span>
Condition, by the very Diversion of Reading, and much
more from the Direction and Comfort it would have afforded
me. I had some Comforts in the midst of my Calamity. It
was no small Support to me, that I was about my Lawful
Employment, when I was first taken; and that I had no hand
in bringing my Misery upon my self, but was forced away
sorely against my Will. It wonderfully aleviated my Sorrows,
to think, that I had my Parents approbation, and consent in
my going to Sea; and I often fancied to my self, that if I had
gone to Sea against their will and pleasure, and had met with
this Disaster, I should have looked upon it as a designed
Punishment of such Disobedience, and the very Reflection
on it would have so aggravated my Misery, as soon to have put
an end to my Days. I looked upon my self also, as more in
the way of the Divine Blessing now, than when I was linked
to a Crew of Pirates, where I could scarce hope for Protection
and a Blessing. I plainly saw very signal Instances of
the Power &amp; Goodness of GOD to me, in the many Deliverances
which I had already experienced (the least of which I
was utterly unworthy of) and this Encouraged me to put my
Trust in Him: and tho’ I had none but GOD to go to for help,
yet I knew that He was able to do more for me than I could
ask or think: to Him therefore I committed my self, purposing
to wait hopefully upon the Lord till he should send Deliverance
to me: Trusting that in his own time and way, he would
find out means for my safe Return to my Fathers House;
and earnestly entreating that he would provide a better place
for me.</p>

<p>It was my Daily Practice to Ramble from one part of the
Island to an other, tho’ I had a more special Home near to the
Water side. Here I had built me a House to defend me from
the heat of the Sun by Day, and the great Dews of the Night.
I took some of the best Branches I could find fallen from the
Trees, and stuck them in the Ground, and I contrived as often
as I could (for I built many such Huts) to fix them leaning<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">[250]</span>
against the Limb of a Tree that hung low; I split the Palmeto
Leaves and knotted the Limb &amp; Sticks together; then I
covered them over with the largest and best Palmeto Leaves
I could find. I generally Situated my Hut near the Water
side, with the open part of it facing the Sea, that I might be
the more ready upon the look out, and have the advantage of
the Sea Breeze, which both the Heat and the Vermin required.
But the Vermin, the Muskettos and Flys, grew so troublesome
to me, that I was put upon contrivance to get rid of their
Company. This led me to think of getting over to some of
the Adjacent Keys, that I might have some Rest from the
disturbance of these busy Companions. My greatest difficulty
lay in getting over to any other Island; for I was but a very
poor Swimmer; and I had no Canoo, nor any means of making
one. At length I got a piece of Bamboe, which is hollow like
a Reed, and light as a Cork, and having made tryal of it under
my Breast and Arms in Swimming by the shoar; with this
help I e’en ventured to put off for a small Key about Gunshot
off, and I reached it pretty comfortably. This Key was
but about 3 or 400 Feet in compass, clear of Woods &amp; Brush,
&amp; lay very low: &amp; I found it so free from the Vermin, by the
free Passage of the Wind over it, that I seemed to be got into
a New World, where I lived more at ease. This I kept as a
place of Retreat, whither I retired when the Heat of the Day
rendred the Fly-kind most troublesome to me: for I was
obliged to be much upon Roatan for the sake of my Food,
Water, &amp; House. When I swam backward &amp; forward from
my Night to my Day Island, I used to bind my Frock &amp;
Trousers about my Head, but I could not so easily carry over
Wood &amp; Leaves to make a Hut of; else I should have spent
more of my time upon my little Day Island.</p>

<p>My Swimming thus backward &amp; forward exposed me to
some Danger. Once I Remember as I was passing from my
Day to my Night Island, the Bamboe got from under me e’er
I was aware, &amp; the Tide or Current set so strong, that I was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">[251]</span>
very difficulty put to it to recover the Shoar; so that a few
Rods more distance had in all probability landed me in
another World. At another time as I was Swimming over to
my Day Island, a Shovel nos’d Shark, (of which the Seas
thereabouts are full, as well as Alligators) struck me in the
Thigh just as I set my Foot to Ground, &amp; so grounded himself
(I suppose) by the shoalness of the Water, that he could not
turn himself to come at me with his Mouth, &amp; so, thro’ the
Goodness of GOD, I escaped falling a Prey to his devouring
Teeth. I felt the Blow he gave me some hours after I had
got ashoar. By accustoming my self to Swim, I at length
grew pretty dexterous at it, and often gave my self the Diversion
of thus passing from one Island to another among
the Keys.</p>

<p>One of my greatest difficulties lay in my being Barefoot,
my Travels backward &amp; forward in the Woods to hunt for my
Daily Food, among the thick under-brush, where the Ground
was covered with sharp Sticks &amp; Stones, &amp; upon the hot
Beech among the sharp broken Shells, had made so many
Wounds and Gashes in my Feet, &amp; some of them very large,
that I was hardly able to go at all. Very often as I was treading
with all the tenderness I could, a sharp Stone or Shell on
the Beech or pointed Stick in the Woods, would run into the
Old Wounds, &amp; the Anguish of it would strike me down as
suddenly as if I had been shot thro’, &amp; oblige me to set down
and Weep by the hour together at the extremity of my Pain;
so that in process of time I could Travel no more than needs
must, for the necessary procuring of Food. Sometimes I
have sat leaning my Back against a Tree, with my Face to the
Sea, to look out for the passing of a Vessel for a whole Day
together.</p>

<p>At length I grew very Weak &amp; Faint, as well as Sore and
Bruised; and once while I was in this Condition, a Wild Boar
seemed to make at me with some Fierceness; I knew not what
to do with my self, for I was not able to defend my self against<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">[252]</span>
him if he should attack me. So as he drew nearer to me, I
caught hold of the Limb of a Tree which was close by me, &amp;
drew my Body up by it from the Ground as well as I could;
while I was in this Hanging posture, the Boar came and struck
at me, but his Tushes only took hold of my shattered Trousers
&amp; tore a peice out; and then he went his way. This I think
was the only time that I was assaulted by any Wild Beast,
with whom I said I had made Peace; and I look upon it as a
Great Deliverance.</p>

<p>As my Weakness encreased upon me, I should often fall
down as tho’ struck with a dead sleep, and many a time as I
was thus falling, and sometimes when I lay’d my self down to
Sleep, I never expected to wake or rise more; and yet in the
midst of all GOD has Wonderfully preserved me.</p>

<p>In the midst of this my great Soreness &amp; Feebleness I lost
the Days of the Week, &amp; how long I had layn in some of my
numb sleepy Fits I knew not, so that I was not able now to
distinguish the Sabbath from any other Day of the Week;
tho’ all Days were in some sort a Sabbath to me. As my
Illness prevailed I wholly lost the Month, and knew not where
abouts I was in the Account of Time.</p>

<p>Under all this Dreadful Distress, I had no healing Balsames
to apply to my Feet, no Cordials to revive my Fainting Spirits,
hardly able now &amp; then to get me some Figs or Grapes to Eat,
nor any possible way of coming at a Fire, which the Cool
Winds, &amp; great Rains, beginning to come on now called for.
The Rains begin about the middle of October, &amp; continue for
Five Months together, and then the Air is Raw Cold, like our
North East Storms of Rain; only at times the Sun breaks out
with such an exceeding Fierceness, that there is hardly any
enduring the Heat of it.</p>

<p>I had often heard of the fetching Fire by Rubbing of two
Sticks together; but I could never get any this way; tho’ I had
often tried while I was in Health and Strength, untill I was
quite tired. Afterwards I learned the way of getting Fire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">[253]</span>
from two Sticks, which I will Publish, that it may be of Service
to any that may be hereafter in my Condition.</p>

<p>Take Two Sticks, the one of harder the other softer Wood,
the dryer the better, in the soft Wood make a sort of Mortice
or Socket, point the harder Wood to fit that Socket; hold the
softer Wood firm between the Knees, take the harder Wood
between your Hands with the point fixed in the Socket, and rub
the Stick in your Hands backward &amp; forward briskly like a
Drill, and it will take Fire in less than a Minute; as I have
sometimes since seen, upon experiment made of it.</p>

<p>But then I knew of no such Method (and it may be should
have been difficulty put to it to have formed the Mortice and
Drill for want of a Knife) and I suffered greatly without a
Fire, thro’ the chillness of the Air, the Wetness of the Season,
and Living only upon Raw Fruit.</p>

<p>Thus I pass’d about Nine Months in this lonely, melancholy,
wounded, and languishing Condition. I often lay’d my self
down as upon my last Bed, &amp; concluded I should certainly
Dye alone, &amp; no Body knew what was become of me. I thought
it would be some relief to me if my Parents could but tell
where I was; and then I thought their Distress would be
exceeding great, if they knew what I under went. But all
such thoughts were vain. The more my Difficulties encreased,
and the nearer prospect I had of Dying, the more it drove me
upon my Knees, and made me the more earnest in my Crys
to my Maker for His favourable regards to me, and to the
Great Redeemer to pardon me, and provide for my after well
being.</p>

<p>And see the surprising Goodness of GOD to me, in sending
me help in my time of trouble, &amp; that in the most unexpected
way &amp; manner, as tho’ an Angel had been commissioned from
Heaven to relieve me.</p>

<p>Sometime in November, 1723, I espied a small Canoo,
coming towards me with one Man in it. It did not much
surprise me. A Friend I could not hope for; and I could not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">[254]</span>
resist, or hardly get out of the way of an Enemy, nor need I
fear one. I kept my Seat upon the Edge of the Beech. As he
came nearer he discovered me &amp; seemed great surprised. He
called to me. I told him whence I was, &amp; that he might safely
venture ashoar, for I was alone, &amp; almost Dead. As he came
up to me, he stared &amp; look’d wild with surprise; my Garb &amp;
Countenance astonished him; he knew not what to make of
me; he started back a little, &amp; viewed me more thorowly;
but upon recovering of himself, he came forward, &amp; took me
by the Hand &amp; told me he was glad to see me. And he was
ready as long as he stayed with me, to do any kind offices
for me.</p>

<p>He proved to be a North-Britain, a Man well in Years,
of a Grave and Venerable Aspect, and of a reserved Temper.
His Name I never knew, for I had not asked him in the little
time he was with me, expecting a longer converse with him;
and he never told me it. But he acquainted me that he had
lived with the Spaniards 22 Years, and now they threatened
to Burn him, I knew not for what Crime: therefore he had fled
for Sanctuary to this Place, &amp; had brought his Gun, Ammunition,
and Dog, with a small quantity of Pork, designing to
spend the residue of his Days here, &amp; support himself by
Hunting. He seemed very kind &amp; obliging to me, gave me
some of his Pork, and assisted me all he could; tho’ he conversed
little.</p>

<p>Upon the Third Day after he came to me, he told me, he
would go out in his Canoo among the Islands, to kill some Wild
Hogs &amp; Deer, and would have had me to go along with him.
His Company, the Fire and a little dressed Provision something
recruited my Spirits; but yet I was so Weak, and Sore in my
Feet, that I could not accompany him in Hunting: So he set
out alone, and said he would be with me again in a Day or two.
The Sky was Serene and Fair, and there was no prospect of
any Danger in his little Voyage among the Islands, when he
had come safe in that small Float near 12 Leagues; but by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">[255]</span>
that time he had been gone an Hour, there arose a most
Violent Gust of Wind and Rain, which in all probability overset
him; so that I never saw nor heard of him any more. And
tho’ by this means I was deprived of my Companion, yet it
was the Goodness of GOD to me, that I was not well eno’ to
go with him; for thus I was preserved from that Destruction
which undoubtedly overtook him.</p>

<p>Thus after the pleasure of having a Companion almost
Three Days, I was as unexpectedly reduced to my former
lonely Condition, as I had been for a little while recovered out
of it. It was grievous to me to think, that I no sooner saw
the Dawnings of Light, after so long Obscurity, but the
Clouds returned after the Rain upon me. I began to experience
the Advantage of a Companion, and find that Two is
better than One, and flattered my self, that by the help of
some fresh Hogs Grease, I should get my Feet well, and by a
better Living recover more Strength. But it pleased GOD
to take from me the only Man I had seen for so many Months
after so short a Converse with him. Yet I was left in better
Circumstances by him that he found me in. For at his going
away he left with me about Five Pound of Pork, a Knife, a
Bottle of Powder, Tobacco Tongs and Flint, by which means
I was in a way to Live better than I had done. For now I
could have a Fire, which was very needful for me, the Rainy
Months of the Winter; I could cut up some Tortoise when I
had turned them, and have a delicate broiled Meal of it: So
that by the help of the Fire, and dressed Food, and the Blessing
of GOD accompanying it, I began to recover more Strength,
only my Feet remained Sore.</p>

<p>Besides, I had this Advantage now, which I had not before,
that I could go out now and then and catch a Dish of Crab-Fish,
a Fish much like a Lobster, only wanting the great Claws.
My manner of catching them was odd; I took some of the
best peices of the old broken small Wood, that came the
nearest to our Pitch Pine, or Candle-Wood, and made them<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">[256]</span>
up into a small Bundle like a Torch, and holding one of these
lighted at one End in one hand, I waded into the Water upon
the Beech up to my Wast: the Crab-Fish spying the Light at
a considerable distance, would crawl away till they came
directly under it, and then they would lye still at my Feet.
In my other hand I had a Forked Stick with which I struck
the Fish and tossed it ashoar. In this manner I supplyed
my self with a Mess of Shell-Fish, which when roasted is very
good Eating.</p>

<p>Between two and three Months after I had lost my Companion,
as I was ranging a long shoar, I found a small Canoo.
The sight of this at first renewed my Sorrows for his Loss;
for I thought it had been his Canoo, and it’s coming ashore
thus, was a proof to me that he was lost in the Tempest: but
upon further Examination of it I found it was one I had never
seen before.</p>

<p>When I had got this little Vessel in possession, I began to
think my self Admiral of the Neighbouring Seas, as well as
Sole Possessor and Chief Commander upon the Islands; and
with the advantage hereof I could transport my self to my
small Islands of Retreat, much more conveniently than in my
former Method of Swimming. In process of time I tho’t of
making a Tour to some of the more distant and larger Islands,
to see after what manner they were inhabitated, and how they
were provided, and partly to give my self the Liberty of
Diversions. So I lay’d in a small parcel of Grapes and Figs,
and some Tortoise, &amp; took my Fire-Works with me, and put
off for the Island of Bonacco, an Island of about 4 or 5 Leagues
long, and some 5 or 6 Leagues to the Eastward of Roatan.</p>

<p>As I was upon my Voyage I discovered a Sloop at the
Eastern End of the Island; so I made the best of my way, and
put in at the Western End; designing to travel down to them
by Land, partly because there ran out a large point of Rocks
far into the Sea, and I did not care to venture my self so far
out in my little Canoo as I must do to head them: &amp; partly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">[257]</span>
because I was willing to make a better discovery of them,
before I was seen by them; for in the midst of my most deplorable
Circumstances, I could never entertain the thoughts
of returning on board any Pirate, if I should have the opportunity,
but had rather Live and Dye as I was. So I haled up
my Canoo, and fastened her as well as I could, and set out
upon my Travel.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i256" style="max-width: 179.625em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i256.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>MAP SHOWING ROATAN ISLAND IN THE BAY OF HONDURAS WHERE PHILIP
ASHTON ESCAPED FROM PIRATES<br>
<span class='c2'>From a map in the “American Atlas” by Thomas Jeffery, London, 1776, in the possession of John W. Farwell</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>I spent two Days, and the biggest part of two Nights in
Travelling of it; my Feet were yet so sore that I could go but
very slowly, and sometimes the Woods and Bushes were so
thick that I was forced to Crawl upon my Hands and Knees
for half a Mile together. In this Travel I met with an odd
Adventure that had like to have proved fatal to me, and my
preservation was an eminent Instance of the Divine Conduct
and Protection.</p>

<p>As I drew within a Mile or two of where I supposed the
Sloop might be, I made down to the Water side, and slowly
opened the Sea, that I might not discover my self too soon;
when I came down to the Water side I could see no sign of the
Sloop, upon which I concluded that it was gone clear, while
I spent so much time in Travelling. I was very much tired
with my long tedious March, and sat my self down leaning
against the Stock of a Tree facing to the Sea, and fell a Sleep.
But I had not slept long before I was awakened in a very
surprising manner, by the noise of Guns. I started up in a
fright, and saw Nine Periaguas, or large Canooes, full of Men
firing upon me. I soon turned about and ran as fast as my
sore Feet would let me into the Bushes; and the Men which
were Spaniards, cryed after me, O Englishman, we’ll give you
good Quarter. But such was the Surprise I had taken, by
being awakened out of Sleep in such a manner, that I had no
command of my self to hearken to their offers of Quarter,
which it may be at another time under cooler thoughts I
might have done. So I made into the Woods, and they continued
Firing after me, to the Number of 150 small Shot at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">[258]</span>
least, many of which cut off several small twigs of the Bushes
along side of me as I went off. When I had got out of the
reach of their Shot, into a very great Thicket, I lay close for
several Hours; and perceiving they were gone by the noise of
their Oars in Rowing off, I came out of my Thicket, and
Travelled a Mile or two along the Water side, below the place
where they Fired upon me, and then I saw the Sloop under
English Colours, Sailing out of the Harbour, with the Periaguas
in tow; and then I concluded that it was an English Sloop
that had been at the Bay, whom the Spaniards had met with
and taken.</p>

<p>The next Day I went up to the Tree, where I so narrowly
Escaped being taken Napping, and there to my surprise I
found 6 or 7 Shot had gone into the Body of the Tree, within
a Foot or less of my Head as I sat down; &amp; yet thro’ the
wonderful goodness of GOD to me, in the midst of all their
Fire, and tho’ I was as a Mark set up for them to shoot at,
none of their Shot touched me. So did GOD as yet signally
preserve me.</p>

<p>After this I Travelled away for my Canoo at the Western
End of the Island, and spent near three Days e’er I reached it.
In this Long March backward and forward, I suffered very
much from the Soreness of my Feet, &amp; the want of Provision;
for this Island is not so plentifully stored with Fruit as Roatan
is, so that I was very difficultly put to it for my Subsistence, for
the 5 or 6 Days that I spent here; and besides the Musketoes
and Black Flys were abundantly more numerous, and vexatious
to me than at my old Habitation. The Difficulties I met
with here made me lay aside all thoughts of tarrying any time
to search the Island. At length much tired and spent I
reached my Canoo, and found all safe there, to my great Joy;
and then I put off for Roatan, which was a Royal Palace to me
in comparison of Bonacco, where I arrived to my great Satisfaction
about Ten a Clock at Night, &amp; found all things as I
left them.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">[259]</span></p>

<p>Here I Lived (if it may be called Living) alone for about
Seven Months more, from the time of my loosing my North
British Companion; and spent my time after my usual manner
in Hunting for my Food, and Ranging the Islands; till at
length it pleased GOD, to send some Company to me with
whom I could Converse, and enjoy somewhat more of the
Comforts of Life.</p>

<p>Sometime in June, 1724, as I was upon my small Island,
where I often retired for Shelter from the pestering Insects,
I saw two large Canooes making into the Harbour; as they
drew near they saw the Smoak of the Fire which I had kindled,
and wondring what it should mean came to a stand. I had
fresh in my Memory what I met with at Banacco, and was
very loth to run the risque of such another firing, and therefore
steped to my Canoo upon the back side of my small Island,
not above 100 feet off from me, and immediately went over to
my great Mansion, where I had places of safety to Shelter
me from the Designs of an Enemy, and Rooms large and
spacious eno’ to give a kindly welcome to any ordinary number
of Friends. They saw me cross the Ferry of about Gun
shot over, from my little to my great Island, and being as much
afraid of Spaniards, as I was of Pirates, they drew very cautiously
towards the shoar. I came down upon the Beech
shewing my self openly to them, for their caution made me
think they were no Pirates, and I did not much care who else
they were; however, I thought I could call to them, and know
what they were, before I should be in much danger from their
shot; and if they proved such as I did not like, I could easily
retire from them. But before I called, they, who were as
full of fears as I could be, lay upon their Oars and hallooed
to me, enquiring who I was, and whence I came; I told them
I was an English Man, and had Run away from the Pirates.
Upon this they drew something nearer and enquired who was
there besides my self; I assured them I was alone. Then I
took my turn, and asked them who they were, and whence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">[260]</span>
they came. They told me they were Bay-men, come from
the Bay. This was comfortable News to me; so I bid them
pull ashoar, there was no danger, I would stop for them.
Accordingly they put ashoar, but at some distance from me,
and first sent one Man ashoar to me; whom I went to meet.
When the Man came up to me he started back, frighted to see
such a Poor, Ragged, Lean, Wan, Forlorn, Wild, Miserable
Object so near him: but upon recovering himself, he came and
took me by the hand, and we fell to embracing one another,
he with surprise and wonder, I with a sort of Extasy of Joy.
After this was over he took me in his Arms and carried me down
to their Canooes, where they were all struck with astonishment
at the sight of me, were glad to receive me, and expressed
a very great tenderness to me.</p>

<p>I gave them a short History how I had escaped from Low,
and had lived here alone for Sixteen Months, (saving three
days) what hardship I had met with, and what danger I had
run thro’. They stood amazed! They wondred I was alive!
and expressed a great satisfaction in it, that they were come
to relieve me. And observing I was weak, and my Spirits
low, they gave me about a Spoonful of Rhum to recruit my
fainting Spirits. This small quantity, thro’ my long disuse
of any Liquor higher Spirited than Water, and my present
weakness, threw my Animal Spirits into such a violent Agitation,
as to obstruct their Motion, and produced a kind of
Stupor, which left me for some time bereft of all Sense; some
of them perceiving me falling into such a strange Insensibility,
would have given me more of the same Spirit to have recovered
me; but those of them that had more wit, would not
allow of it. So I lay for some small time in a sort of a Fit, and
they were ready to think that they should lose me as soon as
they had found me. But I revived.</p>

<p>And when I was so thorowly come to my self as to converse
with them, I found they were Eighteen Men come from the
Bay of Honduras, the chief of which were, John Hope, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">[261]</span>
John Ford. The occasion of their coming from the Bay was,
a Story they had got among them, that the Spaniards had
projected to make a descent upon them by Water, while the
Indians were to assault them by Land, and cut off the Bay;
and they retired hither to avoid the Destruction that was
designed. This John Hope and Ford had formerly, upon a
like occasion, sheltered themselves among these Islands, and
lived for four Years together upon a small Island called Barbarat,
about two Leagues from Roatan, where they had two
Plantations, as they called them; and being now upon the
same design of retreating for a time for Safety, they brought
with them two Barrels of Flower, with other Provisions, their
Fire-Arms, Ammunition and Dogs for Hunting, and Nets for
tortoise, and an Indian Woman to dress their Provisions for
them. They chose for their chief Residence a small Key about
a quarter of a Mile Round, lying near to Barbarat, which they
called the Castle of Comfort, chiefly because it was low, and
clear of Woods and Bushes, where the Wind had an open
passage, and drove away the pestering Muskettoes and Gnats.
From hence they sent to the other Islands round about for
Wood and Water, and for Materials, with which they Built
two Houses, such as they were, for Shelter.</p>

<p>And now I seemed to be in a far more likely way to Live
pretty tollerably, than in the Sixteen Months past; for besides
the having Company, they treated me with a great deal of
Civility, in their way; they Cloathed me, and gave me a large
sort of Wrapping Gown to lodge in a Nights to defend me from
the great Dews, till their Houses were Covered; and we had
plenty of Provision. But after all they were Bad Company,
and there was but little difference between them and the
Pirates, as to their Common Conversation; only I thought
they were not now engaged in any such bad design as rendered
it unlawful to Joyn with them, nor dangerous to be found in
their Company.</p>

<p>In process of time, by the Blessing of GOD, &amp; the Assistance<span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">[262]</span>
I received from them, I gathered so much Strength that I
was able sometimes to go out a Hunting with them. The
Islands hereabouts, I observed before, abound with Wild
Hogs and Deer, and Tortoise. Their manner was to go out a
number of them in a Canoo, sometimes to one Island, sometimes
to another, and kill what Game they could meet with,
and Firk their Pork, by beginning at one end of a Hog and
cutting along to the other end, and so back again till they
had gone all over him, and flee the flesh in long strings off from
the Bones; the Venison they took whole or in quarters, and
the Tortoise in like manner; and return home with a load of it;
what they did not spend presently, they hung up in their
House a smoak drying; and this was a ready supply to them
at all times.</p>

<p>I was now ready to think my self out of the reach of any
danger from an Enemy, for what should bring any here? and
I was compassed continually with a Number of Men with
their Arms ready at hand; and yet when I thought my self
most secure, I very narrowly escaped falling again into the
hands of the Pirates.</p>

<p>It happened about 6 or 7 Months after these Bay-men came
to me. That three Men and I took a Canoo with four Oars,
to go over to Banacco, a Hunting and to kill Tortoise. While
we were gone the rest of the Bay-men haled up their Canooes,
and Dryed and Tarred them, in order to go to the Bay and see
how matters stood there, and to fetch off their Effects which
they had left behind them, in case they should find there was
no safety for them in tarrying. But before they were gone,
we, who had met with good Success in our Voyage, were
upon our return to them with a full load of Tortoise and Firkt
Pork. As we were upon entering into the Mouth of the
Harbour, in a Moon-light Evening, we saw a great Flash
of Light, and heard the report of a Gun, which we thought
was much louder than a Musket, out of a large Periagua,
which we saw near our Castle of Comfort. This put us into<span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">[263]</span>
a great Consternation, and we knew not what to make of it.
Within a Minute or two we heard a Volley of 18 or 20 small
Arms discharged upon the shoar, and heard some Guns also
fired off from the shoar. Upon which we were satisfied that
some Enemy, Pirates or Spaniards were attacking our People,
and being cut off from our Companions, by the Periaguas
which lay between us and them, we thought it our wisest way
to save our selves as well as we could. So we took down our
little Mast and Sail, that it might not betray us, and rowed out
of the Harbour as fast as we could; thinking to make our
Escape from them undiscovered, to an Island about a Mile
and half off. But they either saw us before we had taken our
Sail down, or heard the noise of our Oars as we made out of
the Harbour, and came after us with all speed, in a Periagua
of 8 or 10 Oars. We saw them coming, &amp; that they gained
ground upon us apace, &amp; therefore pull’d up for Life, resolving
to reach the nearest shoar if possible. The Periagua overhaled
us so fast that they discharged a Swivel Gun at us,
which over-shot us; but we made a shift to gain the shoar
before they were come fairly within the reach of their small
Arms; which yet they fired upon us, as we were getting ashoar.
Then they called to us, and told us they were Pirates, and not
Spaniards, and we need not fear, they would give us good
Quarter; supposing this would easily move us to surrender
our selves to them. But they could not have mentioned any
thing worse to discourage me from having any thing to do
with them, for I had the utmost dread of a Pirate; and my
first aversion to them was now strengthened with the just
fears, that if I should fall into their hands again, they would
soon make a Sacrifice of me, for my Deserting them. I
therefore concluded to keep as clear of them as I could; and
the Bay-men with me had no great inclination to be medling
with them, and so we made the best of our way into the
Woods. They took away our Canoo from us, and all that
was in it; resolving if we would not come to them, they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">[264]</span>
would strip us, as far as they were able, of all means of Subsistance
where we were. I who had known what it was to be
destitute of all things, and alone, was not much concerned
about that, now that I had Company, and they their Arms
with them, so that we could have a supply of Provision by
Hunting, and Fire to dress it with.</p>

<p>This Company it seems were some of Spriggs Men, who
was Commander of the Schooner when I Ran away from
them. This same Spriggs, I know not upon what occasion,
had cast off the Service of Low, and set up for himself as the
Head of a Party of Rovers, and had now a good Ship of 24
Guns, and a Barmuda Sloop of 12 Guns, under his Command,
which were now lying in Roatan Harbour, where he put in
to Water and Clean, at the place where I first made my Escape.
He had discovered our People upon the small Island, where
they Resided, and sent a Perigua full of Men to take them.
Accordingly they took all the Men ashoar, and with them an
Indian Woman and Child; those of them that were ashoar
abused the Woman shamefully. They killed one Man after
they were come ashoar, and threw him into one of the Baymens
Canooes where their Tar was, and set Fire to it, and
burnt him in it. Then they carried our People on Board their
Vessels, where they were barbarously treated.</p>

<p>One of the Baymen Thomas Grande, turned Pirate, and he
being acquainted that Old Father Hope (as we called him)
had hid many things in the Woods, told the Pirates of it, who
beat poor Hope unmercifully, and made him go and shew them
where he had hid his Treasure, which they took away from
him.</p>

<p>After they had kept the Bay-men on board their Vessels
for five Days, then they gave them a Flat, of about 5 or 6
Tons to carry them to the Bay in, but they gave them no
Provision for their Voyage; and before they sent them away,
they made them Swear to them, not to come near us, who had
made our Escape upon another Island. All the while the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">[265]</span>
Vessels rode in the Harbour, we kept a good look out, but were
put to some difficulties, because we did not dare to make a
Fire to dress our Victuals by, least it should discover whereabouts
we were, so that we were forced to live upon Raw Provision
for five Days. But as soon as they were gone, Father
Hope with his Company of Bay-men, (little regarding an Oath
that was forced from them; and thinking it a wicked Oath,
better broken, than to leave four of us in such a helpless
Condition) came to us, and acquainted us who they were, and
what they had done.</p>

<p>Thus the watchful Providence of GOD, which had so often
heretofore appeared on my behalf, again took special care of
me, and sent me out of the way of danger. ’Tis very apparent
that if I had been with my Companions, at the usual Residence,
I had been taken with them; and if I had, it is beyond
question (humanely speaking) that I should not have escaped
with Life, if I should the most painful and cruel Death, that
the Madness and Rage of Spriggs could have invented for me;
who would now have called to mind the design I was engaged
in while we were parted from Low, as well as my final Deserting
of them. But Blessed be GOD, who had designs of favour
for me, and so ordered that I must at this time be absent from
my Company.</p>

<p>Now Old Father Hope and his Company were all designed
for the Bay; only one John Symonds, who had a Negro belonging
to him, purposed to tarry here for some time, and carry on
some sort of Trade with the Jamaica Men upon the Main.
I longed to get home to New England, and thought if I went
to the Bay with them, it was very probable that I should in a
little while meet with some New England Vessel, that would
carry me to my Native Country, from which I had been so
long a poor Exile. I asked Father Hope, if he would take me
with him, and carry me to the Bay. The Old Man, tho’ he
seemed glad of my Company, yet told me the many Difficulties
that lay in the way; as that their Flat was but a poor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">[266]</span>
thing to carry so many Men in for near 70 Leagues, which they
must go before they would be out of the reach of Danger;
that they had no Provision with them, and it was uncertain
how the Weather would prove, they might be a great while
upon their Passage thither, &amp; their Flat could very poorly
endure a great Sea; that when they should come to the Bay,
they knew not how they should meet with things there, and
they were Daily in Danger of being cut off; and it may be I
should be longer there, in case all was well, than I cared for,
e’er I should meet with a Passage for New-England; for the
New-England Vessels often Sailed from the Bay to other
Ports: so that all things considered, he thought I had better
stay where I was, seeing I was like to have Company; whereas
rather than I should be left alone he would take me in.</p>

<p>On the other hand, Symonds, who as I said designed to
spend some time here, greatly urged me to stay and bear him
Company. He told me that as soon as the Season would
permit, he purposed to go over to the Main to the Jamaica
Traders, where I might get a Passage to Jamaica, and from
thence to New-England, probably quicker, and undoubtedly
much safer than I could from the Bay; and that in the mean
while I should fare as he did.</p>

<p>I did not trouble my self much about fareing, for I knew I
could not fare harder than I had done; but I thought, upon
the Consideration of the whole, that there seemed to be a
fairer Prospect of my getting home by the way of Jamaica,
than the Bay; and therefore I said no more to Father Hope
about going with him, but concluded to stay. So I thanked
Father Hope and Company for all their Civilities to me, wished
them a good Voyage, and took leave of them.</p>

<p>And now there was John Symonds, and I, and his Negro
left behind; and a good Providence of GOD was it for me
that I took their Advice and stayed; for tho’ I got not home
by the way of Jamaica as was proposed, yet I did another and
quicker way, in which there was more evident Interpositions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">[267]</span>
of the Conduct of Divine Providence, as you will hear presently.</p>

<p>Symonds was provided with a Canoo, Fire-Arms, and two
Dogs, as well as a Negro; with these he doubted not but we
should be furnished of all that was necessary for our Subsistence;
with this Company I spent between two and three
Months after the usual manner in Hunting and Ranging the
Islands. And yet the Winter Rains would not suffer us to
hunt much more than needs must.</p>

<p>When the Season was near approaching for the Jamaica
Traders to be over at the Main, Symonds proposed the going
to some of the other Islands that abounded more with Tortoise,
that he might get the Shells of them, and carry to the Traders,
and in Exchange furnish himself with Ozenbrigs and Shoes
and such other necessaries as he wanted. We did so, and
having got good store of Tortoise Shell, he then proposed to go
first for Bonacco, which lies nearer to the Main than Roatan,
that from thence we might take a favourable Snatch to run
over.</p>

<p>Accordingly we went to Bonacco, and by that time we
had been there about Five Days there came up a very hard
North wind which blew exceeding Fierce, and lasted for about
three Days; when the heaft of the Storm was over, we saw
several Vessels standing in for the Harbour; their number and
largeness made me hope they might be Friends, and now an
opportunity was coming in which Deliverance might be
perfected to me.</p>

<p>The Larger Vessels came to Anchor at a great Distance off;
but a Brigantine came over the Shoals, nearer in against the
Watering place (for Bonacco as well as Roatan abounds with
Water) which sent in her Boat with Cask for Water: I plainly
saw they were Englishmen, and by their Garb &amp; Air, and
number, being but three Men in the Boat, concluded they were
Friends, and shewed my self openly upon the Beech before
them: as soon as they saw me they stop’d rowing, and called<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">[268]</span>
out to me to know who I was. I told them, and enquired who
they were. They let me know they were honest Men, about
their Lawful Business. I then called to them to come ashoar,
for there was no Body here that would hurt them. They
came ashoar, and a happy meeting it was for me. Upon
enquiry I found that the Vessels were the Diamond Man-of-War,
and a Fleet under his Convoy, bound to Jamaica, (many
whereof she had parted with in the late Storm) which by the
violence of the North had been forced so far Southward, and
the Man-of-War wanting Water, by reason of the Sickness of
her Men which occasioned a great Consumption of it, had
touched here, and sent in the Brigantine to fetch off Water for
her. Mr. Symonds, who at first kept at the other end of the
Beech, about half a Mile off, (lest the three Men in the Boat
should refuse to come ashoar, seeing two of us together), at
length came up to us and became a sharer in my Joy, and yet
not without some very considerable reluctance at the Thoughts
of Parting. The Brigantine proved to be of Salem (within
two or three Miles of my Fathers House) Capt. Dove, Commander,
a Gentleman whom I knew. So now I had the
prospect of a Direct Passage Home. I sent off to Capt. Dove,
to know if he would give me a Passage home with him, and he
was very ready to comply with my desire; and upon my going
on Board him, besides the great Civilities he treated me with,
he took me into pay; for he had lost a hand, and needed me to
supply his place. The next Day the Man-of-War sent her
Long Boat in, full of Cask, which they filled with Water, and
put on Board the Brigantine, who carried them off to her.
I had one Difficulty more to encounter with, which was to take
leave of Mr. Symonds, Who Wept heartily at parting; but this
I was forced to go thro’ for the Joy of getting Home.</p>

<p>So the latter end of March 1725, we came to Sail, and kept
Company with the Man-of-War, who was bound to Jamaica:
the first of April we parted, and thro’ the good hand of GOD
upon us came safe thro’ the Gulf of Florida, to Salem-Harbour,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">[269]</span>
where we arrived upon Saturday-Evening, the first of May:
Two Years, Ten Months and Fifteen Days, after I was first
taken by the Pirate Low; and Two Years, and near two
Months after I had made my Escape from him upon Roatan
Island. I went the same Evening to my Father’s House,
where I was received, as one coming to them from the Dead,
with all Imaginable Surprise of Joy.</p>

<p>Thus I have given you a Short Account, how GOD has
Conducted me thro’ a great variety of Hardships and Dangers,
and in all appeared Wonderfully Gracious to me. And I
cannot but take notice of the strange concurrence of Divine
Providence all along, in saving me from the Rage of the
Pirates, and the Malice of the Spaniards, from the Beasts of
the Field, and the Monsters of the Sea; in keeping me alive
amidst so many Deaths, in such a lonely and helpless Condition;
and in bringing about my Deliverance; the last Articles
whereof are as peculiarly Remarkable as any;—I must be
just then gone over to Bonacco; a Storm must drive a Fleet of
Ships so far Southward; and their want of Water must oblige
them to put in at the Island where I was:—and a Vessel
bound to my own Home must come and take me in.—<i>Not
unto Men and means, but unto thy Name, O Lord, be all the
Glory!</i> Amen.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Nicholas Merritt was Ashton’s kinsman. He was the son of Nicholas
and Elizabeth Merritt and born in Marblehead where he was baptized Mar.
29, 1702 in the First Church. He served unwillingly on Low’s vessel and
finally escaped at Saint Michael’s, in September, 1722, where he was
imprisoned by the Portuguese authorities and not released until the following
June. Making his way to Lisbon he at last reached home safely on
September 28, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Joseph Libbie also served, unwillingly, at first. He was with Low in
the “Rose Frigate,” when she was lost in careening in the spring of 1723,
and pulled Philip Ashton out of the water. He then served with Low’s
consort, Capt. Charles Harris, in the sloop “Ranger,” and on June 10,
1723, with Harris and forty-two others, was taken by H. M. ship “Greyhound,”
Capt. Peter Solgard, commander, between Block Island and Long
Island, and brought into Newport, R. I. The pirates were duly tried and
on Friday, July 19th, 1723, Captain Harris, Joseph Libbie and twenty-four
others were hanged within the seamark inside of two hours.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Lawrence Fabens served, unwillingly, on the schooner “Fancy,”
under Low, but succeeded in escaping at St. Nicholas in the fall of 1722,
shortly after Merritt escaped as is told elsewhere. He was probably the
son of James and Johannah Fabians, born in Marblehead about 1702,
where nine of his brothers and sisters were duly baptized in the First Church
between 1688 and 1709.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">[270]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV<br>
<span class="ch-title">Nicholas Merritt’s<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> Account of His Escape
from Pirates</span></h2>
</div>

<p>I was taken by the Pirate Low, at Port-Rossaway, at
the same time my Kinsman Philip Ashton was; and while
I continued under Low’s Custody was used much as he
was; and all my entreaties of him to free me were but in vain;
as you have seen something of in the foregoing History: So
that I shall not enlarge in telling how it fared with me under the
Pirates hands, but only give some short Account of the
manner of my Escape from them, and what I met with afterwards
till I Arrived at Marblehead, where I belong.</p>

<p>Low had with him the Rose Pink, the Scooner, and a Sloop
taken from one Pier of Bristol, and was standing away for
Bonavista. I who was on board the Scooner had been greatly
abused by an old Pirate, whom they called Jacob, but what his
Sirname was I know not: I desired some that were upon occasion
going on board Low, to acquaint him how much I was
beat and abused by old Jacob; they did so; and Low ordered
me to be put on board the Sloop. Thus the Foundation of my
Escape was lay’d, and my Sufferings proved the means of my
Deliverance.</p>

<p>On board the Sloop there were Nine hands, (one of them a
Portugue) whom Low had no Suspicion of, but thought he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">[271]</span>
could trust them as much as any Men he had; and when I
came on board I made the Tenth Man. We perceived that
the Sloop greatly wronged both the Pink and Scooner, and
there were Six of us (as we found by sounding one another at
a distance) that wanted to get away. When we understood
one anothers minds pretty fully, we resolved upon an Escape.
Accordingly the Fifth of September, 1722, a little after break
of Day, all hands being upon Deck, three of us Six went
forward, and three aft, and one John Rhodes, who was a Stout
hand, step’d into the Cabbin and took a couple of Pistols in
his hands, and stood in the Cabbin Door, and said, If there
were any that would go along with him, they should be welcome,
for he designed to carry the Sloop home, and Surrender
himself; but if any Man attempted to make resistance, he
Swore he would shoot down the first Man that stirred. There
being five of us that wanted to gain our Liberty, he was sure
of us; and as for the other four they saw plainly it was in vain
for them to attempt to oppose us. So we haled close upon a
Wind, and stood away.</p>

<p>When we parted with Low, we had but a very little Water
aboard, and but two or three pieces of Meat among us all;
but we had Bread eno’. We designed for England; but our
want of Water was so great, being put to half a Point a Man, and
that very muddy and foul, from the time we parted with Low,
and meeting with no Vessel of whom we could beg a Supply,
that it made us come to a Resolution to put in at the first
Port: so we Steered for St. Michaels, where we Arrived
September 26.</p>

<p>So soon as we got in, we sent a Man or two ashoar, to inform
who we were, and to get us some Provisions &amp; Water. The
Consul who was a French Protestant, with a Magistrate, and
some other Officers came on board us, to whom we gave an
Account of our selves, and our Circumstances. The Consul
told us, there should not a Hair of our Heads be hurt. Upon
which we were all carried ashoar, and examined before the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">[272]</span>
Governor; but we understood nothing of their Language, and
could make him no Answer, till one Mr. Gould a Linguistor
was brought to us; and upon understanding our Case, the
Governour cleared us. But the Crusidore, a sort of Superintendent
over the Islands, whose power was Superiour to the
Governours, refused to clear us, and put us in Jayl, where we
lay 24 Hours.</p>

<p>The next Day we were brought under Examination again,
and then we had for our Linguistor one Mr. John Curre, who
had formerly been in New-England. We gave them as full
and distinct Account as we could, where, and when, we were
severally taken and how we had made our Escape from the
Pirates. They brought several Witnesses Portuguese against
us, as that we had taken them, and had Personally been
Active in the Caption and Abuse of them, which yet they
agreed not in; only they generally agreed that they heard
some of us Curse the Virgin Mary, upon which the Crusidore
would have condemned us all for Pirates. But the Governour,
who thought we had acted the honest part, interposed on our
behalf, and said, that it was very plain, that if these Men had
been Pirates, they had no need to have left Low, and under
such Circumstances, and come in here, and resign themselves,
as they did; they could have stayed with their Old Companions,
and have been easily eno’ supplied with what they
wanted; whereas their taking the first opportunity to get away
from their Commander, and so poorly accommodated, was a
proof to him, that we had no Piratical designs; and if he (the
Crusidore) treated us at this rate, it was the way to make us,
and all that had the unhappiness to fall into Pirates hands,
turn Pirates with them. Yet all he could say would not
wholly save us from the Angry Resentments of the Crusidore,
who we thought was inflamed by the Portague that was
among us. So he committed us all to Prison again: me with
three others to the Castle, the rest to another Prison at some
considerable distance off: and so much pains was taken to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">[273]</span>
Swear us out of our Lives, that I altogether despaired of Escaping
the Death of a Pirate; till a Gentleman, Capt. Littleton
(if I mistake not) told me it was not in their power to hang us,
and this comforted me a little.</p>

<p>In this Prison we lay for about four Months, where, at first
we had tolerable allowance, of such as it was, for our Subsistance;
but after three Months time they gave us only one
Meal a Day, of Cabbage, Bread, and Water boiled together,
which they call Soop. This very scanty allowance put us out
of Temper, and made us resolve rather than Starve, to break
Prison, and make head against the Portuguese, and get some
Victuals; for Hunger will break thro’ Stone Walls. The
Governour understanding how we fared, told the Crusidore
that we should stay in his Prison no longer, as the Castle
peculiarly was; and greatly asserted our Cause, and urged we
might be set at Liberty; but the Crusidore would not hearken
as yet to the clearing us, tho’ he was forced to remove us from
the Castle, to the Prison in which our Comrades were, where
after they had allowed us about an hour’s converse together,
they put us down into close Confinement; tho’ our allowance
was a small matter better than it had been.</p>

<p>Under all this Difficulty of Imprisonment, short allowance,
and hard fare, false Witnesses, and fear lest I should still have
my Life taken from me, (when I had flattered my self, that if
I could but once set Foot upon a Christian shoar, I should
be out of the reach of Danger) I had a great many uneasy
Reflections. I thought no bodies case was so hard as mine:
first to be taken by the Pirates, and threatened with Death
for not Joyning with them; to be forced away, and suffer
many a drubbing Bout among them for not doing as they
would have me; to be in fears of Death for being among them,
if we should be taken by any Superiour force; and now that I
had designedly, and with Joy, made my Escape from them,
to be Imprisoned and threatened with the Halter. Thought
I, When can a Man be safe? He must look for Death to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">[274]</span>
found among Pirates; and Death seems as threatening, if he
Escapes from them; where is the Justice of this! It seemed
an exceeding hardship to me. Yet it made me Reflect, with
Humility I hope, on the Justice of GOD in so Punishing of me
for my Transgressions; for tho’ the tender Mercies of Man
seemed to be Cruelty, yet I could not but see the Mercy and
Goodness of GOD to me, not only in Punishing me less than I
deserved, but in preserving me under many and sore Temptations,
and at length delivering me out of the Pirates hands:
and I had some hope that GOD would yet appear for me, and
bring me out of my distress, and set my Feet in a large place.</p>

<p>I thought my Case was exceedingly like that of the Psalmist;
and the Meditation on some Verses in the XXXV. Psalm
was a peculiar support to me: I thought I might say with him,
False Witnesses did rise up, they laid to my charge things that
I knew not; they rewarded me evil for good. But as for me,
when they were taken (tho’ I don’t remember I had ever seen
the Faces of any of them then) I humbled my self, and my
Prayer returned into my own bosom; I behaved my self as
tho’ they had been my friends, I bowed down heavily, as one
that mourneth for his mother; but in my adversity they
rejoyced, and gathered themselves together against me; yea,
they opened their mouth wide against me,—they gnashed
upon me with their teeth, and said Aba, Aba, our eye hath
seen it,—so would we have it. But Lord how long wilt thou
look on? preserve my Soul from their Destruction, let not
them that are mine Enemies wrongfully rejoyce over me,—stir
up thy Self and awake to my Judgment even unto my
cause, my God and my Lord, and let them not rejoyce over
me—and I will give thee thanks in the great Congregation;
my tongue shall speak of thy Righteousness, and thy Praise all
the day long.</p>

<p>In the midst of all my other Calamities, after I had been in
this Prison about two Months, I was taken down with the
Small-Pox, and this to be sure was a very great addition to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">[275]</span>
my Misery. I knew well how we dreaded this Distemper in
my own Country: and thought I, how can I possibly escape
with Life? To be seised with it in a Prison, where I had no
Help, no Physician, nor any Provision suitable therefor; only
upon my first being taken I sent word of it to the Consul, who
was so kind as to send some Bundles of Straw for me to lye
upon, instead of the hard Stones which as yet had been my
Lodging; and the Portuguese gave me some Brandy, and Wine
&amp; Water to drive out the Pock. I was exceedingly dejected,
and had nothing to do but to commit my self to the Mercy of
GOD, and prepare my self for Death, which seemed to have
laid hold upon me; for which way soever I looked, I could
see nothing but Death in such a Distemper, under such Circumstances;
and I could see the Portuguese how they stared
upon me, looked sad, and shook their heads; which told me
their apprehensions, that I was a Dead Man. Yet I had this
comfort, that it was better to Die thus by the hand of GOD,
than to Die a vile Death by the hand of Man, as if I had been
one of the worst of Malefactors.</p>

<p>But after all it pleased GOD in His Wonderful Goodness
so to order it, that the Pock came out well, and filled kindly
and then I had the comfort of seeing the Portuguese look more
pleasant, and hearing them say, in their Language, that it was
a good sort. In about five or six Days the Pock began to turn
upon me, and then it made me very Sick, and at times I was
something out of my Head; and having no Tender or Watcher,
I got up in the Night to the Pail of Water to drink, which
at another time, and in another place, would have been
thought fatal to me; but GOD in infinite Mercy prevented
my receiving any hurt thereby, and raised me up from this
Sickness.</p>

<p>After I recovered of this Illness, I was but in a weak Condition
for a long time, having no other Nourishment and Comfort,
than what a Jayl afforded, where I still lay for near three
Months longer. At length, sometime in June, 1723, I was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">[276]</span>
taken out of jayl, and had the Liberty of the Consul’s House
given me, who treated me kindly and did not suffer me to
want any thing that was necessary for my Support.</p>

<p>While I was at Liberty, I understood there was one John
Welch, an Irishman, bound to Lisbon, whom I desired to
carry me thither. And in the latter end of June I set Sail in
him for Lisbon, where we Arrived about the middle of July,
after we had been 21 Days upon the Passage. When I had got
to Lisbon, being almost Naked, I apply’d my self to the
Envoy, told him my Condition and desired him to bestow some
old Cloaths upon me. But he, (good Man!) said to me, that
as I had Run away from the Pirates, I might go to Work for
my Support, and provide my self with Cloaths as well as I
could. And I found I must do so, for none would he give me.
I had nothing against Working, but I should have been glad to
have been put into a Working Garb; for I was sensible it
would be a considerable while before I could purchase me any
Cloaths, because Welch play’d me such an Irish trick, that he
would not release me, unless I promised to give him the first
Moidore I got by my Labour; tho’ I had wrought for him all
the Passage over, and he knew my poor Circumstances;
however when I came to Sail for New-England, Welch was
better than his Word, and forgave me the Moidore, after
I had been at the Labour of unloading his Vessel.</p>

<p>I spent some time in Lisbon; at length I heard there was one
Capt. Skillegorne bound to New-England, in whom I took my
Passage home; who Clothed me for my Labour in my Passage.
We touched in at Madara, and Arrived at Boston upon Wednesday,
September 25, 1723. And I at my Father’s House in
Marblehead the Saturday after.</p>

<p>So had GOD been with me in six troubles, and in seven.
He has suffered no evil to come nigh me. He has drawn me
out of the Pit, Redeemed my Life from Destruction, and
Crowned me with Loving Kindness and Tender Mercies; unto
Him be the Glory for ever. Amen.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Nicholas Merritt, tertius, the son of Nicholas and Elizabeth Merritt,
was born in Marblehead and baptized Mar. 29, 1702, in the First Church.
He married Jane or Jean Gifford in December, 1724, which may account
for the name of the shallop “Jane,” which he commanded when taken,
although he had a sister Jane, and also a sister Rebecca who married
Robert Gifford, who was taken but released at Port Roseway.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">[277]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV<br>
<span class="ch-title">Francis Farrington Spriggs, Companion of
Capt. Ned Low</span></h2>
</div>

<p>Francis Farrington Spriggs is supposed to have
sailed from London with Lowther, in March, 1721, in
the ship “Gambia Castle,” and to have willingly followed
him in his piratical venture. When Lowther joined
forces with Ned Low in January, 1722, Spriggs was with him
and when Lowther parted company with Low the following
May, Spriggs seems to have thought Low a man after his
own heart for he left his old commander and followed Low in
the recently captured brigantine “Rebecca,” where he was
made quartermaster. With Low he sailed along the New
England coast and north to Nova Scotia and Newfoundland;
then across the Atlantic to the Western Islands and back to
the West Indies where, late in the year 1722, a Rhode Island-built
sloop was captured which Low took over for his own
command and Spriggs was given command of the Marblehead
schooner “Fancy,” that had been taken at Port Roseway,
Nova Scotia, in June. When Low and Spriggs had their
narrow escape from capture by the man-of-war “Mermaid,”
in February, 1723, Spriggs determined never to be taken and
swore with a boon companion and pledged the oath in a bumper
of rum, that when he saw there was no possibility of escaping
they would set foot to foot and shoot one another and so cheat
the halter.<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>

<p>Before long there was a falling out between Low and
Spriggs or, possibly, Spriggs may have been taken sick or
been wounded; at any rate, Charles Harris was in command
of a sloop called the “Ranger,” when the pirate vessel appeared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">[278]</span>
off the coast of South Carolina on May 27, 1723, and
fortunate it was for Spriggs, for later on this disastrous foray
Low deserted his consort under fire near the Rhode Island
coast and the “Ranger” was captured and Harris and many
of his crew were tried and hanged at Newport. Spriggs served
with Low on this voyage, in his old station as quartermaster,
until the ship “Delight” was taken, off the Guinea coast, in
the late fall. She was well suited to their needs so four more
guns were mounted on her and Spriggs was given command
with a crew of about sixty men. Within two days Spriggs
deserted Low—slipped away in the night—and for this
reason. One of the crew had murdered a man in cold blood
and Spriggs was for executing him as a punishment. Low, on
the other hand, would not agree and so there was a heated
quarrel that embittered Spriggs and led to his desertion.</p>

<p>The next day Spriggs was elected captain of the company
by popular vote, and a black flag was made with the same
device as the ensign carried by Low, namely, a white skeleton
holding in one hand an arrow piercing a bleeding heart and
in the other hand an hour-glass. This flag they called the
“Jolly Roger,” and when it was finished and hoisted to the
masthead they fired all their guns in salute and sailed away to
the West Indies in search of prey. Before long they overhauled
a Portuguese bark that supplied some valuable plunder,
but not content with that alone, Spriggs determined to torture
the men by “sweating” them, a game that greatly diverted
his piratical crew. Lighted candles were placed in a circle
around the mizzenmast, between decks, and one by one the
poor Portuguese were ordered to go inside the circle and run
round and round the mast, while in a circle outside the candles
stood the crew (as many as could crowd into line), armed with
penknives, tucks,<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> forks, compasses, etc., and with roaring
songs and boisterous laughter they pricked the terrified
Portuguese as long as he was able to foot it. This usually<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">[279]</span>
lasted for ten minutes or more for the pirates took good care
not to strike too deep and so kill their victims.<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> When the
“sweating” was over the Portuguese were set adrift in a boat
with a small quantity of provisions and their vessel was fired.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i278" style="max-width: 107.125em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i278.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>“SWEATING” ON CAPT. SPRIGG’S PIRATE VESSEL<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in “History and Lives of the Most Notorious Pirates,” by an
old Seaman, London, n.d., in possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Near the island of St. Lucia, Spriggs took a sloop owned
in the Barbadoes, which was plundered and burned. Some
of the crew were forced and others who absolutely refused to
go with him were cut and badly beaten and set adrift in a boat.
Captain De Haws was taken in sight of Barbadoes and two
of his men were forced—James Rush and Joseph Cooper,
both born in London, England. Some of Spriggs’ crew told
Captain De Haws that they had come away from Captain
Low “on account of the Barbarity he used those he took.”<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a>
A Martinico vessel was the next capture. The men were
abused in the usual manner, but their vessel was not burned.</p>

<p>On March 22, 1724, a ship called the “Jolly Batchelor,”
from Jamaica, commanded by Captain Hawkins, was taken
near the island of Bonaco, as she was coming out of the Bay
of Honduras. Her principal cargo was logwood, but her
stores and ammunition were looted and what the pirates
didn’t take they threw overboard or destroyed. In sheer
mischief her cables were cut, the cabins knocked down and
the cabin windows smashed. The first and second mates,
Burrage and Stephens, and some of the men, were forced and
on the 29th the ship was allowed to go. Two days before,
however, a Newport, R. I. sloop, the “Endeavor,” commanded
by Capt. Samuel Pike, Jr., came up and was ordered to lay by.
The crew were forced and the mate Dixey Gross, “being a
grave, sober man, and not inclinable to go, they told him he
should have his Discharge, and that it should be immediately
writ on his Back; whereupon he was sentenced to receive ten
lashes from every Man in the Ship, which was vigorously put<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">[280]</span>
in Execution.”<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> Among those forced from the sloop were
William Wood and Thomas Morris, a boy about twelve years
old. Burrage, the first mate of Captain Hawkins’ ship, and
a good navigator, is said to have signed their Articles.</p>

<p>On April 2d, a sail was sighted and Spriggs gave chase.
After several hours they came close to her and fired a couple
of broadsides when a cry for quarter came from the ship and
soon she was found to be commanded by Captain Hawkins
who had been looted and sent away only three days before.
This was such a disappointment that when the captain came
on board they laid for him with their cutlasses and soon he
was flat on the deck. Before he received a fatal blow, Burrage
pushed in among them and begged for the captain’s life and
he having just shown himself the right sort by signing their
Articles his request was heeded and Captain Hawkins was
pulled to his feet. A bonfire was made of his ship, however,
and a little later, desiring more diversion, the unfortunate
Hawkins was sent down to the cabin for supper. This turned
out to be a dish of candles which he was forced to swallow
and then, in order to aid digestion, the poor man was thrown
about the cabin until he was covered with bruises and afterward
sent forward amongst the other prisoners.</p>

<p>Two days later Spriggs reached the small island of Roatan
in the Bay of Honduras. It was uninhabited and here he put
ashore Captain Hawkins, his boatswain, and an old man who
had been a passenger on his ship and who afterwards died on
the island of the hardships he had undergone. With them
went Capt. Samuel Pike of the Rhode Island sloop and his
mate Dixey Gross, Simon Fulmore, a sailor, and James Nelley,
one of the pirate crew with whom Spriggs was at odds.<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a>
The marooned men were given an old musket and a small
supply of powder and ball with which to make shift as best
they could and Spriggs and his crew then sailed away. Captain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">[281]</span>
Hawkins and his companions supplied themselves with
fish and fowl and lived in comparative comfort for the next
ten days, when two men in a dugout canoe came in sight and
after a time answered their signals. These men conveyed
them to another island which had better water and plenty of
fish and twelve days later the sloop “Merriam,” Captain
Jones, came in sight and answered their smoke signals. He
stood in and took them off and by this timely rescue they all
finally reached Jamaica safely. It is a curious coincidence
that Captain Hawkins should have been marooned on the
island of Roatan only four days after Philip Ashton, the
Marblehead fisherman who had lived a solitary life on the
same island for nine months, sailed from the nearby island of
Bonaco, homeward bound, as is told in another chapter.</p>

<p>From Roatan, Spriggs sailed westward to another small
island where he cleaned his ship and then steered a course for
the island of St. Christopher, proposing to lay in wait for
Captain Moore who had surprised Captain Lowther while
his vessel was on careen at the island of Blanco. Spriggs had
resolved to catch Captain Moore, if possible, and put him to
death for being the cause of the death of Lowther, his brother
pirate. Instead of Captain Moore, however, a French man-of-war
was found by Spriggs to be on the coast and not fancying
such company Spriggs crowded on all sail with the Frenchman
after him. During the chase the man-of-war unfortunately
lost her main-topmast and so Spriggs escaped the
intended interview. Standing now to the northward, towards
Bermuda, Spriggs overhauled on April 30th, a schooner
owned in New York and commanded by Capt. William
Richardson, who reported after reaching Boston, that Spriggs
had told him that he intended to ravage the northern coasts
and sink or burn all the vessels he took northward of Philadelphia.<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a>
Captain Durell, in His Majesty’s ship “Sea
Horse,” was ordered to make sail at once in quest of Spriggs.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">[282]</span></p>

<p>On May 2, 1724, the Boston owned brigantine “Daniel,”
John Hopkins in Command, was homeward bound in latitude
33° and near Bermuda, when a strange sail fired a gun and soon
hoisted a black flag. The pirate ship was crowded with men
and resistance was out of reason so Captain Hopkins ordered
his boat lowered and went aboard the ship. After rifling the
brigantine it was burned. Joseph Cole of Beverly, Mass.,
and Benjamin Wheeler of Boston, seamen on board the
“Daniel,” were forced “notwithstanding their importunate
Prayers &amp; Tears to him to dismiss them.”<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> Spriggs swore to
the master that “he designed to encrease his Company on the
Banks of Newfoundland, and then would sail for the coast of
New England in quest of Captain Solgard, who attack’d and
took their Consort Charles Harris; Spriggs being then in
Low’s sloop, very fairly run for it.”<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> Two days later Captain
Hopkins and his men, including John Bovewe and Elias Tozer,
were put aboard a Philadelphia sloop bound for Jamaica
which in time they reached safely and in April of the following
year they were in Boston again.</p>

<p>Instead of going to Newfoundland, as he had threatened,
Spriggs stood to the windward of St. Christopher’s and on
June 4, 1724, took a sloop, Nicholas Trot, master, belonging
to St. Eustatia. The plunder of the vessel didn’t amount to
much so the pirates thought they would amuse themselves
by fastening a rope around the men’s bodies, one by one, and
after hoisting them as high as the <ins title='original: main-and'>main- and</ins> foretops by letting
go of the ropes the unfortunate wretches would fall tumbling
to the deck with force enough to break skins and smash bones.
After the men were well crippled by this usage Captain Trot
was given his sloop and told to clear out. A week later, a
Rhode Island ship bound for St. Christopher’s was taken.
She was loaded with provisions and some horses, which the
pirate crew soon mounted and rode about the deck, backwards<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">[283]</span>
and forwards, at full gallop, cursing and howling like demons,
which soon made the animals so wild that they threw their
riders and spoiled the sport. They then turned to the ship’s
crew and whipped and cut them in a wicked manner, saying,
that it was because boots and spurs had not been brought with
the horses that they were not able to ride like gentlemen.</p>

<p>Captain Spriggs was seldom lacking in boldness and next
he cruised off Port Royal in the island of Jamaica and made
one or two minor captures. Two men-of-war at anchor in
port were ordered out and the commander of one of them, Capt.
James Wyndham of the “Diamond,” ordered a course set for
the Bay of Honduras, thinking that Spriggs might return to
his old haunts. This proved to be correct for when the man-of-war
sailed into the Bay, Spriggs and his crew were there
busily engaged in plundering ten or twelve vessels that had
been loading logwood. The pirates were completely surprised
and but feebly returned the fire of the man-of-war and soon
considered it wiser to get out their sweeps and row into shoal
water and so they at last escaped, there being but little wind.
This took place the latter part of September, 1724. Spriggs
at that time was in command of his ship, the “Batchelor’s
Delight,” and had with him as consort, a sloop commanded by
Captain Shipton. During the encounter they had six men
killed and five or six wounded. Capt. John Cass, when he
reached Newport, R. I., from the Bay of Honduras, the first
of December following, brought an account of this affair and
reported to his owners the information that “a Spanish half
Galley with about 50 Men on board, and a Perriagoe with 26
Men, now in the Bay of Honduras, lye in obscure Places &amp;
Key’s to take vessels in their way there.”<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> All these dangers
to New England shipping must have added greatly to the
market value of logwood chips.</p>

<p>After escaping from the “Diamond” man-of-war, Spriggs
sailed for the Bahama Channel and on the voyage ran very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">[284]</span>
short of provisions. He took a sloop in the service of the
South Sea Company, bound from Jamaica to Havana, with
negro slaves, and later a ship bound for Newport, R. I., Capt.
Richard Durffie, master. Spriggs proposed to put all the
negroes on board Captain Durffie’s vessel but the captain
urgently represented his want of sufficient provisions and the
danger that they all would perish by starvation and at last
Spriggs transferred to his ship only ten of the slaves and then
let him go. Durffie put in to South Carolina for fresh supplies
and while there Capt. Jeremiah Clarke of Newport, met him
and brought home the news of his capture. Spriggs and Shipton
continued on their course towards the Bahamas and off
the western end of Cuba were so unfortunate as to again meet
the “Diamond” man-of-war, still in pursuit of them. As
the wind lay their only means of escape was to make for the
Florida shore where Shipton’s sloop was run aground near the
Cape and lost. This sloop was owned in Newport, R. I., and
was in command of Jonathan Barney at the time she was taken
by Spriggs. When the sloop went ashore she carried 12 guns
and seventy or more men all of whom reached land safely only
to fall into the hands of the Indians, except Shipton and ten or
a dozen others who escaped in the ship’s canoe and finally
reached Cuba.<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> It was said at the time that the Indians
killed and ate sixteen of the pirates and that forty-nine were
taken and carried to Havana; but why the “Diamond,” an
English man-of-war, should carry English pirates to a Spanish
port is not explained in any of the newspaper accounts of the
affair. About two thousand pounds value in gold fell a prize
to the “Diamond.”</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i284_1" style="max-width: 111em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i284_1.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>PIRATES KILLING A CAPTURED MAN<br>
<span class='c2'>From an old mezzotint in the possession of Capt. E. H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i284_2" style="max-width: 108.6875em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i284_2.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>FIGHT ON A PIRATE SHIP<br>
<span class='c2'>From an old mezzotint in the possession of Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost, R.N.R.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Spriggs, by good seamanship, was able to make his escape
and in some way afterwards picked up Shipton and the few
men who escaped with him and made his way back to the Bay
of Honduras where on Dec. 23, 1724, in company with Shipton,
who at that time was in command of a perriagua with ten<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">[285]</span>
white men and three or four negroes, he descended on the logwood
ships in the Bay and took sixteen vessels, one of which,
commanded by Capt. Kelsey, he burned. The captain was
given a long-boat and it being fair weather, he reached the
uninhabited island of Bonaco safely, from which he and his
crew afterwards were rescued by a passing sloop. Shipton
took the ship “Mary and John,” of Boston, Thomas Glen,
master, and after plundering her, carried away the master and
put him on board a Boston sloop, Ebenezer Kent, master,
which he had taken the same day, intending to sail for the
rendezvous at the island of Roatan. The mate of the “John
and Mary,” Matthew Perry, he left on board with his hands
tied behind him and later ordered three of his pirates, together
with two forced men, Nicholas Simons and Jonathan Barlow,
all double armed, to take possession of the “John and Mary”
and follow him to the rendezvous. Simons was to be the
navigator and commander. But after Shipton had gone,
Simons and Barlow untied Perry’s hands and proposed that
together they attempt to kill the three pirates who had
come on board with them and if successful, to make a course
for some English port. The mate at once consented and
Barlow gave him a pistol and he started for the steerage where
one of the pirates was rummaging. Coming up behind him he
snapped his pistol but unfortunately it missed fire. The
pirate had four pistols in his belt and immediately drawing one
he aimed it at Perry before he could reach the ladder.
Strangely enough this pistol, too, missed fire. Simons was
in the cabin at the time and hearing the snapping of the
flints came rushing in crying, “In the name of God and His
Majesty King George, let us go on with our design.” He
shot dead the pirate who had attempted to kill the mate and
told another of the pirates who was present, if he made any
resistance he would kill him too. Meanwhile, Barlow and
some of the ship’s company had killed the third pirate. They
then cut their cable and made the best of their way to deep<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">[286]</span>
water and with no further adventures reached Newport, R. I.,
the last of January, 1725.<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> After their arrival, the circumstantial
accounts of Simons and Barlow were published at
length in the Boston newspapers.</p>

<p>Simons claimed that he was the humble instrument that
brought about the disaster to the sloop commanded by Shipton,
that was chased ashore on the Florida coast, and that
while in Spriggs’ company he and Barlow had been treated
“very barbarously; made to eat candles with the wick, and
often threatened to take away their lives.”<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Barlow also
related that he had been forced by Low and afterwards served
in Spriggs’ and Shipton’s companies. He said Low had
abused him, had knocked out one of his teeth with a pistol
and threatened to shoot down his throat, “whereupon Barlow
fell and was taken up sick which held him three months.”
He also repeated the story of the discarding of Low by his men
and his having been sent away with two other pirates in a
French sloop and nothing had been heard from him since.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a></p>

<p>After Spriggs and Shipton made their captures in the Bay
of Honduras on Dec. 23, 1724, but little is known as to their
later movements. In April, 1725, a captain arriving at New
York brought the report that Spriggs was yet roving and had
five vessels in his fleet. Early in May, 1725, Captain MacKarty
reached Boston from Jamaica, and reported that not
long before he had spoken a pink off the South Carolina coast
that had been taken by Spriggs, who was in a ship mounting
twelve guns with a crew of thirty-five men. Several vessels
had been captured and burned or sunk and the crews had been
put aboard the pink and sent away. The master of the pink
told Captain MacKarty that Spriggs was using his prisoners
barbarously and that he threatened to be on the New England<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">[287]</span>
coast very soon after.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> The threatened raid did not materialize
and Spriggs and Shipton both dropped out of sight and
we now have no information as to what became of them save
the rumor that reached Boston a year later that they both
had been marooned by their men and “were got among the
Musketoo Indians.”<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> And this may have been their fate,
for Spriggs’ quartermaster, one Philip Lyne, was in command
of a pirate sloop mounting ten carriage guns and sixteen
swivels and carrying forty men which was making captures
on the banks off the Newfoundland coast in the summer of
1725. This sloop had been one of Spriggs’ consorts on the
South Carolina coast earlier in the year and appears to have
deserted him. On June 30th, Lyne took the ship “Thomasine,”
Capt. Samuel Thorogood, bound for London from Boston,
on which were four passengers and after plundering and
destroying most of the ship’s lading and forcing five of the crew
to sign his Articles, he allowed the ship to go free with only a
small store of stinking provisions and a little water.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> Lyne
also took a Rhode Island sloop, Captain Casey, which was
burned and the master and men were forced to go aboard the
pirate vessel which then headed for the Cape Verde islands.
Lyne probably followed the example of Low and Lowther and
from there set a course for the Guiana coast, for in October,
1725 he was captured by two sloops fitted out at Curacao.
During the engagement a number of the pirates were killed
but Lyne and four others were “hanged by the neck until
dead,” by the Dutch authorities on the island, to the great
satisfaction of all who had ever met them on the high seas.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> See chapter on Philip Ashton.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> A short sword. Sometimes a rapier is called a tuck.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> “Sweating” generally was used to force information as to the location
of concealed valuables.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Boston Gazette</i>, Apr. 20, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, July 23, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, May 21, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Apr. 15, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Dec. 10, 1724.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Feb. 11, 1725; Oct. 7, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, Feb. 8, 1725 and <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Feb. 11,
1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Feb. 11, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Feb. 11, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, May 18, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, Apr. 30, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Sept. 16, 1725.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, Jan. 8, 1726.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">[288]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI<br>
<span class="ch-title">Charles Harris who was Hanged at Newport with
Twenty-five of his Crew</span></h2>
</div>

<p>On the 10th of January, 1722, the good ship “Greyhound”
of Boston in the Massachusetts Bay, Benjamin
Edwards, commander, was homeward bound. She was
loaded with logwood and only one day out from the coast of
Honduras where the crew had been worked hard for several
weeks loading the many boatloads of heavy, thorny-growthed,
blood-red wood. Early in the morning the lookout had
sighted a ship headed toward them and while not plantation
built she attracted no particular attention until it was seen
that her course was slightly changed to conform to that of the
“Greyhound,” or rather, it would seem, to intersect the course
on which the “Greyhound” was sailing. As the ship drew
nearer, a long look through the perspective revealed a heavily-manned
vessel of English build and Captain Edwards thought
it best to order all hands on deck. Soon the stranger ran up a
black flag having a skeleton on it and fired a gun for the
“Greyhound” to bring to.</p>

<p>West India waters had been plagued for many years by
piratical gentry and the Boston captain had heard many
terrifying tales of their barbarous cruelties to masters and seamen
but he was a dogged type of man and so at once prepared
to defend his ship. The pirate edged down a bit and shortly
gave the “Greyhound” a broadside of eight guns which
Captain Edwards bravely returned and for nearly an hour
the give and take continued at long gunshot without much
damage to either vessel. Finding that the pirate was more
heavily armed than the “Greyhound,” and her decks showing
many men, Captain Edwards began to reckon the consequences
of a too stubborn resistance, for it seemed likely that eventually<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">[289]</span>
he must surrender, barring, of course, lucky chance shot
from his guns that might cut down a mast on the pirate ship.
At last he ordered his ensign to be struck and hove to. Two
boatloads of armed men soon came aboard and searched the
ship for anything of value. The loot was not great for the
New England logwood ships had little opportunity for trade or
barter and the disappointment of the pirate crews was soon
spit out on the men. Whenever one came within reach of the
cutlass of a pirate he would receive a swinging slash across
shoulders or arms, or perhaps, a blow on the head with the
flat of the blade that would fell him half-senseless to the deck.
By way of diversion two of the unoffending sailors were triced
up at the foot of the mainmast and lashed until the blood ran
from their backs. Captain Edwards and his men were then
ordered into the boats and sent on board the pirate ship and
the “Greyhound” was set on fire.</p>

<p>The rogue proved to be the “Happy Delivery,” commanded
by Capt. George Lowther and manned by a strange
assortment of English sailors and soldiers with a sprinkling of
New England men. As soon as the men from the “Greyhound”
reached her deck they were given a mug of rum and
invited to join the pirate crew. This was habitually done at
that time by these outlaws and frequently a nimble sailor
would be forced and compelled to serve with the pirates against
his will. The first mate of the “Greyhound” was Charles
Harris, born in London, England, then about twenty-four
years old and a man who understood navigation. He, with
four others, Christopher Atwell, Henry Smith, Joseph Willis
and David Lindsay, was forced and Captain Edwards and the
rest of his crew, with other captured men, were put on board
another logwood vessel and permitted to make the best of
their way home. In a day or two, Harris, beguiled by the
adventurous spirit of the ship’s company, was persuaded to
sign the Articles of the “Happy Delivery,” when again asked
to do so by Captain Lowther. He proved to be so capable a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">[290]</span>
man, when several captures were made, that ten days later,
when a Jamaican sloop was taken, Lowther decided to retain
her and give the command to Harris and to this he readily
acceded.</p>

<p>The mate of the “Happy Delivery” was Ned Low, a young
Englishman who had lived in Boston for a few years and not
long before this time had deserted from a logwood ship in the
Bay and happening to meet Lowther had joined him in a
career of robbery and murder. Just before the Jamaican sloop
was taken, a Rhode Island sloop of about one hundred tons
was captured and as she was newly built was taken over by
Lowther and armed with eight carriage guns and ten swivels
and the command given to Low.</p>

<p>The career of Harris during the next fourteen months closely
follows that of Lowther and Low and may be traced in the
narrative of their adventures. He soon lost his sloop when it
was abandoned at sea in the gulf of Matique and May 28th,
1722, when Lowther and Low separated, Harris cast his lot
with Low and sailed north with him along the New England
coast to Nova Scotia and then across the Atlantic to the Western
Islands, where a large Portuguese pink was taken and
retained and the command of the schooner “Fancy”<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> given
to Harris. These two scoundrels cruised together for some
time making several captures and at length reached the
Triangles off the South American coast, eastward of Surinam,
and here the pink was lost while being careened and both crews
went on board the schooner where Low again assumed command.
Before long a large Rhode Island-built sloop was
captured which Low took over and having had a falling out
with Harris, the command of the schooner “Fancy” was given
to Francis Farrington Spriggs, who had been serving as
quartermaster.</p>

<p>Harris now drops out of sight for about five months. He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">[291]</span>
may have been wounded or sick at the time Spriggs was given
his command, at any rate, no mention of his name has been
found until May 27, 1723, when he appeared off the South
Carolina coast in command of the sloop “Ranger,” lately
commanded by Spriggs. Captain Low was sailing in company
with him in the sloop “Fortune,” and together they took
three ships. About three weeks before, they had captured
the ship “Amsterdam Merchant,” from Jamaica but owned
in New England. The master was John Welland of Boston
and after he had been on board the “Ranger” for some three
hours he was transferred to the “Fortune,” where Low vented
his spite against New Englanders by cutting the captain about
the body with his cutlass and slashing off his right ear. A
month later, at the trial of Captain Harris at Newport, R. I.,
this Captain Welland was the principal witness against him.
He deposed that he had been chased by two sloops and that
one of them came up with him and after hoisting a blue flag
had taken him. This was the “Ranger,” with Harris in
command. He had been ordered aboard the pirate sloop and
had gone with four of his men. The quartermaster had
examined him and asked how much money he had on board,
and he had replied “About £150 in gold and silver.” This
money was taken away by the pirates. Meanwhile Captain
Low in the “Fortune,” came up and Welland was sent aboard
to be interrogated where he was greatly abused. The next
day, after taking out a negro, some beef and other stores, the
“Amsterdam Merchant” was sunk. While the three vessels
were lying near each other, Captain Estwick of Piscataqua,
N. H., came in sight and soon fell into the clutches of Low and
Harris. His ship was plundered but not destroyed and in
this vessel Captain Welland and his men at last reached
Portsmouth.</p>

<p>Off the Capes of the Delaware other minor captures were
made by Low and steering eastward along the Long Island
shore early on the morning of the 10th of June a large ship<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">[292]</span>
was sighted which soon changed its course and the two pirate
sloops at once followed in pursuit. What then took place may
best be told in the words of the newspaper account written
at the time.</p>

<p>“Rhode Island, June 14. On the 11th Instant arrived here
His Majesty’s Ship Grayhound, Capt. Peter Solgard Commander,
from his Cruize at Sea and brought in a Pirate Sloop
of 8 Guns, Barmudas built, 42 White Men and 6 Blacks, of
which number eight were wounded in the Engagement and
four killed; the Sloop was commanded by one Harris, very well
fitted, and loaded with all sorts of Provisions: One of the
wounded Pirates died, on board of the Man of War, with an Oath
on his Departure; thirty lusty bold young Fellows, were
brought on shore, and received by one of the Town Companys
under Arms guarding them to the Goal, and all are now in
Irons under a strong Guard. The Man of War had but two
Men wounded, who are in a brave way of Recovery.</p>

<p>“Here follows an Account (from on board of the Man of
War) of the Engagement between Capt. Solgard and the two
Pirates Sloops: Capt. Solgard being informed by a Vessel,
that Low the Pirate, in a Sloop of 10 Guns &amp; 70 Men, with his
Consort of 8 Guns and 48 Men, had sailed off the East End of
Long-Island: The Capt. thereupon steered his Course after
them; and on the 10th Currant, half an hour past 4 in the
Morning we saw two Sloops N. 2 Leagues distance, the Wind
W.N.W. At 5 we tack’d and stood Southward, and clear’d
the Ship, the Sloops giving us Chase, at half an hour past 7
we tack’d to the Northward, with little Wind, and stood down
to them; at 8 a Clock they each fired a Gun, and hoisted a
Black Flag; at half an hour past 8 on the near approach of
the Man of War, they haul’d it down, (fearing a Tartar) and
put up a Bloody Flag, stemming with us distant 3 quarters of
a Mile: We hoisted up our Main-Sail and made easy Sail to
the Windward, received their Fire several times; but when a
breast we gave them ours with round &amp; grape Shot, upon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">[293]</span>
which the head Sloop edg’d Away, as did the other soon after,
and we with them. The Fire continued on both sides for about
an hour; but when they hall’d from us with the help of their
Oars, we left off Firing, and turned to Rowing with 86 Hands,
and half an Hour past Two in the Afternoon we came up with
them; when they clapt on a Wind to receive us; we again kept
close to Windward, and ply’d them warmly with small and
grape shot; and during the Action we fell between them, and
having shot down one of their Main Sails we kept close to
him, and at 4 a Clock he call’d for Quarters; at 5 having got
the Prisoners on board, we continued to Chase the other Sloop,
when at 8 a Clock in the Evening he bore from us N.W. by W.
two Leagues, when we lost sight of him near Block Island.
One Desperado was for blowing up this Sloop rather than surrendering,
and being hindered, he went forward, and with his
Pistol shot out his own Brains.</p>

<p>“Capt. Solgard designing to make sure of one of the Pirate
Sloops, if not both, took this, seeming to be the Chief, but
proved otherwise, and if we had more Day-light the other of
Low’s had also been taken, she being very much batter’d;
and ’tis tho’t he was slain, with his Cutlas in his hand, encouraging
his Men in the Engagement to Fight, and that
a great many more Men were kill’d and wounded in her, than
the other we took.</p>

<p>“The Two Pirate Sloops Commanded by the said Low and
Harris intended to have boarded the Man of War, but he
plying them so successfully they were discouraged, and endeavoured
all they could to escape, notwithstanding they
had sworn Damnation to themselves, if they should give over
Fighting, tho’ the Ship should even prove to be a Man of War.
They also intended to have hoisted their Standard upon
Block-Island, but we suppose now, there will be a more sutable
Standard hoisted for those that are taken, according to their
Desarts.</p>

<p>“On the 12th Currant Capt. Solgard was fitting out again<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">[294]</span>
to go in the Quest of the said Low the other Pirate Sloop,
(having the Master of this with him, he knowing what Course
they intended by Agreement to Steer, in order to meet with
a third Consort) which, we hope he’ll overtake and bring in.”—<i>Boston
News-Letter</i>, June 20, 1723.</p>

<p>The <i>New England Courant</i> of Boston, Franklin’s paper,
printed a similar account of the fight and capture and also
mentioned the fact that Joseph Sweetser of Charlestown was
one of the men taken and that both he and Charles Harris,
“who is the Master or Navigator,” had previously been
advertised in the public prints as forced men, with one or two
more of the company. A week later the <i>Courant</i> published a
list of the names of the men, as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“An Account of the Names, Ages, and places of Birth of
those Men taken by his Majesty’s Ship Greyhound, in the
Pirate Sloop called the Ranger, and now confined in his
Majesty’s Gaol in Rhode-Island.</p>


<table class="autotable th">
<tr>
<td class="tdl"><i>Names</i></td>
<td class="tdl"><i>Ages</i></td>
<td class="tdl"><i>Places of Birth</i></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">William Blades</td>
<td class="tdl">28</td>
<td class="tdl">Rhode Island</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Powel, Gunner</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Wethersfield, Conn.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Wilson</td>
<td class="tdl">23</td>
<td class="tdl">New London County</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Daniel Hyde</td>
<td class="tdl">23</td>
<td class="tdl">Eastern Shore of Virginia</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Henry Barnes</td>
<td class="tdl">22</td>
<td class="tdl">Barbadoes</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Stephen Mundon</td>
<td class="tdl">29</td>
<td class="tdl">London</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Huggit</td>
<td class="tdl">24</td>
<td class="tdl">London</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">William Read</td>
<td class="tdl">35</td>
<td class="tdl">London-derry, Ireland</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Peter Kewes</td>
<td class="tdl">32</td>
<td class="tdl">Exeter, England</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Jones</td>
<td class="tdl">17</td>
<td class="tdl">Flint, Wales</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">James Brinkley</td>
<td class="tdl">28</td>
<td class="tdl">Suffolk, England</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Joseph Sawrd</td>
<td class="tdl">28</td>
<td class="tdl">Westminster</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Brown</td>
<td class="tdl">17</td>
<td class="tdl">Leverpool</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">William Shutfield</td>
<td class="tdl">40</td>
<td class="tdl">Leicestershire, Engl.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Edward Eaton</td>
<td class="tdl">38</td>
<td class="tdl">Wreaxham, Wales</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Brown</td>
<td class="tdl">29</td>
<td class="tdl">County of Durham, Engl.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Edward Lawson</td>
<td class="tdl">20</td>
<td class="tdl">Isle of Man</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Owen Rice</td>
<td class="tdl">27</td>
<td class="tdl">South Wales</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Tomkins</td>
<td class="tdl">23</td>
<td class="tdl">Glocestshire, Engl.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Fitz-Gerald</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">County of Limerick, Irela.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Abraham Lacey</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Devonshire, Engl.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">[295]</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Linisker</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Lancashire, Engl.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Reeve</td>
<td class="tdl">30</td>
<td class="tdl">County of Rutland, Engl.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Hinchard, Doctor</td>
<td class="tdl">22</td>
<td class="tdl">Near Edinburg, N. Brit.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Joseph Sweetser (forc’d)</td>
<td class="tdl">24</td>
<td class="tdl">Boston, New-England</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Francis Layton</td>
<td class="tdl">39</td>
<td class="tdl">New-York</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Walters, Quar. Master</td>
<td class="tdl">35</td>
<td class="tdl">County of Devon</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">William Jones</td>
<td class="tdl">28</td>
<td class="tdl">London</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Charles Church</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Westminster</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Tom Umper, an Indian</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Marthas Vineyard</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="center">In all 30<br>
</p>

<p class="right">
—<i>New England Courant</i>, June 24, 1723.<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>The following seven were held on board the “Grayhound”
by Captain Solgard, who hoped through them to take Low.
They were brought back to Newport and gaoled on July 11th.
One of the pirates died in gaol on July 15th.</p>


<table class="autotable th">
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Charles Harris, Captain</td>
<td class="tdl">25</td>
<td class="tdl">London</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Hazell</td>
<td class="tdl">50</td>
<td class="tdl">——</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Bright</td>
<td class="tdl">25</td>
<td class="tdl">——</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Joseph Libbey</td>
<td class="tdl">21</td>
<td class="tdl">Marblehead</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Patrick Cunningham</td>
<td class="tdl">25</td>
<td class="tdl">——</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">John Fletcher</td>
<td class="tdl">17</td>
<td class="tdl">——</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thomas Child</td>
<td class="tdl">15</td>
<td class="tdl">——</td>
</tr>
</table>
<br>

<p>When the news of this great capture of pirates reached the
seaport towns along the New England shore there was much
rejoicing. Nothing like it had ever happened in the history
of the Colonies and to be accused of piracy at that time, with
any show of evidence, was very nearly equivalent to being
found guilty, so a great gathering of people was assured for the
hanging soon to follow.</p>

<p>Three weeks later the Honorable William Dummer, Esq.,
Lieutenant-Governor and Commander in Chief of His Majesty’s
Province of the Massachusetts Bay in New England,
together with divers members of His Majesty’s Council and
other gentlemen from that Province came riding into the town
of Newport, and with Governor Cranston of Rhode Island and
other judges duly commissioned by Act of Parliament proceeded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">[296]</span>
to open a Court of Admiralty for the trial of the pirates.
The trial was held in the town house on Wednesday morning,
July 10, 1723. The Court was authorized by Act of Parliament
made 11 and 12 William III; made perpetual by Act
of 6 George I. The Court organized, and then adjourned
until eight oclock in the morning of the next day—when
Charles Harris and twenty-seven others were brought to the
bar and arraigned for acts of felony, piracy and robbery.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp61" id="i296" style="max-width: 111.9375em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i296.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>WILLIAM DUMMER, LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR OF
MASSACHUSETTS, WHO PRESIDED AT THE TRIAL OF
CAPT. CHARLES HARRIS FOR PIRACY<br>
<span class='c2'>From the portrait by Robert Feke in possession of the Trustees of Dummer Academy</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The facts connected with the taking of the ship “Amsterdam
Merchant,” with the presence in court of the master and
some of his men, were in themselves sufficient to hang the
accused. Captain Solgard of the man-of-war, who had fought
with the accused pirates and captured them, also testified as
did his lieutenant and surgeon. The presence of these men
in court together with the reputed facts of the chase and
capture decided the case in the minds of the people before the
evidences were offered or the verdict rendered. John Valentine,
the Advocate General for the King, presented the articles
which accused the prisoners of piratically surprising and seizing
the ship “Amsterdam Merchant,” and carrying away
beef, gold and silver and a negro slave named Dick; cutting off
Captain Welland’s right ear and afterwards sinking the ship
valued at one thousand pounds. They were also accused of
piratically attacking His Majesty’s ship, the “Grey Hound,”
and wounding seven of his men.</p>

<p>The prisoners were not represented by counsel, but they all
pleaded “not guilty,” and fourteen of them were ordered tried
at that very session, so the Advocate General addressed the
Court as follows:—</p>

<p>“May it please your honor, and the rest of the honorable
judges, of this court.</p>

<p>“The prisoners at the bar stand articled against and are
prosecuted for, several felonious piracies and robberies by them
committed upon the high sea. To which they severally
pleaded not guilty.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">[297]</span></p>

<p>“The crime of piracy is a robbery (for piracy is a sea term
for robbery) committed within the jurisdiction of the admiralty.</p>

<p>“And a pirate is described to be one who to enrich himself
either by surprise or open force, sets upon merchants and
others trading by sea, to spoil them of their goods and treasure,
often times by sinking their vessels, as the case will come out
before you.</p>

<p>“This sort of criminals are engaged in a perpetual war with
every individual, with every state, christian or infidel; they
have no country, but by the nature of their guilt, separate
themselves, renouncing the benefit of all lawful society, to
commit these heinous crimes. The Romans therefore justly
styled them, <i>Hostes humoni generis</i> enemies of mankind, and
indeed they are enemies and armed, against themselves, a
kind of <i>felons de se</i>—importing something more than a
natural death.</p>

<p>“These unhappy men satiated with the number and notoriety
of their crimes, had filled up the measure of their guilt, when
by the Providence of Almighty God, and through the valor
and conduct of Captain Solgard, they were delivered up to
the sword of justice.</p>

<p>“The Roman Emperors in their edicts made this piece of
service so eminent for the public good, as meritorious as any
act of piety, or religious worship whatsoever.</p>

<p>“And ’twill be said for the honor and reputation of this
colony (though of late scandalously reproached, to have
favored or combined with pirates), and be evinced by the
process and event of this affair, that such flagitious persons
find as little countenance, and as much justice at Rhode
Island, as in any other part of his Majestie’s dominions.</p>

<p>“But your time is more precious than my words, I will not
misspend it in attempting to set forth the aggravations of this
complex crime, big with every enormity, nor in declaring the
mischiefs and evil tendencies of it; for you better know these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">[298]</span>
things before I mention them; and I consider to whom I
speak, and that the judgment is your honors.</p>

<p>“I shall therefore call the King’s evidences to prove the
several facts, as so many distinct acts of piracy charged on
Prisoners, not by light circumstances and presumptions, not
by strained and unfounded conjectures, but by clear and
postive evidence: and then I doubt not, since for ’tis the
interest of mankind, that these crimes should be punished;
your honors will do justice to the prisoners, this colony, and
the rest of the world in pronouncing them guilty, and in passing
sentence upon them according to law.”</p>

<p>Capt. John Welland then testified as to the facts attending
the capture of his ship. He also said that Henry <ins title='Original: Barns'>Barnes</ins>,
one of the prisoners at the bar, was forced out of his ship at the
time it was taken and was “very low and weak” and when on
board Captain Estwick’s vessel (in which they had at last
reached Portsmouth) <ins title='Original: Barns'>Barnes</ins> had tried to get away and hid
himself. But the pirates threatened to burn the ship unless
he was given up so <ins title='Original: Barns'>Barnes</ins> was compelled to go on board the
pirate sloop. Barnes had cried and “took on very much”
and asked the mate of the “Amsterdam Merchant” to notify
his three sisters living in Barbadoes that he was a forced man
and also very sick and weak at the time. The mate and the
ship’s carpenter confirmed the captain’s testimony that all
the pirates were “harnessed, that is, armed with guns, etc.”</p>

<p>Capt. Peter Solgard, Lieut. Edward Smith, and Archibald
Fisher, “Chirsurgeon” of the “Grey-Hound Man of War,”
testified to the well-known facts of the engagement with the
pirates and William Marsh, a mariner, made oath that he had
been taken by Low’s company in the West Indies the previous
January and that “he saw on board the schooner at that
time Francis Laughton and William —————— and on board
the sloop, Charles Harris, Edward Lawson, Daniel Hyde, and
John Fitz Gerald, all prisoners at the Bar, and that Gerald
asked him whether he would seek his fortune with him.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">[299]</span></p>

<p>This concluded the testimony and the prisoners were then
severally asked if they had anything to say in their own
defence. Without exception each man said that he had been
forced on board of Low and did nothing <ins title='original: voluntairly'>voluntarily</ins>.</p>

<p>The Advocate General then summed up the case, as follows:—</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“Your Honors, I doubt not have observed the weakness,
and vanity of the defence which has been made by the prisoners
at the Bar, and that the articles (containing indisputable
flagrant acts of piracy) are supported against each of
them: Their impudences and unfortunate mistake, in attacking
his majesty’s ship, tho’ to us fortunate, and of great service
to the neighboring governments: Their malicious and cruel
assault upon Capt. Welland, not only in the spoiling of his
goods, but what is much more, the cutting off his right ear, a
crime of that nature and barbarity which can never be repaired:
Their plea of constraint, or force, (in the mouth of
every Pirate) can be of no avail to them, for if that could
justify or excuse! No pirate would ever be convicted; nor
even any profligate person in his own account offend against
the moral law; if it were asked, it would be hard to answer;
who offer’d the violence? It’s apparent they forced, or
persuaded one another, or rather the compulsion proceeded of
their own corrupt and avaricious inclinations: but if there
was the least semblance of truth; in the plea; it might come
out in proof, that the prisoners or some of them did manifest
their uneasiness and sorrow, to some of the persons whom they
had surprised and robb’d; but the contrary of that is plain
from Mr. Marsh’s evidence, that the prisoners were so far
from a dislike, or regretting their number by inviting him to
join with them, and seemed resolved to live and die by their
calling, or for it, as their fate is like to be. And now seeing
that the facts are as evident as proof by testimony can make
’em, I doubt not your honors will declare the prisoners to be
guilty.”</p>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">[300]</span></p>

<p>The prisoners were than taken from the bar, the court room
was cleared and the judges considered the evidence and voted
that all were guilty except John Wilson and Henry Barns.
The Court then adjourned for dinner and at two o’clock met
and opened by proclamation. The prisoners were brought in
and those found guilty were sentenced by Lieut.-Governor
Dummer to be hanged by the neck until dead. Thirteen more
“of that miserable crew of men,” as they were characterised
by the Advocate General, were then brought to the bar for
trial, and Captain Welland named six of whom he recognized
as having been on the “Ranger” and all had been harnessed,
except Thomas Jones, the boy. John Mudd, the carpenter,
said that he well remembered Joseph Sound because “said
Sound took his buttons out of his sleeves.”</p>

<p>“Benjamin Weekham of Newport mariner, deposed, that
on the tenth of March last he was in the bay of Honduras on
board of a sloop, Jeremiah Clark Master, Low and Lowders
companies being pirates, took the aforesaid sloop, and that
this deponent then having the small pox was by John Waters
one of the prisoners at the Bar carried on board another vessel;
and that he begg’d of some of the company two shirts to shirt
himself, the said Waters said damn him, he would beg the
vessel too, but at other times he was very civil; and the
deponent further saith, he saw William Blades now prisoner
at the Bar amongst them.</p>

<p>“William Marsh deposed, that he was taken in manner as
aforesaid, and that John Brown the tallest was on board the
schooner, and the said Brown told him he had rather be in a
tight vessel than a leaky one, and that he was not forced.</p>

<p>“Henry Barns mariner, deposed, that he being on board the
Sloop Ranger during her engagement with the Grey-Hound
Man of War, saw all the prisoners at the Bar on board the said
sloop Ranger, and that he saw John Brown the shortest in
arms, that Thomas Mumford Indian, was only as a servant
on board.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">[301]</span></p>

<p>“The prisoners at the bar were then asked if they had anything
to say in their own defence.</p>

<p>“William Blades said he was forced on board of Low about
eleven months ago, and never signed to their articles, and
that he had when taken about ten or twelve pounds, and that
he never shared with them, but only took what they gave him.</p>

<p>“Thomas Hugget said he was one of Capt. Mercy’s men on
the coast of Guinea, and in the West Indies was put on board
Low, but never shared with them, and they gave him twenty-one
pounds.</p>

<p>“Peter Cues said, that on the twenty-third or twenty-fourth
of January last he belonged to one Layal in a sloop of
Antigua, and was then taken by Low and detained ever since,
but never shared with them, and had about ten or twelve
pounds when taken, which they gave him.</p>

<p>“Thomas Jones said, he is a lad of about seventeen years
of age, and was by Low and company taken out of Capt.
Edwards at Newfoundland, and kept by Low ever since.</p>

<p>“William Jones said, he was taken out of Capt. Ester at
the Bay of Honduras the beginning of April last by Low and
Lowther, and that he has been forced by Low to be with him
ever since; that he never shared with them, nor signed the
articles till compelled three weeks after he was taken, and the
said Jones owned he had eleven pounds of the quarter master
at one time, and eight pounds at another.</p>

<p>“Edward Eaton said, that he was taken by Low in the Bay
of Honduras, about the beginning of March, and kept with
him by force ever since.</p>

<p>“John Brown the tallest said, that on the ninth of October
last he was taken out of the Liverpool merchant at the Cape
De Verde by Capt. Low who beat him black and blue to make
him sign the articles, and from the Cape de Verde they cruized
upon the coast of Brazil about eleven weeks, and from thence
to the West Indies, and he was on board of the Ranger at the
taking of Welland.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">[302]</span></p>

<p>“James Sprinkly said, he was forced out of a ship at the
Cape de Verde by Low in October last, and by him compelled
to sign the articles, but never shared with them.</p>

<p>“John Brown the shortest said, he was about seventeen
years old, and in October last at the Cape de Verdes was
taken out of a ship by Low, and kept there ever since, and that
the quarter-master gave him about forty shillings, and the
people aboard about three pounds.</p>

<p>“Joseph Sound said, he was taken from Providence, about
three months ago, by Low and company and detained by force
ever since.</p>

<p>“Charles Church said, he was taken out of the Sycamore
Galley at the Cape de Verdes, Capt. Scot commander, about
seven or eight months ago, by Capt. Low, never shared, but
the quarter-master gave him about fourteen pounds.</p>

<p>“John Waters said, he was taken by Low on the twenty-ninth
of June last, out of ————, and they compelled him
to take charge of a watch, and that he had thirteen pistols
when taken, which was given him, and that he said in the time
of the engagement with his Majesties ship they had better
strike, for they would have better quarter.</p>

<p>“Thomas Mumford Indian said, he was a servant a fishing
the last year, and was taken out of a fishing sloop with five
other Indians off of Nantucket by Low and Company, and
that they hanged two of the Indians at Cape Sables, and that
he was kept by Low ever since, and had about six bitts when
taken.”</p>

<p>These excuses availed nothing except for Thomas Jones,
the boy, and Thomas Mumford, the Indian. The rest were
found guilty and duly sentenced.</p>

<p>The next morning John Kencate, the doctor on board the
“Ranger,” was brought to trial. The Advocate General
stated that although the prisoner “used no arms, was not
harness’d (as they term it) but was a forc’d man; yet if he
received part of their plunder, was not under a constant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">[303]</span>
durance, did at any time approve, or join’d in their villanies,
his guilt is at least equal to the rest; the Doctor being ador’d
among ’em as the pirates God for in him they chiefly confide
for their cure and life, and in this trust and dependence it is,
that they enterprise these horrid depredations not to be
heightened by aggravation, or lessened by any excuse.”</p>

<p>“Capt. John Welland deposed, and that he saw the Doctor
aboard the Ranger; he seem’d not to rejoice when he was
taken but solitary, and he was inform’d on board he was a
forc’d men; and that he never signed the articles as he heard
of, and was now on board the deponants ship.</p>

<p>“John Ackin Mate and John Mudd Carpenter, swore they
saw the prisoner at the Bar walking forwards and backwards
disconsolately on board the Ranger.</p>

<p>“Archibald Fisher Physician and Chirurgion on board the
said Greyhound Man-of-War deposed, that when the prisoner
at the Bar was taken and brought aboard the King’s ship he
searched his medicaments, and the instruments, and found
but very few medicaments, and the instruments very mean
and bad.”</p>

<p>Others testified that the doctor was forced on board, by
Low, and that he never signed articles so far as they knew or
heard, but used to spend much of his time in reading, and was
very courteous to the prisoners taken by Low and his company,
and that he never shared with them.</p>

<p>The doctor himself said that he was chirurgion of the
Sycamore-Galley, Andrew Scot, master, and was taken out of
that ship in September last at Bonavista, one of the Cape de
Verde Islands, by Low and Company, who detained him ever
since, and that he never shared with them, nor signed their
articles.</p>

<p>The Court then cleared the doctor and proceeded with
the trial of Thomas Pownall, Joseph Sweetser and Joseph
Libbey. The name of the latter is not found in the first
published lists of the pirates gaoled at Newport for the reason<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">[304]</span>
that he was one of those detained by Captain Harris in hopes
of capturing Low who had deliberately deserted them, when
jointly they probably could have taken the man of war.
Libbey’s name appears in the published lists of those condemned
and executed, as having been born in Marblehead.</p>

<p>At the trial of these men Doctor Kencate testified that
“he well knew Thomas Powell, Joseph Sweetser and John
Libbey, and that Thomas Powell acted as gunner on board the
Ranger, and that he went on board several vessels taken by
Low and company, and plundered, and that Joseph Libbey
was an active man on board the Ranger, and used to go on
board vessels they took and plundered and that he see him
fire several times, and the deponent further deposed that
Joseph Sweetser now prisoner at the bar, was on board the
pirate Low, and that he has seen him armed, but never see him
use them, and that the said Sweetser used to often get alone by
himself from amongst the rest of the crew, he was melancholly,
and refused to go on board any vessel by them taken, and got
out of their way. And the deponent further saith, that on
that day, as they engaged the man-of-war, Low proposed to
attack the man-of-war, first by firing his great guns then a
volley of small arms, heave in their powder flasks and board
her in his sloop, and the Ranger to board over the Fortune,
and that no one on board the Ranger disagreed to it as he
knows of, for most approved of it by words and the others
were silent.</p>

<p>“Thomas Jones deposed that Thomas Powell acted as gunner
on board the Ranger, and Joseph Libbey was a stirring, active
man among them, and used to go aboard vessels to plunder,
and that Joseph Sweetser was very dull aboard, and at Cape
Antonio he cried to Dunwell to let him go ashore, who refused,
and asked him to drink a dram, but Sweetser went down into
the hold and cried a good part of the day, and that Low refused
to let him go, but brought him and tied him to the mast and
threatened to whip him; and he saw him armed but never<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">[305]</span>
saw him use his arms as he knows of: and that Sweetser was
sick when they engaged the man-of-war, tho’ he assisted in
rowing the vessel.</p>

<p>“John Wilson deposed that Thomas Powell was gunner
of the Ranger; and the Sabbath day before they were taken,
the said Powell told the deponent he wished he was ashore
at Long Island, and they went to the head of the mast and
Powell said to him I wish you and I were both ashore here
stark naked.</p>

<p>“Thomas Mumford, Indian (not speaking good English),
Abissai Folger was sworn interpereter, deposed that Thomas
Powell, Joseph Libbey and Joseph Sweetser were all on board
of Low the pirate, that he saw Powell have a gun when they
took the vessels, but never saw him fire, he saw him go on
board of a vessel once, but brought nothing from her as he saw,
he see him once [shoot] a negro but never a white man. And he
saw Joseph Libbey once go aboard a vessel by them taken and
brought away from her one pair of stockings. And that
Joseph Swetser cooked it on board with him sometime, and
sometimes they made him hand the sails; once he saw said
Swetser clean a gun, but not fire it, and Swetser once told him
that he wanted to get ashore from among them, and said he
if the Man-of-War should take them they would hang him,
and in the engagement of the Man-of-War, Swetser sat unarmed
in the range of the sloop’s mast, and some little time
before the said engagement he asked Low to let him have his
liberty and go ashore, but was refused.”</p>

<p>There was other testimony to much the same effect. Powell
said he was taken by Lowther in the Bay of Honduras in the
winter of 1721-2 and by him turned over to Low. Libbey
said he was a forced man and produced a newspaper advertisement
in proof. Sweetser said he was taken by Lowther about
a year before and forced on board of Low. He, too, produced
an advertisement to prove that he had been forced. Powell
and Libbey were found guilty and Sweetser was cleared.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">[306]</span>
Hazel, Bright, Fletcher, and Child and Cunningham who had
been detained on board the “Greyhound” in the later pursuit
of Low, were then placed on trial. By numerous witnesses it
was shown that all had been active on board the “Ranger”
at the time of the fight but that Fletcher was only a boy and
that Child had come on board from the “Fortune,” only three
or four days before the fight. Captain Welland spoke a good
word for Cunningham and said that he had got him water
and brought the doctor at the time he was laying bleeding
below hatches for nearly three hours with a sentinel over him.
John Bright was the drummer and “beat upon his drum upon
the round house in the engagement.”</p>

<p>Thomas Hazel said he had been forced by Low about
twelve months before in the Bay of Honduras. Bright said
that he was a servant to one Hester in the Bay and had been
taken by Low about four months before and forced away to
be his drummer.</p>

<p>Cunningham said he had been forced about a year before
from a fishing schooner and that he had tried to get away at
Newfoundland but without success. Fletcher, the boy, said
he had been forced by Low from on board the “Sycamore
Galley,” Scot, master, at Bona Vista, because he could play
a violin. There is no record of what Child had to say for
himself. Fletcher and Child were found not guilty; the
others were sentenced to be hanged. Cunningham and John
Brown “the shortest,” were recommended “unto His Majesty,
for Remission.”</p>

<p>While the pirates were in prison and especially in the interval
between their condemnation and execution they were visited
frequently by the ministers who afterwards stated in print
that “while they were in Prison, most seemed willing to be
advised about the affairs of their souls.”<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> John Brown prepared
in writing a “warning” to young people in which he
declared “it was with the greatest Reluctancy and Horror of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">[307]</span>
Mind and Conscience, I was compelled to go with them ...
and I can say my Heart and Mind never joined in those
horrid Robberies, Conflagarations and Cruelties committed.”
On the day before they were executed letters were written
by many of them to relatives and Fitz-Gerald composed a
poem which afterwards was printed. The following verses
illustrate his poetical style:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“To mortal Men that daily live in Wickedness and Sin;<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">This dying Counsel I do give, hoping you will begin<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To serve the Lord in Time of Youth his Precepts for to keep;<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To serve him so in Spirit and Truth, that you may mercy reap.<br></div>
  </div>
<hr class='tb'>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">In Youthful blooming Years was I, when I that Practice took;<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Of perpetrating Piracy, for filthy gain did look.<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To Wickedness we all were bent, our Lusts for to fulfil;<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To rob at Sea was our Intent, and perpetrate all Ill.<br></div>
  </div>
<hr class='tb'>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">I pray the Lord preserve you all and keep you from this End;<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">O let Fitz-Gerald’s great downfall unto your welfare tend.<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">I to the Lord my Soul bequeath, accept thereof I pray,<br></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">My Body to the Earth bequeath, dear Friend, adieu for aye.”<br></div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>The gallows were set up between high-and-low water mark
on a point of land projecting into the harbor, then and now
known as Gravelly Point. At that time there was no street
or way that gave direct or convenient access and the crowds
that gathered to witness the execution went around by what
afterwards was known as Walnut Street by the almshouse, or
filled the boats and small vessels that lined the shore. Most
of the condemned had something to say when on the gallows
usually advising all people, especially young persons, to
beware of the sins that had brought them to such an unhappy
state. The execution took place on July 19, 1723, between
twelve and one o’clock, and twenty-six men were “hanged
by the neck until dead” in accordance with the sentence of
the Court.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">[308]</span></p>

<p>“Mr. Bass went to Prayer with them; and some little
time after, the Rev. Mr. Clap concluded with a short Exhortation
to them. Their Black Flag, with the Pourtrature of
Death having an Hour-Glass in one Hand, and a Dart in the
other, at the end of which was the Form of a Heart with three
Drops of Blood, falling from it, was affix’d at one Corner of the
Gallows. This Flag they call’d Old Roger, and often us’d
to say they would live and die under it.”<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a></p>

<p>“Never was there a more doleful sight in all this land, then
while they were standing on the stage, waiting for the stopping
of their Breath and the Flying of their Souls into the Eternal
World. And oh! how awful the Noise of their dying
moans!”<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a></p>

<p>The bodies were not gibbetted but taken to Goat or Fort
Island and buried on the shore between high and low water
mark.</p>

<p>After the execution had taken place, Captain Solgard set
sail in the “Greyhound” for his station at New York, taking
with him the pirate sloop.<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a> His exploit was looked upon as
a great service rendered to the country and the merchants of
New York were anxious that some public acknowledgment
be made, and so it came about that the Common Council of the
City, at a meeting held July 25, 1723, passed an order presenting
to Captain Solgard the Freedom of the City and providing
that the seal of the Freedom be enclosed in a gold box, the
Arms of the Corporation to be engraved on one side and a
representation of the engagement on the other, with this
motto: <i>Quaesitos Humani Generis Hostes Debellare Superbum
10 Junii 1723</i>. The clerk was instructed to have the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">[309]</span>
Freedom handsomely engrossed on parchment and when ready
the Council voted to wait upon Captain Solgard in a body and
present the same.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i308" style="max-width: 178.25em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i308.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>“VIEW OF NEWPORT, R. I., IN 1730,” SHOWING AT THE LEFT, GRAVELLY POINT, ON WHICH
THE PIRATES WERE HANGED IN 1723<br>
<span class='c2'>The original painting really represents the town at a somewhat later date. Reproduced from a lithograph copy made in 1864,
now in the George L. Shepley Library, Providence, R. I.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>But the “Greyhound,” in March of the previous year,
had an encounter with Spaniards, in which her officers came
off less happily. Captain Waldron, then in command, was
trading on the coast of Cuba and “invited some of the Merchants
to Dinner, who with their Attendants and Friends
came on Board to the Number of 16 or 18 in all; and having
concerted Measures, about six or eight dined in the Cabin, and
the rest waited on the Deck. While the Captain and his
Guests were at Dinner, the Boatswain Piped for the Ship’s
Company to dine. Accordingly the Men took their Platters,
received their Provisions, and went down between Decks,
leaving only 4 or 5 Hands besides the Spaniards, above; who
were immediately dispatched by them, and the Hatches laid
on the rest. Those in the Cabin were as ready as their Companions,
for they pull’d out their Pistols and shot the Captain,
Surgeon and another (Jacob Lopez, a merchant) dead, and
grievously wounded the Lieutenant; but he getting out of the
Window upon a Side-ladder, thereby saved his Life, and so
they made themselves Masters of the Ship in an Instant. But
by accidental good Fortune, she was recovered before she was
carry’d off; for Capt. Waldron having mann’d a Sloop with
30 Hands of his Ship’s Company, had sent her to Windward
some days before, also for Trade, which the Spaniards knew
very well; and just as the Action was over they saw this Sloop
coming down, before the Wind, towards their Ship; upon
which the Spaniards took about 10000£. in Specie, quitted the
Ship, and went off in their Launch unmolested.”<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> The
Greyhound eventually made her way to her station at New
York under command of the lieutenant, where she was joined
on Oct. 19th by her new commander, Capt. Peter Solgard,
Doctor Fisher, and twenty sailors.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> Formerly the “Mary,” 80 tons, owned by Joseph Dolliber of Marblehead
and captured at Port Roseway, Nova Scotia.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> <i>An account of the Pirates, with divers of their Speeches</i>, etc., Boston, 1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> <i>New England Courant</i>, July 22, 1723 (<i>postscript</i>).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> <i>An account of the Pirates, with divers of their Speeches</i>, etc., Boston,
1723.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> A great storm occurred on July 29, 1723, during which the pirate sloop,
then at anchor at New York, was forced to cut down her mast and afterwards
was driven out to sea and lost. <i>New England Courant</i>, Aug. 12, 1723
(<i>postscript</i>).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">[310]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII<br>
<span class="ch-title">John Phillips whose Head was Cut off and Pickled</span></h2>
</div>

<p>The sloop “Squirrel,” commanded by Skipper Andrew
Haraden, sailed out of Annisquam harbor, Cape Ann,
on the morning of April 14th, 1724, bound eastward on
a fishing voyage. She was newly built. In fact, the owner
and skipper were both so anxious to see her on her way to the
banks that they didn’t wait for all the deck-work to be completed
before she sailed and so the necessary tools were taken
along with the intention of finishing the work before Cape
Sable was reached. As the sloop made outward into Ipswich
Bay two or three sails were in sight, among them a sloop, off
to the eastward, following a course similar to the “Squirrel”
but a point or two more to the north, so that early in the
afternoon when the vessels were both off the Isles of Shoals,
the stranger was only a gunshot distant.</p>

<p>Skipper Haraden was looking her over when suddenly a
puff of smoke broke out of a swivel on her rail and the ball
struck the water less than a hundred feet in front of the
“Squirrel’s” bow. Just after the gun was fired the sloop
ran up a black flag and soon the Annisquam fisherman was
headed into the wind and her skipper was getting into a boat
in answer to a command that came across the water from the
pirate. When he reached her deck, Haraden found that
the pirate was commanded by Capt. John Phillips who was
well-known from the captures he had made among the fishing
fleets the year before. He was then on his way north after
spending a pleasant winter in the warm waters of the West
Indies and on the way up the coast had made numerous
captures.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">[311]</span></p>

<p>When Captain Phillips found that he had taken a newly
built vessel, with lines that suggested speed, he decided to take
her over and the next day the guns, ammunition and stores
were transferred to the “Squirrel” and the fishermen were
ordered aboard the other sloop and left to shift for themselves;
but Skipper Haraden was forcibly detained.</p>

<p>Haraden soon found that about half of the men with Phillips
had been forced like himself and were only waiting for a
chance to escape and one of them, Edward Cheeseman, a ship
carpenter, “broke his mind” to Haraden not long after the
vessels separated. It developed that various plans had
already been cautiously discussed by several of the captured
men and now that another bold man was aboard and an extra
broadax and adz used to complete the carpenter work on the
“Squirrel” were about the deck, the time seemed ripe to rise
and capture the vessel. John Filmore, a fisherman who had
been captured by Phillips while off the Newfoundland coast
the previous fall, was active in abetting Cheeseman in the
proposal to rise. Filmore came from the town of Wenham
which is not far from Annisquam, and in November, 1724,
after having been acquitted of piracy by the Admiralty Court
in Boston, he married Mary Spiller of Ipswich and his son
Nathaniel, became grandfather of Millard Fillmore, President
of the United States.</p>

<p>Several of the men on the “Squirrel” were for surprising
the pirates at night but as the sailing master, John Nutt,
was a man of great strength and courage, it was pointed out
that it would be dangerous to attack him without firearms.
Cheeseman, who had taken the lead in proposing the capture
of the vessel, was resolutely in favor of making the attack by
daylight as less likely to end in confusion or mistake. He
also volunteered to make way with the long-armed Nutt.
The plan agreed upon called for a united assault at noon on
April 17th, while the carpenter’s tools lay about the deck,
Cheeseman, the ship-carpenter, having his tools there also.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">[312]</span>
When the time arrived, Cheeseman brought out his brandy
bottle and took a dram with the rest, drinking to the boatswain
and the sailing master and “To their next merry
meeting.” He then took a turn about the deck with Nutt,
asking him what he thought of the weather and the like.
Meanwhile, Filmore took up a broadax and whirling it around
on its point as though at play, winked at Cheeseman to let
him know that all was ready. He at once seized Nutt by the
collar and putting the other hand between his legs and holding
hard he tossed him over the side of the vessel. Nutt, taken by
surprise, had only time to grasp Cheeseman’s coat sleeve and
say “Lord, have mercy upon me! What are you trying to do,
carpenter?” Cheeseman replied that it was an unnecessary
question “For, Master, you are a dead man,” and striking
him on the arm, Nutt lost his hold and fell into the sea and
never spoke again.</p>

<p>By this time the boatswain was dead, for as soon as Filmore
saw the master going over the rail he raised his broadax and
gave the boatswain a slash that divided his head clear to his
neck. Nutt’s cry and the noise of the scuffle brought the
captain on deck to be met by a blow from a mallet in the hands
of Cheeseman, which broke his jaw-bone but didn’t knock him
down. Haraden then made for the captain with a carpenter’s
adz which Sparks, the gunner, attempted to prevent and for
his pains was tripped up by Cheeseman and tumbled into the
hands of Charles Ivemay, another of the conspirators, who,
aided by two Frenchmen, instantly tossed him overboard.
Meanwhile, Haraden had smashed the captain over the head
with the adz and ended his piratical career for all time.
Cheeseman lost no time and jumped from the deck into the
hold and was about to beat out the brains of John Rose
Archer, the quartermaster, and already had got in two or three
blows with his mallet when Harry Giles, a young seaman,
came down after him and cried out that Archer’s life should be
spared as evidence of their own innocence so that it might not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">[313]</span>
afterwards appear that the attack on the pirates had been
made with the intent of seizing their plunder. Cheeseman
saw the force of this advice and so Archer was spared and
secured with ropes as were three others who were below when
the attack was made on deck and who surrendered when they
found out what had happened.</p>

<p>Captain Haraden now took command of the “Squirrel”
and altered her course from Newfoundland to Annisquam
which was reached on April 24th. As they came into the
harbor they prepared to fire a swivel to announce their arrival
to the village, but in some way the gun was prematurely discharged
and a French doctor on board, a forced man, was
instantly killed. Tradition, still lingering on the Cape, affirms
that the head of Phillips was hanging at the sloop’s mast-head
when she arrived at Annisquam<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a> and there is an island in
Annisquam River, known as Hangman’s Island, which
received its name from some connection with this event.
The local tradition has it that some of the pirates were hanged
on this island but that is incorrect as will be shown later.
It is possible, however, that Captain Haraden may have
brought back one or more bodies of the dead pirates, as trophies,
and these bodies may have been placed on gibbets
erected on what is now Hangman’s Island.</p>

<p>The day after the return of the “Squirrel,” Captain Haraden,
Israel Tricker and William Mills went over to “the
Harbor,” now the city of Gloucester, and made oath before
Esquire Epes Sargent to the particulars of the capture and
recapture of the sloop and on May 3d, the entire company
arrived in Boston and the four accused pirates and the seven
forced men found on board with them were placed in gaol to
await a speedy trial.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">[314]</span></p>

<p>Before relating the story of what took place at the trial it
may be well to recount the piratical adventures of Capt.
John Phillips previous to the final encounter that cost him his
head. He was an Englishman, a carpenter by trade, who
shipped for a Newfoundland voyage in a West-Country ship
and was captured on the way over by Captain Anstis in the
“Good Fortune.” Phillips soon became reconciled to the
life of a pirate and was appointed carpenter of the vessel and
there he continued until the company broke up at Tobago in
the West Indies.</p>

<p>While Phillips was with Anstis, the ship “Irwin,” Captain
Ross, bound to the West Indies from Cork, Ireland, was
taken off Martinico. Among the passengers was Colonel
Doyly of the island of Monserrat, who was wounded and much
abused while trying to save from the insults of the pirate crew
a poor woman, who was also a passenger. Twenty-one of the
scoundrels successively forced the poor creature and then
they broke her back and threw her overboard. Johnson in
his “History of the Pirates,” is responsible for this account,
which seems incredible, especially as all the known “Articles”
of pirate ships expressly forbid, under penalty of death,
attacks on inoffensive women.</p>

<p>Before long, dissentions arose among the crew. Some
wanted to petition the King for a pardon and others wished
to continue to sail under the black flag. Finally it was
decided to seek a retreat on the island of Tobago while a
petition was sent to England. It was signed in a “round
robin,” that is, all names were signed in a circle to avoid the
appearance of any one having signed first and thereby be
thought a principal. The petition stated that they had all
been taken by Bartholomew Roberts and forced; that they
abhorred and detested piracy and that their capture of the
“Good Fortune” and other vessels had been made in the hope
of escaping and obtaining a pardon. This petition was sent
home by a merchant ship bound to England from Jamaica<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">[315]</span>
and in her went a number of the company who felt certain of a
pardon and among them John Phillips.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp95" id="i314" style="max-width: 132.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i314.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>
<span class='c2'>
<i>A View of a Stage &amp; also of y^e manner of Fishing for, Curing &amp; Drying Cod at <span class="smcap">New Found Land</span>.</i><br>

<i>A. The Habit of y<sup>e</sup> Fishermen. B. The Line. C. The manner of Fishing. D. The Dressers of y<sup>e</sup> Fish. E. The Trough into
which they throw y<sup>e</sup> Cod when Dressed. F. Salt Boxes. G. The manner of Carrying y<sup>e</sup> Cod. H. The Cleansing y<sup>e</sup> Cod. I. A Press
to extract y<sup>e</sup> Oyl from y<sup>e</sup> Cods Livers. K. Casks to receive y<sup>e</sup> Water &amp; Blood that comes from y<sup>e</sup> Livers. L. Another Cask to receive
the Oyl. M. The manner of Drying y<sup>e</sup> Cod.</i><br>
<br>

FISHING SHIP AND STATION, NEWFOUNDLAND, ABOUT 1717<br>
From an insert in Herman Moll’s “Map of North America,” London [1710-1717], in the possession of John W. Farwell
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>His stay in England was short for while visiting his friends
in Devonshire he learned that some of his former companions
had been taken and were safe in custody in Bristol gaol and
realizing that his turn might come next he made for his nearest
port, Topsham, and shipped for a Newfoundland voyage with
one Captain Wadham. When the ship reached St. Peters, in
Newfoundland, Phillips promptly deserted and hired out for
the season as a fish splitter. But this was only a makeshift
until he found opportunity to carry into effect his intended
piratical schemes. He soon persuaded a number of his fellow-workers
to join him in seizing a schooner owned by William
Minott of Boston in the Massachusetts Bay, which lay at
anchor in the harbor near St. Peters. The night of Aug. 29,
1723, was the time agreed upon for the adventure but only
four men put in an appearance out of the sixteen who had
agreed with Phillips to go pirating. Notwithstanding this
falling away, Phillips still favored taking the schooner, feeling
certain they would soon enlarge their company and so the
vessel was seized and out of the harbor they sailed.</p>

<p>When safely at sea they renamed their schooner the “Revenge,”
chose officers and drew up Articles to govern their
future affairs. John Phillips was made captain; John Nutt,
master or navigator; James Sparks, gunner, Thomas Fern,
carpenter, and William White, the remaining member of the
company, constituted the crew. The Articles, as drawn up,
were sworn to upon a hatchet for lack of a Bible and were as
follows, viz.:—</p>


<div class="blockquot">

<p class="center">“<span class="smcap">The Articles on Board the</span> <i>REVENGE</i>.</p>

<p>“1. Every Man shall obey civil Command; the Captain
shall have one full Share and a half in all Prizes; the Master,
Carpenter, Boatswain and Gunner shall have one Share and
quarter.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">[316]</span></p>

<p>“2. If any Man shall offer to run away, or keep any Secret
from the Company, he shall be maroon’d, with one Bottle of
Powder, one Bottle of Water, one small Arm and Shot.</p>

<p>“3. If any Man shall steal any Thing in the Company, or
game to the Value of a Piece of Eight, he shall be maroon’d
or shot.</p>

<p>“4. If at any Time we should meet another Marrooner
[that is, pyrate], that Man that shall sign his Articles without
the Consent of our Company, shall suffer such Punishment as
the Captain and Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“5. That Man that shall strike another whilst these Articles
are in force, shall receive Moses’s Law (that is, 40 Stripes
lacking one) on the bare Back.</p>

<p>“6. That Man that shall snap his Arms, or smoak Tobacco
in the Hold, without a Cap to his Pipe, or carry a Candle
lighted without a Lanthorn, shall suffer the same Punishment
as in the former Article.</p>

<p>“7. That Man that shall not keep his Arms clean, fit for an
Engagement, or neglect his Business, shall be cut off from his
Share, and suffer such other Punishment as the Captain and
the Company shall think fit.</p>

<p>“8. If any Man shall lose a Joint in Time of an Engagement,
he shall have 400 Pieces of Eight, if a Limb, 800.</p>

<p>“9. If at any Time we meet with a prudent Woman, that
Man that offers to meddle with her, without her Consent, shall
suffer present Death.”</p>
</div>

<p>Thus organized and prepared, the “Revenge” was steered
to the fishing banks and several small vessels were soon captured
out of which they forced a few men and found a few
others who joined them voluntarily. Among the latter was
a man named John Rose Archer who had served off the Carolina
coast under the famous Teach, otherwise called “Black
Beard,” and because he was experienced in the trade Captain
Phillips made him quartermaster, an appointment that disaffected
some of the original company and especially Fern,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">[317]</span>
the carpenter, which led to his attempted desertion at a later
time. Three fishing vessels were taken Sept. 5th, near a
harbor in Newfoundland and John Parsons, John Filmore, and
Isaac Lassen, an Indian man, were forced. Lassen was
usually employed afterwards as man at the helm. About the
middle of the month a schooner, one Furber, master, was taken
and on the 20th of September a French vessel of 150 tons fell
into their hands from which they looted thirteen pipes of
wine, provisions and a “Great Gun &amp; Carriage valued at
£50.”<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Two Frenchmen, John Baptis and Peter Taffery,
were forced from this vessel. They afterwards were active in
helping Cheeseman and Haraden to recapture the “Squirrel.”</p>

<p>Early in October the “Revenge” was off Barbadoes and
among the captures made was the brigantine “Mary,” ——
Moor, master, from which cloth and provisions valued at
£500, were taken. A few days later they fell in with a brigantine,
—— Reed, master, bound to Virginia with servants.
It was from this vessel that William Taylor was enlisted.
He afterwards said “they were carrying me to Virginia
to be sold and they met with these honest men [meaning the
pirates] and I listed to go with them.” Seven days later
a Portuguese brigantine bound for Brazil was captured, out
of which a negro man slave named Francisco, valued at £100,
was taken; also three dozen shirts valued at £40, and a cask
of brandy valued at £30. On October 27th the sloop “Content,”
George Barrows, master, was captured near Bermuda.
She was bound from Boston for Barbadoes. The mate, John
Masters, was forced and the sloop was plundered of plate and
provisions. Masters remained on board the “Revenge” for
four months before he was released.</p>

<p>Captain Phillips now bore away for the island of Barbadoes
and cruised about there and off the Leeward Islands for nearly
three months without speaking a single vessel so no captures
were made and the supply of provisions ran so low that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">[318]</span>
company was reduced to a pound of meat a day for ten men.
It was then that they came up with a French sloop out of
Martinico, of twelve guns and thirty-five men, a far superior
force which they would not have ventured to attack at any
other time. But “hunger will break down stone walls”
and so the black flag was run aloft and they boldly ran along
side the sloop and ordered them to strike immediately or no
quarter would be given, which so intimidated the Frenchmen
that they made no resistance. The pirate crew plundered her
of all her provisions and taking four of her men, the sloop was
allowed to go.</p>

<p>Soon after this welcome supply of provisions was obtained
Captain Phillips proposed that the “Revenge” be careened
and her bottom cleaned and suggested that they go to the
island of Tobago where the former company of pirates that he
belonged to, under Anstis and Fern, had broken up. He said
that there had been left behind on the island six or eight men
who would not take the chance of returning to England, and
three negro servants, and if any of these men yet remained on
the island they now would certainly join the company on
board the “Revenge.” This seemed worth while to the company
so a course was set for Tobago and when reached careful
search was made for the men but only one of the negroes was
found, who told Captain Phillips that the rest of those left
behind including Captain Fern had been taken by a man-of-war’s
crew and carried to Antigua and hanged. This was
bad news. Nevertheless, they fell to work careening the
sloop and just as the job was completed, a man-of-war’s boat
came nosing into the harbor and the ship could be seen cruising
to the leeward of the island. No time was lost and as
soon as the boat left, the “Revenge” was warped out and a
course to the windward was made in all haste. The four
Frenchmen were left on the island.</p>

<p>Captain Phillips now steered northerly and on February
4, 1724, when about thirty-five leagues south of Sandy Hook,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">[319]</span>
they captured a snow, ———— Laws, master, from New
York bound for Barbadoes, and obtained cloth and provisions.
Fern, the carpenter, James Wood, William Taylor and William
Phillips were sent on board the snow and ordered to navigate
her in company with the “Revenge.” They sailed southward
until latitude 21° was reached when Fern and Wood attempted
to run away with the vessel. Fern had not forgotten
that Archer had been appointed quartermaster in preference
to him and had been waiting for this opportunity to break
company with Captain Phillips, so he brought over the others
to his way of thinking and then changed the course of the snow.
Captain Phillips was keeping a good lookout, however, and
interpreting their design correctly gave chase and coming up
with the snow a skirmish ensued. Fern was ordered to come
on board the “Revenge” and replied by firing at the captain
and a brisk exchange of shots followed during which Wood
was killed and William Phillips badly wounded in his left leg.
The other two then surrendered.</p>

<p>There was no surgeon on board either of the vessels and after
a consultation it was decided that Phillips’ leg must be cut off.
But who should perform the operation was much disputed.
Finally the carpenter was selected as the man best fitted for
the job. He brought up from his chest his largest saw and
taking the injured leg under his arm fell to work as though he
were cutting a deal board in two and soon the leg was separated
from the body of the patient. The carpenter then heated his
broadax red hot and cauterized the wound but this use of his
excellent tool being less familiar to him than the previous
operation he unfortunately burned flesh somewhat removed
from the amputated surface and in consequence the wound
narrowly escaped becoming mortified. Nature, however,
made up for his lack of skill and in time a cure was effected
without other assistance.</p>

<p>Two months after this rude operation had been performed,
a fishing schooner was taken and Captain Phillips proposed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">[320]</span>
that the maimed man should be put on board the vessel
before she was allowed to go, but he absolutely refused saying
“if he should go they would hang him.” William Phillips
afterwards testified at his trial in Boston, that he had been
forced out of the sloop “Glasgow,” William Warden, master,
which had been captured in October, 1723, and “that sometime
after he was on board, he understood there were Articles
drawn up for the Captain called him auft, and with his pistol
Cocked demanded him to sign the said Articles or else he
would blow his Brains out, which he refused to do, Reminding
the Captain of his promise that he should be cleared; but
the Captain Declaring that it should not hurt him, &amp; Insisting
on it as aforesaid he was obliged to sign the said Articles.”
He also testified that when Fern and the others were attempting
to get away in the snow, they told him they were going
to Holmes’ Hole and “there every one to shift for himself.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a></p>

<p>On Feb. 7, 1724, in latitude 37°, a ship bound from London
for Virginia, fell into the clutches of Captain Phillips.
The master was Captain Hussam and from this vessel they
secured a great gun and carriage, with powder and ball and
forced Henry Gyles, “an artist,” <i>i. e.</i> a man who understood
navigation. Gyles afterwards testified in the Admiralty
Court that William White, one of the pirates who boarded the
ship, threatened “to cut him in sunder if he didn’t make haste
to go on board the pirate with his Books and Instruments.”<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a>
While on board the “Revenge,” Gyles kept the journal having
been ordered to do so by Nutt, the sailing master.</p>

<p>Captain Phillips continued his southerly course and shortly
took a Portuguese ship bound for Brazil and two or three
sloops from Jamaica in one of which Fern again attempted to
make his escape and this time he was shot and killed by
Phillips. Another man met the same fate a few days later so
that the forced men became very careful how they discussed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">[321]</span>
measures for getting away and in sheer terror several of them
signed the Articles and quietly waited for a certain opportunity.</p>

<p>On March 27, 1724, two ships from Virginia, bound for
London, were taken, one of them commanded by Capt. John
Phillips, the pirate’s namesake, and the other by Capt. Robert
Mortimer, a young married man on his first voyage in command.
Phillips, the pirate captain, remained on board Captain
Mortimer’s ship while his men transferred the crew to the
sloop and when the boat returned one of the pirate crew called
up to Phillips that there was a mutiny on board their vessel.
Captain Mortimer had two of his men left on board and there
were two pirates with Phillips. When Mortimer heard of
the mutiny he thought it was an opportunity to recover his
ship and taking up a handspike he struck Phillips over the
head making a dangerous wound but not felling him to the
deck. Phillips was able to draw his sword and wound Mortimer
and the two pirates that were on board coming to his
assistance the unfortunate captain was soon cut to pieces
while his own two men stood by and did nothing.</p>

<p>Out of the other ship they forced Charles Ivemay, a seaman,
and also Edward Cheeseman, the carpenter, to fill the place
of their former carpenter, Fern, who had been killed by Phillips.
It was while Filmore, the young man from Wenham, was
rowing Cheeseman from one ship to the other, that he told
him of his condition on board the pirate vessel and how few
voluntary pirates there were on board and proposed that
they join with others in capturing the sloop. More came of
this later.</p>

<p>The very last of March, the schooner “Good-Will,” of
Marblehead, was taken, Benjamin Chadwell, master, and on
April 1st, a fishing schooner, William Lancy, master, fell into
their hands off Cape Sable. Lancy was detained on board
the “Revenge” and while there saw nine different vessels
taken, including a Cape Ann sloop commanded by Capt. John<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">[322]</span>
Salter. On board Captain Lancy’s schooner was a seaman
named David Yaw who afterwards deposed that when the
pirates came on board one of them, John Baptis, a Frenchman,
“damn’d him and kicked him in his legs and pointed to
his Boots, which was a sign as this deponent understood it
that he wanted his Boots, and he accordingly pulled them off
and Baptis took them.”<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a></p>

<p>Among the vessels taken about this time, most of them
while Captain Lancy was on board, were those commanded
by the following masters, viz.:—Joshua Elwell, Samuel
Elwell, Mr. Combs, Mr. Lansly, James Babson, Edward
Freeman, Mr. Start, Obadiah Beal, Erick Erickson, Benjamin
Wheeler and Dependence Ellery. The latter captain gave
Phillips a long chase and when he came up with him about
night, the poor man was dragged aboard the “Revenge”
and made to dance about the deck until he could hardly
stand.</p>

<p>It was on April 14th that Captain Haraden’s sloop was
taken and three days later Phillips was dead. Of the men
who had sailed with him from Newfoundland less than eight
months before all had met a violent death except William
White and he reached the gaol in Boston on May 3d and was
brought to a speedy trial.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a></p>

<p>The Court of Admiralty for the trial of the pirates was
held May 12th, 1724 and the Lieutenant-Governor of the
Province, William Dummer, sat as President. John Filmore,
the son of the Wenham farmer, and Edward Cheeseman, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">[323]</span>
carpenter of the London-bound ship, who had been so active
in the capture of the pirates, were brought to trial first and
“Articles of Piracy, Robbery and Felony exhibited” against
them, by the King’s attorney. Skipper Haraden testified
as to the details of his capture by Phillips and to the exciting
events on the day when Phillips was killed. Everything
indicated that both men had been forced and the activity they
had shown in attacking the voluntary pirates was all in their
favor so the court room was cleared and a unanimous verdict of
“not guilty” was declared.</p>

<p>In the afternoon, the Court sat again and William Phillips,
Isaac Larsen, the Indian, Henry Giles, “the artist,” Charles
Ivemay, John Bootman, John Combs and Henry Payne were
brought to the bar. The men were accused of assisting in the
capture and plunder of the vessels taken since the previous
October and John Masters, formerly mate of the sloop “Content,”
and William Lancy, the master of a fishing schooner,
both of whom had testified at the morning session, were placed
on the witness stand. Filmore and Cheeseman also gave
particular accounts of occurrences on board the pirate vessel.
It was agreed that Larsen had hold of Captain Phillips’ arm
when Haraden struck him on the head with the adz and that
during the seven months while on board “he was generally
set at the helm to steer the vessel” and Filmore said that he
never saw him guilty of piracy “except that they now and then
obliged him to take a shirt or a pair of stockings when almost
naked.”</p>

<p>William Phillips, who had lost a leg, addressed the court
and attempted to justify his conduct on board the pirate
vessel. He said that he had been forced out of the sloop
“Glasgow” and had signed the Articles under compulsion,
but the Court “by a plurality of voices” found him guilty
and the rest of the accused, not guilty, by unanimous voice.</p>

<p>William White, one of the original five who seized the sloop
“Revenge” at Newfoundland, and John Archer, “otherwise<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">[324]</span>
called John Rose Archer,” who claimed to have served with
“Black Beard” on the Carolina coast, and William Taylor,
were brought to trial the next day. Filmore was the principal
witness against them. He had been in the harbor of St.
Peters at the time that Mr. Minott’s sloop had been taken by
Phillips and the others and not long after had been captured
by them. White had told him that he had been in drink at the
time he entered into his piratical design and was afterwards
sorry. As for William Taylor,—“he was very Great with
Phillips and Nutt, being admitted into the Cabin upon any
Consultation they had together.” All three were found guilty.</p>

<p>The two Frenchmen, John Baptis and Peter Taffery, also
escaped the gallows for it was shown that they had been active
at the rising against the pirates and with the others had
fallen on James Sparks, the gunner, and killed him and thrown
the body overboard. Haraden also testified in their favor.</p>

<p>On Tuesday, June 2, 1724, John Rose Archer, aged about
twenty-seven years, and William White, aged twenty-two
years, were executed at the ferryway in Boston leading to
Charlestown, “where were a multitude of spectators. At one
end of the Gallows was their own dark Flag, in the middle of
which an Anatomy, and at one side of it a Dart in the Heart,
with drops of Blood proceeding from it; and on the other side
an Hour-glass, the sight dismal.... After their death they
were in Boats conveyed down to an Island, where the Quarter
Master was hung up in Irons, to be a spectacle, and so a
Warning to others.”<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a></p>

<p>It is said that they both died very penitent and made on the
scaffold the following declarations with the assistance of two
grave divines who attended them.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i324" style="max-width: 90.375em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i324.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
<i>The Converted Sinner.</i><br>
<br>
The NATURE of a<br>
CONVERSION<br>
to Real and Vital<br>
PIETY:<br>
And the MANNER in which it<br>
is to be Pray’d &amp; Striv’n for.<br>
<br>
A SERMON Preached in<br>
BOSTON, May 31, 1724.<br>
<br>
In the <i>Hearing</i> and at the <i>Desire</i> of
certain PIRATES, a little before
their Execution.<br>
<br>
To which there is added, A more Private
CONFERENCE of a MINISTER
with them.<br>
<br>
Jam. V. 20.<br>
<i>He who Converteth the Sinner from the Error of his way,
shall save a Soul from Death.</i><br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON</i>: Printed for <i>Nathaniel Belknap</i>
and Sold at his Shop the Corner
Scarletts-Wharff. 1724.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>


<div class="blockquot">

<p>“The dying Declarations of John Rose Archer, and William
White, on the Day of their Execution at Boston, June 2, 1724,
for the Crimes of Pyracy,</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">[325]</span></p>

<p class="center">
“First, separately, of <i>Archer</i>.<br>
</p>

<p>“I Greatly bewail my Profanations of the Lord’s Day, and
my Disobedience to my Parents. And my Cursing and
Swearing, and my blaspheming the Name of the glorious God.</p>

<p>“Unto which I have added, the Sins of Unchastity. And
I have provoked the Holy One, at length, to leave me unto the
Crimes of Pyracy and Robbery; wherein, at last, I have
brought my self under the Guilt of Murder also.</p>

<p>“But one Wickedness that has led me as much as any, to
all the rest, has been my brutish Drunkenness. By strong
Drink I have been heated and hardened into the Crimes that
are now more bitter than Death unto me.</p>

<p>“I could wish that Masters of Vessels would not use their
Men with so much Severity, as many of them do, which
exposes us to great Temptations.</p>

<p class="center">
“And then of <i>White</i>.<br>
</p>

<p>“I am now, with Sorrow, reaping the Fruits of my Disobedience
to my Parents, who used their Endeavours to have
me instructed in my Bible, and my Catechism.</p>

<p>“And the Fruits of my neglecting the publick Worship of
God, and prophaning the holy Sabbath.</p>

<p>“And of my blaspheming the Name of God, my Maker.</p>

<p>“But my Drunkenness has had a great Hand in bringing
my Ruin upon me. I was drunk when I was enticed aboard
the Pyrate.</p>

<p>“And now, for all the vile Things I did aboard, I own the
Justice of God and Man, in what is done unto me.</p>

<p class="center">
“Of both together.<br>
</p>

<p>“We hope, we truly hate the Sins, whereof we have the
Burthen lying so heavy upon our Consciences.</p>

<p>“We warn all People, and particularly young People,
against such Sins as these. We wish, all may take Warning
by us.</p>

<p>“We beg for Pardon, for the Sake of Christ, our Saviour;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">[326]</span>
and our Hope is in him alone. Oh! that in his Blood our
Scarlet and Crimson Guilt may be all washed away!</p>

<p>“We are sensible of an hard Heart in us, full of Wickedness.
And we look upon God for his renewing Grace upon us.</p>

<p>“We bless God for the Space of Repentance which he has
given us; and that he has not cut us off in the Midst and
Height of our Wickedness.</p>

<p>“We are not without Hope, that God has been savingly at
work upon our Souls.</p>

<p>“We are made sensible of our absolute Need of the Righteousness
of Christ; that we may stand justified before God in
that. We renounce all Dependance on our own.</p>

<p>“We are humbly thankful to the Ministers of Christ, for
the great Pains they have taken for our Good. The Lord
reward their Kindness.</p>

<p>“We don’t despair of Mercy; but hope, through Christ,
that when we die, we shall find Mercy with God, and be
received into his Kingdom.</p>

<p>“We with others, and especially the Sea-faring, may get
Good by what they see this Day befalling of us.</p>

<p>“Declared in the Presence of</p>

<p class="right">
<span style="margin-right: 2em;">“J. W. D. M.”</span><br>
</p>
</div>

<p>Jeremiah Bumstead, a Boston brazier, recorded in his
diary that “Mr. Webb wallkt with them and prayed thare:
their death flagg was set on the gallows.” Six days later he
took his wife and ten relatives and neighbors and sailed down
the harbor “to see the piratte in Gibbits att Bird Island.”
Bird island was located about half-way between Governor’s
island and Noddle’s island, now East Boston. Fifty years
later it had worn away so that little remained but a sandy
flat exposed at low water and before many years it had disappeared
entirely. As for Phillips and Taylor; they were
reprieved before the day set for execution and finally pardoned
but for what reason does not appear.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">[327]</span></p>

<p>Preserved among the manuscripts in the Massachusetts
State Archives are the papers connected with this trial and
among them is the bill rendered by the marshal for expenses
incurred by him in connection with the execution and gibbetting
of Archer.</p>

<p class="right">
“The Province of the Massachusetts Bay<br>
to Edward Stanbridge, Dr.</p>
<p class="no-indent">June 2,</p>
<p>1724</p>
<p>For Sundrys by him Expended being Marshall and by Order of a Special<br>
Cort of Admiralty for the Execution of John Rose Archer and William<br>
White two Pirats, Viz.:</p>

<table class="autotable th">
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To the Executioner for his Services</td>
<td class="tdr">£12:</td>
<td class="tdr">00:</td>
<td class="tdr">-</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To Mr. Joseph Parsons for Cordage &amp; Line</td>
<td class="tdr">2:</td>
<td class="tdr">17:</td>
<td class="tdr">6</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To Boat hire and Labourers to help sett the Gibet and</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">there Attendance at the Execution and Diging the</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">grave for White</td>
<td class="tdr">3:</td>
<td class="tdr">10:</td>
<td class="tdr">8</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To Expences for Victuals and Drink for the Sherifs officers</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">and Constables after the Executions att Mrs. Mary</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Gilberts her Bill</td>
<td class="tdr">3:</td>
<td class="tdr">15:</td>
<td class="tdr">8</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To George May, Blockmaker, 5 Blocks with straps and</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">hooks and Sheaves</td>
<td class="tdr">1:</td>
<td class="tdr">5:</td>
<td class="tdr">-</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To Makeing of the Chains for John Rose Archer one of the</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Pyrats and the hire of a man to help fix him on the</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">&nbsp;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Gebbet att Bird Island</td>
<td class="tdr">12:</td>
<td class="tdr">10:</td>
<td class="tdr">-</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">To treating the Gentlemen that listed the Piratical Goods</td>
<td class="tdr">0:</td>
<td class="tdr">5:</td>
<td class="tdr">-</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">____</td>
<td class="tdr">___</td>
<td class="tdr">___</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">&nbsp;</td>
<td class="tdr">£36:</td>
<td class="tdr">3:</td>
<td class="tdr">10:</td>
</tr>
</table>
<p class="center">“E: Excepted</p>
<p class="right">“P Edward Stanbridge.”
</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> Babson, <i>History of Gloucester</i>, p. 287. This very likely is true as
Jeremiah Bumstead of Boston recorded in his diary on May 3, 1724, that
“Phillip’s &amp; Burrill’s heads were brought to Boston in pickle.”—<i>N. E.
Hist. Gen. Reg.</i>, Vol. 15, p. 201.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. 63, leaf 341.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. 63, leaf 381.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> <i>Ibid.</i>, Vol. 63, leaf 386.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> <i>Massachusetts Archives</i>, Vol. 63, leaf 383.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> Phillips had captured between August 29, 1723 and April 14, 1724,
a snow from New York, Low, master; three shallops; fifteen fishing
vessels; three schooners, Haskel of Cape Ann, Furber and Chadwell; three
brigantines, Moore, Read, and Francisco, masters; four sloops, Barrow,
Salter and Harradine, masters; five ships, one from France, and a Frenchman,
another from Martinico, Hussam from London to Virginia, two from
Virginia for London, John Phillips and Robert Mortimer; in all thirty-four
vessels.—<i>Boston News-Letter</i>, Apr. 30—May 7, 1724 issue.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> <i>Boston News-Letter</i>, May 28-June 4, 1724 issue.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">[328]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII<br>
<span class="ch-title">William Fly, who was Hanged in Chains on
Nix’s Mate</span></h2>
</div>

<p>The piratical career of this fellow was very short, a
fortunate thing for shipping along the New England
coast, as he was a bloody-minded man who would
undoubtedly have become a scourge had he been able to
increase his ship’s company and secure a vessel better suited
to his purposes. The “Remarkable Relation of a Cockatrice
crush’d in the Egg” is the characterization made by the Rev.
Cotton Mather in his narrative of Fly’s career published in
Boston soon after the execution of the pirates.</p>

<p>Fly was born in England and went to sea early. He was of
obscure parentage and of limited education and until he led
the mutiny and capture of the Bristol snow, in May, 1726,
he had served only as a foremast-man or petty officer.</p>

<p>In the spring of 1726 he was at Jamaica, in the West Indies,
when a snow owned by Bristol merchants and commanded by
Capt. John Green, came to anchor in the harbor. The snow
“Elizabeth” was bound for the coast of Guinea on a slaving
voyage and being short of hands, Fly was shipped as boatswain.
The captain of a slaving ship must be a man of strong character,
a rough and ready type, and Captain Green soon incurred,
in some way, the enmity of Fly who began plotting
with several of the men whom he found ripe for any kind of
villainy. They resolved before long to seize the snow, murder
the captain and mate and turn pirates.</p>

<p>On May 27, 1726, Fly had the early morning watch. At
one o’clock, accompanied by the other mutineers, he went to
the helmsman, Morice Cundon, and told him with many curses<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">[329]</span>
that if he spoke a word or stirred from his post they would
blow his brains out. Fly then rolled up his shirt sleeves and
cutlass in hand went into the captain’s cabin accompanied by
Alexander Mitchell. Captain Green awoke instantly and
asked what was the matter. Mitchell replied that they had
no time to answer impertinent questions; that he was to go
on deck at once and if he refused they would be at the trouble
of scraping the cabin to clean up his blood, for Captain Fly
had been chosen commander and they would have no other
captain on board nor waste provisions to feed useless men.
Captain Green said he would make no resistance and proposed
that they should put him ashore somewhere meanwhile keeping
him in irons.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i328" style="max-width: 102.25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i328.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
The<br>
TRYALS<br>
OF<br>
Sixteen Persons for PIRACY, <i>&amp;c.</i><br>
<br>
<i>Four of which were found Guilty</i>,<br>
<br>
And the rest Acquitted.<br>
<br>
At a Special Court of Admiralty for the Tryal of
Pirates, Held at <i>Boston</i> within the Province of
the <i>Massachusetts-Bay</i> in <i>New-England</i>, on Monday
the Fourth Day of <i>July</i>, Anno Dom. 1726. Pursuant
to His Majesty’s Commission, Founded on
an Act of Parliament, made in the Eleventh and
Twelfth Years of the Reign of King <span class="smcap">William</span> the
Third, Intitled; <i>An Act for the more Effectual Suppression
of Piracy</i>. And made Perpetual by an Act of the
Sixth of King GEORGE.<br>
<br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON</i>: Printed for and Sold by <i>Joseph Edwards</i>, at the Corner Shop on
the North side of the Town-House, 1726.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>


<p>“Ay, God damn ye,” said Fly, “to live and hang us, if we
are ever taken. No! no! Walk up and be damn’d, that bite
won’t take. It has hanged many an honest fellow already.”</p>

<p>Without more words they pulled the captain out of bed,
hauled him into the steerage and drove him up on deck, Fly
cutting him several times with his cutlass. Once there, one
of them asked the unfortunate man if he would rather take a
leap like a brave fellow or be tossed overboard like a sneaking
rascal. In despair, the captain said to Fly,—“For the
Lord’s sake, don’t throw me overboard, boatswain; for if you
do, you throw me into Hell immediately.”</p>

<p>“Damn you!” answered Fly. “Since he’s so devilish
godly, we’ll give him time to say his prayers and I’ll be parson.
Say after me, <i>Lord, have mercy on my soul</i>, short prayers are
best, and then over with him, my lads.”</p>

<p>When the men seized him, the captain clutched at the
mainsheet and one of them, Thomas Winthrop, picked up a
cooper’s broadax and chopped off the poor master’s hand at
the wrist and then overboard he went and soon disappeared
from sight.</p>

<p>While this was going on, Winthrop, Samuel Cole and Henry
Hill had pounced on the mate, Thomas Jenkins, and dragged<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">[330]</span>
him on deck telling him he was “of the Captain’s Mess, and
they should e’en drink together; it was a pity to part good
Company.” As the mate struggled to escape, one of them
snatched up the broadax with which Winthrop had lopped
off the captain’s hand, and aimed a blow at the mate’s head
which landed instead on his shoulder and then he was thrown
overboard just before the main shrouds. As he fell he cried
out to the ship’s doctor, “For the Lord’s sake, fling me a
rope.” But Fly soon put the doctor in irons and also confined
the gunner and the carpenter who declined to fall in with the
others.</p>

<p>Captain Fly was now saluted and escorted to the great cabin
with some ceremony, where a bowl of punch was made.
While it was brewing, Morice Cundon, the helmsman, was
called down and one John Fitzherbert set in his place. A
seaman named Thomas Streator was also brought into the
cabin and Fly told the two men that they were rascals and
richly deserved to be sent after the captain and the mate, but
the company was willing to show them mercy and not put
them to death in cold blood; but for the security of the ship’s
company they would be placed in irons. The snow was then
renamed the “Fame’s Revenge.” She was well stored with
powder, rum and provisions but was a slow sailer.</p>

<p>While the company was still debating what course should
be taken word was brought down that a ship was near them
and the council broke up. As it grew lighter she was recognized
as the “Pompey,” which had come out from England
in company with Captain Green and had sailed from Jamaica
at the same time. The “Pompey” stood in near the snow
and hailed, asking for Captain Green’s health. Fly answered
“He is very well. At your service!” Not having hands
enough Fly decided not to attack the ship so the company
returned to the cabin and the bowl of punch and soon voted
to make for the North Carolina coast.</p>

<p>On June 3d, off Cape Hatteras, they came upon a sloop<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">[331]</span>
lying at anchor inside the bar. She was the “John and
Hannah,” John Fulker, master, bound for Boston in New
England. When the snow stood in for the harbor of Carolina,
Captain Fulker thought she might be in need of a pilot and
so took his boat and accompanied by Samuel Walker, the mate,
a young lad, and two passengers,—Capt. William Atkinson,
late master of the brigantine “Boneta,” and Richard Ruth,
rowed out to the snow intending to bring her in. When on
board they were told the snow was from Jamaica. Fly
received them very civilly and invited them down to the cabin
where a bowl of punch was ordered. When it was brought in
Fly told his guests “that he was no Man to mince Matters:
that he and his Comrades were Gentlemen of Fortune, and
should make bold to try if Captain Fulker’s Sloop was a better
sailer than the Snow; if she was, she would prove much fitter
for their Business, and they must have her.”</p>

<p>The snow came to anchor about a league from the sloop
and Fly ordered Captain Fulker with six men to bring her
alongside the snow. The wind was in the wrong quarter,
however, and after several attempts they gave it up for the
time and brought Captain Fulker back to the snow where
Fly received him in a violent passion, cursing and damning
him for not bringing off the sloop. Fulker said it was impossible.
“Damn ye,” replied Fly, “you lie like a Dog, but
damn my Blood, your Hide shall pay for your Roguery, and
if I can’t bring her off I’ll burn her where she lies.” He then
ordered Captain Fulker “to the Geers.” He was at once
stripped and given an unmerciful beating. The boat’s crew
were then sent back again to bring off the sloop and after a
time got her as far as the bar where she bilged and sank.</p>

<p>With Captain Fulker, Captain Atkinson and the rest on
board, the “Fame’s Revenge” set sail on June 5th and the
next day sighted the ship “John and Betty,” Capt. John
Gale, bound from Barbadoes for Virginia. Fly gave chase
and finding that the ship could outsail him he hoisted “a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">[332]</span>
Jack at the Main topmast Head, in token of Distress.” Captain
Gale was suspicious and ignoring the signal kept his course
with Fly still in chase. The pursuit was kept up all night and
early in the morning, the wind having slackened, Fly came
within gunshot and hoisting a black flag, fired several times
until Captain Gale struck his colors. Fly manned his long
boat, which carried a pateraro in the bow, and went on board
well armed with pistols and cutlasses and having made the
master and crew prisoners sent them on board the snow.
Fly lay by for two days and finding little on board of value to
him, save some sail cloth and small arms, he permitted the
ship to go after forcing six of the crew. In her went Captain
Fulker, Mr. Ruth and Captain Green’s surgeon, who had
steadfastly refused to serve the pirate company. Captain
Atkinson, however, was forced to remain with Fly as he
understood navigation and also was familiar with the New
England coast. When Captain Atkinson asked to be allowed
his liberty, Captain Fly replied as follows:—</p>

<p>“Look ye, Captain Atkinson, it is not that we care a T——d
for your Company, G——d d——n ye, G——d d——n my
Soul, not a T——d, by G——d, and that’s fair; but G——d
d——n ye, and G——d’s B——d and W——ds, if you don’t
act like an honest Man, G——d d——n ye, and offer to play
us any Rogue’s Tricks, by G——d, and G——d sink me, but
I’ll blow your Brains out; G——d d——n me if I don’t.
Now, Captain Atkinson, you may do as you please, you may
be a Son of a Whore, and pilot us wrong, which, G——d
d——n ye, would be a rascally Trick, by God, because you
would betray Men who trust in you; but, by the eternal
J——s, you shan’t live to see us hang’d. I don’t love many
Words, G——d d——n ye, if you have a Mind to be well used
you shall, G——d’s B——d; but if you will be a Villain and
betray your trust, may G——d strike me dead, and may I
drink a Bowl of Brimstone and Fire with the D——l, if I
don’t send you head-long to H——ll, G——d d——n me;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">[333]</span>
and so there needs no more Arguments, by G——d, for I’ve
told you my Mind, and here’s all the Ship’s Crew for Witnesses,
that if I do blow your Brains out, you may blame no
Body but your self, G——d d——n ye.”<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a></p>

<p>Fly forbade Captain Atkinson to have any conversation
with other forced men lest he should hatch a conspiracy and
to prevent any communication between them at night a
hammock was given him in the cabin.</p>

<p>Off Delaware Bay they met the sloop “Rachel,” Samuel
Harris, commander, bound for Pennsylvania from New York.
She had about fifty Scotch-Irish passengers aboard. When
Fly hoisted his black ensign and ordered her to strike she did
so at once. The sloop was ransacked and held for a day and
then permitted to go. One of her crew, a lusty fellow named
James Benbrook, was forced.</p>

<p>Fly now ordered Captain Atkinson to bear away for Martha’s
Vineyard proposing to water there and then sail for the
Guinea coast; but Atkinson, instead of steering for the Vineyard,
purposely carried them past and out into the Bay.
When Fly discovered this he told Captain Atkinson that “he
was a rascally Son of an envenom’d Bitch, and damn his
Blood it was a Piece of Cruelty to let such a son of a Whore
live, who design’d the Death of so many honest Fellows.”</p>

<p>Atkinson replied that he never pretended to know the coast
and it was very hard that he should die for being thought an
abler man than he really was. “G——d d——n you,” said
Fly, “you are an obstinate Villain,” and he was about to draw
a pistol to shoot Atkinson when Mitchell interposed and
saved his life.</p>

<p>On June 23d they met a fishing schooner lying to on Brown’s
bank. She was the “James,” of Marblehead, George Girdler,
master, and as Fly came up he fired a gun and hoisted his black
ensign. When the master came aboard, Fly told him that he
proposed taking his vessel unless he found a better sailer.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">[334]</span>
About noon, as they lay near each other, several other schooners
came in sight and Fly ordered six of his pirates and a
prisoner named George Tasker, to man the prize schooner
and go in pursuit. This was a very hazardous thing to do for
it left him on board the “Fame’s Revenge” with only three
of his pirate crew, one of whom, Samuel Cole, was in irons
on suspicion of mutiny. Against this small number of armed
men were Captain Atkinson, Captain Fulker’s mate, a couple
of his boys, Captain Green’s gunner and carpenter, five of
Captain Gale’s men, James Benbrooke, and three fishermen
belonging to the Marblehead schooner. Atkinson already
had secretly had some conversation with Samuel Walker
and Thomas Streaton and Walker had spoken to Benbrook.
This seemed to be the opportunity that they had waited for.
By good fortune, just at this time, several other vessels
appeared in sight and Atkinson, by telling Fly what he saw
from the bows, drew him forward from his loaded guns and
cutlass which he had kept beside him on the quarter-deck.
At first Fly was loath to leave the quarter-deck and told
Atkinson that he could see but one sail, but Atkinson insisted
that he could see two others and told Fly that he would soon
have a fleet of prizes. “If you were but here, Sir, with your
glass, ahead, you would easily see them all,” said Atkinson.
Fly in his intense interest forgot his earlier caution and came
off the quarter-deck where his arms lay and went ahead to
spy the sails that Atkinson claimed to have seen. He sat
on the windlass and with his prospective glass tried to locate
the mythical vessels. Benbrook and Walker now came forward
and directed the captain to look a point or two at one
side and while so engaged, Atkinson, a spare and slender
man, slipped aft towards the guns and as Walker and Benbrook
seized Fly he quickly pointed a gun at him and told him
that “he was a dead man if he didn’t immediately submit.”
Benbrook already had broken Fly’s sword. About this time
Greenville, one of the pirates, heard the struggle and put his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">[335]</span>
head above to see what was the matter. Atkinson at once
struck him over the head with his gun and with the help of
the carpenter the other man was soon in irons. Meanwhile
the rest of the forced men stood by as in a trance but soon
came to and with a will aided in securing the prisoners.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i334" style="max-width: 83.1875em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i334.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
<i>It is a fearful thing to fall into the<br>
Hands if the Living GOD.</i><br>
<br>
A<br>
<i>SERMON</i><br>
Preached to some miserable<br>
<i>PIRATES</i><br>
<br>
July 10. 1726.<br>
On the <i>Lord’s Day</i>, before their
Execution.<br>
<br>
By <i>Benjamin Colman</i>,<br>
Pastor of a Church in <i>Boston</i>.<br>
<br>
To which is added some Account of said Pirates.<br>
<br>
Deut. XVII. 13. <i>And all the People shall
hear and fear, and do no more so presumptuously.</i><br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON, N. E.</i> Printed for <i>John Phillips</i>
and <i>Thomas Hancock</i>, and Sold at their
Shops. 1726.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>


<p>Fly, when he found himself in irons, began to blaspheme,
cursing all rovers who should ever give quarter to an Englishman.
This was the brave-spirited fellow who would say when
it had thundered, “They are playing bowls in the air”;
and when it lightned, he would say, “Who fires now? Stand
by,” etc. Four days later Captain Atkinson had brought the
snow and the pirates to anchor in Boston harbor and on July
4, 1726 they came to a speedy trial before the Honorable
William Dummer, Lieutenant-Governor, and the judges of
the Admiralty Court, among whom was Samuel Sewall.</p>

<p>The court was held in the old Court House that formerly
stood at the head of what is now State street. Captain
Atkinson was tried first and soon cleared as were Joseph
Marshall and William Ferguson, sailors on the schooner
“James.” Then followed the trials of John Cole, John
Browne, Robert Dauling, John Daw, James Blair and Edward
Lawrence who had been forced from the “John and Betty,”
Edward Apthorp, who belonged to the “John and Hannah,”
James Benbrook, the spry young seaman forced from the
“Rachel,” and Morice Cundon, the helmsman on the “Elizabeth”
when Captain Green was thrown overboard. These
all were acquitted.</p>

<p>The four pirates that had been taken were brought to trial
last. Captain Fly, aged twenty-seven years, denied that he had
aided in throwing overboard either Captain Green or Jenkins,
the mate. “I can’t charge myself with Murder,” he said.
“I did not strike or wound the Master or Mate. It was
Mitchel did it.” Samuel Cole, aged thirty-seven years,
owned to having a wife and seven children. He had served
as quartermaster on the pirate snow and when Fly suspected<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">[336]</span>
him of mutiny he ordered a hundred lashes given him “whereof
he continued sore to his Death.” Henry Greenville, about
forty years of age, was a married man. George Condick, a
young man of twenty years, had usually been the worse for
drink and not able to bear arms when vessels had been taken.
He had served as cook for the company. This may have
saved his neck for he was fortunate enough to be recommended
for a reprieve. The other three were sentenced to
be hanged, Fly’s body afterwards to be hung in chains from a
gibbet erected on Nix’s Mate, a small island in Boston harbor
which now has been entirely washed away. A granite monument
marks the site and also serves as a warning to navigators.</p>

<p>With the pirates sentenced to death and awaiting execution
the ministers of the town began their ministrations and “great
pains were taken to dispose them for a Return unto God”;
so says the Rev. Cotton Mather who always occupied a prominent
place in the public eye at such times. The account of
his conference with the doomed pirates, held on July 6, written
by him and printed soon after their execution, begins as
follows:—</p>

<p>“Unhappy Men:—Yet not hopeless of Eternal Happiness:—A
Marvellous Providence of GOD has put a <i>Quickstop</i>
to a Swift Carriere you were taking in the <i>paths of the
Destroyer</i>. But had you been <i>at once</i> cut off in your Wickedness,
what had become of you? A merciful GOD has not
only given you a <i>space to Repent</i>, but has ordered your being
brought into a place where such <i>means</i> of Instruction will be
Employ’d upon you, and such <i>pains</i> will be taken for the
Salvation of your Souls, as are not commonly Elsewhere to
be met withal, May this <i>Goodness of GOD lead you to Repentance</i>:—Among
other and greater proofs of This, you will
accept this <i>Visit</i>, which I now intend you.</p>

<p>“We thank you, Syr, replied the pirates.”</p>

<p>The eminent divine continues in the same strain through
twenty-one printed pages. As he left the condemned prisoners<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">[337]</span>
he supplied them “with several Books of Piety,” very
likely of his own voluminous writings.</p>

<p>After Fly was put in prison he ate very little. New England
rum kept strength in his body. He absolutely refused
to go to the North Meeting-house, the Sunday before he was
executed, when the other prisoners were placed on exhibition
and preached to by the Rev. Cotton Mather who chose for
his text—“They Dy even without Wisdom.” Fly said
“he would not have the Mob to gaze upon him.... He
seemed all along ambitious to have it said, <i>That he died a
brave fellow!</i> He pass’d along to the place of Execution, with
a <i>Nosegay</i> in his hand, and making his <i>Complements</i>, where he
<i>thought he saw occasion</i>. Arriving there, he nimbly mounted
the stage, and would fain have put on a Smiling Aspect. He
reproached the Hangman, for not understanding his Trade,
and with his own Hands rectified matters, to render all things
more Convenient and Effectual.”<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i336" style="max-width: 85.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i336.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
<i>The Vial poured out upon the SEA.</i><br>
<br>
A<br>
Remarkable RELATION<br>
Of certain<br>
PIRATES<br>
Brought unto a Tragical and Untimely<br>
END.<br>
<br>
Some CONFERENCES with them,
after their <i>Condemnation</i>.<br>
<br>
Their BEHAVIOUR at their <i>Execution</i>.<br>
<br>
AND <i>A</i><br>
SERMON<br>
Preached on that Occasion.<br>
<br>
Job XX. 29.<br>

<i>This is the portion of a wicked Man from GOD,
and the Heritage appointed unto him by GOD.</i><br>
<br>
<i>BOSTON</i>: Printed by <i>T. Fleet</i>, for <i>N. Belknap</i>, and
sold at his Shop near <i>Scarlet</i>’s Wharf. 1726.<br>
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>


<p>The execution occurred at the usual place near the Charlestown
ferry about where the North End park is now located,
and the gallows was placed on the shore between the ebb and
flow of the tides. Thousands of people, coming from miles
around, had gathered to witness the spectacle and after the
doomed men were on the platform three ministers of the town
offered lengthy prayers.</p>

<p>After the execution was over and the crowd of spectators
had returned to their homes to recall its details, the bodies
of the pirates “were carried in a Boat to a small Island call’d
Nicks’s-Mate, about 2 Leagues from the Town, where Fly
was hung up in Irons, as a Spectacle for the warning of others,
especially Seafaring Men; the other Two were buried there.”—<i>Boston
News-Letter</i>, July 7-14, 1726.</p>

<p>And so ended the short reign of a would-be scoundrel who
only wanted skill and power to become as infamous as any
who had scoured the seas.</p>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> Rev. Cotton Mather, <i>Vial poured upon the Sea</i>, Boston, 1726.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">[338]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX<br>
<span class="ch-title">Pirate Haunts and Cruising Grounds</span></h2>
</div>


<p>The pirates who frequented the New England coast
during the first century after the settlement usually
remained in the warm waters of the West Indies during
the winter months. With the coming of spring they cruised
northward along the coast capturing small vessels in the hope
of obtaining provisions and looting larger craft bound to and
from England or the Leeward Islands. During the seventeenth
century there was considerable piratical barter with
the settlements along the Carolina coast and when New England
was reached, on the northerly voyage, the eastern end
of Long Island and the islands off the mouth of Buzzard’s
Bay were much frequented for fresh water and trade. The
Sound off Martha’s Vineyard was used by coasting vessels
bound for New York or Virginia and here the pirates could lie
in wait with the certainty of making some capture. But not
for long as ill news traveled swiftly even in those days and
armed vessels from Boston were usually sent out in pursuit,
though seldom making a capture, for the pirate captain skilled
in his trade was constantly on the move and thereby eluded
successful attack by a stronger force.</p>

<p>The inefficiency of the men-of-war on the various stations
in the early days is commented upon by contemporary writers.
Because of the difficulty of reckoning longitude it was customary
at that time for vessels sailing from Europe bound for the
West Indies or the American coast, to steer into the latitude
of the port for which they were bound and then sail westward
without altering their course. An early example of this
practice is the course of Winthrop’s fleet when sailing westward
to found the settlement in Massachusetts Bay. After<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">[339]</span>
leaving the Scilly Isles they came down to the latitude of
Agamenticus, on the Maine coast, and then sailed westward
until they reached the Gulf Stream. It was this “west-way”
that the pirates frequented and a merchant ship eluding one
might be taken by another. This custom was well-known and
if the stolid men-of-war captains had taken the same track
followed by the pirates, captures must have followed. Of a
certainty the pirates would have been driven to other less-frequented
hunting grounds or forced to take refuge in some of
their lurking holes among the many uninhabited islands in
the West Indies, there to be systematically hunted down and
destroyed. It seems strange that a few pirates could range the
seas for years and be engaged but rarely by men-of-war.
Captain Lowther made thirty-three captures in seventeen
months; Captain Low took one hundred and forty vessels
in twenty months; Francis Farrington Spriggs took forty in
twelve months; John Phillips, thirty-four in eight months; and
greatest of all, Captain Bartholomew Roberts took four hundred
vessels in three years.</p>

<p>To return to the islands off Buzzard’s Bay. From there
the pirates either steered southerly or sailed directly for Cape
Sable then much frequented by fishing vessels which often
were sufferers at the hands of Low, Lowther, Phillips, and
others. From there a course was usually made for Newfoundland
which had long been good plundering ground.
It also was a good place at which to obtain recruits for pirate
crews, for the West Country fishing vessels each year brought
over a considerable number of poor fellows engaged at low
wages, who, by their contracts, must pay for the return passage.
Fishing, splitting and drying fish was hard labor and
as the nights were chill, “black strap” was in great demand.
This was a villainous combination of rum, molasses and chowder
beer and before the season was over it usually caused many
to “outrun the Constable” and compelled them to agree to
articles of servitude that kept them on the Island during the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">[340]</span>
winter. After the fishing vessels returned home the masters
in charge of the stations saw to it that food and clothing
supplied to the needy men were charged at high prices so that
the men would soon find themselves bound for the next season’s
labor and so the merry round continued. This made
men willing converts to the Articles signed on board pirate
vessels or caused them to run away with shallops and boats
and begin piratical exploits on their own account.</p>

<p>From Newfoundland, the pirate captains usually took
advantage of the westerly winds and made the long voyage
to the Azores, which was good plundering ground. Sometimes
they sailed south to the Cape Verde islands and then
to Sierre Leone and the Guinea coast. The Sierre Leone
river has a large mouth with small bays on one side very
convenient for cleaning and watering vessels and for some
years it was a favorite resort for pirates especially as the English
traders located there were friendly to them. About 1720,
when this coast was most frequented by pirates, there were
about thirty of these traders nearly all of whom had at some
time in their lives engaged in privateering, buccaneering, or
piracy. The river also was resorted to by Bristol ships
trading for slaves and elephants’ ivory, and the ships of the
Royal African Company sailed past here regularly, richly
laden with merchandize, ivory and gold dust.</p>

<p>There was a great clean-up of pirates on this coast in 1722
when Bartholomew Roberts’ ships were taken by the “Swallow,”
man-of-war, and fifty-five pirates were hanged and
twenty condemned for seven years to work in chains in the
gold mines. Some died in “the Hole,” at Cape Coast and
many more were sent to London for trial and exhibition on
gibbets at Cuckold’s Point, on the Thames. It was a fatal
blow to piracy on the Guinea Coast.</p>

<p>From the Cape Verde islands the pirate captains would sail
westerly, taking advantage of the trade winds, and after
making the coast of Brazil and taking toll of Portuguese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">[341]</span>
shipping, would cruise northerly until the West Indies were
reached and here the winter months would be spent.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i340" style="max-width: 102.25em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i340.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>CAPTAIN BARTHOLOMEW ROBERTS<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Pirates,” London, 1725</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The West Indies possessed many advantages as a pirate
stronghold and were resorted to by freebooters of many
nations. The small, uninhabited islands and keys supplied
harbors convenient for careening vessels and many of them
abounded with fish and game. Sea turtles in great numbers
furnished meat, and edible fruits of many kinds grew everywhere.
The turtles frequented the small, sandy keys and their
eggs were a common food not only among the pirates but on
the larger inhabited islands where turtling was a recognized
industry. Moreover, it was comparatively easy to escape
from pursuit among the numerous small inlets, lagoons and
harbors.</p>

<p>Because of the growth of the sugar-cane plantations a
considerable commerce had developed and in the vicinity of
the Trading islands the pirates were certain to find vessels
laden with provisions, clothing, naval stores and money, large
sums of which were sent home to Europe, the returns of the
Assiento and private slave trade. The rich mines on the
mainland also paid tribute.</p>

<p>Piracy frequently began in the West Indies when desperate
men got to the end of their rope in making an honest living.
Then they would set out in the long boat of a ship or even in a
large sailing canoe and exchange successive prizes, if successful,
until after a time they would be in possession of a large
ship, often a former man-of-war, and ready for foreign expeditions.
The logwood cutters in the Bay of Honduras and the
vessels that went there to load with the dyewood, supplied
good material for piratical ventures. The cutters were
generally a rough, drunken crew, some of them having been
pirates at different times and most of them sailors. It was
here that Capt. Ned Low of Boston, began his career as a
pirate.</p>

<p>“In the dry time of the year the Logwood Cutters search<span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">[342]</span>
for a good Number of Logwood Trees: and then build a Hut
near them where they live during the Time they are cutting.
When they have cut down the Tree, they Log it, and Chip it,
which is cutting off the Bark and Sap, and then lay it in Heaps,
cutting away the Under-wood, and making Paths to each
Heap, so that when the Rains come on, which overflows the
Ground, it serves as so many Creeks or Channels, where they
go with small Canows or Dories and load ’em, which they
bring to a Creek-side and there lade their Canows, and carry
it to the Barcadares, which they sometime fetch Thirty Miles,
from whence the People who buy it fetch it.”<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a></p>

<p>Capt. Nathaniel Uring writes that he went into the Bay of
Campeachy in an English ship in July, 1712, to load logwood.
When he arrived he anchored off shore and “fired several
Guns, to give Notice to the Logwood Cutters (who were up
in the Lagunes) of our arrival: and in a Day or Two, several
White Men came on board to us.... I sold Provisions and
Liquor to several of the Bay Men for Wood, which cost us
about Forty Shillings per Ton, prime cost, at Jamaica....
I remained here more than a month before any Vessels arrived;
during which Time my People were fetching down the Logwood
out of the Lagunes in Canows, and went more than
Thirty Miles for some of it.”</p>

<p>The rise or rather increase of piracy in the West Indies after
the Peace of Utrecht, can be laid at the door of the Spanish
settlements, the governors of which having gone there to make
a fortune generally countenanced any proceeding that brought
in profit. It is fair to say, however, that the Spanish governors
were not the only ones accused of such practices. They
granted commissions to great numbers of <i>guarda costas</i>,
under pretence of preventing an interloping trade, with orders
to seize all vessels within five leagues of their coasts. English
ships could not well avoid coming within this limit when on
their way to Jamaica. If the captains of Spanish <i>guarda<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">[343]</span>
costas</i> exceeded their authority, the sufferers were allowed
legal redress, but usually found after long litigation that
their vessels and cargoes had been condemned among the
crew, and the captain, the only one responsible, had nothing
on which to levy.</p>

<p>The frequent losses of the English merchants by these
Spanish <i>guarda costas</i> was provocation enough to call forth
reprisals and the opportunity offering in 1716, the West
India traders at once made use of it. In 1714, several of the
Spanish galleons of “the plate fleet,” were cast away in the
Gulf of Florida; and in 1716 several vessels from Havana were
at work with diving engines fishing up the silver. They had
recovered several millions of “pieces of eight” and carried
them to Havana and had taken up 350,000 pieces more, which
were placed in a storehouse on shore under guard of sixty
soldiers, when an English fleet from Jamaica and Barbadoes,
consisting of two ships and three sloops under Capt. Henry
Jennings, came upon them. Jennings landed three hundred
men, drove away the guard and carried off the treasure to
Jamaica. On the way he met a Spanish ship laden with
cochineal, indigo and 60,000 “pieces of eight,” and his hand
being in, she was plundered, after which he sailed boldly back
to Jamaica with the Spaniard following him. The Governor
at Havana soon sent a vessel to Jamaica to demand restitution
and punishment for Jennings. As it was in a time of
peace, Jennings and his men soon realized that they would not
be left unpunished let alone protected. Having disposed of
their cargo to good advantage and furnished themselves with
ammunition, provisions, &amp;c., they again put to sea, but
this time as full-fledged pirates, robbing not only Spaniards
but Englishmen and any one else they could lay their hands
on.</p>

<p>About the same time three or four small “Spanish men
of war” fell upon the logwood cutters in the bays of Campeachy
and Honduras, and also took twenty-two vessels,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">[344]</span>
about half of the number hailing from New England, and most
of the crews of these vessels, made desperate by their misfortunes,
took on with the pirates under Captain Jennings,
whom they met soon after. Captain Jennings and his consorts,
augmented by “the Bay men,” consulted together
about some retreat where they might store their wealth, clean
and repair their ships and make themselves a snug abode and
fixed upon New Providence the largest of the Bahama islands.
The Bahamas for some years had been under English control
with a nominal governor, but were much resorted to by pirates
who were hand and glove with the principal traders. When
Captain Jennings arrived with his fleet it became a veritable
pirate stronghold and a breeding place for most of the
pirate leaders who ranged the seas during the next five or six
years.</p>

<p>Complaints soon reached London and in such number that
on Sept. 15, 1716, Capt. Woods Rogers was placed in command
of a fleet of sixteen men-of-war and tenders and ordered to
proceed to New Providence and receive the submission of the
pirates or suppress them by force. Captain Rogers not long
before had made a voyage around the world in the course of
which he had taken a Spanish ship bound for Acapulco laden
with the wealth of the Philippines. Before he sailed for New
Providence, the King’s Proclamation for suppressing pirates,
or “Act of Grace,” as it was usually called, was sent ahead
so that ample opportunity might be had for consideration
and submission. On its arrival at the Island a general council
of the pirate commonwealth was called. What took place is
described in Johnson’s “History of the Pirates,” in the following
language, viz:—</p>

<p>“There was so much Noise and Clamour, that nothing
could be agreed on; some were for fortifying the Island, to
stand upon their own Terms, and treating with the Government
upon the Foot of a Commonwealth; others were also
for strengthening the Island for their own Security, but were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">[345]</span>
not strenuous for these Punctillios, so that they might have a
general Pardon, without being obliged to make any Restitution,
and to retire, with all their Effects, to the neighbouring
British Plantations.</p>

<p>“But Captain Jennings, who was their Commadore, and
who always bore a great Sway among them, being a Man of
good Understanding, and a good Estate, before this Whim
took him of going a Pyrating, resolved upon surrendering,
without more ado, to the Terms of the Proclamation, which
so disconcerted all their Measures, that the Congress broke
up very abruptly without doing any Thing; and presently
Jennings, and by his Example, about 150 more, came in to
the Governor of Bermudas, and had their Certificates, tho’ the
greatest Part of them returned again, like the Dog to the
Vomit. The Commanders who were then in the Island,
besides Captain Jennings above mentioned, I think were these,
Benjamin Hornigold, Edward Teach, John Martel, James
Fife, Christopher Winter, Nicholas Brown, Paul Williams,
[consort to] Charles Bellamy [lost on the back of Cape Cod,
with 142 of his crew and prisoners, Apr. 26, 1717], Oliver
la Bouche, Major Penner, Edward England, T. Burgess,
Thomas Cocklyn, R. Sample, Charles Vane, and two or three
others; Hornygold, William Burgess and LaBouche were
afterwards cast away; Teach and Penner killed, and their
Crews taken; James Fife killed by his own Men; Martel’s
Crew destroyed and forced on an unhabited Island; Cocklyn,
Sample and Vane hanged; Winter and Brown surrendered
to the Spaniards at Cuba, and England lives now [1724] at
Madagascar.”</p>

<p>Captain Rogers arrived at New Providence in June, 1717,
with two men-of-war and found that all the pirates had surrendered
to the pardon, except Charles Vane and his crew,
who slipped their cable, set fire to a large prize and sailed out
of the harbor firing at the men-of-war as they went off.</p>

<p>In the latter part of the seventeenth century some of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">[346]</span>
richest commerce in the world was on the Indian Ocean and
the Red Sea. The Orientals owned much shipping and the
overland trade with Europe was increasing rapidly. The
English East India Company had established a number of
important factories or trading stations and Portuguese merchants
had been established for some time at Goa, on the
Malabar coast. Finding that the game in the West Indies
promised smaller returns than the commerce of the East,
many of the pirate fraternity established themselves for a
time on the island of Perim at the entrance to the Strait of
Babelmandeb. Here there was an excellent harbor and the
advantageous location permitted the levying of toll on all
vessels passing in and out of the Red Sea. The great disadvantage
was a lack of fresh water. Slaves were employed to
excavate the rocky formation to a great depth, but without
success, and at last the nest was abandoned and the pirate
settlement removed to Madagascar. This is said to have
taken place not long after Captain Avery captured a daughter
of the Great Mogul of India, in a richly laden ship.</p>

<p>Capt. John Avery, one of the greatest of the Madagascar
pirates, was the son of a tavern keeper of Plymouth, England,
and was variously known as Avery, Every and Bridgman,
while his intimates spoke of him as “Long Ben.” He was
looting shipping on the Atlantic as early as 1693, when he
took two heavily armed Danish vessels at Princess Island, on
the West Coast of Africa, and he is said to have been in the
West Indies before that time. During the winter of 1693-4,
while in command of the “Fanny,” of forty-six guns and one
hundred and thirty men, he made his most famous capture, a
ship carrying a daughter of the Great Mogul on a pilgrimage
to Mecca. Other vessels in his pirate fleet were the “Dolphin,”
Captain Want, of Philadelphia; the “Portsmouth
Adventure,” Captain Faro, and the “Pearl,” Capt. William
Mues, both hailing from Newport, R. I.; and the ship
“Amity,” of New York, commanded by the notorious Capt.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">[347]</span>
Thomas Tew,<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> who eventually lost his life by a cannon ball
while cruising in the Red Sea.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i346" style="max-width: 112.5em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i346.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>CAPTAIN JOHN AVERY TAKING THE GREAT MOGUL’S SHIP<br>
<span class='c2'>From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>The booty on the Mogul’s ship was immense and consisted
of diamonds, pearls and valuable jewels and also great sums
of money intended to meet the cost of the pilgrimage, an
amount said to have been over £325,000. Not content with
this, Avery ravished the young princess and eventually took
her in his ship to Madagascar where he had a child by her.
When the Great Mogul learned what had happened, it aroused
a fanatical resentment against the English factories that was
only appeased by the promise of the governor to send out two
ships of the East India Company to convey the pilgrims to
Jedda.</p>

<p>Meanwhile, large rewards for his capture were offered by
the British Government and Avery abandoned the Perim
rendezvous and effected a settlement on Madagascar where he
built a strong fortification and organized a rude form of
government that exacted a tenth of the value of all captures
and required tribute from the native princes on the island.
This tribute commonly took the form of their daughters and
other young girls who were added to the harems of the pirates.
Many slaves were employed in cultivating rice, fishing and
hunting and for a time a powerful settlement existed that was
resorted to by pirates from all parts of the world. When
Capt. Woods Rogers went to Madagascar in the “Delicia,”
in 1722, to buy slaves to sell to the Dutch at Batavia, he
touched at a part of the island where he met some of the
pirates who had been living there for more than twenty-five
years and were surrounded by a motley collection of children
and grandchildren.</p>

<p>Avery ruled his little kingdom for a time but at last wearying
of it, planned with some chosen spirits to make his way to
America. While cruising with other vessels, one night his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">[348]</span>
ship steered another course and in the morning the others
were no longer in sight. The first land they made was the
island of Providence, one of the Bahamas, where the ship was
sold<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> and in a sloop they touched at several American ports
at each of which some of the company disappeared. Avery
intended to settle in Boston but finding that Puritan town no
safe market for the display or sale of his store of diamonds, he
sailed for Ireland and eventually reached Bideford in Devonshire,
where he changed his name and lived quietly.<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a> Through
a friend he delivered his ill-gotten fortune to Bristol merchants
to be converted into money. Needing funds he applied for an
accounting and was shocked to discover that there were as
good pirates on land as he had been at sea. He died June 10,
1714 not leaving money enough to buy a coffin.</p>

<p>While the founding of a pirate colony on the island of
Madagascar is generally credited to Avery and other pirate
captains of his time it is likely that at some earlier date a base
had been established there by buccaneers from the west coast
of South America who, after looting the wealth of Peru and
Mexico, came in search of a hiding place at which to enjoy
their gains. The first rendezvous of the pirates was in Masseledge
Bay on the northwest coast of Madagascar, but later
an important settlement grew up on the island of St. Mary,
or Nosy Boraha, on the east coast, about three leagues from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">[349]</span>
the mainland, which for some time was the resort of Avery
and Plantain, the celebrated Jamaica pirate. Here came
Burgess, Clayton, Taylor, Congdon, England and other successful
leaders. The island stronghold was established, it is
said, by Mission and Carracioli, who named it Libertatia.
It was fortified and from here marauding expeditions were
fitted out on a large scale. Pirates gorged with plunder
settled on plantations where they surrounded themselves with
native “wives” and slaves. The native tribes brought down
their cattle from the interior and exchanged them for European
trinkets provided by the pirates, who also incited the numerous
chiefs to war with their neighbors and then bought their
prisoners of war to be sold to slavers and taken to the plantations
in the West Indies and America.</p>

<p>The pirate settlements on the Madagascar coast increased
in population and required various goods and supplies necessary
not only for human comfort but also to continue the
trade of plundering,—powder and shot and the like. This
demand was supplied by vessels sailing at somewhat regular
intervals from New York, Newport and Philadelphia and
furnished with passes from Governor Fletcher of New York
or some other person in authority. It was said in London that
in Philadelphia they “not onlie wink att but Imbrace pirats,
Shipps and men.”<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> In 1697 many returned pirates were
living in Philadelphia and Governor Basse of New Jersey
reported that colony to be a favorite resort for such gentry.
The daughter of William Penn’s agent in Pennsylvania is
said to have married one of these retired freebooters.<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> In
1699, Bellomont, the new governor of New York, reported that
over forty of these returned pirates were in custody in New
York, Pennsylvania and Connecticut.</p>

<p>But the ships continued to clear from the port of New York
bound for Madagascar. In the year 1699, four vessels were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">[350]</span>
cleared at one time. The merchandise brought back so
glutted the markets that some kinds of European and Oriental
goods could be bought in the Colonies cheaper than in London;
and this was at a time when all European goods, by law, must
be imported through London. One of Captain Avery’s men
testified in Admiralty Court that “Captain Gough, who keeps
a mercer’s shop at Boston, made a good estate” dealing in
piratical plunder.</p>

<p>Rev. John Higginson, the minister at Salem, Massachusetts,
had a son Thomas, who sailed for Arabia in a privateer
before 1696 and nothing was heard from him afterward.
Another son was in command at Fort George, in Madras, and
in 1699 he wrote that Thomas’ “unhappy miscarriage” had
troubled him much. Although he had met several who had
been taken by pirates and afterwards escaped he could learn
nothing of the erring Thomas. Four men-of-war had recently
arrived in India having touched at Madagascar on the way
out, but met no pirate vessels. The Salem minister replied
in October, 1699:—</p>


<p>“I am sorry to hear there is such a crew of pirates in your
parts; and do doubt not that what you intimate of New York,
Providence, and the West Indies is too true. Frederick
Phillips of New York, it is reported, has had a pirate trade to
Madagascar for near twenty years, and it is said has attained
an estate of 100,000 pounds. But I assure you the government
of this place has always been severe with all such; and,
at this time, there are many now in our gaol for piracy; namely,
Captain Kidd, who went from England with a ship and commission
to take pirates, but turned pirate himself, and robbed
many ships in the East Indies, and thence came into the West
Indies, and there disposed of much of his wealth; and at last
came into these parts with some of his stolen goods; who was
here seized, and some of his men, and goods, who are in irons,
and wait for a trial. And there was one Bradish, a Cambridge
man, who sailed in an interloper bound for India, who, in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">[351]</span>
some part of the East Indies, took an opportunity, when the
Captain and some of the officers were on shore, to run away
with the ship, and came upon our coast, and sunk their ship
at Block Island, and brought much wealth ashore with them;
but Bradish, and many of his company, and what of his wealth
could be found, were seized and secured. But Bradish, and
one of his men, broke prison and run away amongst the
Indians; but it is supposed that he will be taken again.”<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a></p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i350" style="max-width: 110.75em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i350.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>CAPTAIN EDWARD TEACH, COMMONLY CALLED “BLACK BEARD”<br>
<span class='c2'>From a rare engraving in the Harry Elkins Widener Collection, Harvard College Library</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>After a time the pirate colonies at Madagascar diminished
in importance and most of the men abandoned the sea and
lived at ease on their plantations. In 1716, one of the pirate
settlements was visited by an Englishman, Robert Drury,<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a>
who wrote as follows:—</p>

<p>“One of these men was a Dutchman, named John Pro, who
spoke good English. He was dressed in a short coat with
broad, plate buttons, and other things agreeable, but without
shoes or stockings. In his sash stuck a brace of pistols, and
he had one in his right hand. The other man was dressed in
an English manner, with two pistols in his sash and one in his
hand, like his companion.... John Pro lived in a very
handsome manner. His house was furnished with pewter
dishes, &amp;c., a standing bed with curtains, and other things of
that nature except chairs, but a chest or two served for that
purpose well enough. He had one house on purpose for his
cook-room and cook-slave’s lodging, storehouse and summer-house;
all these were enclosed in a palisade, as the great men’s
houses are in this country, for he was rich, and had many
castles and slaves. His wealth had come principally while
cruizing among the Moors, from whom his ship had several
times taken great riches, and used to carry it to St. Mary’s.
But their ship growing old and crazy, they being also vastly
rich, they removed to Madagascar, made one Thomas Collins,
a carpenter, their Governor, and built a small fort, defending<span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">[352]</span>
it with their ship’s guns. They had now lived without pirating
for nine years.”</p>

<p>In the summer of 1719 there were about twenty white
pirates living permanently on the island of St. Mary’s. Others
continued to sail out from the harbor but the vigilance of the
English Admiralty and the strength and watchfulness of the
ships of the East India Company served to discourage freebooting
in those parts and in 1721 when France granted an
amnesty a number of them surrendered and became colonists
on the island of Bourbon. The last of the pirates on St.
Mary’s were routed out by men-of-war during the winter of
1722-23. Others lived and died on the mainland of Madagascar
and left behind them numerous descendants, for in 1768
the Abbe Rochon visited that part of the island north of St.
Mary’s and observed many whites and half-breeds living
about the Bay of Antongil who claimed descent from the
pirates formerly settled there.</p>


<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> <i>Voyages and Travels of Capt. Nathaniel Uring</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, pp.
260, 262.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> “It was at the island of St. Thomas that the famous Captain Avery,
or some of his companions, disposed of the greatest part of the rich goods
taken in a ship belonging to the Mogul, about forty years ago, when the
magazines on the Island were so excessively crowded with rich Indian
goods that they were not entirely emptied in twenty years after, though
they generally sold them at low prices; and it was by this accident that
pieces of Arabian gold, which were properly speaking Pagodas, were
long current in the West Indies under the name of Sequins, for they knew
not what to call them, at the rate of about six shillings. And nutmegs,
cloves, sinnimon and mace were likewise bought very cheap for many
years after.”—John Harris, <i>Collection of Voyages</i>, London, 1739.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> Some of Avery’s pirate crew were afterwards taken in England and
brought to trial on Oct. 19, 1696, but acquitted for lack of sufficient evidence.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1696-1697, p. 636.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> Channing, <i>History of United States</i>, Vol. II, p. 266.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> <i>Massachusetts Hist. Society Colls.</i>, 3d series, Vol. VII, p. 209.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> <i>Madagascar; or Robert Drury’s Journal</i>, London, 1729.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">[353]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX<br>
<span class="ch-title">Pirate Life and Death</span></h2>
</div>

<p>The company of men on board a pirate vessel, especially
during that great period of activity in roving
following the Peace of Ryswick in 1697, well illustrate
in their relations with one another, the main features of that
ideal commonwealth where everything is held in common and
where everyone has an equal voice in public affairs. As in
every well-ordered government it is necessary to have leaders,
so in pirate companies there must be captains, quartermasters,
gunners, boatswains, and other officers, but none may
remain in authority after having lost the confidence and
support of the company. This appears in a speech made at the
time Bartholomew Roberts was elected a pirate captain.</p>

<p>“Should a Captain be so sawcy as to exceed Prescription
at any time,” said one of the pirate Lords, “why down with
Him; it will be a Caution after he is dead, to his successors,
of what a fatal Consequence any sort of assuming may be.
However, it is my Advice, that, while we are sober, we pitch
upon a Man of Courage, and skill’d in Navigation, one, who
by his Council and Bravery seems best able to defend this
Commonwealth, and ward us from Dangers and Tempests of
an instable Element, and the fatal Consequences of Anarchy.”</p>

<p>The successful captain of a pirate vessel must possess
qualities of leadership and a dare-devil courage, for nothing
will so quickly brand a pirate leader and lose for him the
support of his crew as an appearance of cowardice,—a show
of the white feather. Sometimes it may be no more than a
difference of judgment, but failing in the loyal support of a
resolute company no captain can last very long. This is shown<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">[354]</span>
in the case of Capt. Charles Vane who defied Capt. Woods
Rogers’ men-of-war at New Providence in 1717, but the very
next year when he fell in with a French man-of-war off Cape
Nicholas, his company was divided as to what course to
pursue. Vane was for making off as fast as possible being of
the opinion that the Frenchman was too strong for them.
The quartermaster, John Rackham,<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> was of a different opinion
saying, “That tho’ she had more Guns, and a greater Weight
of Mettal, they might board her and then the best Boys
would carry the Day.” At last, although the majority were
for attacking, Captain Vane exercised his right to settle the
dispute, for his power by universal agreement was absolute in
time of chase, and so the brigantine showed her heels to the
Frenchman and outsailed her. But the next day the captain’s
decision was made to stand the test of a popular vote
and he failed of support. A resolution was passed branding
him a coward and deposing him from command. He was given
a small sloop with a supply of provisions and ammunition and
sent off with all those who did not vote for boarding the French
man-of-war.</p>

<p>The captain of a pirate company was generally chosen
for his daring and dominating character and for being “pistol
proof.” Among hardened pirates the one who went the
greatest length in cruelty and destructiveness was looked upon
with a certain amount of admiration. The captain had the
great cabin to himself but any man had the right to use his
punch bowl, enter the cabin, swear at him and seize his food
without his finding fault, except as between men; but this
rarely happened.</p>

<p>When a captain was chosen there was usually some little
ceremony on conducting him to the cabin. After the election
had taken place, a complimentary speech would be made
expressing the desire that he would take the command as the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">[355]</span>
most capable among them and on his accepting he would be
led into the cabin in state and seated at a table with only one
other chair and that at the lower end. This was reserved
for the company’s quartermaster who then would seat himself
also and tell the captain in behalf of the crew (whose spokesman
he was) that having confidence in him they all promised
to obey his lawful commands. Then taking up a sword, the
quartermaster would present it and declare him captain, at
the same time saying, “This is the commission under which
you are to act; may you prove fortunate to yourself and us.”
The guns would then be fired with a charge of round shot and a
rousing three cheers given in honor of the new captain. The
ceremony would end with an invitation from the captain to
such as he wished to have dine with him and an order for a
large bowl of punch for every mess.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp62" id="i354" style="max-width: 109.5625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i354.jpg" alt="">
  <figcaption>

<span class='c2'>
THE<br>
TRIALS<br>
OF<br>
Five Persons<br>
For Piracy, Felony and Robbery,<br><br>

Who were found Guilty and Condemned,
at a Court of Admiralty for the Trial of
Piracies, Felonies and Robberies, committed
on the High Seas, Held at the Court-House
in <i>Boston</i>, within His Majesty’s
Province of the <i>Massachusetts-Bay</i> in <i>New-England</i>,
on <i>Tuesday</i> the Fourth Day of
<i>October</i>, Anno Domini, 1726. Pursuant to
His Majesty’s Royal Commission, founded
on an Act of Parliament made in the
Eleventh and Twelfth Years of the Reign
of King <i>William</i> the Third, Entituled, <i>An
Act for the more effectual Suppression of Piracy</i>; And
made Perpetual by an Act of the Sixth
Year of the Reign of our Sovereign Lord
King <i>GEORGE</i>.<br><br>
<i>BOSTON</i>: Printed by <i>T Fleet</i> for <i>S Gerrish</i> at the Lower End of <i>Cornhill</i>. 1726.
</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>


<p>The captain had usually a sort of privy council which was
composed of certain of the officers and older and more experienced
sailors and these were sometimes distinguished by the
title of “Lord.” The captain’s power was supreme in time of
chase or action. He then had the right to strike, stab or shoot
any man who disobeyed his orders. He also had power over
prisoners and could condemn them to ill usage or set them
free but this power did not extend to cargo or captured vessel
for then the property interests of the company were concerned.</p>

<p>The quartermaster came next after the captain in exercising
authority over the affairs of the pirate company. He was
chosen with the approval of the crew who could claim authority
in this way through him, except in time of battle. At discretion
he could punish any of the men for insubordination,
by blows or whipping, which no one else might do without
standing in danger of receiving the lash from the ship’s company.
In a way he was the trustee for all and was usually the
first on board a prize. For small offences, too insignificant for
a jury, he was the arbitrator. If any of the crew disobeyed his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">[356]</span>
commands, plundered when plundering should end, or failed
to keep their weapons in good order, the quartermaster then
might punish them. He was the manager of all duels and in
fact was the magistrate of the company.</p>

<p>Pirate craft usually sailed under what was known as “the
Jamaica Discipline,” a commonwealth or form of government
that originated among the West India privateers or buccaneers.
All pirate companies also adopted codes of laws or
“Articles,” as they were called, to govern their actions and
these were signed and sworn to by all. These “Articles”
varied somewhat in form and substance but in general included
the following obligations, viz:—</p>


<div class="blockquot">

<p class="center">I</p>

<p>Every man had a vote in all affairs of importance and
equal title to all fresh provisions or strong liquors that had been
taken and might use them at pleasure unless a scarcity made it
necessary to vote a restriction for the common good.</p>


<p class="center">II</p>

<p>Every man was to be called in turn, as entered in the
quartermaster’s list, to go on board prizes, because on such
occasions each was allowed a shift of clothing from the captured
stores. This was in addition to the common share in the
plunder of the prize. If any man, however, defrauded the
common store of the company, in plates, jewelry or money,
to the value of a piece of eight, the punishment was to be
marooned on some uninhabited island or shore and supplied
with only a gun, a few shot, a bottle of water and a bottle of
powder, and there to starve or escape if possible by some
unexpected good fortune. If a man robbed another of the
same company, the ears or nose of the guilty party might be
slit, after which he sometimes would be put ashore, not on an
uninhabited island, but where he was sure to encounter
hardships.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">[357]</span></p>


<p class="center">III</p>

<p>No gaming for money at cards or dice was allowed under
any circumstances as likely to lead to fighting and death.</p>


<p class="center">IV</p>

<p>All lights and candles must be put out before eight o’clock
at night and after that hour if any of the crew continued
drinking they were to do it on the open deck. This rule in
relation to drinking was not observed on board a number of
the pirate ships. The snapping of arms and smoking of tobacco
in the hold was also forbidden on board most ships.</p>


<p class="center">V</p>

<p>Every man must keep his gun, pistol and cutlass clean and
fit for service. This rule was seldom broken for its necessity
was recognized by all. Moreover, there was always more or
less competition between men over the beauty and richness of
their arms. When an auction was held “at the mast,” sometimes
as much as £30 or £40, would be bid for a pair of fine
pistols. These were slung into bright colored sashes worn over
the shoulders in a manner peculiar to the pirates, giving a very
showy appearance to the swaggering individual.</p>


<p class="center">VI</p>

<p>No women were allowed on board and if any man induced
a woman to go to sea in disguise he was to suffer death. When
a vessel was captured if a woman was found among the passengers
a sentinel was placed over her immediately to prevent
ill consequences from so dangerous a cause for quarrels.
As a rule, boys were not allowed in pirate companies but
exceptions to this rule sometimes occurred.</p>


<p class="center">VII</p>

<p>To desert the ship or to abandon quarters in time of battle
was punished with death or marooning.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">[358]</span></p>


<p class="center">VIII</p>

<p>No man was permitted to strike a member of his company
while on board ship. All quarrels must be settled on shore,
with sword or pistol, the quartermaster acting as master of
ceremonies. The usual rule was for him to attempt a reconciliation
but if the difference could not be healed without a
fight he would go ashore with such assistants as he thought
proper and after placing the meh back to back they would
walk apart the number of paces agreed upon and at the word
of command immediately turn and fire. If both missed, they
might fall to with cutlasses and the man who drew first blood
was declared the victor.</p>


<p class="center">IX</p>

<p>No man was allowed to talk of breaking up their way of
living until each had shared £1000. In case a man lost a limb
or was otherwise injured there was to be an allowance made to
him out of the common stock in proportion to his injury.
These amounts varied with the company but a leg was usually
estimated as worth eight hundred to a thousand pieces of eight.</p>


<p class="center">X</p>

<p>The captain and the quartermaster each received usually
two shares in a prize; the master, gunner, and boatswain, a
share and a half, and the other officers, a share and a quarter.
The men had a share apiece.</p>


<p class="center">XI</p>

<p>All the larger pirate vessels carried musicians—trumpeters,
drummers and fiddlers, and these men were given a day
off on Sunday.</p>
</div>

<p>When a vessel was captured the likely men among the
prisoners would be solicited by the quartermaster or captain
to join the pirate crew and sign the “Articles,” and young and
active men who refused to sign would sometimes be compelled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">[359]</span>
to join the company in the hope that later they might have a
change of heart and in any event be of service in navigating
the vessel. This was called “forcing,” and when the captain
or fellow-seamen of the forced men reached shore, an advertisement
was oftentimes inserted in a newspaper, stating the
circumstances so that in case the forced men were taken while
on board a pirate vessel they might point to the advertisement
as evidence of their innocence.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a></p>

<p>The flags on pirate vessels were intended to strike terror
to the hearts of mariners and usually displayed a white skull
and cross-bones on a black ground. Sometimes the skeleton
of a man was depicted, usually styled at the time “an anatomy.”
Sometimes a livid heart pierced by an arrow dripping<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">[360]</span>
blood was displayed. Small pirate companies contented themselves
with a plain black flag without device. Capt. Howell
Davis for lack of something better hung aloft “a dirty Tarpawlin,”
while attacking a French vessel near Hispaniola.
He afterwards used a black flag as did his associate La Bouse.
Blackbeard sailed under a black flag along the Carolina coast
but Major Stede Bonnet about the same time used “a bloody
flag” and Captain Worley, who was on the same coast in
1718, flew “a black ensign with a white Death’s head in the
middle of it.”</p>

<p>Captain Roberts at first used a black flag which he called
“the Jolly Roger,” although this term did not originate with
him, but afterwards becoming enraged at the many attempts
made by the governors of Barbadoes and Martinico to take
him, he ordered a new jack to be made with his own figure
portrayed standing on two skulls. Under one were the letters
A. B. H. and under the other, A. M. H., signifying “A Barbadian’s
Head” and “A Martinican’s Head.” When Roberts
sailed into Whydah in January, 1722, he had a “black silk
flag flying at the mizen peak and a jack and pendant of the
same: The Flag had a Death in it, with an Hour-Glass in one
Hand, and cross-Bones in the other, a Dart by it, and underneath
a Heart dropping three Drops of Blood. The Jack had a
Man pourtray’d on it, with a flaming Sword in his Hand, and
standing on two Skulls.”</p>

<p>Frequent mention has been made of the cruelty and destructiveness
of pirate captains. They often sank or burned the
vessels that they took. Sometimes it was done to prevent
news of their presence getting abroad before they were ready
to sail for some other hunting ground. Sometimes they
lacked men enough to navigate their captures and at other
times the pirate captain would be displeased at the prolonged
defense or flight of the captured master. Sometimes the fate
of a fine ship and rich cargo was decided by a caprice or through
sheer destructiveness. Frequently enquiry would be made<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">[361]</span>
among the crew of a captured vessel if their captain was a
good master and kind to his men and when a favorable answer
was made such a captain would be let off more easily.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp60" id="i360" style="max-width: 113.375em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i360.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>THE PIRATE SHIPS “ROYAL FORTUNE” AND “RANGER”
IN WHYDAH ROAD, JANUARY 11, 1722<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in Johnson’s “General History of the Pirates,” London, 1725</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<p>Bartholomew Roberts, one of the most successful and
level-headed of the pirate captains who plagued shipping
during the first quarter of the eighteenth century, sailed into
the harbor of Trepassi in Newfoundland, the last of June,
1720, with black colors flying, drums beating and trumpets
sounding. There were twenty-two vessels at anchor in the
harbor and every man on board fled ashore at sight of the
pirate ship. Roberts burned or sank every vessel except one,
which he manned, and then ruthlessly destroyed all the
fishing stages of the poor planters, depriving inoffensive men
of their means of livelihood with absolutely no attendant
advantage to himself. It was this same crew that captured
the ship “Samuel,” Captain Cary, a few days later. She was
from London bound for Boston with a rich cargo. These
furies opened the hatches and swarmed into the hold armed
with axes and cutlasses and cut and smashed all the bales,
cases and boxes they could reach and when any goods came on
deck that they didn’t want to carry aboard their ship, instead
of tossing them back into the hold they threw them overboard.
Captain Cary was told “that they should accept no Act of
Grace; that the King and Parliament might be damned
with their Acts of Grace; neither would they go to Hope’s
Point, to be hang’d up a sun drying, as Kidd’s and Braddish’s
Company were; but if ever they should be overpowered,
they would set Fire to the Powder, with a Pistol, and go all
merrily to Hell together.”<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a></p>

<p>“Walking the plank” was a diversion practised at a later
day among the West India pirates whereby their victims were
blindfolded and forced to find a watery grave at the end of a
plank thrust out from the vessel’s side. But this was not
original with them for in the days of the Roman empire when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">[362]</span>
the Mediterranean pirates took a ship they frequently would
enquire if any on board were Romans and when found the
pirates would fall down on their knees before the citizens
of that illustrious nation, as though asking pardon for what
they had done. Other deferences would be shown until their
captives actually grew to believe in their sincerity. When
that point was attained the outlaws would hang the ship’s
ladder over the side and with great show of courtesy tell their
victims they were free to leave the vessel in that way. The
shock to the unfortunate Romans always greatly amused the
pirates who then would throw them overboard with much
laughter.</p>

<p>Since those early times when men first effected crude forms
of government to guard and control their relations with each
other, the pirate has been looked upon as a common enemy.
In the days of the Roman empire neither faith nor oath need
be kept with him. However, “might made right” in those
days, as in later times, and when large bodies of successful
sea rovers set up an organized state or government that assumed
a somewhat permanent form, after a time they would
be recognized by existing nations and granted the right of
legalized warfare with diplomatic and commercial intercourse.
The Mediterranean and the Baltic were nurseries for growths
of this character and as late as 1818, European nations were
paying tribute to the corsair governments on the Barbary
coast.</p>

<p>Piracy was considered among Englishmen a kind of petty
treason until about the year 1350, when it was made a felony
by law and it has remained so ever since. In 1536, during the
reign of Henry VIII, the laws relating to piracy were defined
by Act of Parliament and the forms of trial, executions of
sentence, etc., were established and with slight modifications
were in force in New England during the period covered by the
preceding chapters. By the practical working of this statute
curious applications sometimes developed. An Englishman<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">[363]</span>
captured from a foreign vessel flying the flag of a country with
which England was then at war, was declared to be a pirate
and so dealt with; but a subject of a country at war with
England, if taken on board an English pirate vessel, was not
deemed to be engaged in piracy but in actual warfare.</p>

<p>Here are some of the laws at that time, relating to piracy,
abstracted from the “Statutes of the Realm.”</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“<i>If Letters of</i> Marque <i>be granted to a Merchant, and he
furnishes out a Ship, with a Captain and Mariners, and they,
instead of taking the Goods, or Ships of that Nation against
whom their Commission is awarded, take the Ship and Goods of a
Friend, this is Pyracy; and if the Ship arrive in any Part of
his Majesty’s Dominions, it will be seized, and for ever left to
the Owners; but they are no Way liable to make Satisfaction.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If a Ship is assaulted and taken by the Pyrates, for Redemption
of which, the Master becomes a Slave to the Captors, by the
Law</i> Marine; <i>the Ship and Lading are tacitly obliged for his
Redemption, by a general Contribution; but if it happen through
his own Folly, then no Contribution is to be made.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If Subjects in Enmity with the Crown of</i> England, <i>are
aboard an</i> English <i>Pyrate, in Company with</i> English, <i>and a
Robbery is committed, and they are taken; it is Felony in the</i>
English, <i>but not in the Stranger; for it was no Pyracy in them,
but the Depredation of an Enemy, and they will be tried by a
Martial Law.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If Pyracy is committed by Subjects in Enmity with</i> England
<i>upon the</i> British <i>Seas, it is properly only punishable by the
Crown of</i> England, <i>who have issued</i> Regimen &amp; Domininum
<i>exclusive of all other Power.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If Pyracy be committed on the Ocean, and the Pyrates in
the Attempt be overcome, the Captors may, without any Solemnity
of Condemnation, hang them up at the Main-Yard; if they are
brought to the next Port, and the Judge rejects the Tryal, or the
Captors cannot wait for the Judge, without Peril or Loss, Justice
may be done upon them by the Captors.</i></p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">[364]</span></p>

<p>“<i>If Merchandize be delivered to a Master, to carry to one
Port, and he carries it to another, and sells and disposes of it,
this is not Felony; but if, after unlading it at the first Port, he
retakes it, it is Pyracy.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If a Pyrate attack a Ship, and the Master for Redemption,
gives his Oath to pay a Sum of Money, tho’ there be nothing
taken, yet it is Pyracy by the Law</i> Marine.</p>

<p>“<i>If a Ship is riding at Anchor, and the Mariners all ashore,
and a Pyrate attack her, and rob her, this is Pyracy.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If a Man commit Pyracy upon the Subjects of any Prince,
or Republick, (though in Amity with us), and brings the Goods
into</i> England, <i>and sells them in a Market</i> Overt, <i>the same shall
bind, and the Owners are for ever excluded.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If a Pyrate enters a Port of this Kingdom, and robs a Ship
at Anchor there, it is not Pyracy, because not done</i>, super altum
Mare; <i>but is Robbery at common Law, because</i> infra Corpus
Comitatus. <i>A Pardon of all Felonies does not extend to Pyracy,
but the same ought to be especially named.</i></p>

<p>“<i>This Act shall not prejudice any Person, or Persons, urged
by Necessity, for taking Victuals, Cables, Ropes, Anchors or
Sails, out of another Ship that may spare them, so as they either
pay ready Money, or Money worth for them, or give a Bill for
the Payment thereof; if on this Side the Straits of</i> Gibraltar,
<i>within four Months; if beyond, within twelve Months.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If any natural born Subjects or Denizons of</i> England, <i>commit
Pyracy, or any Act of Hostility, against his Majesty’s
Subjects at Sea, under Colour of a Commission or Authority,
from any foreign Prince or State, or Person whatsoever, such
Offenders shall be adjudged Pyrates.</i></p>

<p>“<i>If any Commander or Master of a Ship, or Seaman or
Mariner, give up his Ship, &amp;c. to Pyrates, or combine to yield
up, or run away with any Ship, or lay violent Hands on his
Commander, or endeavour to make a Revolt in the Ship, he shall
be adjudged a Pyrate.</i></p>

<p>“<i>All Persons who after the 29th of</i> September, 1720, <i>shall<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">[365]</span>
set forth any Pyrate (or be aiding and assisting to any such
Pyrate) committing Pyracy on Land or Sea, or shall conceal
such Pyrates, or receive any Vessel or Goods pyratically taken,
shall be adjudged accessary to such Pyracy, and suffer as Principals.</i></p>

<p>“<i>All Persons who have committed, or shall commit any
Offences, for which they ought to be adjudged Pyrates, may be
tried for every such Offence, in such Manner as by the Act 28</i>
Henry VIII, <i>chapter 15, is directed for the Tryal of Pyrates;
and shall not have the Benefit of the Clergy.</i>”<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a></p>
</div>

<p>The enforcement of the English statute relating to piracy
was variously interpreted in the colonial courts and local
enactments sometimes superseded it in actual practice. Previous
to 1700, the statute required that men accused of piracy
should be sent to England to be tried before a High Court of
Admiralty. Pound, Hawkins, Bradish, Kidd and other
known pirates were accordingly sent in irons to London for
trial. But the difficulties and delays, to say nothing of the
expense, induced Parliament by an Act of 11 and 12 William
III, to confer authority by which trials for piracy might be
held by the Courts of Admiralty sitting in the colonies. On
the other hand, the Massachusetts Court of Assistants, in
1675, found John Rhoades and others, guilty of piracy and
sentenced them to be “hanged presently after the lecture.”
This was in accordance with an order adopted by the Great
and General Court on Oct. 15, 1673. When Robert Munday
was tried at Newport, R. I., in 1703, it was by a jury in the
ordinary criminal court, in open disregard of the King’s
commission.</p>

<p>Governor Bellomont in a letter to the Council of Trade,
described the situation in Massachusetts in 1699, as follows:—</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">[366]</span></p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>“A pirate cannot suffer death in this province, and what to
do with Bradish’s crew and Kidd and his men, I know not,
and therefore desire your orders. The reason why their Act,
that was approved in England, will not reach the life of a
pirate is this: Piracy by the Law of England is felony without
benefit of clergy and punishment with death. Here there’s
no such thing in practice as the benefit of clergy; neither is
felony punishable with death, but by their law the felon is
only to make a three-fold restitution of the value of the offence
or trespass.”<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a></p>
</div>

<p>The Courts of Admiralty held in the colonies were composed
of certain officials designated in the Royal commission,
including the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, the Judge of
the Vice-Admiralty for the Province, the Chief Justice, the
Secretary, Members of the Council and the Collector of Customs.
Counsel was assigned to the accused to advise and to
address the Court “upon any matter of law,” but the practice
at that time was different from the present. Accused persons
in criminal cases were obliged to conduct their own defence
and their counsel were not permitted to cross-examine witnesses,
the legal theory at the time being that the facts in the
case would appear without the necessity for counsel; that the
judge could be trusted to see this properly done; and the
jury would give the prisoner the benefit of any reasonable
doubt.</p>

<p>Trials occupied but a short time and executions generally
took place within a few days after the sentence of the Court
was pronounced. During the interval the local clergy labored
with the condemned to induce repentance and all the terrors
of Hell were pictured early and late. Usually, the prisoners
were made the principal figures in a Sunday spectacle and
taken through the streets to the meeting-house of some prominent
minister, there to be gazed at by a congregation that
crowded the building, while the reverend divine preached a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">[367]</span>
sermon suited to the occasion. This discourse was invariably
printed and avidly read by the townsfolk, so that few copies
have survived the wear and tear of the years. From these
worn pamphlets may be learned something of the lives and
future of the prisoners as reflected by the mental attitude of the
attending ministers.</p>

<p>The day of execution having arrived, the condemned
prisoners were marched in procession through the crowded
streets safely guarded by musketeers and constables. The
procession included prominent officials and ministers and was
preceded by the Marshal of the Admiralty Court carrying
“the Silver Oar,” his emblem of authority. This was usually
about three feet long and during the trial was also carried by
him in the procession of judges to the court room where it
was placed on the table before the Court during the proceedings.<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p>

<p>Time-honored custom and the Act of Parliament, as well,
required that the gallows should be erected “in such place
upon the sea, or within the ebbing or flowing thereof, as the
President of the Court ... shall appoint,”<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> and this necessitated
the construction of a scaffold or platform suspended
from the framework of the gallows by means of ropes and
blocks. When an execution took place on land, that is to say,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">[368]</span>
on solid ground easily approached, it was the custom at that
time to carry the condemned in a cart under the cross-arm of
the gallows and after the hangman’s rope had been adjusted
around the neck and the signal had been given, the cart would
be driven away and the condemned person left dangling in
the air. In theory, the proper adjustment of the knot in the
rope and the short fall from the body of the cart when it was
driven away, would be sufficient to break the bones of the
neck and also cause strangulation; but in practice this did not
always occur.</p>

<p>In the winter of 1646, a case of infanticide was discovered in
Boston by a prying mid-wife and when the suspected mother
was brought before a jury and caused to touch the cloth-covered
face of the murdered infant, the covering was instantly
stained with fresh blood. Then the young woman
confessed. This was the medieval “ordeal of touch” which
was practiced in Massachusetts as late as 1768. The young
mother was condemned to death and Governor Winthrop
relates in his “Journal,” that “after she was turned off and
had hung a space, she spake, and asked what they did mean
to do. Then one stepped up and turned the knot of the rope
backward and then she soon died.”</p>

<p>When pirates were executed on a gallows placed between
“the ebb and flow of the tide,” the scaffold on which they stood
was allowed to fall by releasing the ropes holding it suspended
in mid-air. This was always the climax of the spectacle for
which thousands of spectators had gathered from far and near.
Six pirates were hanged in Boston in 1704 and “when the
scaffold was let sink, there was such a Screech of the women”
present that the sound was heard over half a mile away. So
writes Samuel Sewall, one of the judges who had condemned
the pirates to execution.</p>

<p>Not infrequently the judges of a Court of Admiralty had
brought before them for trial, a pirate whose career had been
more infamous than the rest. A cruel and bloody-minded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">[369]</span>
fellow fit only for a halter,—and then the sentence to be
hanged by the neck until dead would be followed by another
judgment,—dooming the lifeless body of the pirate to be
hanged in chains from a gibbet placed on some island or
jutting point near a ship channel, there to hang “a sun drying”
as a warning to other sailormen of evil intent. In Boston
harbor there were formerly two islands—Bird island and
Nix’s Mate—on which pirates were gibbetted. Bird island
long since disappeared and ships now anchor where the gibbet
formerly stood. Nix’s Mate was of such size that early in the
eighteenth century the selectmen of Boston advertised its
rental for the pasturage of cattle. Today, every foot of its
soil has washed away and the point of a granite monument
alone marks the site of the island where formerly a pirate hung
in chains beside the swiftly flowing tides.</p>

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i368_1" style="max-width: 114.3125em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i368_1.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>NIX’S MATE, BOSTON HARBOR, IN 1775, WHERE CAPTAIN
FLY WAS GIBBETED IN 1726<br>
<span class='c2'>From an engraving in the “Atlantic Neptune,” Part III, London, 1781, in the library
of the Massachusetts Historical Society</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>

<figure class="figcenter illowp93" id="i368_2" style="max-width: 113.8125em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i368_2.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption>MONUMENT ON THE SHOAL, FORMERLY NIX’S MATE, IN
1637 AN ISLAND OF MORE THAN TEN ACRES<br>
<span class='c2'>From a photograph made about 1900</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>




<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> This was the man who enticed Anne Bonny to go to sea with him and
become a female pirate.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> <i>Advertisement.</i> John Smith of Boston in New England late Mate of
the Briganteen Rebecca of Charlestown burthen’d about Ninety Tuns
whereof James Flucker was late Commander and Charles Meston of Boston
aforesaid Mariner, late belonging to the said Briganteen, severally
Declare and say, That the said Briganteen in her Voyage from St. Christophers
to Boston, on the Twenty-eighth of May last past, being in the
Latitude of Thirty Eight Degrees and odd Minutes North, the said Briganteen
was taken by a Pirate Sloop, Commanded by one Lowther, having
near one Hundred Men, and Eight Guns mounted. The Day after the
said Briganteen was taken, the said Pirate parted their Company. Forty
of them went on Board the said Brigantine Commanded by Edward Loe
of Boston aforesaid, Mariner; and the rest of the said Pirates went on
board the Sloop, Commanded by the said Lowther. And Declarants
further say, That Joseph Sweetser of Charlestown aforesaid, and Richard
Rich and Robert Willis of London, Mariners, all belonging to the said
Brigantine, were forced and compelled against their Wills to go with the
said Pirates, viz. Joseph Sweetser and Richard Rich on board the Brigantine,
&amp; Robert Willis on Board the Sloop. The said Willis having broke
his Arm by a Fall from the Mast, desired that considering his Condition
they would let him go; but they utterly refused and forced him away with
them.</p>

<p>
<i>Signum</i> <span class="smcap">John Smith</span><br>
<span style="margin-left: 4.5em;"><span class="smcap">Charles Meston</span></span><br>
<br>
<i>Suffolk ss.</i>      Boston, June 12, 1722.<br>
</p>

<p>The abovenamed John Smith and Charles Meston personally appearing,
made Oath to the Truth of the aforewritten Declaration.</p>

<p>
<i>Coram me</i> <span class="smcap">J. Willard</span>, Secr. &amp; J. Pac.<br>
</p>

<p>
—<i>New England Courant</i>, June 18, 1722.<br>
</p>


</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> Johnson, <i>History of the Pirates</i>, London, 1726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> By the old English law the clergy were exempted from trial before a
secular judge. This privilege was afterwards extended, for many offences,
to all laymen who could read. The legal recognition of the “Benefit of
the Clergy” was not wholly repealed until 1827.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> <i>Calendar of State Papers, America and West Indies</i>, 1699, p. 746.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> The origin of this emblem is not known but it dates back at least to
the fourteenth century. The existing silver oar of the High Court of
Admiralty in England is believed to be of Tudor date, and that of the
Cinque Ports, now preserved at Dover Castle, England, is of an earlier
period. The silver oar had inscribed on its blade, the Royal Arms, an
anchor, or some similar device. Miniature silver oars were also in use as
badges of authority when effecting arrests under the order of an Admiralty
Court. See an article on “The Jurisdiction of the Silver Oar of the
Admiralty,” in the <i>Nautical Magazine</i>, Vol. XLVI (1877).—<span class="smcap">W. G. Perrin</span>,
<i>The Library, Admiralty, London</i>. Admiralty Courts in America continue
to use the oar as an emblem of authority. The oar preserved in the Federal
Building, Boston, is made of wood.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> This was because the Admiralty Courts, in theory and practice, had
authority over acts committed on the sea and that control ceased at high-water
mark.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">[371]</span></p>
<p id="APPENDIX"></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_I">APPENDIX<br>
I<br>
<span class="ch-title">Captain Ploughman’s Privateering Commission</span></h2>
</div>

<p class="no-indent"><b>Joseph Dudley</b>, <i>Esq; Captain General and Governour in Chief,
in and over Her Majesties Provinces of the</i> Massachusetts
Bay, <i>and</i> New-Hampshire <i>in</i> New-England <i>in</i> America, <i>and
Vice-Admiral of the same. To Capt.</i> Daniel Plowman, <i>Commander
of the Briganteen</i> Charles <i>of </i> Boston, <i>Greeting</i>.</p><br>

<p>Whereas Her Sacred Majesty <i>ANNE</i> by the Grace
of GOD, of <i>England</i>, <i>Scotland</i>, <i>France</i> and <i>Ireland</i>,
QUEEN, Defender of the Faith, <i>&amp;c.</i> Hath an Open
and Declared War against <i>France</i> and <i>Spain</i>, their Vassals
and Subjects. <span class="smcap">And Forasmuch</span> as you have made Application
unto Me for Licence to Arm, Furnish and Equip the said
Briganteen in Warlike manner, against Her Majesties said
Enemies, I do accordingly Permit and Allow the same; And,
Reposing special Trust and Confidence in your Loyalty,
Courage and good Conduct, Do by these Presents, by Virtue
of the Powers and Authorities contained in Her Majesties
Royal Commission to Me granted, Impower and Commissionate
you the said <i>Daniel Plowman</i>, to be Captain or Commander
of the said Briganteen <i>Charles</i>, Burthen Eighty Tuns
or thereabouts: Hereby Authorizing you in and with the
said Briganteen and Company to her belonging, to War,
Fight, Take, Kill, Suppress and Destroy, any Pirates, Privateers,
or other the Subjects and Vassals of <i>France</i>, or <i>Spain</i>,
the Declared Enemies of the Crown of <i>England</i>, in what Place
soever you shall happen to meet them; Their Ships, Vessels
and Goods, to take and make Prize of. And your said Briganteens<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">[372]</span>
Company are Commanded to Obey you as their
Captain: And your self in the Execution of this Commission,
to Observe and Follow the Orders and Instructions herewith
given you. And I do hereby Request all Governors and
Commanders in Chief, of any of Her Majesties Territories,
Islands, Provinces or Plantations, where the said Captain or
Commander shall arrive with his said Vessel and Men: And
all Admirals, Vice-Admirals and Commanders of Her Majesties
Ships of War, and others, that may happen to meet him
at Sea; Also all Officers and Subjects of the Friends or Allies
of Her said Sacred Majesty, to permit him the said Captain
or Commander with his said Vessel, Men, and the Prizes that
he may have taken, freely and quietly to pass and repass,
without giving or suffering him to receive any Trouble or
Hindrance, but on the contrary all Succour and Assistance
needful. And this Commission is to continue in Force for
the Space of Six Months next ensuing (if the War so long
last) and not afterwards. <i>Given under my Hand and Seal at
Arms at</i> Boston <i>the Thirteenth Day of</i> July: <i>In the Second Year
of Her said Majesties Reign</i>, Annoque Domini, 1703.</p><br>

<p>
<i>By His Excellencies Command</i>,<br>
<b>Isaac Addington</b>, Secr.<br>
</p>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">[373]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_II">II<br>
<span class="ch-title">Captain Ploughman’s Instructions</span></h2>
</div>


<p class="no-indent">
<i>Province of the</i> Massachusetts<br>
Bay <i>in</i> New-England.<br>
<br></p>

<p class="hanging2 center">
<i>By His Excellency</i> <b>Joseph Dudley</b>, Esq; <i>Captain-General<br>
and Governour in Chief</i>, &amp;c.
</p><br>

<p class="no-indent"><i>Instructions to be Observed by Capt.</i> Daniel Plowman,
<i>Commander of the Briganteen</i> Charles <i>of</i> Boston, <i>In Pursuance
of the Commission herewith given him.</i></p><br>

<p><i>First</i>, You are to keep such good Orders among your said
Briganteen’s Company, that Swearing Drunkenness and
Prophaneness be avoided, or duly Punished; And that GOD
be duly worshipped.</p>

<p><i>2dly</i>, You are upon all Occasions to Endeavour the maintaining
of Her Majesties Honour, and to give Protection to
Her Subjects, by endeavouring to secure them in their Trade,
and in no wise to hurt or injure any of Her Majesties Subjects,
Friends or Allies.</p>

<p><i>3dly.</i> You are to take, seize, sink, or destroy any of the
Ships, Vessels or Goods belonging to <i>France</i> or <i>Spain</i>, their
Vassals or Subjects, the Declared Enemies of the Crown of
<i>England</i>. And all such Ships and Vessels with their Lading,
Goods, and Merchandizes, which you shall happen to seize
or take, you are to carry or send into some Port or Ports
within Her Majesties Kingdom or Dominions, to be proceeded
against and adjudged: And if near this Coast, then
to bring or send them to <i>Boston</i>, your Commission Port.</p>

<p><i>4thly.</i> You are to take effectual Care, That no Money,
Goods, Merchandizes, or what else shall be taken by you in
any Ship, Vessel, or otherwise, be Imbezelled, Purloyned,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">[374]</span>
Concealed, or Conveyed away. And that Bulk be not broken
until the same be first adjudged to be Lawful Prize: And
Order given for the landing and securing thereof, as by Law
is directed. And likewise you are carefully to preserve all
Books, Papers, Letters and Writings which shall be found in
any Ship or Vessel to be by you taken, to the intent a more
clear Evidence and Discovery may be made to what Persons
such Ship or Vessel and her Lading did belong.</p>

<p><i>5thly.</i> You are to take care, That no Person or Persons
taken or surprized by you in any Ship or Vessel as aforesaid,
though known to be of the Enemies side, be in cold Blood
killed, maimed, or by Torture or Cruelty inhumanly treated
contrary to the Common Usage or Just Permission of War.</p>

<p><i>6thly.</i> You are to keep a fair Journal of all your Proceedings,
That so you may be the better enabled to give a Copy
thereof when you shall be thereunto duly required.</p>

<p><i>7thly.</i> You may not at any time wear on Board your said
Briganteen, by Virtue of the said Commission, any other Jack
than that Ordered by Her Majesties Royal Proclamation, of
the Eighteenth of <i>December</i> 1702, to be worn by such Ships
as have Commission of Mart or Reprizal; and upon meeting
with any of Her Majesties Ships of War, you are to pay all
Customary Respect unto them, according to the Laws and
Orders of the Sea.</p>

<p><i>8thly.</i> You may not enter or retain on Board your said
Briganteen any Mens Sons under Age, or Servants, contrary
to the Law of this Province: And before you depart with your
said Briganteen from the same, you are to deliver into the
Secretaries Office a List by you signed, of the Names of the
Company belonging to your said Briganteen with the Place
of their Respective Dwellings, or Aboad, as near as you can
learn; and such of them as are Inhabitants, or belonging to
this Province, you are to bring back with you to the same,
or use your best Endeavours so to do, not willingly leaving
any of them behind in other Parts.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">[375]</span></p>

<p><i>9thly.</i> You are to take care, That the Prisoners which you
shall take in any Prize Ship or Vessel, or so many of them as
you may be able to keep under Command (especially the
Officers or more Principal of them) be brought or sent into
your Commission Port, or where else within Her Majesties
Dominions you send your Prizes: To the intent there may be
the more full Evidences for Condemning the same, and also
an advantage for the Exchange of Prisoners.</p>

<p><i>Lastly.</i> You are carefully to observe and keep all the foregoing
Articles and Instructions, and not to make any breach
thereof, or of Her Majesties Laws, respecting Letters of Reprisal,
and Prize Ships and Goods; and to see that the full
and just Parts and Shares of all such Vessels and Goods as
shall be taken and seized by you, by Law accruing unto Her
Majesty, and the Lord High Admiral, be duly and truly
answered and paid.</p>

<p><i>Given under my Hand at</i> Boston, <i>the Thirteenth Day of</i> July,
<i>in the Second Year of Her Majesties Reign</i>, Annoque Domini,
1603.</p>

<p>
<i>Copy of the Instructions given unto me</i>&emsp;J. DUDLEY.</p>
<p>&emsp;Daniel Plowman.
</p><br>
<p class="center">
<i>Register.</i><br>
</p>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">[376]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_III">III<br>
<span class="ch-title">The Dying Speeches of Captain Quelch and
his Companions</span></h2>
</div>
<p class="center">An Account of the Behaviour and last Dying</p>

<p class="center">SPEECHES</p><br>

<p class="hanging2">
Of the Six Pirates, that were Executed on <i>Charles River,
Boston</i> side, on Fryday <i>June</i> 30th. 1704. <i>Viz.</i></p>
<br>
<p class="hanging2">
<i>Capt.</i> John Quelch, John Lambert, Christopher Scudamore,
John Miller, Erasmus Peterson <i>and</i> Peter Roach.</p>
<br>

<p>The Ministers of the Town, had used more than ordinary
Endeavours, to Instruct the Prisoners, and
bring them to Repentance. There were Sermons
Preached in their hearing, Every Day: And Prayers daily
made with them. And they were Catechised; and they had
many occasional Exhortations. And nothing was left, that
could be done for their Good.</p>

<p>On Fryday the <i>30th. of June</i> 1704. Pursuant to Orders in
the Dead Warrant, the aforesaid Pirates were guarded from
the Prison in <i>Boston</i>, by Forty Musketeers, Constables of the
Town, the Provost Marshal and his Officers, <i>&amp;c.</i> with Two
Ministers, who took great pains to prepare them for the last
Article of their Lives. Being allowed to walk on Foot through
the Town, to Scarlets Wharff; where the Silver Oar being
carried before them; they went by Water to the Place of
Execution, being Crowded and thronged on all sides with
Multitudes of Spectators. The Ministers then Spoke to the
Malefactors, to this Effect.</p>

<p>“We have told you often, ye we have told you Weeping,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">[377]</span>
That you have by Sin undone your selves; That you were
born Sinners, That you have lived Sinners, That your Sins
have been many and mighty; and that the Sins for which
you are now to Dy, are of no common aggravation. We
have told you, That there is a Saviour for Sinners, and we
have shewn you, how to commit your selves into His Saving
and Healing Hands. We have told you, That if He Save you,
He will give you an hearty Repentance for all your Sins, and
we have shown you how to Express that Repentance. We
have told you, What Marks of Life, must be desired for your
Souls, that you may Safely appear before the Judgment Seat
of God. Oh! That the means used for your Good, may by
the Grace of God be made Effectual. We can do no more,
but leave you in His Merciful Hands!</p>

<p>“When they were gone up upon the Stage, and Silence was
Commanded, One of the Ministers Prayed.”...</p><br>


<p class="center"><i>They then severally Spoke</i>, Viz.</p><br>

<p>I. Capt. <i>John Quelch</i>. The last Words he spake to One
of the Ministers at his going up the Stage, were, <i>I am not
afraid of Death, I am not afraid of the Gallows, but I am afraid
of what follows; I am afraid of a Great God, and a Judgment to
Come</i>. But he afterwards seem’d to brave it out too much
against that fear: also when on the Stage first he pulled off
his Hat, and bowed to the Spectators, and not Concerned, nor
behaving himself so much like a Dying man as some would
have done. The Ministers had in the Way to his Execution,
much desired him to Glorify God at his Death, by bearing
a due Testimony against the Sins that had ruined him, and
for the ways of Religion which he had much neglected: yet
now being called upon to speak what he had to say, it was
but thus much; <i>Gentlemen, ’Tis but little I have to speak:
What I have to say is this, I desire to be informed for what I am
here, I am Condemned only upon Circumstances. I forgive all
the World: So the Lord be Merciful to my Soul.</i> When <i>Lambert</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">[378]</span>
was Warning the Spectators to beware of <i>Bad-Company</i>,
<i>Quelch</i> joyning, <i>They should also take care how they brought
Money into New-England, to be Hanged for it!</i></p>

<p>II. <i>John Lambert.</i> He appeared much hardened, and
pleaded much on his Innocency: He desired all men to beware
of Bad Company; he seem’d in a great Agony near his
Execution: he called much and frequently on Christ, for
Pardon of Sin, that God Almighty would Save his innocent
Soul: he desired to forgive all the World: his last words were,
<i>Lord, forgive my Soul! Oh, receive me into Eternity! blessed
Name of Christ receive my Soul.</i>——</p>

<p>III. <i>Christopher Scudamore.</i> He appeared very Penitent
since his Condemnation, was very diligent to improve his
time going to, and at the place of Execution.</p>

<p>IV. <i>John Miller.</i> He seem’d much concerned, and complained
of a great Burden of Sins to answer for; Expressing
often, <i>Lord! What shall I do to be Saved!</i></p>

<p>V. <i>Erasmus Peterson.</i> He cryed of injustice done him;
and said, it is very hard for so many mens Lives to be taken
away for a little Gold. He often said, <i>his Peace was made
with God; and his Soul would be with God</i>: yet extream hard
to forgive those he said wronged him: He told the Executioner,
<i>he was a strong man, and Prayed to be put out of misery
as soon as possible</i>.</p>

<p>VI. <i>Peter Roach.</i> He seem’d little concerned, and said
but little or nothing at all.</p>

<p><i>Francis King</i> was also Brought to the place of Execution,
but Repriev’d.</p>

<hr class="tb">

<p><i>Printed for and Sold by</i> Nicholas Boone, <i>at his Shop near the Old Meeting-House
in</i> Boston, 1704.</p>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">[379]</span></p>
<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_IV">IV<br>
<span class="ch-title">John Fillmore’s Narrative</span></h2>
</div>

<p>In 1802, there was published at Suffield, Conn., a pamphlet
of twelve pages with the following title, viz:—</p><br>

<p>“<i>Narrative of the Singular Sufferings of John Fillmore and
others on board the noted Pirate Vessel Commanded by Captain
Phillips</i>”....</p><br>


<p>This pamphlet was reprinted at Johnstown in 1809 and at
Aurora, N. Y. in 1837, and again, in the “Publications of
the Buffalo Historical Society,” Volume X. It was written
when John Fillmore was an old man and the testimony given
at the trial of the pirates shows it to be inaccurate in some
particulars. It preserves, however, biographical details which
are probably correct.</p>

<p>Fillmore relates that his father was a sailor who was taken
into Martinico by a French frigate where he was imprisoned
and suffered many hardships so that when sent home in a
French cartel he died on the voyage. Young Fillmore was
apprenticed to a carpenter and across the road from where
he lived was a tailor who had an apprentice named William
White who afterwards went to sea. When young Fillmore
met him again it was on board Phillips’ pirate vessel off the
Newfoundland coast.</p>

<p>When seventeen years old Fillmore went to sea in the sloop
“Dolphin,” Captain Haskell, and was taken by Phillips
soon after reaching the fishing grounds. “Having heard of
the cruelties committed by Phillips,” he refused to go on
board his vessel until White came back with an order to
bring him on board “dead or alive.” He states that while<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">[380]</span>
with Phillips he was assigned the helm for much of the time,
and on one occasion when a fine merchant ship was sighted,
Captain Phillips “walked the deck with his glass in his hand”
and damned young Fillmore for not steering as well as he
thought he should and at last struck him over the head with
his broadsword, cutting his hat. The merchant was light
and a better sailer and so got away.</p>

<p>When Fern, the carpenter, attempted to get away the
second time, Phillips ran his sword through his body and
then blew out his brains with a pistol. Phillips also killed a
young friend of Fillmore’s in the same manner.</p>

<p>Fillmore represents that he played a very active part in
the overthrow of the pirates, which he initiated the evening
before by burning the soles of the feet of White and Archer,
as they lay dead drunk below deck, so that they were unable
to come on deck the next day. At the time of the attack
the master was preparing to take an observation and “the
quartermaster was in the cabin drawing out some leaden
slugs for a musket.” Fillmore relates that he split open the
head of the boatswain with a broadax, hit the captain on the
head and stunned him and when the quartermaster, hearing
the noise, came running out of the cabin with a hammer in
his hand he “gave him a blow on the back of his head cutting
his wig and neck almost off so that his head hung down before
him.” As Archer was the quartermaster of the vessel and
was supposed to be suffering with burned feet and unable to
come on deck, Fillmore at this point seems to add embroidery
to his narrative. He also states that three of the pirates
were sent to England for trial and hanged there.</p>

<p>James Cheeseman returned to England where he was rewarded
by the Government, says Fillmore, and enjoyed until
his death the office of quartermaster in the dockyard at
Portsmouth.</p>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">[381]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX_V">V<br>
<span class="ch-title">An “Act of Grace”</span></h2>
</div>

<p>From time to time proclamations were published granting
a gracious pardon to those guilty of acts of piracy who would
surrender themselves to the authorities on or before a certain
date. These offers of pardon were known as “Acts of Grace.”
The proclamation made in 1717, which brought about the
great surrender of pirates in the Bahamas, is here reprinted.</p>


<p class="center">
By the King</p>
<p>A PROCLAMATION for Suppressing of PYRATES</p>
<br>

<p>“Whereas we have received information, that several
Persons, Subjects of Great Britain, have, since the 24th Day
of June, in the Year of our Lord, 1715, committed divers
Pyracies and Robberies upon the High-Seas, in the West-Indies,
or adjoyning to our Plantations, which hath and may
Occasion great Damage to the Merchants of Great Britain,
and others trading into those Parts; and tho’ we have appointed
such a Force as we judge sufficient for suppressing
the said Pyrates, yet the more effectually to put an End to
the same, we have thought fit, by and with the Advice of
our Privy Council, to Issue this our Royal Proclamation;
and we do hereby promise, and declare, that in Case any of
the said Pyrates, shall on, or before, the 5th of September,
in the Year of our Lord 1718, surrender him or themselves,
to one of our Principal Secretaries of State in Great Britain
or Ireland, or to any Governor or Deputy Governor of any
of our Plantations beyond the Seas; every such Pyrate and
Pyrates so surrendering him, or themselves, as aforesaid,
shall have our gracious Pardon, of, and for such, his or their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">[382]</span>
Pyracy, or Piracies, by him or them committed, before the
fifth of January next ensuing. And we do hereby strictly
charge and command all our Admirals, Captains, and other
Officers at Sea, and all our Governors and Commanders of
any Forts, Castles, or other Places in our Plantations, and all
other our Officers Civil and Military, to seize and take such
of the Pyrates, who shall refuse or neglect to surrender themselves
accordingly. And we do hereby further declare, that
in Case any Person or Persons, on, or after, the 6th Day of
September, 1718, shall discover or seize, or cause or procure
to be discovered or seized, any one or more of the said Pyrates,
so refusing or neglecting to surrender themselves as aforesaid,
so as they may be brought to Justice, and convicted of the
said Offence, such Person or Persons, so making such Discovery
or Seizure, or causing or procuring such Discovery
or Seizure to be made, shall have and receive as a Reward for
the same, viz. for every Commander of any private Ship or
Vessel, the Sum of 100 l. for every Lieutenant, Master, Boatswain,
Carpenter, and Gunner, the Sum of 40 l. for every
inferior Officer, the Sum of 30 l. and for every private Man,
the Sum of 20 l. And if any Person or Persons, belonging to,
and being Part of the Crew, of any Pyrate Ship and Vessel,
shall, on or after the said sixth Day of September, 1718, seize
and deliver, or cause to be seized or delivered, any Commander
or Commanders, of such Pyrat Ship or Vessel, so as that
he or they be brought to Justice, and convicted of the said
Offence, such Person or Persons, as a Reward for the same,
shall receive for every such Commander, the Sum of 200 l.
which said Sums, the Lord Treasurer, or the Commissioners
of our Treasury for the time being, are hereby required, and
desired to pay accordingly.</p>

<p>“Given at our Court, at Hampton-Court, the fifth Day of
September, 1717, in the fourth Year of our Reign.</p>

<p class="right">
GEORGE R.</p>
<p class="center">
“God save the KING.”<br>
</p>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<figure class="figcenter illowp100" style="max-width: 150em;">
  <img class='w100' id='i000' src='images/i000_frontendpaper.jpg' alt=''>
  <figcaption><span class='smcap'>Boston harbor from the survey in the “English
Pilot,”</span> Part IV. London, 1707<br>
<span class='c2'>From an original in the Harvard College Library.</span></figcaption>
</figure>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">


<figure class="figcenter illowp100" id="i511_backendpaper" style="max-width: 495.6875em;">
<img class="w100" src="images/i511_backendpaper.jpg" alt="">
<figcaption><span class="smcap">Map of Cape Cod in 1717, showing the location of
the pirate wreck</span><br>
<span class='c2'>From a chart surveyed and published by Capt. Cyprian
Southack of Boston, now in possession of John W. Farwell.</span>
</figcaption>
</figure>
</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">

<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">[383]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2>
</div>


<ul class="index">
<li class="ifrst"> Acadie, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Acapulco, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ackin, John, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Act of Grace, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Addington, Isaac, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Aernouts, Jurriaen, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Aix-la-Chapelle, Treaty of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Allen, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Alsop, ----, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Andreson, Cornelius, <a href="#Page_45">45-51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Andros, Gov. Edmund, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Angola, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Annisquam, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Anstis, Captain, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Apthorp, Edward, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Archer, John Rose, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323-325</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Arnold, Sion, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ashton, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Philip, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218-270</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sarah (Hendly), <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Atkins, John, xxii.</li>

<li class="indx"> Atkinson, William, <a href="#Page_331">331-335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Atwell, Christopher, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Austin, James, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Avery, “Long Ben,” xviii, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_346">346-348</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ayres, Captain, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Azores, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Babson, James, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bahama Islands, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Baker, Thomas, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Baptis, John, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barbary Coast, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barlow, Jonathan, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barnard, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barnes, Henry, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barney, Jonathan, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Barrows, George, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bartlett, Sarah, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bass, Rev. ----, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Basse, Governor, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Beal, Obadiah, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Beer, Captain, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Belcher, Andrew, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bell, John, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bellamy, Samuel, <a href="#Page_116">116-131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bellomont, Governor, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73-80</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Benbrook, James, <a href="#Page_333">333-335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bennett, William, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bermuda, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bernard, Thomas, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bevins, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bishop, ----, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Blades, William, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Blair, James, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Blake, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Blaney, ----, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Blaze, John, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Block Island, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bluefield, ----, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bonnet, Stede, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bonny, Anne, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bootman, John, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Borneo, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Boston, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>,
    <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>,
    <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">335, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bouche, Oliver la, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bovewe, John, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bradish, Joseph, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40-43</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bradstreet, Governor, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brazil, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Breck, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bredcake, Thomas, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brenton, ----, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jahlael, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brethren of the Coast, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bridgman, ----, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bright, John, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brinkley, James, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brisco, Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Broadhaven, Ireland, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Brown, Captain, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300-302</a>,
    <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, Jr., <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Browne, Edward, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Buccaneers, <a href="#Page_10">10-15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Buck, Eleazer, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67-70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bull, Dixey, <a href="#Page_20">20-22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Bumstead, Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Burgess, ----, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">T., <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Burk, ----, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Burlington, Captain, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Burrage, ----, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Burrill, ----, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Byfield, Nathaniel, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Cahoon, James, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Calder, Thomas, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Calley, Edward, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Campbell, Duncan, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Campeachy, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Candor, Ralph, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cape Ann, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cape Cod, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cape Verde Islands, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Carr, John, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Carracioli, ----, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Carter, Captain, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Denis, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cary, Captain, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Casco Bay, Me., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Casey, Captain, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cass, John, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Castine, Me., <a href="#Page_44">44-46</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Caymans Islands, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chadwell, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chambly, ---- de, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chandler, Captain, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chard, Allen, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cheeseman, Edward, <a href="#Page_311">311-313</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321-323</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cheever, ----, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chevalle, Daniel, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Child, Thomas, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Chuley, Daniel, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Church, Charles, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Churchill, John, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Clap, Rev. ----, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Roger, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Clark, Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Clarke, Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Clayton, ----, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Clifford, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Coates, Edward, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cocklyn, Thomas, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Coddington, Capt., <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Codin, James, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Codman, John, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cole, John, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Joseph, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Collins, Daniel, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Collyer, John, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Colman, John, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Combs, Captain, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Condick, George, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Congdon, ----, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Coombs, John, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cooper, Joseph, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cooper, Thomas, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Coote, Richard, _see_ Bellomont.</li>

<li class="indx"> Coward, William, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cox, Captain, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Craig, Captain, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cranston, Governor, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cromwell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cross, William, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Crumpstey, Andrew, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cues, Peter, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cundon, Morice, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cunningham, Patrick, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Cuthbert, William, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Curacao, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Curre, John, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Danforth, Thomas, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Daniels, James, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Danson, John, <a href="#Page_29">29-31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Darby, John, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dauling, Robert, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Davies, Capt., <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Davis, ----, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Gabriel, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Howel, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Silvanus, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Daw, John, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> De Haws, Captain, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Delbridge, Andrew, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Deloe, Jonathan, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dew, Capt., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dickenson, John, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dicks, Anthony, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dipper, Henry, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Doane, Joseph, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Doggett, Samuel, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dole, Francis, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dolliber, Joseph, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dorothy, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Douglass, James, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dove, Captain, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Doyly, Colonel, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Drew, George, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Drury, Robert, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dudley, Gov. Joseph, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>,
    <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Paul, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dummer, ----, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dunavan, James, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dunbar, Captain, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dunn, William, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dunston, Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dunwell, ----, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Durffie, Richard, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Durell, Captain, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Dyer, ----, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Easton, Peter, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Eastwick, Captain, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Eaton, Edward, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Edgecomb, Capt., <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Edwards, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Eldridge, Webster, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Eleuthera, W. I., <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ellery, Dependence, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ellicot, Captain, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Elwell, Joshua, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Emmot, Joseph, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76-79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> England, Edward, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> English, Philip, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Erickson, Erick, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Esquemeling, John, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ester, Captain, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Estwick, Captain, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Fabens, James, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Lawrence, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Faro, Captain, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Falmouth, Me., <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Farrington, Thomas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Feake, John, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Feny, John, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ferguson, William, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fern, Thomas, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319-321</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fife, James, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Filmore, John, <a href="#Page_311">311-313</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321-324</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fillmore, Millard, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fisher, Dr. Archibald, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fitz-Gerald, John, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fitzgerald, Thomas, <a href="#Page_122">122-124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fitzherbert, John, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Flags, _see_ Pirate flags.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fletcher, Gov. Benjamin, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>,84,92-95.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Flucker, James, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fly, William, <a href="#Page_328">328-337</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Folger, Abissai, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Forcing men, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ford, John, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Forrest, William, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Foster, John, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Franklin, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fraser, William, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Frontenac, Governor, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Freeborn, Matthew, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Freeman, Edward, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fulker, John, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Fulmore, Simon, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Furber, Captain, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Gale, John, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gallison, Jane, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gallop, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gardiner, ----, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gardiner’s Island, N. Y., <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> George, John, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gibbetting, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>,
    <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Giddings, John, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Giddins, Paul, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gifford, Jane, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Robert, <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gilbert, Mrs. Mary, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Richard, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Giles, Harry, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gillam, James, <a href="#Page_34">34-38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Girdler, George, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Glen, Thomas, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gloucester, Mass., <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Glover, ----, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Goffe, Christopher, <a href="#Page_30">30-32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gough, Captain, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gould, ----, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Goulden, Penelope, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Goulding, Captain, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gourdon, Zana, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Graham, ----, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Grande, Thomas, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Granger, Roger, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Grant, Peter, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Graves, Captain, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Green, John, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Greenman, Captain, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Greenville, Henry, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Grenada, W. I., <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Griffin, Richard, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gross, Dixey, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gulleck, Thomas, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gullock, Capt., <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Gwatkins, Captain, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Hains, Richard, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hall, Nathaniel, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hallam, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Halsey, Dinah, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">James, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hamilton, Captain, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Haraden, Andrew, <a href="#Page_310">310-323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Harding, Samuel, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hargrave, ----, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Harvey, ----, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Harris, Charles, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_153">153</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>,
    <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">288-309.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Harwood, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Haskell, Captain, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hawkins, Abigail, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Hannah, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55-70</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279-281</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hazell, Thomas, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Headland, John, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Heath, Peleg, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Heed, Captain, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Henley, ----, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Herrick, Captain, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hesh, George, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hester, ----, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Higginson, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nathaniel, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hill, Henry, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hilliard, Edward, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hinchard, Dr. John, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hobby, Charles, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Holding, Anthony, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Holloway, Henry, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Holman, John, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Honan, Daniel, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Honduras, Bay of, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341-344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hood, Captain, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hoof, Peter Cornelius, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hope, John, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hopkins, Caleb, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hore, ----, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hornygold, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hubbard, Captain, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Huggit, Thomas, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hull, Edward, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hunt, Captain, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hunter, Andrew, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Henry, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hussam, Captain, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hutchinson, ----, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elisha, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hutnot, Joseph, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Hyde, Daniel, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Ireland, John, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Isles of Shoals, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ivemay, Charles, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Jacob, ----, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Jamaica Discipline, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> James, Charles, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Jenkins, Thomas, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Jennings, ----, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Henry, <a href="#Page_343">343-345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Johnson, Charles, v, xviii.</li>

<li class="indx"> Johnson, Isaac, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Jones, Captain, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>,
    <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Judson, Randall, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Julian, John, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Kelly, James, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kelsey, Captain, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kencate, Dr. John, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kendale, Ralph, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kent, Ebenezer, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kewes, Peter, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Kidd, Robert, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rev. John, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mrs. Sarah, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73-83</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> King, Charles, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> King, Francis, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Peter, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Knight, Christopher, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Knot, Captain, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> La Bouche, Oliver, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lacey, Abraham, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lakin, Thomas, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lambert, ----, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110-113</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lancy, William, <a href="#Page_321">321-323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lander, Daniel, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lansley, Captain, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Larkin, David, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">George, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Larramore, Captain, <a href="#Page_104">104-106</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lassen, Isaac (indian), <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Laughton, Francis, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lawrence, Edward, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Richard, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Laws, Captain, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lawson, Edward, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Layal, Captain, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Layton, Francis, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lebous, Louis, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Legg, Colonel, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Leonard, Robert, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Leverett, Governor, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Levercott, Samuel, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lewis, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Libbie, Joseph, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>,
    <a href="#Page_303">303-305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Libertatia, Madagascar, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lilly, Captain, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lindsay, David, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Linisker, Thomas, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Littleton, Captain, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Livingston, Robert, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Logwood, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> L’Olonnais, ----, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Long, Captain, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Long Island, N. Y., <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Loper, Jacobus, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lopez, Jacob, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lord, John, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lovering, Captain, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Low, Edward, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>,
    <a href="#Page_141">141-242</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">293, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elizabeth, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lowther, George, <a href="#Page_132">132-140</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143-146</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213-216</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>,
    <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">359.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lyde, Edward, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Lyne, Philip, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Machias, Me., <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> MacKarty, Captain, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mackconachy, Alexander, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mackdonald, Edward, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Madagascar, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>,
    <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346-352</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Madbury, John, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Main, Paul, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Maine coast, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mainwaring, Henry, <a href="#Page_2">2-4</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Maise, ----, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Manning, George, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Marble, Eliza, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Marblehead, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Marooning, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Marsh, William, <a href="#Page_298">298-300</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Marshall, Joseph, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Martel, John, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mason, ----, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Masters, John, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mather, Rev. Cotton, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>,
    <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rev. Increase, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Maverick, Samuel, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> May, George, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mayhew, Matthew, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Maze, William, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Meinzies, James, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mercy, Captain, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Merritt, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>,
    <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">270-276.</li>

<li class="indx"> Meston, Charles, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Miller, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>,
    <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mills, William, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Minott, William, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mission, Captain, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mitchell, Alexander, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">George, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mixture, Sam, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Montgomery, ----, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Moore, Captain, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Walter, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Morris, Thomas, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Morgan, Henry, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mortimer, Robert, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mosely, Samuel, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mountjoy, George, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mudd, John, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mues, William, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mumford, Thomas (indian), <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Munday, Robert, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Mundon, Stephen, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Nantucket, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Narramore, Richard, <a href="#Page_29">29-31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Nauset, Mass., <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Navigation Acts, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Neff, William, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Nelley, James, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Newfoundland, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>,
    <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> New London, Conn., <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Newport, R. I., <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>,
    <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295-307</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> New Providence, W. I., <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> New York, N. Y., <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Nichols, William, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Norton, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">George, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Noxon, Thomas, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Nutt, John, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Oort, John, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Orford, Earl of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Orleans, Mass., <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Orne, ----, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Otley, Colonel, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Outerbridge, William, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Owen, Richard, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Paige, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pain, Thomas, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Panama, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Papillion, Peter, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pare, ----, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Parrot, James, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Parsons, John, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Joseph, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Patteshall, Richard, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pattison, James, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Payne, ----, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Henry, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pearce, Richard, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pease, James, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel, <a href="#Page_63">63-66</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Peirse, George, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pemaquid, Me., <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Penner, Major, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Perkins, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Perrin, W. G., <a href="#Page_367">367</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Perry, Matthew, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Peterson, ----, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Erasmus, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>,
    <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Phillips, Frederick, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_310">310-324</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, xvii.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Phips, Richard, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Picket, John, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pier, ----, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pierson, Henry, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pike, Samuel, Jr., <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pimer, Matthew, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Piracy, executions for, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>,
    <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">324, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Laws against, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Trials for, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>,
    <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">365.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pirate articles, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>,
    <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Pirate flags, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>,
    <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pirate vessel, life on a, <a href="#Page_157">157-199</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353-358</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pitman, Captain, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Plantain, ----, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ploughman, Daniel, <a href="#Page_371">371-375</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Plowman, Daniel, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Plymouth, Mass., <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Port Mayo, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Port Royal, Jamaica, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Porto Bello, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Portsmouth, N. H., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pound, Thomas, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54-70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Povey, Thomas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Powel, Thomas, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pownall, Thomas, <a href="#Page_303">303-305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Prentice, John, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Prince, Isaac, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Job, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Lawrence, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Privateering, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Commission, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Instructions, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Pro, John, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Puerto Velo, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Quelch, John, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-115</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, Dying speech of, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Quintor, Hendrick, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Quittance, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Rackham, John, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Randolph, Edward, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ray, Caleb, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rayner, William, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rea, Captain, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Dr. Caleb, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Read, Mary, xviii.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Red Sea, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>,
    <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Reed, Captain, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Reeve, Thomas, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rhoades, John, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rhode, John, <a href="#Page_44">44-53</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rhode Island, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rice, Owen, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rich, Richard, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Robert, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Richards, Captain, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Richardson, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Roach, Captain, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Peter, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Roatan, W. I., <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Roberts, Bart., <a href="#Page_43">43</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Bartholomew, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>,
    <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">George, <a href="#Page_156">156-199</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Robinson, Captain, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Abraham, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Roderigo, Peter, <a href="#Page_45">45-51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rogers, Woods, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Romney, Earl of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Roseway, N. S., <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224-231</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ross, Captain, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Rush, James, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Russell, Charles, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169-198</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ruth, Richard, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ryswick, Peace of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Salem, Mass., <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sallee, Morocco, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Salter, John, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sample, R., <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sandison, Captain, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sanford, Colonel, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sargent, Epes, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Scarlett, Captain, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Scot, Andrew, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Lewis, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Scottow, Joshua, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Scudamore, Christopher, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>, <a href="#Page_378">378</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Scudder, Thomas, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sebada, Kempo, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sergeant, Peter, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sewall, Samuel, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102-107</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>,
    <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Stephen, <a href="#Page_104">104-107</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shapleigh, Major, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nicholas, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sharp, Bart., xviii.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shaw, John, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sheehan, John, 130.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shelley, ----, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shipton, Captain, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283-287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shortrigs, William, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shrewsbury, Duke of, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shrimpton, Epaphras, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shute, Gov. Samuel, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Shutfield, William, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Siccadam, John, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Silver oar, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Simons, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Simpkins, Captain, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Skiff, Nathan, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Skillegorne, Captain, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Slyfield, George, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Smart, John, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Smith, Edward, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Henry, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sole, John, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Solgard, Peter, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292-309</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Somers, Lord, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sound, Joseph, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> South, Thomas, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Southack, Cyprian, <a href="#Page_127">127-129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Spafforth, Captain, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sparks, James, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Spiller, Mary, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Spriggs, Francis Farrington, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>,
    <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>,</li>
<li class="isub4">216, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277-287</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>,
    <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sprinkly, James, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stamford, Conn., <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stanbridge, Edward, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stanny, Richard, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Staples, Captain, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Start, Captain, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Staunton, Daniel, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stephens, ----, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Richard, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stephenson, Captain, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Stone, Captain, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Storey, Thomas, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Storms, severe, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Streator, Thomas, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sweating, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sweet, Dr. James, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Sweetser, Joseph, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303-305</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Symonds, John, <a href="#Page_265">265-268</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Taffery, Peter, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tasker, George, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Taylor, ----, <a href="#Page_349">349</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Teach, Captain, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Edward, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Templeton, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tew, Richard, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_84">84-98</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thaxter, Joseph, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thomas, James, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thomas, John, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thompson, ----, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Captain, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thorogood, Samuel, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Thurbar, Richard, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tillinghast, Peter, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tomkins, John, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tortuga, <a href="#Page_11">11-15</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tosh, William, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tozer, Captain, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elias, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Trefry, Thomas, <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Triangles, W. I., <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tricker, Israel, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Trot, Nicholas, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Tulford, Richard, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Turner, Captain, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Umper, Tom (indian), <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Uran, Edward, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Uring, Nathaniel, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Valentine, John, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Van der Scure, Frederick, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Van Vorst, Simon, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Vane, Charles, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Veale, Captain, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Vessels.</li>
<li class="isub2">Abraham Fisher (privateer), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Adventure (hakeboat), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Adventure (sloop), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Adventure Galley (ship), <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Advice (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Albemarle (East Indiaman), <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">America (ship), <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Amity (ship), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Amity (sloop), <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Amsterdam Merchant (ship), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Amy (ship), <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Antonio (ship), <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Batchelor’s Delight (ship), <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Bijoux (ship), <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Boneta (brigantine), <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Brothers Adventure (sloop), <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Carteret (ship), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Charles (brigantine), <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99-102</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Childhood (sloop), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Content (sloop), <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Crown (ship), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Daniel (brigantine), <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Delight (ship), <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Diamond (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Dolphin (sloop), <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Dolphin (vessel), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Dove (ship), <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Eagle (sloop), <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Edward and Thomas (barque), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elinor (ketch), <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elizabeth (shallop), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Elizabeth (snow), <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Endeavor (sloop), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Fame’s Revenge (snow), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Fancy (schooner), <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
    <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Fanny (vessel), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Farley (sloop), <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Feversham (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Flying Horse (privateer), <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Fortune (ship), <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Fortune (sloop), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Frederick (ship), <a href="#Page_89">89</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Gambia Castle (ship), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Glasgow (sloop), <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Good Fortune (ship), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Good Speed (sloop), <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Good-Will (schooner), <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Greyhound (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>,
    <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Greyhound (ship), <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Guernsey (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Happy Delivery (ship), <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Happy Delivery (sloop), <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Hopefull Betty (sloop), <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Irwin (ship), <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">James (schooner), <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jane (shallop), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John and Betty (ship), <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John and Elizabeth (brigantine), <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John and Hannah (sloop), <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jolly Batchelor (vessel), <a href="#Page_279">279</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">King George (vessel), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">King Sagamore (ship), <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">King William (ship), <a href="#Page_206">206</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Larramore Galley, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Liberty (sloop), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Lincolnshire (sloop), <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Little Joseph (sloop), <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Liverpool Merchant (ship), <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Margaret (sloop), <a href="#Page_156">156-199</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary (brigantine), <a href="#Page_317">317</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary (ketch), <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary (schooner), <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary (sloop), <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary and John (ship), <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary Ann (pink), <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary Ann (sloop), <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mary Galley (ship), <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mere de Dieu (ship), <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mermaid (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Merriam (sloop), <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Merrimack (brigantine), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Merry Christmas (ship), <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Milton (schooner), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Mocha (frigate), <a href="#Page_34">34</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nathaniel (sloop), <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nostra Dame (ship), <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Nostra Signiora de Victoria (ship), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Pearl (vessel), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Penobscot (shallop), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Philip (shallop), <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Pompey (ship), <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Portsmouth Adventure (vessel), <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Postillion (sloop), <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Princess (vessel), <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Province Galley, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Quidah Merchant (ship), <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rachel (sloop), <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Ranger (sloop), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>,
    <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rebecca (brigantine), <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>,
    <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rebeckah (schooner), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Resolution (sloop), <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Revenge (schooner), <a href="#Page_315">315-324</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rose (frigate), <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Rose (pink), <a href="#Page_152">152-155</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">St. Michael (ship), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sally Rose (frigate), <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel (schooner), <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Samuel (ship), <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sea Flower (sloop), <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Seafort (ship), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sea Horse (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Separation (ship), <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Solebay (man-of-war), <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sparrow (ketch), <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Squirrel (ship), <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Squirrel (sloop), <a href="#Page_310">310-313</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Stanhope (pink), <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sultana (ship), <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Susannah (ship), <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Swallow frigott (barque), <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Swallow (man-of-war), xxii.</li>
<li class="isub2">Swan (ship), <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Swan (sloop), <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Swift (schooner), <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sycamore (galley), <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomasine (ship), <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Trial (shallop), <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Unity (snow), <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Victoire (ship), <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Whidaw (galley), <a href="#Page_117">117-130</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William (sloop), <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Wright (galley), <a href="#Page_153">153</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Vyall, John, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Wadham, Captain, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wainwright, Colonel, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wake, Captain, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wakefield, Samuel, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Waldron, Captain, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Jacob, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Walker, Samuel, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Walking the plank, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wall, John, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Walters, John, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Want, Captain, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wappen, Rupert, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wapping, Eng., <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Ward, ----, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Warden, William, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Warren, William, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Waters, John, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Sampson, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Watkins, John, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Watson, Harry, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Watts, Samuel, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Way, John, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Weaver, ----, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Webb, Rev. ----, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Weekham, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Welch, John, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Welland, John, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298-300</a>, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wellfleet, Mass., <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wells, ----, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> West Indies, <a href="#Page_10">10-15</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>, <a href="#Page_348">348</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> West, Richard, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wetherley, Tee, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wharton, ----, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wheeler, Benjamin, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> White, ----, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Anthony, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Robert, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322-325</a>, <a href="#Page_379">379</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Whiting, William, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wickstead, Captain, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wiggoner, ----, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wild, Elias, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wiles, William, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wilkinson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Williams, James, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Paul, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>,
    <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Paulsgrave, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Williard, John, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Willing, Captain, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Willis, Joseph, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Robert, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wilson, Alexander, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Winter, Christopher, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Winthrop, Adam, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">John, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Thomas, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">Waitstill, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wollery, William, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wood, James, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li>
<li class="isub2">William, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Woodbury, John, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Worley, Captain, <a href="#Page_360">360</a>.</li>

<li class="indx"> Wyndham, James, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li>


<li class="ifrst"> Yaw, David, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li>
</ul>




<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_395">[395]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="PUBLICATIONS_OF_THE">PUBLICATIONS OF THE
MARINE RESEARCH SOCIETY</h2>
</div>

<p class="center">SALEM, MASSACHUSETTS</p>


<div class="blockquot">

<p>I. THE SAILING SHIPS OF NEW ENGLAND, 1607-1907, by <span class="smcap">John
Robinson</span> and <span class="smcap">George Francis Dow</span>. Large 8vo.
(7 x 10), 320 illustrations, 430 pages, blue buckram
binding.</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Sixty copies were printed on large paper.</p>
</div>

<p>II. THE PIRATES OF THE NEW ENGLAND COAST, 1630-1730, by
<span class="smcap">George Francis Dow</span> and <span class="smcap">John Henry Edmonds, with an
introduction by Capt. Ernest H. Pentecost</span>, R. N. R. Large
8vo. (7 x 10), 47 illustrations, 416 pages, red buckram binding.</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Eighty-five copies were printed on large paper.</p>
</div>

<p>III. WRECKED AMONG CANNIBALS IN THE FIJIIS, by <span class="smcap">William
Endicott, with notes by Lawrence Waters Jenkins</span>, 8vo.
(6¼ x 9½), 13 illustrations, 82 pages, Fabriano paper
boards, linen back.</p>
</div>

<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="transnote">
<p class="center"><b>Transcriber’s Notes</b></p>
<p class="no-indent">New original cover art included with this eBook is granted to the public domain.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Images have been relocated close to related content.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Endpaper map illustrations have been relocated to end of text, before index.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Footnotes have been renumbered consecutively and relocated at the end of the related chapters.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Perceived typographical errors have been silently corrected.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.</p>
<p class="no-indent">Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.</p>
</div>
<div style='text-align:center'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 75282 ***</div>
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