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<pre>

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Title: De Bello Catilinario et Jugurthino

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</pre>


<P>[Illustration: Numidia (Map)]</P>

<hr>

<P class="center">Classical Series.
Edited By Drs. Schmitz And Zumpt.</P>

<hr>

<h1>C. Sallustii Crispi</h1>

<h1>De Bello Catilinario et Jugurthino.</h1>

<hr>

<h2>Preface.</h2>

<P>The text of Sallust, notwithstanding the many and excellent editions
which have been published, has not yet acquired a form that can be
regarded as generally adopted and established; for the number of
manuscripts is great, and their differences have led critical editors to
form different opinions as to which, in each case, is the correct
reading, or at least the one most worthy of acceptation. This difference
of opinion manifested itself especially after the edition of Gottleib
Corte (Leipzig, 1724, 4to.), who in many passages abandoned the vulgate
as constituted by Gruter and Wasse, and on the authority of a few
manuscripts, altered the text of Sallust, on the mere supposition that
his style was abrupt. Corte&#8217;s recension was adopted by many, and often
reprinted; while others, especially Haverkamp, in his valuable and very
complete edition (Hague, 1742, 2 vols. 4to.), returned to the vulgate.
The latest critical editors of Sallust &#8212; Gerlach (Basel, 1823, &amp;c. 3 vols.
4to., and a revised text, Basel, 1832, 8vo.) and Kritz (Leipzig, 1828,
&amp;c. 2 vols. 8vo.) &#8212; though declaring against the arbitrary proceedings of
Corte, yet very often differ in their texts from each other. Between
these two stands the edition of the learned critic, J. C. Orelli (Z&uuml;rich,
1840), whose text forms the basis of the present edition. But besides
abandoning his artificial and antiquated orthography, and restoring that
which is adopted in most editions of Latin classics, we have felt obliged
in many instances to give up Orelli&#8217;s reading, and to follow the
authority of the best manuscripts, especially the Codex Leidensis (marked
L in Haverkamp&#8217;s edition). For our explanatory notes we are much indebted
to the edition of Kritz, though we have often been under the necessity of
differing from him.</P>

<P>C. G. Zumpt.</P>

<P>Berlin, <i>May</i>, 1848.</P>

<hr>

<h2>Introduction.</h2>

<P>Caius Sallustius Crispus, according to the statement of the ancient
chronologer Hieronymus, was born in B. C. 86, at Amiternum, in the
country of the Sabines (to the north-east of Rome), and died four years
before the battle of Actium  &#8212;  that is, in B.C. 34 or 35. After having no
doubt gone through a complete course of law and the art of oratory, he
devoted himself to the service of the Roman republic at a time when Rome
was internally divided by the struggle of the opposite factions of
the <i>optimates</i>, or the aristocracy, and the <i>populares</i>, or the
democratical party. The optimates supported the power of the senate, and
of the nobility who prevailed in the senate; while the populares were
exerting themselves to bring all public questions of importance before
the popular assembly for decision, and resisted the influence of
illustrious and powerful families, whose privileges, arising from birth
and wealth, they attempted to destroy. Sallust belonged to the latter of
these parties. In B.C. 52 he was tribune of the people, and took an
active part in the disturbances which were caused at Rome in that year by
the open struggles between Annius Milo, one of the optimates, who was
canvassing for the consulship, and P. Clodius, who was trying to obtain
the praetorship. Milo slew Clodius on a public road: he was accused by
the populares, and defended by the optimates; but the judges, who could
not allow such an act of open violence to escape unpunished, condemned,
and sentenced him to exile. Pompey alone, who was then consul for the
third time, was capable of restoring order and tranquillity. The position
of a tribune of the people was a difficult one for Sallust: he was to
some extent opposed to Milo, and consequently also to Cicero, who pleaded
for Milo; but there exists a statement that he gave up his opposition;
and he himself, in the introduction to his &#8216;Catiline,&#8217; intimates that his
honest endeavours for the good of the state drew upon him only ill-will
and hatred. Two years later (B.C. 50), he was ejected from the senate by
the censor Appius Claudius, one of the most zealous among the optimates.
The other censor, L. Piso, did not protect either Sallust, or any of the
others who shared the same fate with him, against this act of partiality.
Rome was at that time governed by the most oppressive oligarchy, which
was then mainly directed against Julius Caesar, who, as a reward for
his brilliant achievements in extending the Roman dominion in Gaul,
desired to be allowed to offer himself in his absence as a candidate for
his second consulship  &#8212;  a desire which the people were willing to comply
with, as it was based upon a law which had been passed some years before
in favour of Caesar; but the optimates endeavoured in every way to oppose
him, and drawing Pompey over to their side, they brought about a rupture
between him and Caesar. Sallust was looked upon in the senate as a
partisan of the latter, and this was the principal reason why he was
deprived of his seat in the great council of the republic; and L. Piso,
the father-in-law of Caesar, is said not to have opposed the partiality
of his colleague in the censorship, in order to increase the number of
Caesar&#8217;s partisans. When, in B. C. 49, Caesar established his right by
force of arms, Sallust went over to him, and was restored not only to his
seat in the senate, but was advanced to the praetorship in the year B. C.
47. Sallust served, both before and during his year of office, in the
capacity of a lieutenant in Caesar&#8217;s armies. He also accompanied him
to Africa in the war against the Pompeian party there, and after its
successful termination, was left behind as proconsul of Numidia, which
was made a Roman province. In the discharge of his duties, he is said to
have indulged in extorting money from the new subjects of Rome. He was
accused, but acquitted. This is the historical statement of Dion Cassius;
but a hostile writer of doubtful authority mentions that, by paying
12,000 pieces of gold to Caesar (perhaps as damages for the injury done),
he purchased his acquittal.</P>

<P>Hereupon Sallust withdrew from public life, to devote his leisure to
literature, and the composition of works on the history of his native
country; for, as after the murder of Caesar, in B. C. 44, the republic
was again delivered over to a state of military despotism, peaceful
advice was deprived of its influence. It need hardly be mentioned that
Sallust, as he had qualified himself for the highest political career,
and the great offices of the republic, must have been possessed of an
independent property; but the statement, that he afterwards gave himself
up to a life of luxury  &#8212;  that he purchased a villa at Tibur, which had
formerly belonged to Caesar  &#8212;  and that he possessed a splendid mansion,
with a garden laid out with elegant plantations and appropriate
buildings, at Rome, near the Colline gate  &#8212;  is founded on the equivocal
authority of a writer of a late period, who was hostile to him. It is
indeed certain that there existed at Rome <i>horti Sallustiani</i>, in
which Augustus frequently resided, and which were afterwards in the
possession of the Roman emperors; but it is doubtful as to whether they
had been acquired and laid out by our historian, or by his nephew, a
Roman eques, and particular favourite of Augustus. The statement that
Sallust married Terentia, the divorced wife of Cicero, is still more
doubtful, and probably altogether fictitious.<a class="sup" href="#1">[1]</a> There is, however, a
statement of a contemporary, the learned friend of Cicero, M. Varro,
which cannot be doubted  &#8212;  that in his earlier years Sallust, in the midst
of the party-strife at Rome, kept up an illicit intercourse with the
wife of Milo; but how much the hostility of party may have had to do with
such a report, cannot be decided. In his writings, Sallust expresses
a strong disgust of the luxurious mode of life, and the avarice and
prodigality, of his contemporaries; and there can be no doubt that these
repeated expressions of a stern morality excited both his contemporaries
and subsequent writers to hunt up and divulge any moral foibles in his
life and character, especially as in his compositions he struck into a
new path, by abandoning the ordinary style, and artificially reviving the
ancient style of composition.</P>



<P>The historical works of Sallust are, <i>De Bello Catilinae</i>, <i>De Bello
Jugurthino</i> (or the two <i>Bella</i>, as the ancients call them), and
five books of <i>Historiae</i>  &#8212;  that is, a history of the Roman republic
during the period of twelve years, from the death of Sulla in B. C. 78,
down to the appointment of Pompey to the supreme command in the war
against Mithridates in B. C. 66. This history was regarded by the
ancients as the principal work of our author; but is now lost, with the
exception of four speeches and two political letters, which some admirer
of oratory copied separately from the context of the history, and which
have thus been preserved to our times. The two <i>Bella</i>, which are
preserved entire, form the contents of the present volume.</P>

<P>The work <i>De Bella Catilinae</i> formed the beginning of his historical
compositions, as is clear from the author&#8217;s own introduction; but it
was not written till after the murder of Caesar in B. C. 44. In it he
describes the conspiracy of L. Sergius Catilina, a man of noble birth and
high rank, but ruined circumstances; its discovery, and the punishment
of the conspirators at Rome in B. C. 63; and its final and complete
suppression in a pitched battle at the beginning of the year B. C. 62.</P>

<P>The <i>Bellum Jugurthinum</i> treats of the life of Jugurtha, who in
B. C. 118, together with his cousins, Adherbal and Hiempsal, governed
Numidia. Having crushed his two cousins by fraud and violence, Jugurtha
afterwards maintained himself in his usurped kingdom for several years
against the Roman armies and generals that were sent out against him,
until in the end, after several defeats sustained at the hands of the
Roman consuls, L. Metullus and C. Marius, his own ally, Bocchus, king of
Mauretania, delivered him up into the hands of the Roman quaestor,
L. Sulla.</P>

<P>In the work on the war of Catiline, Sallust reveals especially the
corruption of what was called the Roman nobility, by tracing the criminal
designs of the conspirators to their sources  &#8212;  avarice, and the love of
pleasure. In the history of the Jugurthine war, he particularly exposes
and condemns the system of bribery in which the leading men of that
age indulged; but on the other hand, he draws a pleasing contrast in
describing the restoration of military discipline by Metullus and Marius.
The difficult campaigns in the extensive and desert country of Numidia,
and the wonderful events of this war, also deserve the attention of the
reader; the more so, as the author has bestowed the greatest care on
giving vivid descriptions of them.</P>

<P>Among the writings of Sallust, which have been transmitted to us in
manuscripts, and are printed in the larger editions of his works, there
are two epistles addressed to Caesar, containing the author&#8217;s opinions
and advice regarding the new constitution to be given to the republic,
after the defeat of the optimates and their faction by the dictator. They
are written in his own peculiar style: the first contains excellent ideas
and energetic exposures of the general defects and evils in the state,
as well as plans for remedying them; the second adds some proposals
regarding the courts of justice, and the composition of the senate,
the utility and practicability of which appear somewhat doubtful.
The authenticity of these epistles, therefore, is still a matter of
uncertainty. Lastly, there are two Declamations (<i>declamationes</i>), the
one purporting to be by M. Cicero against Sallust, and the other by
Sallust against Cicero; but both are evidently unworthy of the character
and style of the men whose names they bear, and are justly considered to
be the production of some wretched rhetorician of the third or fourth
century of the Christian era.<a class="sup" href="#2">[2]</a> Such declaimers made use of all possible
reports that were current respecting the moral weaknesses of the two men,
and respecting an enmity between them, of which history knows nothing,
and which is contradicted by our author himself, by the praise he
bestows, in his &#8216;Catilinarian War,&#8217; upon Cicero.</P>


<P>Sallust&#8217;s character as an historian, and his grammatical style, have
been the subjects of contradictory opinions even among the ancients
themselves  &#8212;  both his own contemporaries, and the men of succeeding ages.
Some condemned his introductions, as having nothing to do with the
works themselves; found fault with the minute details of the speeches
introduced in the narrative; and called him a senseless imitator, in
words and expressions, of the earlier Roman historians, especially of
Cato. Others praised him for his vivid delineations of character, the
precision and vigour of his diction, and for the dignity which he had
given to his style by the use of ancient words and phrases which were no
longer employed in the ordinary language of his own day. But however
different these opinions may appear, there is truth both in the censure
and in the praise, though the praise no doubt outweighs the censure;
and the general opinion among the later Romans justly declared <i>primus
Romana Crispus in historia</i>. It is obvious that it is altogether unjust
to say that his introductions are unsuitable, and that the speeches he
introduces are inappropriate: for an author must be allowed to write a
preface to make an avowal of his own sentiments; and the speeches are
inseparably connected with the forms of public life in antiquity: they
are certainly not too long, and express most accurately, both in
sentiment and style, the characters of the great men to whom the author
assigns them. We have no hesitation in declaring that the speeches in the
Catiline and Jugurtha, as well as those extracted from the <i>Historiae</i>,
are the most precious specimens of the kind that have come down to us
from antiquity.</P>

<P>As regards the grammatical style and the imitation of earlier authors,
for which Sallust has been blamed by some, and praised by others, it must
be observed that he is the first among the classical authors extant in
whose works we perceive a difference between the refined language of
public life, such as we have it in Cicero and Caesar, and a new and
artificially-formed language of literature. Cicero and Caesar wrote just
as a well-educated orator of taste spoke: after the death of Caesar,
oratory began to withdraw from the active scenes of public life; and
there remained few authors who, following the practical vocation of an
orator, though at an unfavourable epoch, yet observed the principle
which is generally correct  &#8212;  that a man ought to write in the same manner
in which well-bred people speak. But most men of talent who devoted
themselves to written composition for the satisfaction of their own
minds, or for the instruction of their contemporaries, created for
themselves a new style, such as was naturally developed in them by
reading the earlier authors, and through their own relations to their
readers and not hearers. Livy clung to the language, style, and the
full-sounding period of the oratorical style, though even he in many
points deviated from the natural refinement of a Caesar and a Cicero;
but Sallust gave up the oratorical period, divided the long-spun,
full-sounding, and well-finished oratorical sentence into several short
sentences; and in this manner he seemed to go back to the ancients, who
had not yet invented the period: but still there was a great difference
between his style, in which the ancient simplicity was artificially
restored, and the genuine ancient sentence formed without any rhetorical
art. He wrote without periods, because he would not write otherwise, and
not because he could not; he divided the rhetorical period into separate
sentences, because it appeared to him advantageous in his animated
description of minute details; and he wrote concisely, because he did
not want the things to fill up his sentences which the orator requires
to give roundness and fulness to his periods. He states in isolated
independent sentences those ideas and thoughts which the orator
distributes among leading and subordinate sentences; but he did all this
consciously, as an artist, and with the conviction that it was conducive
to historical animation. Tacitus was his imitator in this artificial
historical style; and notwithstanding all his well-deserved praise, it
must he admitted that the blame cast upon Sallust attaches in a still
higher degree to Tacitus. It is a fact beyond all doubt, that Sallust
introduced into the language of literature antiquated forms, words, and
expressions; and this arose from a desire to recall with the ancient
language also the ancient vigour and simplicity. But even this revival of
what was ancient is visible only here and there, and all such words and
phrases might be exchanged for others and more customary ones, without
depriving Sallust of his essential characteristics; for these consist in
a vivid perception of the important moments of an action, in placing them
in strong contrasts, to excite his readers, and in the effect produced by
isolated sentences simply put in juxtaposition without the artifice of a
polished and intricate period.</P>

<P>To give our young readers some preparatory information about certain
frequently-recurring peculiarities of Sallust&#8217;s style, we may remark that
the omission of the personal pronoun in the construction of the
accusative with the infinitive, as well as the omission of the auxiliary
verb <i>est</i>, and the frequent use of the infinitive instead of a
dependent clause  &#8212;  for example, <i>hortatur dicere, res postulat exponere,
conjuravere patriam incendere</i>, and many similar expressions  &#8212;  arise
from his desire to be brief and concise. Among his antiquated forms of
words, we may mention <i>die</i> for <i>diei</i>, the singular <i>plerusque</i>, <i>quis</i>
for <i>quibus</i>, <i>senati</i> for <i>senatus</i>; <i>dicundi, legundi</i>, &amp;c. for
<i>dicendi, legendi</i>; <i>intellego</i> for <i>intelligo</i>, <i>forem</i> for <i>essem</i>,
<i>fuere</i> for <i>fuerunt</i>; the use of the past participles of deponent verbs
in a passive sense  &#8212;  as <i>adeptus, interpretatus</i>. Antiquated words, or
words used in an antiquated sense, are  &#8212;  <i>supplicium</i> for <i>preces</i>,
<i>scilicet</i> for <i>scire licet</i>; antiquated expressions are  &#8212;  <i>fugam facere</i>
for <i>fugere</i>, <i>habere vitam</i> for <i>agere vitam</i>, and other phrases with
<i>habere</i>. The frequent use of <i>mortales</i> for <i>homines</i>, <i>aevum</i> for
<i>aetas</i>, and <i>subigere</i> for <i>cogere</i>, gives to his style somewhat of a
poetical colouring. As far as grammatical construction is concerned,
there is a tendency to archaisms in the use of <i>quippe qui</i> with the
indicative; in the frequent application of the indicative in subordinate
sentences in the oratio obliqua; and in some other points which we shall
explain in short notes to the passages where they occur. An intentional
disturbance of rhetorical symmetry is perceptible in the change of
corresponding particles;  &#8212;  for example, instead of <i>alii</i> in the
expression <i>alii-alii</i>, we find <i>pars</i> or <i>partim</i>; instead of <i>modo</i> in
the expression <i>modo-modo</i>, we find <i>interdum</i>, and similar variations.
But all these differences from the ordinary language contain in
themselves sufficient grounds of explanation and excuse, and are by no
means so frequent as to render the language of Sallust unworthy of the
merited reputation of being classical.</P>

<h3>Footnotes for <i>Introduction</i></h3>

<P class="note">
<a class="bold" name="1">[1]</a> This strange account is found in Hieronymus&#8217;s first work against
    Jovinianus, towards the end; and it becomes still more strange by the
    addition, that Terentia was married a third time to the orator
    Messalla Corvinus (who was consul with Augustus, B. C. 91):  &#8212;  <i>Illa</i>
    (Terentia) <i>interim conjunx egregia, et quae de fontibus Tullianis
    hauserat sapientiam, nupsit Sallustio, inimico ejus, et tertio
    Messallae Corvino: et quasi per quosdam gradus eloquentiae devoluta
    est.</i> It almost appears as if in this tradition it had been
    intended to mark three phases in the style of Roman oratory, for
    Sallust was twenty years younger than Cicero, and Messalla nearly
    as many years younger than Sallust.</P>
<P class="note">
<a class="bold" name="2">[2]</a> It has indeed been said that Quinctilian, who wrote about the year 95
    after Christ, cites passages from these Declamations; but critical
    investigation has shown that these passages are interpolations, and
    are found only in the worst manuscripts.</P>

<hr>

<h2>C. Sallustii Crispi</h2>

<h2>Bellum Catilinarium.</h2>

<hr>

<P><a class="bold" name="cat1">1</a>. Omnes<a class="sup" href="#c1">[1]</a> homines, qui sese student<a class="sup" href="#c2">[2]</a> praestare ceteris animalibus,
summa ope<a class="sup" href="#c3">[3]</a> niti decet, ne vitam silentio transeant veluti pecora, quae
natura prona<a class="sup" href="#c4">[4]</a> atque ventri obedientia finxit. Sed nostra omnis vis in
animo et corpore sita est; animi imperio, corporis servitio magis utimur;
alterum nobis cum dis,<a class="sup" href="#c5">[5]</a> alterum cum beluis<a class="sup" href="#c6">[6]</a> commune est. Quo mihi
rectius videtur ingenii quam virium opibus gloriam quaerere et, quoniam
vita ipsa qua fruimur brevis est, memoriam nostri<a class="sup" href="#c7">[7]</a> quam maxime
longam<a class="sup" href="#c8">[8]</a> efficere. Nam divitiarum et formae gloria fluxa atque fragilis
est, virtus clara aeternaque habetur. Sed diu magnum inter mortales
certamen fuit,<a class="sup" href="#c9">[9]</a> vine corporis an virtute animi res militaris magis
procederet. Nam et prius quam incipias consulto, et ubi consulueris
mature facto opus est.<a class="sup" href="#c10">[10]</a> Ita utrumque per se indigens, alterum alterius
auxilio eget.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat2">2</a>. Igitur<a class="sup" href="#c11">[11]</a> initio reges (nam in terris nomen imperii id primum fuit),
diversi pars<a class="sup" href="#c12">[12]</a> ingenium, alii corpus exercebant; etiamtum vita hominum
sine cupiditate agitabatur, sua cuique satis placebant. Postea vero
quam<a class="sup" href="#c13">[13]</a> in Asia Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedaemonii et Athenienses coepere
urbes atque nationes subigere; libidinem dominandi causam belli habere,
maximam gloriam in maximo imperio putare, tum demum periculo atque
negotiis compertum est in bello plurimum ingenium posse. Quodsi<a class="sup" href="#c14">[14]</a> regum
atque imperatorum animi virtus<a class="sup" href="#c15">[15]</a> in pace ita ut in bello valeret,
aequabilius atque constantius sese res humanae haberent, neque aliud
alio<a class="sup" href="#c16">[16]</a> ferri, neque mutari ac misceri omnia cerneres. Nam imperium
facile his artibus retinetur, quibus initio partum est. Verum ubi pro
labore desidia, pro continentia et aequitate libido atque superbia
invasere, fortuna simul cum moribus immutatur. Ita imperium semper ad
optimum quemque<a class="sup" href="#c17">[17]</a> a minus bono transfertur. Quae homines arant,
navigant, aedificant, virtuti omnia parent. Sed multi mortales dediti
ventri atque somno, indocti incultique vitam sicuti peregrinantes
transiere;<a class="sup" href="#c18">[18]</a> quibus profecto contra naturam corpus voluptati, anima
oneri fuit. Eorum ego vitam mortemque juxta aestimo,<a class="sup" href="#c19">[19]</a> quoniam de
utraque siletur. Verum enimvero<a class="sup" href="#c20">[20]</a> is demum mihi vivere atque frui anima
videtur, qui aliquo negotio intentus<a class="sup" href="#c21">[21]</a> praeclari facinoris aut artis
bonae famam quaerit. Sed in magna copia rerum aliud alii natura iter
ostendit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat3">3</a>. Pulcrum est bene facere rei publicae; etiam bene dicere haud absurdum
est;<a class="sup" href="#c22">[22]</a> vel pace vel bello clarum fieri licet; et qui fecere et qui
facta aliorum scripsere, multi laudantur. Ac mihi quidem,<a class="sup" href="#c23">[23]</a> tametsi
haudquaquam par gloria sequitur scriptorem et actorem rerum, tamen in
primis arduum videtur res gestas scribere; primum quod facta dictis
exaequanda sunt, dehinc quia plerique, quae delicta reprehenderis,
malivolentia et invidia dicta putant;<a class="sup" href="#c24">[24]</a> ubi de magna virtute atque
gloria bonorum memores, quae sibi quisque facilia factu putat, aequo
animo accipit, supra ea<a class="sup" href="#c25">[25]</a> veluti ficta pro falsis ducit.</P>

<P>Sed ego<a class="sup" href="#c26">[26]</a> adolescentulus initio sicuti plerique studio ad rem publicam
latus sum, ibique mihi multa adversa fuere. Nam pro pudore, pro
abstinentia, pro virtute, audacia, largitio, avaritia vigebant. Quae
tametsi animus aspernabatur, insolens malarum artium,<a class="sup" href="#c27">[27]</a> tamen inter
tanta vitia imbecilla aetas ambitione corrupta tenebatur<a class="sup" href="#c28">[28]</a>: ac me, quum
ab reliquorum malis moribus dissentirem, nihilo minus honoris cupido
e&acirc;dem qua ceteros fam&acirc; atque invidi&acirc; vexabat.<a class="sup" href="#c29">[29]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat4">4</a>. Igitur ubi animus ex multis miseriis atque periculis
requievit et mihi reliquam aetatem a re publica procul
habendam decrevi, non fuit consilium socordia atque desidia
bonum otium conterere;<a class="sup" href="#c30">[30]</a> neque vero agrum colendo aut
venando, servilibus officiis,<a class="sup" href="#c31">[31]</a> intentum aetatem agere; sed a
quo incepto studioque me ambitio mala detinuerat, eodem
regressus statui res gestas populi Romani carptim,<a class="sup" href="#c32">[32]</a> ut quaeque
memoria digna videbantur, perscribere; eo magis, quod
mihi a spe, metu, partibus rei publicae animus liber erat. Igitur
de Catilinae conjuratione quam verissime potero paucis absolvam:<a class="sup" href="#c33">[33]</a>
nam id facinus in primis ego memorabile existimo
sceleris atque periculi novitate. De cujus hominis moribus
pauca prius explananda sunt, quam initium narrandi faciam.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat5">5</a>. Lucius Catilina,<a class="sup" href="#c34">[34]</a> nobili genere natus, fuit magna vi et
animi et corporis, sed ingenio malo pravoque. Huic ab
adolescentia bella intestina, caedes, rapinae, discordia civilis
grata fuere, ibique juventutem suam exercuit. Corpus
patiens<a class="sup" href="#c35">[35]</a> inediae, algoris, vigiliae, supra quam cuiquam credibile
est. Animus audax, subdolus, varius, cujus rei libet<a class="sup" href="#c36">[36]</a>
simulator ac dissimulator, alieni appetens, sui profusus, ardens
in cupiditatibus; satis eloquentiae, sapientiae parum. Vastus
animus immoderata, incredibilia, nimis alta semper cupiebat.
Hunc post dominationem Lucii Sullae libido maxima invaserat
rei publicae capiundae,<a class="sup" href="#c37">[37]</a> neque id quibus modis assequeretur,
dum sibi regnum pararet, quidquam pensi habebat. Agitabatur
magis magisque in dies animus ferox inopia rei familiaris et
conscientia scelerum, quae utraque his artibus auxerat,<a class="sup" href="#c38">[38]</a> quas
supra memoravi. Incitabant praeterea corrupti civitatis
mores, quos pessima ac diversa inter se mala, luxuria atque
avaritia, vexabant. Res ipsa hortari videtur, quoniam de
moribus civitatis tempus admonuit, supra repetere<a class="sup" href="#c39">[39]</a> ac paucis
instituta majorum domi militiaeque,<a class="sup" href="#c40">[40]</a> quomodo rem publicam
habuerint quantamque reliquerint, ut paulatim immutata ex
pulcherrima pessima ac flagitiosissima facta sit, disserere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat6">6</a>. Urbem Romam,<a class="sup" href="#c41">[41]</a> sicuti ego accepi, condidere atque habuere initio
Trojani, qui Aenea duce profugi sedibus incertis vagabantur, cumque his
Aborigines,<a class="sup" href="#c42">[42]</a> genus hominum agreste, sine legibus, sine imperio,
liberum atque solutum. Hi postquam in una<a class="sup" href="#c43">[43]</a> moenia convenere, dispari
genere, dissimili lingua, alius alio more viventes, incredibile memoratu
est quam facile coaluerint.<a class="sup" href="#c44">[44]</a> Sed postquam res eorum civibus, moribus,
agris aucta, satia prospera satisque pollens videbatur, sicuti pleraque
mortalium habentur, invidia ex opulentia orta est. Igitur reges populique
finitimi bello temptare,<a class="sup" href="#c45">[45]</a> pauci ex amicis auxilio esse; nam ceteri
metu perculsi a periculis aberant. At Romani domi militiaeque intenti
festinare, parare, alius alium hortari, hostibus obviam ire, libertatem,
patriam parentesque armis tegere. Post, ubi pericula virtute propulerant,
sociis atque amicis auxilia portabant,<a class="sup" href="#c46">[46]</a> magisque dandis quam
accipiundis beneficiis amicitias parabant. Imperium legitimum, nomen
imperii regium habebant;<a class="sup" href="#c47">[47]</a> delecti, quibus corpus annis infirmum,
ingenium sapientia validum erat, rei publicae consultabant;<a class="sup" href="#c48">[48]</a> hi vel
aetate vel curae similitudine patres appellabantur. Post, ubi regium
imperium, quod initio conservandae libertatis atque augendae rei
publicae<a class="sup" href="#c49">[49]</a> fuerat, in superbiam dominationemque convertit<a class="sup" href="#c50">[50]</a> immutato
more annua imperia binosque imperatores<a class="sup" href="#c51">[51]</a> sibi fecere; eo modo minime
posse putabant per licentiam insolescere animum humanum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat7">7</a>. Sed ea tempestate coepere se quisque magis extollere magisque ingenium
in promptu habere.<a class="sup" href="#c52">[52]</a> Nam regibus boni quam mali suspectiores sunt,
semperque his aliena virtus formidolosa est. Sed civitas incredibile
memoratu est adepta<a class="sup" href="#c53">[53]</a> libertate quantum brevi<a class="sup" href="#c54">[54]</a> creverit; tanta
cupido gloriae incesserat.<a class="sup" href="#c55">[55]</a> Jam primum juventus, simul ac belli
patiens erat, in castris per laborem usu militiam discebat, magisque in
decoris armis et militaribus equis quam in scortis atque conviviis
libidinem habebant.<a class="sup" href="#c56">[56]</a> Igitur talibus viris non labos<a class="sup" href="#c57">[57]</a> insolitus, non
locus ullus asper aut arduus erat, non armatus hostis formidolosus;
virtus omnia domuerat. Sed gloriae maximum certamen inter ipsos erat: sic
se quisque hostem ferire, murum ascendere, conspici, dum tale facinus
faceret, properabat; eas<a class="sup" href="#c58">[58]</a> divitias, eam bonam famam magnamque
nobilitatem putabant; laudis avidi, pecuniae liberales erant; gloriam
ingentem, divitias honestas volebant. Memorare possem, quibus in locis
maximas hostium copias populus Romanus parva manu fuderit, quas urbes
natura munitas pugnando ceperit, ni ea res longius nos ab incepto
traheret.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat8">8</a>. Sed profecto fortuna in omni re dominatur; ea res cunctas ex libidine
magis quam ex vero celebrat obscuratque. Atheniensium res gestae, sicuti
ego aestimo, satis amplae magnificaeque fuere, verum aliquanto<a class="sup" href="#c59">[59]</a>
minores tamen quam fama feruntur. Sed quia provenere ibi scriptorum magna
ingenia, per terrarum orbem Atheniensium facta pro maximis<a class="sup" href="#c60">[60]</a>
celebrantur. Ita eorum, qui ea fecere, virtus tanta habetur, quantum ea
verbis potuere extollere praeclara ingenia. At populo Romano nunquam ea
copia fuit, quia prudentissimus quisque maxime negotiosus erat;<a class="sup" href="#c61">[61]</a>
ingenium nemo sine corpore exercebat; optimus quisque facere quam dicere,
sua ab aliis bene facta laudari quam ipse aliorum narrare malebat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat9">9</a>. Igitur domi militiaeque boni mores colebantur, concordia maxima,
minima avaritia erat, jus bonumque apud eos non legibus magis quam
natura<a class="sup" href="#c62">[62]</a> valebat. Jurgia, discordias, simultates cum hostibus
exercebant, cives cum civibus de virtute certabant; in suppliciis<a class="sup" href="#c63">[63]</a>
deorum magnifici, domi parci, in amicos fideles erant. Duabus his
artibus, audacia in bello, ubi pax evenerat, aequitate seque<a class="sup" href="#c64">[64]</a> remque
publicam curabant. Quarum rerum ego maxima documenta haec habeo, quod in
bello saepius vindicatum est in eos, qui contra imperium in hostem
pugnaverant, quique tardius revocati proelio excesserant, quam qui signa
relinquere aut pulsi loco cedere ausi erant; in pace vero, quod
beneficiis quam<a class="sup" href="#c65">[65]</a> metu imperium agitabant, et accept&acirc; injuri&acirc;<a class="sup" href="#c66">[66]</a>
ignoscere quam persequi malebant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat10">10</a>. Sed ubi labore atque justitia res publica crevit, reges magni bello
domiti, nationes ferae et populi ingentes vi subacti, Carthago, aemula
imperii Romani, ab stirpe interiit, cuncta maria terraeque patebant,
saevire fortuna ac miscere omnia coepit. Qui labores, pericula, dubias
atque asperas res facile toleraverant, his otium, divitiae optandae aliis
oneri miseriaeque fuere. Igitur primo pecuniae, deinde imperii cupido
crevit; ea quasi materies omnium malorum fuere. Namque avaritia fidem,
probitatem ceterasque artes bonas subvertit; pro his superbiam,
crudelitatem, deos negligere, omnia venalia habere edocuit. Ambitio
multos mortales falsos fieri subegit, aliud clausum in pectore, aliud in
lingua promptum habere, amicitias inimicitiasque non ex re, sed ex
commodo aestimare, magisque vultum quam ingenium bonum habere. Haec primo
paulatim crescere, interdum vindicari; post, ubi contagio quasi
pestilentia invasit, civitas immutata, imperium ex justissimo atque
optimo crudele intolerandumque factum.</P>

<P><a class="bold" name="cat11">11</a>. Sed primo magis ambitio quam avaritia animos hominum exercebat, quod
tamen vitium propius virtutem<a class="sup" href="#c67">[67]</a> erat. Nam gloriam, honorem, imperium
bonus et ignavus aeque sibi exoptant; sed ille vera via nititur, huic
quia bonae artes desunt, dolis atque fallaciis contendit. Avaritia
pecuniae studium habet, quam nemo sapiens concupivit;<a class="sup" href="#c68">[68]</a> ea quasi
venenis malis imbuta corpus animumque virilem effeminat, semper infinita,
insatiabilis est, neque copia neque inopia minuitur. Sed postquam
L. Sulla, armis recepta re publica, bonis initiis malos eventus
habuit,<a class="sup" href="#c69">[69]</a> rapere omnes, trahere, domum alius, alius agros cupere, neque
modum neque modestiam victores habere, foeda crudeliaque in civibus<a class="sup" href="#c70">[70]</a>
facinora facere. Huc accedebat, quod L. Sulla exercitum, quem in Asia
ductaverat, quo sibi fidum faceret,<a class="sup" href="#c71">[71]</a> contra morem majorum luxuriose
nimisque liberaliter habuerat; loca amoena, voluptaria<a class="sup" href="#c72">[72]</a> facile in otio
feroces militum animos molliverant. Ibi primum insuevit exercitus populi
Romani amare,<a class="sup" href="#c73">[73]</a> potare, signa, tabulas pictas, vasa caelata<a class="sup" href="#c74">[74]</a> mirari,
ea privatim et publice rapere, delubra<a class="sup" href="#c75">[75]</a> spoliare, sacra profanaque
omnia polluere. Igitur hi milites, postquam victoriam adepti sunt, nihil
reliqui victis fecere. Quippe secundae res sapientium animos fatigant;
ne illi corruptis moribus victoriae temperarent.<a class="sup" href="#c76">[76]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat12">12</a>. Postquam divitiae honori esse coepere et eas gloria, imperium,
potentia sequebatur, hebescere virtus, paupertas probro haberi,
innocentia pro malivolentia<a class="sup" href="#c77">[77]</a> duci coepit. Igitur ex divitiis
juventutem luxuria atque avaritia cum superbia invasere; rapere,
consumere, sua parvi pendere, aliena cupere, pudorem, pudicitiam, divina
atque humana promiscua, nihil pensi neque moderati habere. Operae pretium
est,<a class="sup" href="#c78">[78]</a> quum domos atque villas cognoveris in urbium modum
exaedificatas, visere templa deorum, quae nostri majores, religiosissimi
mortales, fecere. Verum illi delubra deorum pietate, domos suas gloria
decorabant, neque victis quidquam praeter injuriae licentiam
eripiebant.<a class="sup" href="#c79">[79]</a> At hi contra ignavissimi homines per summum scelus omnia
ea sociis adimere, quae fortissimi viri victores reliquerant; proinde
quasi injuriam facere id demum esset imperio uti.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat13">13</a>. Nam quid ea memorem, quae nisi his qui videre nemini credibilia sunt,
a privatis compluribus subversos montes, maria constructa<a class="sup" href="#c80">[80]</a> esse.
Quibus mihi videntur ludibrio fuisse divitiae; quippe quas honeste habere
licebat, abuti per turpitudinem properabant. Sed libido stupri, ganeae
ceterique cultus<a class="sup" href="#c81">[81]</a> non minor incesserat; viri muliebria pati, mulieres
pudicitiam in propatulo habere; vescendi causa terra marique omnia
exquirere, dormire prius quam somni cupido esset, non famem aut sitim
neque frigus neque lassitudinem opperiri, sed ea omnia luxu antecapere.
Haec juventutem, ubi familiares opes defecerant, ad facinora incendebant.
Animus imbutus malis artibus haud facile libidinibus carebat; eo
profusius omnibus modis quaestui atque sumptui<a class="sup" href="#c82">[82]</a> deditus erat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat14">14</a>. In tanta tamque corrupta civitate Catilina, id quod factu facillimum
erat, omnium flagitiorum atque facinorum circum se tamquam stipatorum
catervas habebat.<a class="sup" href="#c83">[83]</a> Nam quicunque impudicus, adulter, ganeo manu,<a class="sup" href="#c84">[84]</a>
ventre, pene bona patria laceraverat, quique alienum aes grande
conflaverat, quo flagitium aut facinus redimeret, praeterea omnes undique
parricidae, sacrilegi, convicti judiciis aut pro factis judicium
timentes, ad hoc quos manus atque lingua perjurio aut sanguine civili
alebat, postremo omnes, quos flagitium, egestas, conscius animus
exagitabat: hi Catilinae proximi familiaresque erant. Quodsi quis etiam a
culpa vacuus in amicitiam ejus inciderat, cotidiano usu atque illecebris
facile par similisque ceteris efficiebatur. Sed maxime adolescentium
familiaritates appetebat; eorum animi molles et aetate fluxi dolis haud
difficulter<a class="sup" href="#c85">[85]</a> capiebantur. Nam ut cujusque studium ex aetate<a class="sup" href="#c86">[86]</a>
flagrabat, aliis scorta praebere, aliis canes atque equos mercari,
postremo neque sumptui neque modestiae suae parcere, dum<a class="sup" href="#c87">[87]</a> illos
obnoxios fidosque sibi faceret. Scio fuisse nonnullos qui ita
existimarent, juventutem, quae domum Catilinae frequentabat, parum
honeste pudicitiam habuisse; sed ex aliis rebus magis quam quod cuiquam
id compertum foret, haec fama valebat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat15">15</a>. Jam primum adolescens Catilina multa nefanda stupra fecerat, cum
virgine nobili, cum sacerdote Vestae, alia hujuscemodi contra jus fasque.
Postremo captus amore Aureliae Orestillae cujus praeter formam nihil
unquam bonus laudavit, quod ea nubere illi dubitabat, timens privignum
adulta aetate, pro certo creditur necato filio vacuam domum scelestis
nuptiis fecisse.<a class="sup" href="#c88">[88]</a> Quae quidem res mihi in primis videtur causa fuisse
facinoris maturandi. Namque animus impurus, dis hominibusque infestus,
neque vigiliis neque quietibus sedari poterat; ita conscientia mentem
excitam vastabat.<a class="sup" href="#c89">[89]</a> Igitur color exsanguis, foedi oculi, citus modo,
modo tardus incessus; prorsus in facie vultuque vecordia inerat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat16">16</a>. Sed juventutem, quam, ut supra diximus, illexerat, multis modis mala
facinora edocebat. Ex illis testes signatoresque falsos commodare; fidem,
fortunas, pericula vilia habere, post, ubi eorum famam atque pudorem
attriverat, majora alia imperabat; si causa peccandi in praesens minus
suppetebat, nihilo minus insontes sicuti sontes circumvenire, jugulare;
scilicet, ne per otium torpescerent manus aut animus, gratuito<a class="sup" href="#c90">[90]</a> potius
malus atque crudelis erat.</P>

<P>His amicis sociisque confisus Catilina, simul quod aes alienum per omnes
terras ingens erat, et quod plerique Sullani milites,<a class="sup" href="#c91">[91]</a> largius suo
usi, rapinarum et victoriae veteris memores civile bellum exoptabant,
opprimundae rei publicae consilium cepit. In Italia nullus exercitus;
Gn.<a class="sup" href="#c92">[92]</a> Pompeius in extremis terris bellum gerebat; ipsi consulatum
petenti magna spes; senatus nihil sane intentus;<a class="sup" href="#c93">[93]</a> tutae tranquillaeque
res omnes: sed ea prorsus opportuna Catilinae.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat17">17</a>. Igitur, circiter Kalendas Junias, L. Caesare et G. Figulo
consulibus,<a class="sup" href="#c94">[94]</a> primo singulos appellare, hortari alios, alios temptare;
opes suas, imparatam rem publicam, magna praemia conjurationis docere.
Ubi satis explorata sunt quae voluit, in unum omnes convocat, quibus
maxima necessitudo<a class="sup" href="#c95">[95]</a> et plurimum audaciae inerat. Eo convenere
senatorii ordinis P. Lentulus Sura, P. Autronius, L. Cassius Longinus,
G. Cethegus, P. et Servius Sullae, Servii filii, L. Vargunteius,
Q. Annius, M. Porcius Laeca, L. Bestia, Q. Curius; praeterea ex equestri
ordine M. Fulvius Nobilior, L. Statilius, P. Gabinius Capito,
G. Cornelius; ad hoc multi ex coloniis et municipiis, domi nobiles. Erant
praeterea complures<a class="sup" href="#c96">[96]</a> paulo occultius concilii hujusce participes
nobiles, quos magis dominationis spes hortabatur quam inopia aut aliqua
necessitudo. Ceterum juventus pleraque,<a class="sup" href="#c97">[97]</a> sed maxime nobilium,
Catilinae inceptis favebat; quibus in otio vel magnifice vel molliter
vivere copia erat, incerta pro certis, bellum quam pacem malebant. Fuere
item ea tempestate<a class="sup" href="#c98">[98]</a> qui crederent M. Licinium Crassum<a class="sup" href="#c99">[99]</a> non ignarum
ejus consilii fuisse; quia Gn. Pompeius invisus ipsi magnum exercitum
ductabat, cujusvis opes voluisse contra illius potentiam crescere, simul
confisum, si conjuratio valuisset, facile apud illos principem se fore.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat18">18</a>. Sed antea<a class="sup" href="#c100">[100]</a> item conjuravere pauci contra rem publicam, in quibus
Catilina fuit; de qua<a class="sup" href="#c101">[101]</a> quam verissime potero, dicam. L. Tullo et
M. Lepido consulibus,<a class="sup" href="#c102">[102]</a> P. Autronius et P. Sulla designati consules,
legibus ambitus interrogati<a class="sup" href="#c103">[103]</a> poenas dederant. Post paulo<a class="sup" href="#c104">[104]</a>
Catilina, pecuniarum repetundarum reus,<a class="sup" href="#c105">[105]</a> prohibitus erat consulatum
petere, quod intra legitimos dies profiteri<a class="sup" href="#c106">[106]</a> nequiverat. Erat eodem
tempore Gn. Piso, adolescens nobilis, summae audaciae, egens, factiosus,
quem ad perturbandam rem publicam inopia atque mali mores stimulabant.
Cum hoc Catilina et Autronius circiter Nonas Decembres consilio
communicato parabant in Capitolio Kalendis Januariis L. Cottam et L.
Torquatum consules<a class="sup" href="#c107">[107]</a> interficere, ipsi fascibus correptis Pisonem cum
exercitu ad obtinendas duas Hispanias<a class="sup" href="#c108">[108]</a> mittere. Ea re cognita, rursus
in Nonas Februarias consilium caedis transtulerant. Jam tum non
consulibus modo, sed plerisque senatoribus perniciem machinabantur.
Quodni<a class="sup" href="#c109">[109]</a> Catilina maturasset pro curia signum sociis dare, eo die post
conditam urbem Romam pessimum facinus patratum foret. Quia nondum
frequentes armati convenerant, ea res consilium diremit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat19">19</a>. Postea Piso in citeriorem Hispaniam quaestor pro praetore<a class="sup" href="#c110">[110]</a> missus
est, adnitente Crasso, quod eum infestum inimicum Gn. Pompeio cognoverat.
Neque tamen senatus provinciam invitus dederat; quippe foedum hominem a
re publica procul esse volebat; simul quia boni complures praesidium in
eo putabant, et jam tum potentia Pompeii formidolosa erat. Sed is Piso in
provincia ab equitibus Hispanis, quos in exercitu ductabat, iter faciens
occisus est. Sunt qui ita dicunt,<a class="sup" href="#c111">[111]</a> imperia ejus injusta, superba,
crudelia barbaros nequivisse pati; alii autem equites illos Gn. Pompeii
veteres fidosque clientes voluntate ejus Pisonem aggressos; numquam
Hispanos praeterea tale facinus fecisse, sed imperia saeva multa ante
perpessos. Nos eam rem in medio relinquemus. De superiore conjuratione
satis dictum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat20">20</a>. Catilina,<a class="sup" href="#c112">[112]</a> ubi eos, quos paulo ante memoravi, convenisse
videt, tametsi cum singulis multa saepe egerat, tamen
in rem fore credens universos appellare et cohortari, in abditam
partem aedium secedit, atque ibi, omnibus arbitris procul
amotis, orationem hujuscemodi habuit. &#8216;Ni virtus fidesque
vestra spectata mihi forent, nequidquam opportuna res cecidisset;
spes magna, dominatio in manibus frustra fuissent.
Neque ego per ignaviam<a class="sup" href="#c113">[113]</a> aut vana ingenia incerta pro certis
captarem. Sed quia multis et magnis tempestatibus vos cognovi
fortes fidosque mihi, eo animus ausus est maximum
atque pulcherrimum facinus incipere, simul quia vobis eadem
quae mihi bona malaque esse intellexi; nam idem velle atque
idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia est. Sed ego quae mente
agitavi omnes jam antea diversi<a class="sup" href="#c114">[114]</a> audistis. Ceterum mihi
in dies magis animus accenditur, quum considero, quae condicio
vitae futura sit, nisi nosmet ipsi vindicamus in libertatem.
Nam postquam res publica in paucorum potentium
jus atque dicionem concessit, semper illis reges, tetrarchae<a class="sup" href="#c115">[115]</a>
vectigales esse, populi, nationes stipendia pendere; ceteri
omnes, strenui, boni, nobiles atque ignobiles vulgus fuimus
sine gratia, sine auctoritate, iis obnoxii, quibus, si res publica
valeret, formidini essemus. Itaque omnis gratia, potentia,
honos, divitiae apud illos sunt, aut ubi illi volunt; nobis reliquere
pericula repulsas, judicia, egestatem. Quae quousque
tandem patiemini fortissimi viri? Nonne emori per virtutem
praestat quam vitam miseram atque inhonestam, ubi alienae
superbiae ludibrio fueris, per dedecus amittere? Verum enimvero
pro deum atque hominum fidem<a class="sup" href="#c116">[116]</a> victoria in manu nobis
est, viget aetas, animus valet; contra illis annis atque divitiis
omnia consenuerunt. Tantummodo incepto opus est; cetera
res expediet. Etenim quis mortalium cui virile ingenium est,
tolerare potest, illis divitias superare,<a class="sup" href="#c117">[117]</a> quas profundant in
extruendo mari et montibus coaequandis, nobis rem familiarem
etiam ad necessaria deesse? illos binas aut amplius domos
continuare, nobis larem familiarem<a class="sup" href="#c118">[118]</a> nusquam ullum esse?
Quum tabulas, signa, toreumata<a class="sup" href="#c119">[119]</a> emunt, nova diruunt, alia
aedificant, postremo omnibus modis pecuniam trahunt, vexant,
tamen summa libidine divitias vincere<a class="sup" href="#c120">[120]</a> nequeunt. At nobis
est domi inopia, foris aes alienum, mala res, spes multo
asperior; denique quid reliqui habemus praeter miseram
animam? Quin<a class="sup" href="#c121">[121]</a> igitur expergiscimini? En<a class="sup" href="#c122">[122]</a> illa, illa, quam
saepe optastis, libertas, praeterea divitiae, decus, gloria in
oculis sita sunt. Fortuna omnia ea victoribus praemia posuit.
Res, tempus, pericula, egestas, belli spolia magnifica magis
quam oratio mea vos hortentur. Vel imperatore vel milite me
utimini; neque animus neque corpus a vobis aberit. Haec
ipsa, ut spero, vobiscum una consul agam, nisi forte me
animus fallit, et vos servire magis quam imperare parati estis.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat21">21</a>. Postquam accepere ea homines, quibus mala abunde omnia erant, sed
neque res neque spes bona ulla, tametsi illis quieta movere magna merces
videbatur, tamen postulavere plerique, uti proponeret, quae condicio
belli foret, quae praemia armis peterent, quid ubique opis aut spei
haberent. Tum Catilina polliceri tabulas novas,<a class="sup" href="#c123">[123]</a> proscriptionem
locupletium, magistratus, sacerdotia, rapinas, alia omnia, quae bellum
atque libido victorum fert. Praeterea esse in Hispania citeriore Pisonem,
in Mauretania cum exercitu P. Sittium Nucerinum, consilii sui participes;
petere consulatum G. Antonium, quem sibi collegam fore speraret, hominem
et familiarem et omnibus necessitudinibus circumventum; cum eo se
consulem<a class="sup" href="#c124">[124]</a> initium agendi facturum. Ad hoc maledictis increpat omnes
bonos, suorum unum quemque nominans laudare; admonebat alium egestatis,
alium cupiditatis suae, complures periculi aut ignominiae,<a class="sup" href="#c125">[125]</a> multos
victoriae Sullanae, quibus ea praedae fuerat. Postquam omnium animos
alacres videt, cohortatus, ut petitionem suam curae haberent, conventum
dimisit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat22">22</a>. Fuere ea tempestate qui dicerent, Catilinam, oratione habita, quum ad
jusjurandum populares<a class="sup" href="#c126">[126]</a> sceleris sui adigeret, humani corporis
sanguinem vino permixtum in pateris circumtulisse; inde quum post
execrationem omnes degustavissent, sicuti in sollemnibus sacris fieri
consuevit, aperuisse consilium suum, atque eo dictitare<a class="sup" href="#c127">[127]</a> fecisse, quo
inter se magis fidi forent, alius alii tanti facinoris conscii. Nonnulli
ficta et haec et multa praeterea existimabant ab iis, qui Ciceronis
invidiam, quae postea orta est, leniri credebant atrocitate sceleris
eorum, qui poenas dederant. Nobis ea res pro magnitudine parum comperta
est.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat23">23</a>. Sed in ea conjuratione fuit Q. Curius, natus haud obscuro loco,
flagitiis atque facinoribus coopertus, quera censores senatu probri
gratia moverant. Huic homini non minor vanitas inerat quam audacia; neque
reticere, quae audierat, neque suamet<a class="sup" href="#c128">[128]</a> ipse scelera occultare,
prorsus neque dicere neque facere quidquam pensi habebat. Erat ei cum
Fulvia, muliere nobili, stupri<a class="sup" href="#c129">[129]</a> vetus consuetudo; cui quum minus
gratus esset, quia inopia minus largiri poterat, repente glorians maria
montesque polliceri coepit et minari interdum ferro, ni sibi obnoxia
foret, postremo ferocius agitare<a class="sup" href="#c130">[130]</a> quam solitus erat. At Fulvia,
insolentiae Curii causa cognita, tale periculum rei publicae haud
occultum habuit, sed sublato auctore<a class="sup" href="#c131">[131]</a> de Catilinae conjuratione quae
quoque modo audierat compluribus narravit. Ea res in primis studia
hominum accendit ad consulatum mandandum M. Tullio Ciceroni. Namque
antea pleraque nobilitas invidia aestuabat,<a class="sup" href="#c132">[132]</a> et quasi pollui
consulatum credebant, si eum quamvis egregius homo novus<a class="sup" href="#c133">[133]</a> adeptus
foret. Sed ubi periculum advenit, invidia atque superbia post fuere.<a class="sup" href="#c134">[134]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat24">24</a>. Igitur comitiis habitis consules declarantur M. Tullius et
G. Antonius, quod factum primo populares conjurationis concusserat.<a class="sup" href="#c135">[135]</a>
Neque tamen Catilinae furor minuebatur, sed in dies plura agitare, arma
per Italiam locis opportunis parare, pecuniam sua aut amicorum fide
sumptam mutuam Faesulas<a class="sup" href="#c136">[136]</a> ad Manlium quendam portare,<a class="sup" href="#c137">[137]</a> qui postea
princeps fuit belli faciundi. Ea tempestate plurimos cujusque generis
homines adscivisse sibi dicitur, mulieres etiam aliquot, quae primo
ingentes sumptus<a class="sup" href="#c138">[138]</a> stupro corporis toleraverant, post ubi aetas
tantummodo quaestui neque luxuriae modum fecerat, aes alienum grande
conflaverant. Per eas se Catilina credebat posse servitia urbana
sollicitare, urbem incendere, viros earum vel adjungere sibi vel
interficere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat25">25</a>. Sed in his erat Sempronia, quae multa saepe virilis audaciae
facinora commiserat. Haec mulier genere atque forma, praeterea viro,
liberis satis fortunata fuit; litteris Graecis et Latinis docta,
psallere, saltare elegantius, quam necesse est probae, multa alia, quae
instrumenta luxuriae sunt. Sed ei cariora semper omnia quam decus atque
pudicitia fuit; pecuniae an famae minus parceret, haud facile
discerneres;<a class="sup" href="#c139">[139]</a> libidine sic accensa, ut saepius peteret viros quam
peteretur. Sed ea saepe antehac fidem prodiderat, creditum abjuraverat,
caedis conscia fuerat, luxuria atque inopia praeceps<a class="sup" href="#c140">[140]</a> abierat. Verum
ingenium ejus haud absurdum; posse versus facere, jocum movere, sermone
uti vel modesto vel molli vel procaci; prorsus multae facetiae multusque
lepos inerat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat26">26</a>. His rebus comparatis Catilina nihilo minus in proximum annum<a class="sup" href="#c141">[141]</a>
consulatum petebat, sperans, si designatus foret, facile se ex voluntate
Antonio usurum. Neque interea quietus erat, sed omnibus modis insidias
parabat Ciceroni. Neque illi tamen ad cavendum dolus aut astutiae
deerant. Namque a principio consulatus sui multa pollicendo per Fulviam
effecerat, ut Q. Curius, de quo paulo ante memoravi, consilia Catilinae
sibi proderet. Ad hoc<a class="sup" href="#c142">[142]</a> collegam suum Antonium pactione
provinciae<a class="sup" href="#c143">[143]</a> perpulerat, ne contra rem publicam sentiret; circum se
praesidia amicorum atque clientium occulte habebat. Postquam dies
comitiorum venit, et Catilinae neque petitio neque insidiae, quas consuli
in Campo<a class="sup" href="#c144">[144]</a> fecerat, prospere cessere, constituit bellum facere et
extrema omnia experiri, quoniam quae occulte temptaverat aspera
foedaque<a class="sup" href="#c145">[145]</a> evenerant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat27">27</a>. Igitur G. Manlium Faesulas atque in eam partem Etruriae, Septimium
quendam Camertem<a class="sup" href="#c146">[146]</a> in agrum Picenum, G. Julium in Apuliam dimisit;
praeterea alium alio, quem ubique opportunum sibi fore credebat. Interea
Romae multa simul moliri, consuli insidias tendere, parare incendia,
opportuna loca armatis hominibus obsidere, ipse cum telo esse, item alios
jubere, hortari; uti semper intenti paratique essent, dies noctesque
festinare, vigilare, neque insomniis neque labore fatigari. Postremo ubi
multa agitanti nihil procedit, rursus intempesta nocte conjurationis
principes convocat per M. Porcium Laecam, ibique multa de ignavia eorum
questus, docet se Manlium praemisisse ad eam multitudinem, quam ad
capiunda arma paraverat, item alios in alia loca opportuna, qui initium
belli facerent, seque ad exercitum proficisci cupere, si prius Ciceronem
oppressisset; eum suis consiliis multum officere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat28">28</a>. Igitur perterritis ac dubitantibus ceteris, G. Cornelius eques
Romanus operam suam pollicitus, et cum eo L. Vargunteius senator
constituere ea nocte paulo post cum armatis hominibus sicuti
salutatum<a class="sup" href="#c147">[147]</a> introire ad Ciceronem ac de improviso domi suae imparatum
confodere. Curius ubi intellegit,<a class="sup" href="#c148">[148]</a> quantum periculum consuli
impendeat, propere per Fulviam Ciceroni dolum, qui parabatur, enuntiat.
Ita illi janua prohibiti tantum facinus frustra susceperant. Interea
Manlius in Etruria plebem sollicitare, egestate simul ac dolore injuriae
novarum rerum cupidam, quod Sullae dominatione agros bonaque omnia
amiserat, praeterea latrones cujusque generis, quorum in ea regione magna
copia erat, nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis, quibus libido atque luxuria ex
magnis rapinis nihil reliqui fecerant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat29">29</a>. Ea quum Ciceroni nuntiarentur, ancipiti malo permotus, quod neque
urbem ab insidiis privato consilio longius tueri poterat, neque exercitus
Manlii quantus aut quo consilio foret satis compertum habebat, rem ad
senatum refert, jam antea vulgi rumoribus exagitatam.<a class="sup" href="#c149">[149]</a> Itaque, quod
plerumque in atroci negotio solet; senatus decrevit,<a class="sup" href="#c150">[150]</a> darent operam
consules, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Ea potestas per senatum
more Romano magistratui maxima permittitur, exercitum parare,<a class="sup" href="#c151">[151]</a> bellum
gerere, co&euml;rcere omnibus modis socios atque cives, domi militiaeque
imperium atque judicium summum habere; aliter sine populi jussu nulli
earum rerum consuli jus est.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat30">30</a>. Post paucos dies L. Saenius senator in senatu litteras
recitavit, quas Faesulis allatas sibi dicebat, in quibus scriptum
erat, G. Manlium arma cepisse cum magna multitudine ante
diem VI. Kalendas Novembres.<a class="sup" href="#c152">[152]</a> Simul, id quod in tali re solet,
alii portenta atque prodigia<a class="sup" href="#c153">[153]</a> nuntiabant, alii conventus fieri,
arma portari, Capuae atque in Apulia servile bellum moveri.
Igitur senati<a class="sup" href="#c154">[154]</a> decreto Q. Marcius Rex Faesulas, Q. Metellus
Creticus in Apuliam circumque ea loca missi; hi utrique<a class="sup" href="#c155">[155]</a> ad
urbem imperatores erant,<a class="sup" href="#c156">[156]</a> impediti ne triumpharent calumnia
paucorum, quibus omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos
erat.<a class="sup" href="#c157">[157]</a> Sed praetores Q. Pompeius Rufus Capuam, Q. Metellus
Celer in agrum Picenum,<a class="sup" href="#c158">[158]</a> hisque permissum, uti pro
tempore atque periculo exercitum compararent. Ad hoc, si
quis indicavisset de conjuratione, quae contra rem publicam
facta erat, praemium servo libertatem et sestertia centum,<a class="sup" href="#c159">[159]</a>
libero impunitatem ejus rei et sestertia ducenta; itemque
decrevere, uti gladiatoriae familiae Capuam et in cetera municipia
distribuerentur pro cujusque opibus,<a class="sup" href="#c160">[160]</a> Romae per totam
urbem vigiliae haberentur, iisque minores magistratus<a class="sup" href="#c161">[161]</a> praeessent.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat31">31</a>. Quibus rebus permota civitas atque immutata urbis facies erat; ex
summa laetitia atque lascivia, quae diuturna quies pepererat, repente
omnes tristitia invasit; festinare, trepidare, neque loco neque homini
cuiquam satis credere, neque bellum gerere, neque pacem habere, suo
quisque metu pericula metiri. Ad hoc mulieres, quibus<a class="sup" href="#c162">[162]</a> rei publicae
magnitudine belli timor insolitus incesserat, afflictare sese,<a class="sup" href="#c163">[163]</a> manus
supplices ad coelum tendere, miserari parvos liberos, rogitare, omnia
pavere, superbia atque deliciis omissis sibi patriaeque diffidere. At
Catilinae crudelis animus eadem illa movebat, tametsi praesidia
parabantur et ipse lege Plautia<a class="sup" href="#c164">[164]</a> interrogatus erat ab L. Paullo.
Postremo dissimulandi causa aut sui expurgandi, sicuti<a class="sup" href="#c165">[165]</a> jurgio
lacessitus foret, in senatum venit. Tum M. Tullius consul, sive
praesentiam ejus timens sive ira commotus, orationem habuit luculentam
atque utilem rei publicae, quam postea scriptam edidit.<a class="sup" href="#c166">[166]</a> Sed ubi ille
assedit,<a class="sup" href="#c167">[167]</a> Catilina, ut erat paratus ad dissimulanda omnia, demisso
vultu, voce supplici postulare, &#8216;Patres conscripti ne quid de se temere
crederent; ea familia ortum, ita se ab adolescentia vitam instituisse, ut
omnia bona in spe haberet; ne existimarent, sibi, patricio homini, cujus
ipsius atque majorum plurima beneficia in plebem Romanam essent, perdita
re publica opus esse, quum eam servaret M. Tullius, inquilinus civis
urbis Romae.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#c168">[168]</a> Ad hoc maledicta alia quum adderet, obstrepere omnes,
hostem atque parricidam vocare. Tum ille furibundus: &#8216;Quoniam quidem
circumventus, inquit, ab inimicis praeceps agor, incendium meum ruina
restinguam.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat32">32</a>. Dein se ex curia domum proripuit; ibi multa ipse secum volvens, quod
neque insidiae consuli procedebant et ab incendio intellegebat urbem
vigiliis munitam, optimum factu credens exercitum augere ac prius quam
legiones scriberentur, antecapere quae bello usui forent, nocte
intempesta cum paucis in Manliana castra profectus est. Sed Cethego atque
Lentulo ceterisque, quorum cognoverat promptam audaciam, mandat, quibus
rebus possent opes factionis confirment, insidias consuli maturent,
caedem, incendia aliaque belli facinora parent; sese propediem cum magno
exercitu ad urbem accessurum. Dum haec Romae geruntur, G. Manlius ex suo
numero legatos ad Marcium Regem mittit cum mandatis hujuscemodi:</P>

<P><a class="bold" name="cat33">33</a>. &#8216;Deos hominesque testamur, imperator, nos arma neque contra patriam
cepisse, neque quo periculum aliis faceremus, sed uti corpora nostra ab
injuria tuta forent, qui miseri, egentes, violentia atque crudelitate
feneratorum plerique patriae, sed omnes fama atque fortunis<a class="sup" href="#c169">[169]</a> expertes
sumus; neque cuiquam nostrum licuit more majorum lege uti,<a class="sup" href="#c170">[170]</a> neque
amisso patrimonio liberum corpus habere, tanta saevitia feneratorum atque
praetoris fuit. Saepe majores vestrum<a class="sup" href="#c171">[171]</a> miseriti plebis Romanae,
decretis suis inopiae ejus opitulati sunt; ac novissime memoria nostra,
propter magnitudinem aeris alieni, volentibus omnibus bonis, argentum
aere solutum est.<a class="sup" href="#c172">[172]</a> Saepe ipsa plebes, aut dominandi studio permota,
aut superbia magistratuum, armata a patribus secessit. At nos non
imperium neque divitias petimus, quarum rerum causa bella atque certamina
omnia inter mortales sunt, sed libertatem, quam nemo bonus nisi cum anima
simul amittit.<a class="sup" href="#c173">[173]</a> Te atque senatum obtestamur, consulatis miseris
civibus, legis praesidium, quod iniquitas praetoris eripuit, restituatis;
neve nobis eam necessitudinem imponatis, ut quaeramus, quonam modo maxime
ulti sanguinem nostrum pereamus.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat34">34</a>. Ad haec Q. Marcius respondit: &#8216;Si quid ab senatu
petere vellent, ab armis discedant, Romam supplices proficiscantur;
ea mansuetudine atque misericordia senatum populumque
Romanum semper fuisse, ut nemo unquam ab eo
frustra auxilium petiverit.&#8217; At Catilina ex itinere plerisque
consularibus, praeterea optimo cuique, litteras mittit: &#8216;Se
falsis criminibus circumventum, quoniam factioni inimicorum
resistere nequiverit, fortunae cedere, Massiliam<a class="sup" href="#c174">[174]</a> in exilium
proficisci: non quo sibi tanti sceleris conscius esset, sed uti
res publica quieta foret, neve ex sua contentione seditio oriretur.&#8217;
Ab his longe diversas litteras Q. Catulus in senatu
recitavit, quas sibi nomine Catilinae redditas dicebat; earum
exemplum infra scriptum est:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat35">35</a>. &#8216;L. Catilina Q. Catulo. Egregia tua fides re cognita, grata mihi, in
magnis meis periculis fiduciam commendationi meae tribuit. Quamobrem
defensionem in novo consilio non statui parare, satisfactionem ex nulla
conscientia de culpa proponere decrevi,<a class="sup" href="#c175">[175]</a> quam mediusfidius<a class="sup" href="#c176">[176]</a> veram
licet cognoscas. Injuriis contumeliisque concitatus, quod fructu laboris
industriaeque meae privatus statum dignitatis non obtinebam,<a class="sup" href="#c177">[177]</a>
publicam miserorum causam pro mea consuetudine suscepi, non quin aes
alienum meis nominibus ex possessionibus solvere possem, quum et alienis
nominibus liberalitas Orestillae suis filiaeque copiis persolveret;<a class="sup" href="#c178">[178]</a>
sed quod non dignos homines honore honestatos videbam, meque falsa
suspicione alienatum esse sentiebam.<a class="sup" href="#c179">[179]</a> Hoc nomine<a class="sup" href="#c180">[180]</a> satis honestas
pro meo casu spes reliquae dignitatis conservandae sum secutus. Plura
quum scribere vellem, nuntiatum est vim mihi parari.<a class="sup" href="#c181">[181]</a> Nunc Orestillam
commendo tuaeque fidei trado: eam ab injuria defendas per liberos tuos
rogatus. Haveto.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#c182">[182]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat36">36</a>. Sed ipse paucos dies commoratus apud G. Flaminium in agro
Arretino,<a class="sup" href="#c183">[183]</a> dum vicinitatem antea sollicitatam armis exornat, cum
fascibus atque aliis imperii insignibus in castra ad Manlium contendit.
Haec ubi Romae comperta sunt, senatus Catilinam et Manlium hostes
judicat; ceterae multitudini diem statuit, ante quam sine fraude<a class="sup" href="#c184">[184]</a>
liceret ab armis discedere praeter<a class="sup" href="#c185">[185]</a> rerum capitalium condemnatis.
Praeterea decernit, uti consules delectum habeant, Antonius cum exercitu
Catilinam persequi maturet, Cicero urbi praesidio sit. Ea tempestate mihi
imperium populi Romani multo maxime miserabile visum est, cui quum ad
occasum ab ortu solis omnia domita armis parerent, domi otium atque
divitiae, quae prima mortales putant, affluerent, fuere tamen cives, qui
seque remque publicam obstinatis animis perditum irent.<a class="sup" href="#c186">[186]</a> Namque
duobus senati decretis ex tanta multitudine neque praemio inductus
conjurationem patefecerat neque ex castris Catilinae quisquam omnium
discesserat; tanta vis morbi uti tabes plerosque civium animos invaserat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat37">37</a>. Neque solum illis aliena<a class="sup" href="#c187">[187]</a> mens erat, qui conscii conjurationis
fuerant, sed omnino cuncta plebes novarum rerum studio Catilinae incepta
probabat. Id adeo<a class="sup" href="#c188">[188]</a> more suo videbatur facere. Nam semper in civitate,
quibus opes nullae sunt, bonis<a class="sup" href="#c189">[189]</a> invident, malos extollunt, vetera
odere, nova exoptant, odio suarum rerum mutari omnia student, turba
atque seditionibus sine cura aluntur; quoniam egestas facile habetur<a class="sup" href="#c190">[190]</a>
sine damno. Sed urbana plebes, ea vero<a class="sup" href="#c191">[191]</a> praeceps ierat multis de
causis. Primum omnium, qui ubique probro atque petulantia maxime
praestabant, item alii per dedecora patrimoniis amissis, postremo
omnes, quos flagitium aut facinus domo expulerat, ii Romam sicut in
sentinam<a class="sup" href="#c192">[192]</a> confluxerant. Deinde multi memores Sullanae victoriae, quod
ex gregariis militibus alios senatores videbant, alios ita divites, ut
regio victu atque cultu aetatem agerent, sibi quisque, si in armis foret,
ex victoria talia sperabat. Praeterea juventus, quae in agris manuum
mercede inopiam toleraverat, privatis atque publicis largitionibus
excita<a class="sup" href="#c193">[193]</a> urbanum otium ingrato labori praetulerat; eos atque alios
omnes malum publicum alebat. Quo minus mirandum est homines egentes,
malis moribus, maxima spe, rei publicae juxta ac sibi consuluisse.<a class="sup" href="#c194">[194]</a>
Praeterea quorum,<a class="sup" href="#c195">[195]</a> victoria Sullae parentes proscripti, bona erepta,
jus libertatis imminutum erat, haud sane alio animo belli eventum
expectabant. Ad hoc quicunque aliarum atque senatus partium erant,
conturbari rem publicam quam minus valere ipsi malebant. Id adeo malum
multos post annos in civitatem reverterat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat38">38</a>. Nam postquam Gn. Pompeio et M. Crasso consulibus<a class="sup" href="#c196">[196]</a> tribunicia
potestas restituta est, homines adolescentes summam potestatem nacti,
quibus aetas animusque ferox erat, coepere senatum criminando plebem
exagitare, dein largiundo atque pollicitando magis incendere; ita ipsi
clari potentesque fieri. Contra eos summa ope nitebatur pleraque
nobilitas senatus specie<a class="sup" href="#c197">[197]</a> pro sua magnitudine. Namque uti paucis
verum absolvam, post illa tempora quicunque rem publicam agitavere,
honestis nominibus, alii sicuti populi jura defenderent, pars quo<a class="sup" href="#c198">[198]</a>
senatus auctoritas maxima foret, bonum publicum simulantes, pro sua
quisque potentia certabant; neque illis modestia neque modus contentionis
erat; utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat39">39</a>. Sed postquam Gn. Pompeius ad bellum maritimum atque Mithridaticum
missus est, plebis opes imminutae, paucorum potentia crevit. Hi
magistratus, provincias, aliaque omnia tenere, ipsi innoxii,<a class="sup" href="#c199">[199]</a>
florentes, sine metu aetatem agere, ceteros judiciis terrere, quo plebem
in magistratu placidius tractarent.<a class="sup" href="#c200">[200]</a> Sed ubi primum dubiis rebus<a class="sup" href="#c201">[201]</a>
novandi spes oblata est, vetus certamen animos eorum arrexit. Quodsi
primo proelio Catilina superior aut aequa manu discessisset, profecto
magna clades atque calamitas rem publicam oppressisset; neque illis, qui
victoriam adepti forent, diutius ea uti licuisset, quin defessis et
exsanguibus qui plus posset imperium atque libertatem extorqueret.<a class="sup" href="#c202">[202]</a>
Fuere tamen extra conjurationem complures, qui ad Catilinam initio
profecti sunt; in his erat A. Fulvius, senatoris filius, quem retractum
ex itinere parens necari jussit. Iisdem temporibus Romae Lentulus, sicuti
Catilina praeceperat, quoscunque moribus aut fortuna novis rebus idoneos
credebat, aut per se aut per alios sollicitabat, neque solum cives, sed
cujusque modi genus hominum, quod modo bello usui foret.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat40">40</a>. Igitur P. Umbreno cuidam negotium dat, uti legatos Allobrogum<a class="sup" href="#c203">[203]</a>
requirat eosque, si possit, impellat ad societatem belli, existimans
publice privatimque aere alieno oppressos, praeterea, quod natura gens
Gallica bellicosa esset, facile eos ad tale consilium adduci posse.
Umbrenus, quod in Gallia negotiatus erat, plerisque principibus
civitatium notus erat atque eos noverat; itaque sine mora, ubi primum
legatos in foro conspexit, percontatus pauca de statu civitatis, et quasi
dolens ejus casum, requirere coepit, quem exitum tantis malis sperarent.
Postquam illos videt queri de avaritia magistratuum, accusare senatum,
quod in eo auxilii nihil esset, miseriis suis remedium mortem expectare:
&#8216;At ego, inquit, vobis, si modo viri esse vultis, rationem ostendam, qua
tanta ista mala effugiatis.&#8217; Haec ubi dixit, Allobroges in maximam spem
adducti Umbrenum orare, ut sui misereretur; nihil tam asperum neque tam
difficile esse, quod non cupidissime facturi essent, dum ea res civitatem
aere alieno liberaret. Ille eos in domum, D. Bruti perducit, quod foro
propinqua erat neque aliena consilii<a class="sup" href="#c204">[204]</a> propter Semproniam; nam tum
Brutus ab Roma aberat. Praeterea Gabinium accersit,<a class="sup" href="#c205">[205]</a> quo major
auctoritas sermoni inesset. Eo praesente conjurationem aperit, nominat
socios, praeterea multos cujusque generis innoxios, quo legatis animus
amplior<a class="sup" href="#c206">[206]</a> esset; deinde eos pollicitos operam suam domum dimittit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat41">41</a>. Sed Allobroges diu in incerto habuere, quidnam consilii caperent. In
altera parte erat aes alienum, studium belli, magna merces in spe
victoriae, at in altera majores opes, tuta consilia, pro incerta spe
certa praemia. Haec illis volventibus, tandem vicit fortuna rei publicae.
Itaque Q. Fabio Sangae, cujus patrocinio civitas plurimum utebatur, rem
omnem, uti cognoverant, aperiunt. Cicero, per Sangam consilio cognito,
legatis praecepit, ut studium conjurationis vehementer simulent, ceteros
adeant, bene polliceantur, dentque operam, uti eos quam maxime manifestos
habeant.<a class="sup" href="#c207">[207]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat42">42</a>. Iisdem fere temporibus in Gallia citeriore atque ulteriore,<a class="sup" href="#c208">[208]</a> item
in agro Piceno, Bruttio,<a class="sup" href="#c209">[209]</a> Apulia motus erat. Namque illi, quos ante
Catilina dimiserat, inconsulte ac veluti per dementiam cuncta simul
agebant; nocturnis consiliis, armorum atque telorum portationibus,
festinando, agitando omnia, plus timoris quam periculi effecerant. Ex eo
numero complures Q. Metellus Celer praetor ex senati consulto, causa
cognita, in vincula conjecerat; item in ulteriore Gallia G. Murena, qui
ei provinciae legatus<a class="sup" href="#c210">[210]</a> praeerat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat43">43</a>. At Romae Lentulus cum ceteris, qui principes conjurationis erant,
paratis, ut videbatur, magnis copiis, constituerant, uti quum Catilina in
agrum Faesulanum cum exercitu venisset. L. Bestia tribunus plebis
contione habita quereretur de actionibus Ciceronis, bellique gravissimi
invidiam optimo consuli imponeret; eo signo<a class="sup" href="#c211">[211]</a> proxima nocte cetera
multitudo conjurationis suum quisque negotium exequeretur. Sed<a class="sup" href="#c212">[212]</a> ea
divisa hoc modo dicebantur: Statilius et Gabinius uti cum magna manu
duodecim simul opportuna loca urbis incenderent, quo tumultu facilior
aditus ad consulem ceterosque, quibus insidiae parabantur, fieret;
Cethegus Ciceronis januam obsideret eumque vi aggrederetur, alius autem
alium; sed filii<a class="sup" href="#c213">[213]</a> familiarum, quorum ex nobilitate maxima pars erat,
parentes interficerent, simul caede et incendio perculsis omnibus, ad
Catilinam erumperent. Inter haec parata atque decreta<a class="sup" href="#c214">[214]</a> Cethegus
semper querebatur de ignavia sociorum; illos dubitando et dies prolatando
magnas opportunitates corrumpere, facto, non consulto, in tali periculo
opus esse, seque, si pauci adjuvarent, languentibus aliis, impetum in
curiam facturum. Natura ferox, vehemens, manu promptus erat; maximum
bonum in celeritate putabat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat44">44</a>. Sed Allobroges ex praecepto Ciceronis per Gabinium ceteros
conveniunt;<a class="sup" href="#c215">[215]</a> ab Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio, item Cassio postulant
jusjurandum, quod signatum ad cives perferant; aliter haud facile eos ad
tantum negotium impelli posse. Ceteri nihil suspicantes dant; Cassius
semet eo brevi venturum pollicetur ac paulo ante legates ex urbe
proficiscitur. Lentulus cum his T. Volturcium quendam Crotoniensem
mittit, ut Allobroges prins quam domum pergerent, cum Catilina data atque
accepta fide societatem confirmarent. Ipse Volturcio litteras ad
Catilinam dat, quarum exemplum infra scriptum est: &#8216;Qui<a class="sup" href="#c216">[216]</a> sim ex eo,
quem ad te misi, cognosces. Fac cogites, in quanta calamitate sis, et
memineris te virum esse; consideres, quid tuae rationes postulent;
auxilium petas ab omnibus, etiam ab infimis.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#c217">[217]</a> Ad hoc mandata verbis
dat: &#8216;Quum ab senatu hostis judicatus sit, quo consilio servitia
repudiet? in urbe parata esse, quae jusserit; ne cunctetur ipse propius
accedere.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat45">45</a>. His rebus ita actis, constituta nocte, qua proficiscerentur, Cicero
per legates cuncta edoctus,<a class="sup" href="#c218">[218]</a> L. Valerio Flacco et G. Pomptinio
praetoribus imperat, ut in ponte Mulvio<a class="sup" href="#c219">[219]</a> per insidias Allobrogum
comitatus deprehendant; rem omnem aperit, cujus gratia mittebantur,
cetera, uti facto opus sit, ita agant, permittit. Illi, homines
militares, sine tumultu praesidiis collocatis, sicuti praeceptum erat,
occulte pontem obsidunt.<a class="sup" href="#c220">[220]</a> Postquam ad id loci<a class="sup" href="#c221">[221]</a> legati cum
Volturcio venerunt et simul utrimque clamor exortus est, Galli, cito
cognito consilio, sine mora praetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo,
cohortatus ceteros, gladio se a multitudine defendit, deinde ubi a
legatis desertus est, multa prius de salute sua Pomptinium obtestatus,
quod ei notus erat, postremo timidus ac vitae diffidens velut
hostibus<a class="sup" href="#c222">[222]</a> sese praetoribus dedit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat46">46</a>. Quibus rebus confectis, omnia propere per nuntios consuli
declarantur. At ilium ingens cura atque laetitia simul occupavere; nam
laetabatur intellegens conjuratione patefacta civitatem periculis ereptam
esse, porro autem anxius erat, dubitans, in maximo scelere tantis civibus
deprehensis, quid facto opus esset; poenam illorum sibi oneri,
impunitatem perdundae rei publicae<a class="sup" href="#c223">[223]</a> fore credebat. Igitur confirmato
animo vocari ad sese jubet Lentulum, Cethegum, Statilium, Gabinium, item
quendam Caeparium Tarracinensem, qui in Apuliam ad concitanda servitia
proficisci parabat. Ceteri sine mora veniunt: Caeparius paulo ante domo
egressus cognito indicio ex urbe profugerat. Consul Lentulum, quod
praetor erat, ipse manu tenens in senatum<a class="sup" href="#c224">[224]</a> perducit; reliquos cum
custodibus in aedem Concordiae venire jubet. Eo senatum advocat, magnaque
frequentia ejus ordinis, Volturcium cum legatis introducit, Flaccum
praetorem scrinium cum litteris, quas a legatis acceperat, eodem afferre
jubet.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat47">47</a>. Volturcius interrogatus de itinere, de litteris, postremo quid aut
qua de causa consilii habuisset, primo fingere alia, dissimulare de
conjuratione; post, ubi fide publica dicere jussus est,<a class="sup" href="#c225">[225]</a> omnia, uti
gesta erant, aperit docetque se paucis ante diebus a Gabinio et Caepario
socium ascitum nihil amplius scire quam legatos; tantummodo audire
solitum ex Gabinio, P. Autronium, Ser. Sullam, L. Vargunteium, multos
praeterea in ea conjuratione esse. Eadem Galli fatentur ac Lentulum
dissimulantem coarguunt praeter litteras sermonibus, quos ille habere
solitus erat; ex libris Sibyllinis<a class="sup" href="#c226">[226]</a> regnum Romae tribus Corneliis
portendi; Cinnam atque Sullam antea, se tertium esse, cui fatum foret
urbis potiri;<a class="sup" href="#c227">[227]</a> praeterea ab incenso Capitolio illum esse vigesimum
annum, quem saepe ex prodigiis haruspices<a class="sup" href="#c228">[228]</a> respondissent bello civili
cruentum fore. Igitur perlectis litteris, quum prius omnes signa sua
cognovissent, senatus decernit, uti abdicato magistratu Lentulus, itemque
ceteri in liberis custodiis<a class="sup" href="#c229">[229]</a> habeantur. Itaque Lentulus P. Lentulo
Spintheri, qui tum aedilis erat, Cethegus Q. Cornificio, Statilius G.
Caesari, Gabinius M. Crasso, Caeparius (nam is paulo ante ex fuga
retractus erat) Gn. Terentio senatori traduntur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat48">48</a>. Interea plebes, conjuratione patefacta, quae primo cupida rerum
novarum nimis bello favebat, mutata mente Catilinae consilia execrari,
Ciceronem ad coelum tollere; veluti ex servitute erepta gaudium atque
laetitiam agitabat.<a class="sup" href="#c230">[230]</a> Namque alia belli facinora praedae magis quam
detrimento fore, incendium vero crudele, immoderatum ac sibi maxime
calamitosum putabat, quippe cui omnes copiae in usu cotidiano et cultu
corporis erant.<a class="sup" href="#c231">[231]</a> Post eum diem quidam L. Tarquinius ad senatum
adductus erat, quem ad Catilinam proficiscentem ex itinere retractum
ajebant. Is, quum se diceret indicaturum de conjuratione, si fides
publica data esset, jussus a consule quae sciret edicere, eadem fere quae
Volturcius, de paratis incendiis, de caede bonorum, de itinere hostium
senatum docet; praeterea se missum a M. Crasso, qui Catilinae nuntiaret,
ne eum Lentulus et Cethegus aliique ex conjuratione deprehensi<a class="sup" href="#c232">[232]</a>
terrerent, eoque magis properaret ad urbem accedere, quo et ceterorum
animos reficeret et illi facilius e periculo eriperentur. Sed ubi
Tarquinius Crassum nominavit, hominem nobilem, maximis divitiis, summa
potentia, alii rem incredibilem rati, pars tametsi verum existimabant,
tamen quia in tali tempore<a class="sup" href="#c233">[233]</a> tanta vis hominis magis leniunda quam
exagitanda videbatur, plerique Crasso ex negotiis privatis obnoxii
conclamant indicem falsum esse, deque ea re postulant uti referatur.<a class="sup" href="#c234">[234]</a>
Itaque consulente Cicerone frequens senatus decernit, Tarquinii indicium
falsum videri, eumque in vinculis retinendum, neque amplius
potestatem<a class="sup" href="#c235">[235]</a> faciundam, nisi de eo indicaret, cujus consilio tantam
rem esset mentitus. Erant eo tempore, qui aestimarent, indicium illud a
P. Autronio machinatum, quo facilius appellato Crasso per societatem
periculi reliquos illius potentia tegeret. Alii Tarquinium a Cicerone
immissum ajebant, ne Crassus more suo suscepto malorum patrocinio rem
publicam conturbaret. Ipsum Crassum ego postea praedicantem <a class="sup" href="#c236">[236]</a> audivi,
tantam illam contumeliam sibi a Cicerone impositam.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat49">49</a>. Sed iisdem temporibus Q. Catulus et C. Piso<a class="sup" href="#c237">[237]</a> neque precibus neque
gratia neque pretio Ciceronem impellere potuere, uti per Allobroges aut
alium indicem C. Caesar falso nominaretur. Nam uterque cum illo graves
inimicitias exercebat: Piso oppugnatus in judicio pecuniarum repetundarum
propter cujusdam Transpadani supplicium injustum; Catulus ex petitione
pontificatus odio incensus, quod extrema aetate, maximis honoribus usus,
ab adolescentulo Caesare victus<a class="sup" href="#c238">[238]</a> discesserat. Res autem opportuna
videbatur, quod is privatim egregia liberalitate, publice maximis
muneribus<a class="sup" href="#c239">[239]</a> grandem pecuniam debebat. Sed ubi consulem ad tantum
facinus impellere nequeunt, ipsi singulatim circumeundo atque ementiundo,
quae se ex Volturcio aut Allobrogibus audisse dicerent,<a class="sup" href="#c240">[240]</a> magnam illi
invidiam conflaverant, usque adeo, ut nonnulli equites Romani, qui
praesidii causa eum telis erant circum aedem Concordiae, seu periculi
magnitudine seu animi mobilitate<a class="sup" href="#c241">[241]</a> impulsi, quo studium suum in rem
publicam clarius esset, egredienti ex senatu Caesari gladio minitarentur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat50">50</a>. Dum haec in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et T. Volturcio,
comprobato eorum indicio, praemia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex
clientibus Lentuli diversis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis
ad eum eripiundum sollicitabant, partim exquirebant duces
multitudinum,<a class="sup" href="#c242">[242]</a> qui pretio rem publicam vexare soliti erant. Cethegus
autem per nuntios familiam atque libertos suos, lectos et exercitatos in
audaciam, orabat, ut grege facto cum telis ad sese irrumperent. Consul,
ubi ea parari cognovit, dispositis praesidiis, ut res atque tempus
monebat, convocato senatu refert, quid de his fieri placeat, qui in
custodiam traditi erant. Sed eos paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat
contra rem publicam fecisse.<a class="sup" href="#c243">[243]</a> Tum D. Junius Silanus, primus
sententiam rogatus,<a class="sup" href="#c244">[244]</a> quod eo tempore consul designatus erat, de his,
qui in custodiis tenebantur, praeterea de L. Cassio, P. Furio,
P. Umbreno, Q. Annio, si deprehensi forent, supplicium sumendum
decreverat; isque postea, permotus oratione C. Caesaris, pedibus in
sententiam Tib. Neronis iturum<a class="sup" href="#c245">[245]</a> se dixerat, quod de ea re praesidiis
additis referundum censuerat.<a class="sup" href="#c246">[246]</a> Sed Caesar, ubi ad eum ventum est,
rogatus sententiam a consule, hujuscemodi verba locutus est:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat51">51</a>. &#8216;Omnes homines, patres conscripti, qui de rebus dubiis consultant, ab
odio, amicitia, ira atque misericordia vacuos esse decet. Haud facile
animus verum providet, ubi illa officiunt, neque quisquam omnium libidini
simul et usui paruit. Ubi intenderis ingenium, valet; si libido possidet,
ea dominatur, animus nihil valet. Magna mihi copia est memorandi,
P. C., quae reges atque populi ira aut misericordia impulsi male
consuluerint;<a class="sup" href="#c247">[247]</a> sed ea malo dicere, quae majores nostri contra
libidinem animi sui recte atque ordine fecere. Bello Macedonico, quod cum
rege Perse<a class="sup" href="#c248">[248]</a> gessimus, Rhodiorum civitas, magna atque magnifica, quae
populi Romani opibus creverat, infida atque adversa nobis fuit; sed
postquam bello confecto de Rhodiis consultum est, majores nostri, ne quis
divitiarum magis quam injuriae causa bellum inceptum diceret, impunitos
eos dimisere. Item bellis Punicis omnibus, quum saepe Karthaginienses et
in pace et per inducias multa nefaria facinora fecissent, nunquam ipsi
per occasionem talia fecere; magis, quid se dignum foret, quam quid in
illos jure fieri posset, quaerebant. Hoc item vobis providendum est,
P. C., ne plus apud vos valeat P. Lentuli et ceterorum scelus quam vestra
dignitas; neu magis irae vestrae quam famae consulatis. Nam si digna
poena pro factis eorum reperitur, novum consilium approbo; sin magnitude
sceleris omnium ingenia exuperat, his utendum censeo, quae legibus
comparata sunt. Plerique eorum, qui ante me sententiam dixerunt,
composite atque magnifice casum rei publicae miserati sunt; quae belli
saevitia esset, quae victis acciderent, enumeravere; rapi virgines,
pueros, divelli liberos a parentum complexu, matres familiarum pati, quae
victoribus collibuissent, fana atque domos spoliari, caedem, incendia
fieri, postremo armis, cadaveribus, cruore atque luctu omnia compleri.
Sed, per deos immortales, quo illa oratio pertinuit? an<a class="sup" href="#c249">[249]</a> uti vos
infestos conjurationi faceret? Scilicet<a class="sup" href="#c250">[250]</a> quem res tanta et tam,
atrox non permovit, eum oratio accendet. Non ita est; neque cuiquam
mortalium injuriae suae<a class="sup" href="#c251">[251]</a> parvae videntur: multi eas gravius aequo
habuere.<a class="sup" href="#c252">[252]</a> Sed alia aliis licentia est, P. C. Qui demissi in obscuro
vitam habent,<a class="sup" href="#c253">[253]</a> si quid iracundia deliquere, pauci sciunt; fama atque
fortuna eorum pares sunt: qui magno imperio praediti in excelso aetatem
agunt, eorum facta cuncti mortales novere. Ita in maxima fortuna minima
licentia est; neque studere, neque odisse, sed minime irasci decet; quae
apud alios iracundia dicitur, ea in imperio superbia atque crudelitas
appellatur. Equidem ego<a class="sup" href="#c254">[254]</a> sic existimo, P. C., omnes cruciatus minores
quam facinora illorum esse; sed plerique mortales postrema meminere, et
in hominibus impiis sceleris eorum obliti de poena disserunt, si ea paulo
severior fuit. D. Silanum, virum fortem atque strenuum, certo scio, quae
dixerit, studio rei publicae dixisse, neque illum in tanta re gratiam aut
inimicitias<a class="sup" href="#c255">[255]</a> exercere; eos mores eamque modestiam viri cognovi.<a class="sup" href="#c256">[256]</a>
Verum sententia ejus mihi non crudelis,  &#8212;  quid enim in tales homines
crudele fieri potest?  &#8212;  sed aliena a re publica nostra videtur. Nam
profecto aut metus aut injuria te subegit,<a class="sup" href="#c257">[257]</a> Silane, consulem
designatum, genus poenae novum decernere. De timore supervacaneum est
disserere, quum praesertim diligentia clarissimi viri, consulis, tanta
praesidia sint in armis. De poena possumus equidem dicere id quod res
habet;<a class="sup" href="#c258">[258]</a> in luctu atque miseriis mortem aerumnarum requiem, non
cruciatum esse, eam cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere, ultra neque curae
neque gaudio locum esse. Sed, per deos immortales, quamobrem
in sententiam non addidisti, uti prius verberibus in eos
animadverteretur?<a class="sup" href="#c259">[259]</a> An quia lex Porcia<a class="sup" href="#c260">[260]</a> vetat? At aliae leges item
condemnatis civibus non animam eripi, sed exilium permitti jubent.<a class="sup" href="#c261">[261]</a>
An, quia gravius est verberari quam necari? Quid autem acerbum aut nimis
grave est in homines tanti facinoris convictos? Sin, quia levius est; qu&icirc;
convenit<a class="sup" href="#c262">[262]</a> in minore negotio legem timere, quum eam in majore
neglexeris? At enim<a class="sup" href="#c263">[263]</a> quis reprehendet, quod in parricidas rei
publicae decretum erit? Tempus, dies, fortuna, cujus libido gentibus
moderatur. Illis merito accidet, quidquid evenerit; ceterum vos, P. C.,
quid in alios statuatis, considerate. Omnia mala exempla ex bonis orta
sunt; sed ubi imperium ad ignaros aut minus bonos pervenit, novum
illud exemplum ab dignis et idoneis ad indignos et non idoneos
transfertur.<a class="sup" href="#c264">[264]</a> Lacedaemonii devictis Atheniensibus triginta viros<a class="sup" href="#c265">[265]</a>
imposuere, qui rem publicam eorum tractarent. Hi primo coepere pessimum
quemque et omnibus invisum indemnatum necare; ea<a class="sup" href="#c266">[266]</a> populus laetari et
merito dicere fieri. Post ubi paulatim licentia crevit, juxta bonos et
malos libidinose interficere, ceteros metu terrere. Ita civitas servitute
oppressa stultae laetitiae graves poenas dedit. Nostra memoria victor
Sulla quum Damasippum<a class="sup" href="#c267">[267]</a> et alios hujusmodi, qui malo rei publicae
creverant, jugulare jussit, quis non factum ejus laudabat? Homines
scelestos et factiosos, qui seditionibus rem publicam exagitaverant,
merito necatos ajebant. Sed ea res magnae initium cladis fuit. Nam uti
quisque domum aut villam, postremo vas aut vestimentum alicujus
concupiverat, dabat operam, ut is in proscriptorum<a class="sup" href="#c268">[268]</a> numero esset. Ita
illi, quibus Damasippi mors laetitiae fuerat, paulo post ipsi
trahebantur; neque prius finis jugulandi fuit quam Sulla omnes suos
divitiis explevit. Atque ego haec non in M. Tullio neque his temporibus
vereor, sed in magna civitate multa et varia ingenia sunt. Potest alio
tempore, alio consule, cui item exercitus in manu sit, falsum aliquid pro
vero credi; ubi hoc exemplo per senati decretum consul gladium eduxerit,
quis illi finem statuet aut quis moderabitur? Majores nostri, P. C.,
neque consilii neque audaciae unquam eguere, neque illis superbia
obstabat, quo minus aliena instituta, si modo proba erant, imitarentur.
Arma atque tela militaria ab Samnitibus, insignia magistratuum ab Tuscis
pleraque<a class="sup" href="#c269">[269]</a> sumpserunt: postremo quod ubique apud socios aut hostes
idoneum videbatur, cum summo studio domi exequebantur, imitari quam
invidere bonis malebant. Sed eodem illo tempore, Graeciae morem imitati,
verberibus animadvertebant in cives, de condemnatis summum supplicium
sumebant. Postquam res publica adolevit et multitudine civium factiones
valuere, circumvenire innocentes, alia hujuscemodi fieri coepere, tum lex
Porcia aliaeque leges paratae sunt, quibus legibus<a class="sup" href="#c270">[270]</a> exilium damnatis
permissum est. Ego hanc causam, P. C., quominus<a class="sup" href="#c271">[271]</a> novum consilium
capiamus, in primis magnam puto. Profecto virtus atque sapientia major in
illis fuit, qui ex parvis opibus tantum imperium fecere quam in nobis,
qui ea bene parta vix retinemus. Placet igitur eos dimitti et augere
exercitum Catilinae? Minime, sed ita censeo; publicandas eorum pecunias,
ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia,<a class="sup" href="#c272">[272]</a> quae maxime opibus valent;
neu quis de his postea ad senatum referat neve cum populo agat; qui
aliter fecerit, senatum existimare eum contra rem publicam et salutem
omnium facturum.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat52">52</a>. Postquam Caesar dicendi finem fecit, ceteri verbo alius alii varie
assentiebantur: at M. Porcius Cato, rogatus sententiam, hujuscemodi
orationem habuit: &#8216;Longe mihi alia mens est, P. C., quum res atque
pericula nostra considero, et quum sententias nonnullorum mecum ipse
reputo.<a class="sup" href="#c273">[273]</a> Illi mihi disseruisse videntur de poena eorum, qui patriae,
parentibus, aris atque focis suis bellum paravere; res autem monet cavere
ab illis magis quam, quid in illos statuamus, consultare. Nam cetera
maleficia tum persequare, ubi facta sunt; hoc nisi provideris ne accidat,
ubi evenit, frustra judicia implores; capta urbe nihil fit reliqui
victis. Sed, per deos immortales, vos ego appello, qui semper domos,
villas, signa, tabulas vestras pluris quam rem publicam fecistis,<a class="sup" href="#c274">[274]</a> si
ista, cujuscunque modi sunt quae amplexamini, retinere, si voluptatibus
vestris otium praebere vultis, expergiscimini aliquando et capessite rem
publicam.<a class="sup" href="#c275">[275]</a> Non agitur de vectigalibus neque de sociorum injuriis:
libertas et anima nostra in dubio est. Saepenumero, P. C., multa verba in
hoc ordine feci,<a class="sup" href="#c276">[276]</a> saepe de luxuria atque avaritia nostrorum civium
questus sum, multosque mortales ea causa adversos habeo; qui mihi atque
animo meo nullius unquam delicti gratiam fecissem,<a class="sup" href="#c277">[277]</a> haud facile
alterius libidini male facta condonabam. Sed ea tametsi vos parvi
pendebatis, tamen res publica firma erat; opulentia neglegentiam
tolerabat.<a class="sup" href="#c278">[278]</a> Nunc vero non id agitur, bonisne an malis moribus
vivamus, neque quantum aut quam magnificum imperium, populi Romani sit,
sed haec cujuscunque modi videntur, nostra an nobiscum una hostium futura
sint. Hic mihi quisquam mansuetudinem et misericordiam nominat.<a class="sup" href="#c279">[279]</a>
Jampridem equidem<a class="sup" href="#c280">[280]</a> nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus, quia bona aliena
largiri liberalitas, malarum rerum audacia fortitudo vocatur, eo<a class="sup" href="#c281">[281]</a> res
publica in extremo sita est. Sint sane, quoniam ita se mores habent,
liberales ex sociorum fortunis, sint misericordes in furibus aerarii; ne
illi sanguinem nostrum largiantur, et<a class="sup" href="#c282">[282]</a> dum paucis sceleratis parcunt,
bonos omnes perditum eant. Bene et composite G. Caesar paulo ante in hoc
ordine de vita et morte disseruit, credo falsa existimans ea, quae de
inferis memorantur, diverso itinere malos a bonis loca taetra, inculta,
foeda atque formidolosa habere. Itaque censuit pecunias eorum
publicandas, ipsos per municipia in custodiis habendos; videlicet timens,
ne, si Romae sint, aut a popularibus conjurationis aut a multitudine
conducta per vim eripiantur. Quasi vero mali atque scelesti tantummodo in
urbe et non<a class="sup" href="#c283">[283]</a> per totam Italiam sint, aut non ibi plus possit audacia,
ubi ad defendendum opes minores sunt. Quare vanum equidem hoc consilium
est, si periculum ex illis metuit; sin in tanto omnium metu solus non
timet, eo magis refert<a class="sup" href="#c284">[284]</a> me mihi atque vobis timere. Quare quum de P.
Lentulo ceterisque statuetis, pro certo habetote,<a class="sup" href="#c285">[285]</a> vos simul de
exercitu Catilinae et de omnibus conjuratis decernere. Quanto vos
attentius ea agetis, tanto illis animus infirmior erit; si paululum modo
vos languere viderint, jam omnes feroces aderunt.<a class="sup" href="#c286">[286]</a> Nolite existimare,
majores nostros armis rem publicam ex parva magnam fecisse.<a class="sup" href="#c287">[287]</a> Si ita
res esset, multo pulcherrimam eam nos haberemus; quippe sociorum atque
civium, praeterea armorum atque equorum major nobis copia quam illis est.
Sed alia fuere, quae illos magnos fecere, quae nobis nulla sunt, domi
industria, foris justum imperium, animus in consulendo liber, neque
delicto neque libidini obnoxius.<a class="sup" href="#c288">[288]</a> Pro his nos habemus luxuriam atque
avaritiam, publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam; laudamus divitias,
sequimur inertiam; inter bonos et malos discrimen nullum est; omnia
virtutis praemia ambitio possidet. Neque mirum: ubi vos separatim sibi
quisque consilium capitis, ubi domi voluptatibus, hic<a class="sup" href="#c289">[289]</a> pecuniae aut
gratiae servitis, eo fit, ut impetus fiat in vacuam<a class="sup" href="#c290">[290]</a> rem publicam.
Sed ego haec omitto. Conjuravere nobilissimi cives patriam
incendere,<a class="sup" href="#c291">[291]</a> Gallorum gentem infestissimam nomini Romano ad bellum
accersunt; dux hostium cum exercitu supra caput est: vos cunctamini
etiamnunc, quid intra moenia deprensis hostibus faciatis?<a class="sup" href="#c292">[292]</a>
Misereamini censeo<a class="sup" href="#c293">[293]</a>,  &#8212;  deliquere homines adolescentuli per
ambitionem,  &#8212;  atque etiam armatos dimittatis. Nae ista vobis mansuetudo et
misericordia, si illi arma ceperint in miseriam onvertet.<a class="sup" href="#c294">[294]</a> Scilicet
res ipsa aspera est, sed vos non timetis eam.<a class="sup" href="#c295">[295]</a> Immo vero<a class="sup" href="#c296">[296]</a> maxime;
sed inertia et mollitia animi alius alium expectantes cunctamini,
videlicet dis immortalibus confisi, qui hanc rem publicam saepe in
maximis periculis servavere. Non votis neque suppliciis muliebribus
auxilia deorum parantur; vigilando, agendo, bene consulendo prospera
omnia cedunt; ubi socordiae te atque ignaviae tradideris, nequidquam deos
implores;<a class="sup" href="#c297">[297]</a> irati infestique sunt. Apud majores nostros A. Manlius
Torquatus bello Gallico filium suum, quod is contra imperium in hostem
pugnaverat, necare jussit,<a class="sup" href="#c298">[298]</a> atque ille egregius adolescens
immoderatae fortitudinis morte poenas dedit: vos de crudelissimis
parricidis quid statuatis cunctamini? Videlicet cetera vita eorum huic
sceleri obstat. Verum parcite dignitati Lentuli, si ipse pudicitiae, si
famae suae, si dis aut hominibus unquam ullis pepercit; ignoscite Cethegi
adolescentiae, nisi iterum jam patriae bellum fecit. Nam quid ego de
Gabinio, Statilio, Caepario loquar? quibus si quidquam<a class="sup" href="#c299">[299]</a> unquam pensi
fuisset, non ea consilia de re publica habuissent. Postremo, P. C., si
mehercule peccato locus esset,<a class="sup" href="#c300">[300]</a> facile paterer vos ipsa re corrigi,
quoniam verba contemnitis; sed undique circumventi sumus. Catilina cum
exercitu faucibus urguet:<a class="sup" href="#c301">[301]</a> alii intra moenia atque in sinu urbis sunt
hostes: neque parari neque consuli quidquam potest occulte; quo magis
properandum est. Quare ita ego censeo: quum nefario consilio sceleratorum
civium res publica in maxima pericula venerit, iique indicio T. Volturcii
et legatorum Allobrogum convicti confessique sint caedem, incendia
aliaque se foeda atque crudelia facinora in cives patriamque paravisse,
de confessis sicuti de manifestis rerum capitalium more majorum
supplicium sumendum.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat53">53</a>. Postquam Cato assedit, consulares omnes itemque senatus magna pars
sententiam ejus laudant, virtutem animi ad coelum ferunt, alii alios
increpantes timidos vocant, Cato clarus atque magnus habetur, senati
decretum fit, sicuti ille censuerat. Sed mihi multa legenti, multa
audienti, quae populus Romanus domi militiaeque, mari atque terra
praeclara facinora fecit, forte libuit attendere, quae res maxime tanta
negotia sustinuisset.<a class="sup" href="#c302">[302]</a> Sciebam saepenumero parva manu cum magnis
legionibus hostium contendisse; cognoveram parvis copiis bella gesta cum
opulentis regibus, ad hoc saepe fortunae violentiam toleravisse, facundia
Graecos, gloria belli Gallos ante Romanos fuisse. Ac mihi multa agitanti
constabat, paucorum civium egregiam virtutem cuncta patravisse,<a class="sup" href="#c303">[303]</a>
eoque factum, uti divitias paupertas, multitudinem paucitas superaret.
Sed postquam luxu atque desidia civitas corrupta est, rursus res publica
magnitudine sua imperatorum atque magistratuum vitia sustentabat, ac,
sicuti effeta parentum,<a class="sup" href="#c304">[304]</a> multis tempestatibus haud sane quisquam
Romae virtute magnus fuit. Sed memoria mea ingenti virtute, diversis
moribus fuere viri duo, M. Cato et G. Caesar; quos quoniam res obtulerat,
silentio praeterire non fuit consilium, quin<a class="sup" href="#c305">[305]</a> utriusque naturam et
mores, quantum ingenio possem, aperirem.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat54">54</a>. Igitur his genus, aetas, eloquentia prope aequalia fuere; magnitudo
animi par, item gloria, sed alia alii.<a class="sup" href="#c306">[306]</a> Caesar beneficiis ac
munificentia magnus habebatur, integritate vitae Cato. Ille mansuetudine
et misericordia clarus factus, huic severitas dignitatem addiderat.
Caesar dando, sublevando, ignoscendo, Cato nihil largiundo gloriam
adeptus est. In altero miseris perfugium erat, in altero malis pernicies;
illius facilitas, hujus constantia laudabatur. Postremo Caesar in animum
induxerat laborare, vigilare; negotiis amicorum intentus sua neglegere,
nihil denegare, quod dono dignum esset; sibi magnum imperium, exercitum,
bellum novum exoptabat, ubi virtus enitescere posset. At Catoni studium
modestiae, decoris, sed maxime severitatis erat. Non divitiis cum divite,
neque factione cum factioso, sed cum strenuo virtute, cum modesto pudore,
cum innocente abstinentia certabat, esse quam videri bonus malebat; ita
quo minus petebat gloriam, eo magis ilium sequebatur.<a class="sup" href="#c307">[307]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat55">55</a>. Postquam, ut dixi, senatus in Catonis sententiam discessit,<a class="sup" href="#c308">[308]</a>
consul optimum factu ratus, noctem, quae instabat, antecapere, ne quid eo
spatio novaretur, III. viros<a class="sup" href="#c309">[309]</a> quae supplicium postulabat parare
jubet; ipse, praesidiis dispositis, Lentulum in carcerem deducit;<a class="sup" href="#c310">[310]</a>
idem fit ceteris per praetores. Est in carcere locus, quod<a class="sup" href="#c311">[311]</a> Tullianum
appellatur, ubi paululum descenderis ad laevam, circiter duodecim pedes
humi depressus.<a class="sup" href="#c312">[312]</a> Eum muniunt undique parietes atque insuper camera
lapideis fornicibus vineta,<a class="sup" href="#c313">[313]</a> sed incultu,<a class="sup" href="#c314">[314]</a> tenebris, odore foeda
atque terribilis ejus facies est. In eum locum postquam demissus est
Lentulus, viridices rerum capitalium,<a class="sup" href="#c315">[315]</a> quibus praeceptum erat, laqueo
gulam fregere. Ila ille patricius ex gente clarissima Corneliorum, qui
consulare imperium Romae habuerat,<a class="sup" href="#c316">[316]</a> dignum moribus factisque suis
exitium vitae invenit. De Cethego, Statilio, Gabinio, Caepario eodem modo
supplicium sumptum est.<a class="sup" href="#c317">[317]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat56">56</a>. Dum ea Romae geruntur, Catilina ex omni copia,<a class="sup" href="#c318">[318]</a> quam et ipse
adduxerat et Manlius habuerat, duas legiones instituit, cohortes pro
numero militum complet,<a class="sup" href="#c319">[319]</a> deinde, ut quisque voluntarius aut ex sociis
in castra venerat, aequaliter distribuerat, ac brevi spatio legiones
numero hominum expleverat, quum initio non amplius duobus milibus<a class="sup" href="#c320">[320]</a>
habuisset. Sed ex omni copia circiter pars quarta erat militaribus armis
instructa; ceteri, ut quemque casus armaverat, sparos aut lanceas,<a class="sup" href="#c321">[321]</a>
alii praeacutas sudes portabant. Sed postquam Antonius<a class="sup" href="#c322">[322]</a> cum exercitu
adventabat, Catilina per montes iter facere, modo ad urbem, modo in
Galliam versus castra movere, hostibus occasionem pugnandi non dare;
sperabat propediem magnas copias sese habiturum, si Romae socii incepta
patravissent. Interea servitia repudiabat, cujus<a class="sup" href="#c323">[323]</a> initio ad eum
magnae copiae concurrebant, opibus conjurationis fretus, simul alienum
suis rationibus existimans, videri<a class="sup" href="#c324">[324]</a> causam civium cum servis
fugitivis communicavisse.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat57">57</a>. Sed postquam in castra nuntius pervenit Romae conjurationem
patefactam, de Lentulo et Cethego ceterisque, quos supra memoravi,
supplicium sumptum; plerique, quos ad bellum spes rapinarum aut novarum
rerum studium illexerat, dilabuntur; reliquos Catilina per montes asperos
magnis itineribus in agrum Pistoriensem<a class="sup" href="#c325">[325]</a> abducit, eo consilio, uti
per tramites occulte perfugeret in Galliam Transalpinam. At Q. Metellus
Celer cum tribus legionibus in agro Piceno praesidebat, ex difficultate
rerum eadem illa existimans, quae supra diximus, Catilinam agitare.
Igitur, ubi iter ejus ex perfugis cognovit, castra propere movet ac sub
ipsis radicibus montium consedit, qua illi descensus erat in Galliam
properanti. Neque tamen Antonius procul aberat, utpote qui magno exercitu
locis aequioribus expeditos in fuga sequeretur.<a class="sup" href="#c326">[326]</a> Sed Catilina
postquam videt montibus atque copiis hostium sese clausum, in urbe res
adversas, neque fugae neque praesidii ullam spem, optimum factu ratus, in
tali re fortunam belli temptare, statuit cum Antonio quam primum
confligere. Itaque contione advocata hujuscemodi orationem habuit:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat58">58</a>. &#8216;Compertum ego habeo, milites, verba virtutem non addere, neque ex
ignavo strenuum neque fortem ex timido exercitum oratione imperatoris
fieri. Quanta cujusque animo audacia natura aut moribus inest, tanta in
bello patere solet. Quem neque gloria neque pericula excitant, nequidquam
hortere; timor animi auribus officit.<a class="sup" href="#c327">[327]</a> Sed ego vos, quo pauca
monerem, advocavi; simul uti causam mei consilii aperirem. Scitis
equidem, milites, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi nobisque
cladem attulerit; quoque modo, dum ex urbe praesidia opperior, in Galliam
proficisci nequiverim.<a class="sup" href="#c328">[328]</a> Nunc vero quo in loco<a class="sup" href="#c329">[329]</a> res nostrae sint,
juxta mecum omnes intellegitis. Exercitus hostium duo, unus ab urbe,
alter a Gallia obstant; diutius in his locis esse, si maxime animus
ferat, frumenti atque aliarum rerum egestas<a class="sup" href="#c330">[330]</a> prohibet. Quocunque ire
placet, ferro iter aperiundum est. Quapropter vos moneo; uti forti atque
parato animo sitis et, quum proelium inibitis, memineritis vos divitias,
decus, gloriam, praeterea libertatem atque patriam in dexteris vestris
portare. Si vincimus, omnia nobis tuta erunt, commeatus abunde, municipia
atque coloniae patebunt; sin metu cesserimus, eadem illa adversa fient:
neque locus neque amicus quisquam teget, quem arma non texerint.
Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis necessitudo impendet; nos
pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus: illis supervacaneum est pro
potentia paucorum pugnare. Quo audacius aggredimini, memores pristinae
virtutis. Licuit vobis cum summa turpitudine in exilio aetatem agere;
potuistis nonnulli Romae amissis bonis alienas opes expectare: quia illa
foeda atque intoleranda viris videbantur, haec<a class="sup" href="#c331">[331]</a> sequi decrevistis. Si
haec relinquere vultis, audacia opus est; nemo nisi victor pace bellum
mutavit.<a class="sup" href="#c332">[332]</a> Nam in fuga salutem sperare, quum arma, qu&icirc;s<a class="sup" href="#c333">[333]</a> corpus
tegitur, ab hostibus averteris, ea vero dementia est. Semper in proelio
iis maximum est periculum, qui maxime timent; audacia pro muro habetur.
Quum vos considero, milites, et quum facta vestra aestimo, magna me spes
victoriae tenet. Animus, aetas, virtus vestra me hortantur;<a class="sup" href="#c334">[334]</a>
praeterea necessitudo, quae etiam timidos fortes facit. Nam multitudo
hostium ne circumvenire queat, prohibent angustiae loci. Quodsi virtuti
vestrae fortuna inviderit, cavete,<a class="sup" href="#c335">[335]</a> inulti animam amittatis, neu
capti potius sicuti pecora trucidemini, quam virorum more pugnantes
cruentam atque luctuosam victoriam hostibus relinquatis.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat59">59</a>. Haec ubi dixit, paululum commoratus, signa canere jubet,<a class="sup" href="#c336">[336]</a> atque
instructos ordines in locum aequum deducit. Dein, remotis omnium equis,
quo militibus exaequato periculo animus amplior esset, ipse pedes
exercitum pro loco atque copiis instruit. Nam, uti planities erat inter
sinistros montes et ab dextera rupe aspera,<a class="sup" href="#c337">[337]</a> octo cohortes in fronte
constituit, reliquarum signa<a class="sup" href="#c338">[338]</a> in subsidio artius collocat. Ab his
centuriones omnes, lectos et evocatos, praeterea ex gregariis militibus
optimum quemque armatum in primam aciem subducit.<a class="sup" href="#c339">[339]</a> G. Manlium in
dextera, Faesulanum quendam in sinistra parte curare<a class="sup" href="#c340">[340]</a> jubet; ipse cum
libertis et colonis propter aquilam assistit,<a class="sup" href="#c341">[341]</a> quam bello Cimbrico G.
Marius in exercitu habuisse dicebatur. At ex altera parte G. Antonius,
pedibus aeger,<a class="sup" href="#c342">[342]</a> quod proelio adesse nequibat, M. Petreio legato<a class="sup" href="#c343">[343]</a>
exercitum permittit. Ille cohortes veteranas, quas tumulti<a class="sup" href="#c344">[344]</a> causa
conscripserat, in fronte post eas ceterum exercitum in subsidiis locat.
Ipse equo circumiens, unum quemque nominans appellat, hortatur, rogat, ut
meminerint, se contra latrones inermes, pro patria, pro liberis, pro aris
atque focis suis certare. Homo militaris, quod amplius annos triginta
tribunus aut praefectus aut legatus aut praetor cum magna gloria in
exercitu fuerat, plerosque ipsos factaque eorum fortia noverat; ea
commemorando militum animos accendebat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat60">60</a>. Sed ubi, omnibus rebus exploratis, Petreius tuba signum dat, cohortes
paulatim incedere jubet, idem facit hostium exercitus. Postquam eo ventum
est, unde a ferentariis<a class="sup" href="#c345">[345]</a> proelium committi posset, maximo clamore cum
infestis signis<a class="sup" href="#c346">[346]</a> concurrunt; pila omittunt, gladiis res geritur.
Veterani, pristinae virtutis memores, comminus acriter instare; illi haud
timidi resistunt; maxima vi certatur. Interea Catilina cum expeditis in
prima acie versari, laborantibus succurrere; integros pro sauciis
accersere, omnia providere, multum ipse pugnare saepe, hostem ferire;
strenui militis et boni imperatoris officia simul exequebatur. Petreius,
ubi videt Catilinam, contra ac ratus erat, magna vi tendere, cohortem
praetoriam<a class="sup" href="#c347">[347]</a> in medios hostes inducit, eosque perturbatos atque alios
alibi resistentes interficit; deinde utrimque ex lateribus ceteros
aggreditur. Manlius et Faesulanus in primis pugnantes cadunt. Postquam
fusas copias seque cum paucis relictum videt Catilina, memor generis
atque pristinae suae dignitatis, in confertissimos hostes incurrit ibique
pugnans confoditur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="cat61">61</a>. Sed confecto proelio, tum vero cerneres,<a class="sup" href="#c348">[348]</a> quanta audacia
quantaque vis animi fuisset in exercitu Catilinae. Nam fere, quem quisque
vivus pugnando locum ceperat, eum amissa anima corpore tegebat. Pauci
autem, quos medios<a class="sup" href="#c349">[349]</a> cohors praetoria disjecerat, paulo diversius, sed
omnes tamen adversis vulneribus<a class="sup" href="#c350">[350]</a> conciderant. Catilina vero longe a
suis inter hostium cadavera repertus est, paululum etiam spirans
ferociamque animi, quam habuerat vivus, in vultu retinens. Postremo ex
omni copia neque in proelio neque in fuga quisquam<a class="sup" href="#c351">[351]</a> civis ingenuus
captus est: ita cuncti suae hostiumque vitae juxta<a class="sup" href="#c352">[352]</a> pepercerant.
Neque tamen exercitus populi Romani laetam aut incruentam victoriam
adeptus erat; nam strenuissimus quisque aut occiderat in proelio aut
graviter vulneratus discesserat. Multi autem, qui de castris visundi aut
spoliandi gratia processerant, volventes hostilia cadavera, amicum alii,
pars hospitem aut cognatum reperiebant; fuere item, qui inimicos suos
cognoscerent. Ita varie per omnem exercitum laetitia, moeror, luctus
atque gaudia<a class="sup" href="#c353">[353]</a> agitabantur.</P>

<hr>

<h3>Footnotes for <i>Bellum Catilinarium</i></h3>
<p>(<a class="fsmall" href="#bj">Skip footnotes</a>)</p>
<h4><a href="#cat1">1.</a></h4>
<p class="note">
[<a class="bold" name="c1">1</a>] <i>Omnes</i>. Other editions have <i>omnis</i> or <i>omneis</i>. The accusative
    plural of words of the third declension making their genitive plural
    in <i>ium</i>, varied in early Latin, sometimes ending in <i>is</i>, and
    sometimes in <i>eis</i> or <i>es</i>. This fluctuation, however, afterwards
    ceased; and even in the best age of the Latin language it became
    generally customary to make the accusative plural like the nominative
    in <i>es</i>. The same was the case with some other obsolete forms, as
    <i>volt</i> for <i>vult</i>, <i>divorsus</i> for <i>diversus</i>, <i>quoique</i> for <i>cuique</i>,
    <i>maxumus</i> for <i>maximus</i>, <i>quom</i> for <i>quum</i>, or <i>cum</i>, which are
    retained in many editions, but have been avoided in the present, in
    accordance with the orthography generally adopted during the best
    period of the Latin language.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c2">[2]</a> <i>Studeo</i>, when the verb following has the same subject, may be
    construed in three ways  &#8212;  with the infinitive alone, as <i>studeo
    praestare</i>; with the accusative and infinitive, <i>studeo me
    praestare</i>, as in the present case; or with <i>ut</i>, as <i>studeo ut
    praestem</i>.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c3">[3]</a> <i>Summa ope</i>, &#8216;with the greatest exertion,&#8217; equivalent to <i>summa
    opere, summopere</i>; as <i>magno opere</i>, or <i>magnopere</i>, signifies &#8216;with
    great exertion,&#8217; or &#8216;greatly.&#8217; The nominative <i>ops</i> is not in use,
    and the plural <i>opes</i> generally signifies &#8216;the means&#8217; or &#8216;power of
    doing something.&#8217;<br>
<a class="bold" name="c4">[4]</a> <i>Prona</i>, &#8216;bent forward,&#8217; &#8216;bent down to the ground,&#8217; in opposition to
    the erect gait of man.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c5">[5]</a> <i>Dis</i> for <i>diis</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 51, n. 5.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c6">[6]</a> <i>Beluis</i>; another, but less correct mode of spelling, is <i>bellua,
    belluis</i>.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c7">[7]</a> Instead of <i>memoriam nostri</i>, Sallust might have said <i>memoriam
    nostram</i>; but the genitive <i>nostri</i> sets forth the object of
    remembrance with greater force. See Zumpt, &sect; 423.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c8">[8]</a> <i>Quam maxime longam</i>; that is, <i>quam longissimam</i>, &#8216;lasting as long
    as possible.&#8217; Zumpt, &sect; 108.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c9">[9]</a> The author here makes a digression, to remove the objection that in
    war bodily strength is of greater importance than mental superiority.
    He admits that in the earlier times it may have been so, but
    maintains that in more recent times, when the art of war had become
    rather complicate, the superiority of mind has become manifest. <i>Vine
    corporis an</i>; that is, <i>utrum vi corporis an</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 554.<br>
<a class="bold" name="c10">[10]</a> That is, &#8216;before undertaking anything, reflect well; but when
    you have reflected, then carry your design into execution without
    delay.&#8217; The past participles <i>consulta</i> and <i>facto</i> here supply the
    place of verbal substantives.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat2">2.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c11">[11]</a> Respecting the frequent position of <i>igitur</i> at the beginning of a
    sentence in Sallust, see Zumpt, &sect; 357.
<br><a class="bold" name="c12">[12]</a> <i>Pars</i>, instead of <i>alii</i>, probably to avoid the repetition of
    <i>alii</i>, and to produce variety.
<br><a class="bold" name="c13">[13]</a> <i>Postea vero quam</i>, for <i>postquam vero</i>. The author means to say,
    that after the formation of great empires by extensive conquests, the
    truth became manifest that even in war mind was superior to mere
    bodily strength. He mentions Cyrus, king of Persia, the
    Lacedaemonians and Athenians, because the earlier empires of the
    Egyptians and Assyrians did not yet belong to accredited history.
<br><a class="bold" name="c14">[14]</a> Sallust here introduces, by <i>quodsi</i> (and if, or yes, if), an
    illustration connected with the preceding remarks. Respecting this
    connecting power of <i>quodsi</i>, as distinguished from the simple <i>si</i>,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 807. This illustration, which ends with the word
    <i>transfertur</i>, was suggested to Sallust especially by the
    consideration of the recent disturbances in the Roman republic under
    Pompey, Caesar, and Mark Antony, three men who, in times of peace,
    saw their glory, previously acquired in war, fade away.
<br><a class="bold" name="c15">[15]</a> <i>Animi virtus</i>; these two words are here united to express a single
    idea, &#8216;mental greatness.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c16">[16]</a> <i>Aliud alio ferri</i>, &#8216;that one thing is drawn in one direction, and
    the other in another.&#8217; For <i>aliud alio</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 714; and for
    <i>cerneres</i>, in which the second person singular of the subjunctive
    answers to the English &#8216;you&#8217; when not referring to any definite
    person, &sect; 381.
<br><a class="bold" name="c17">[17]</a> <i>Optimum quemque</i>, &#8216;to every one in proportion as he is better than
    others.&#8217; Respecting this relative meaning of <i>quisque</i>, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 710. &#8216;Every one,&#8217; absolutely, is <i>unusqisque</i>, and adjectively
    <i>omnis</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c18">[18]</a> &#8216;They have passed through life like strangers or travellers;&#8217; that
    is, as if they had no concern with their own life, although it is
    clear that human life is of value only when men are conscious of
    themselves, and exert themselves to cultivate their mental powers,
    and apply them to practical purposes.
<br><a class="bold" name="c19">[19]</a> &#8216;I set an equal value upon their life and their death;&#8217; that is,
    an equally low value, <i>juxta</i> being equivalent to <i>aeque</i> or
    <i>pariter</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c20">[20]</a> <i>Verum enimvero;</i> these conjunctions are intended strongly to draw
    the attention of the reader to the conclusion from a preceding
    argument.
<br><a class="bold" name="c21">[21]</a> &#8216;Intent upon some occupation.&#8217; <i>Intentus</i> is commonly construed
    with the dative, or the preposition <i>in</i> or <i>ad</i> with the accusative;
    but as a person may be intent <i>upon</i> something, so he also may be
    intent <i>by</i>, or <i>in consequence of</i>, something, so that the ablative
    is perfectly consistent.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat3">3.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c22">[22]</a> <i>Haud absurdum est</i>, &#8216;is not unbecoming;&#8217; that is, &#8216;is worthy
    of man.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c23">[23]</a> <i>Quidem</i> here, like the Greek
    <i>&mu;&epsilon;&nu;</i> in <i>&#949;&#956;&#959;&#953; &#956;&#949;&#957;</i>,
    without a <i>&delta;&epsilon;</i> following, introduces one opinion in
    contradistinction from others, though the latter are not mentioned,
    but merely suggested by <i>quidem</i>. &#8216;I for my part think so, but what
    others think I do not know, or care.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c24">[24]</a> &#8216;If you censure any things as faults or delinquencies, your censure
    is considered to have arisen from malevolence or ill-will.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c25">[25]</a> <i>Supra ea</i>, &#8216;whatever is beyond: that;&#8217; that is, whatever is beyond
    the capacity of the reader.
<br><a class="bold" name="c26">[26]</a> The author now passes over to his own experience, telling us that
    after having devoted himself at first to the career of a public man,
    and finding that he was not understood, and ill-used by his
    opponents, he formed the determination to give himself up to a
    literary life.
<br><a class="bold" name="c27">[27]</a> <i>Insolens malarum artium</i>, &#8216;unacquainted with base artifices or
    intrigues;&#8217; for <i>artes</i> may be <i>malae</i> as well as <i>bonae</i>,
    according as they consist in the skill of doing bad or good things.
<br><a class="bold" name="c28">[28]</a> <i>Imbecilla aetas</i>, &#8216;my weak age;&#8217; that is, my mind, which had
    not yet arrived at mature independence, &#8216;was corrupted by ambition,
    and was kept under the influence of such bad circumstances.&#8217; Sallust
    means to say that if his mind had arrived at manly independence, he
    would have immediately withdrawn from the vicious atmosphere of
    public life.
<br><a class="bold" name="c29">[29]</a> My ambition caused me to be equally ill spoken of and envied, and
    thus to be dragged down to a level with the rest, and to be equally
    harassed and persecuted as they were.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat4">4.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c30">[30]</a> <i>Conterere</i>  &#8212;  that is, <i>consumere</i>, &#8216;to waste my fair leisure.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c31">[31]</a> Sallust here calls agriculture and the chase occupations of men in a
    servile condition, although the majority of the ancients considered
    the former especially as the most honourable occupation of free
    citizens. But he seems to think that in comparison with the important
    business of writing the history of his country, agriculture and the
    chase are not suitable occupations for a man who has at one time
    taken an active part in political affairs.
<br><a class="bold" name="c32">[32]</a> <i>Carptim</i>, &#8216;in detached parts.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c33">[33]</a> <i>Paucis absolvam</i>, &#8216;I shall treat briefly,&#8217; or <i>paucis pertractabo
    conjurationem Catilinae</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat5">5.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c34">[34]</a> Sallust begins with a general description of the character of
    Catiline. This talented person, though of a most wicked disposition,
    belonged to the patrician <i>gens Sergia</i>, which traced its descent to
    one of the companions of Aeneas. This is no doubt fabulous, but at
    any rate proves the high antiquity of the gens. The most renowned
    among the ancestors of Catiline was M. Sergius, a real model of
    bravery, who distinguished himself in the Gallic and second Punic
    wars, and after having lost his right hand in battle, wielded the
    sword with the left. As Catiline offered himself as a candidate for
    the consulship in B.C. 66, which no Roman was allowed to do by law
    before having attained the age of forty-three, we may fairly presume
    that he was born about B.C. 109, in the time of the Jugurthine war.
    Cicero was born in B.C. 106, and was consequently a few years younger
    than Catiline.
<br><a class="bold" name="c35">[35]</a> <i>Patiens inediae</i>. Respecting the genitive governed by this and
    similar participles &#8212; as soon after <i>alieni appetens</i> &#8212; see Zumpt,
    &sect; 438.
<br><a class="bold" name="c36">[36]</a> <i>Cujus rei libet;</i> it is more common to say <i>cujuslibet rei</i>.
    Sometimes the relative pronouns compounded with <i>cunque</i> and <i>libet</i>
    are separated by the insertion of some other word or words between
    them, which in grammatical language is called a tmesis &#8212; as <i>quod enim
    cunque judicium subierat, absolvebatur; quem sors dierum cunque tibi
    dederit, lucre appone,</i> &#8216;whatever day chance may give thee, consider
    it as a gain.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c37">[37]</a> <i>Capiundae</i>. Respecting the <i>e</i> or <i>u</i> in such gerunds and
    gerandives, see Zumpt, &sect; 167.
<br><a class="bold" name="c38">[38]</a> <i>Auxerat</i>. He had increased both by the above-mentioned
    qualities &#8212; namely, his poverty by extravagance, and the consciousness
    of guilt by the crimes he committed. The neuter plural <i>quae</i>,
    referring to two feminine substantives denoting abstract ideas, is
    not very common, though quite justifiable. Zumpt, &sect; 377.
<br><a class="bold" name="c39">[39]</a> Respecting the infinitive after <i>hortari</i>, instead of the more
    common use of the conjunction <i>ut</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 615.
<br><a class="bold" name="c40">[40]</a> <i>Domi militiaeque</i>, &#8216;in times of peace and in war.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat6">6.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c41">[41]</a> In the following eight chapters (6-13) Sallust describes the
    transition from the stern manners, the warlike energy, and domestic
    peace of the ancient Romans, to the corruption prevalent in the time
    of Catiline, and which consisted chiefly in extravagance, avarice,
    oppression, and the love of dominion. His description is a striking
    picture of the early virtuous character of the Romans, and their
    subsequent indulgence in vice. He traces all the corruption of his
    time to the immense wealth accumulated at Rome, after she had
    acquired the dominion over the world &#8212; that is, after the destruction
    of Carthage and Corinth; and he marks out in particular Sulla as
    the man who had fostered the very worst qualities in order to obtain
    supreme power for himself.
<br><a class="bold" name="c42">[42]</a> According to the current tradition, the people of the Latins had
    been formed by a union of the Trojan emigrants with the native
    Aborigines. Their capital was Alba Longa, and they lived about
    Alba, on and near the Alban Mount, in a great number of confederate
    townships. Four centuries after the arrival of Aeneas, the city
    of Rome was founded by Albans on the extreme frontier of the Latin
    territory, and near the hostile tribes by which it was surrounded.
    Sallust passes over the intermediate stages, either because he, like
    others, thought Rome much more ancient, or because, having to do
    only with the description of manners, he was unconcerned about
    historical developments.
<br><a class="bold" name="c43">[43]</a> <i>Una</i> is the plural. See Zumpt, &sect; 115, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c44">[44]</a> It is indeed wonderful how quickly the Roman people, although
    consisting of a mixture of different tribes &#8212; whether, as Sallust
    briefly intimates, they were Trojans and Aborigines, or, as the more
    minute historians relate, Latins, Sabines, and Etruscans &#8212; united into
    one nationality. The language spoken by the Roman people, however,
    was not a mixture of those of the last-mentioned tribes, but Latin,
    which, in conformity with Sallust&#8217;s notion, appears to be a
    combination of Greek with some early Italian idiom.
<br><a class="bold" name="c45">[45]</a> <i>Temptare</i>, the historical infinitive, about the meaning and
    construction of which see Zumpt, &sect; 599, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c46">[46]</a> <i>Auxilia portare</i> is a less common expression than <i>auxilium ferre</i>;
    for <i>portare</i> is generally used only to denote the actual physical
    carrying of something, while <i>ferre</i> has a wider meaning. The plural
    <i>auxilia</i>, however, here alludes to the repeated assistance given to
    friends.
<br><a class="bold" name="c47">[47]</a> &#8216;Their government was a legitimate one&#8217; &#8212; that is, the powers of the
    government were limited by law; &#8216;and bore the name of a kingly
    government&#8217; &#8212; that is, a king stood at the head of it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c48">[48]</a> Chosen men had the care of public affairs, and deliberated about the
    good of the state; they stood by the side of the kings as a
    <i>consilium publicum</i>, and were addressed by the term <i>patres</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c49">[49]</a> Respecting the meaning of these genitives, for which datives also
    might have been used, see Zumpt, &sect; 662.
<br><a class="bold" name="c50">[50]</a> <i>Ubi &#8212; convertit</i>, &#8216;when it had changed (itself).&#8217; For <i>ubi</i> with the
    perfect in the sense of a pluperfect, see Zumpt, &sect; 506; and for the
    use of <i>vertere</i> in an intransitive or reflective sense, &sect; 145.
<br><a class="bold" name="c51">[51]</a> In the earliest times they were called <i>praetores</i> or leaders, <i>qui
    praeeunt exercitui</i>; afterwards <i>consules</i>. As two were elected every
    year, Sallust uses <i>bini</i>, and not <i>duo</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat7">7.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c52">[52]</a> <i>In promptu habere</i>, &#8216;to have in readiness,&#8217; and also &#8216;to bring
    into action,&#8217; or &#8216;to make use of.&#8217; Sallust means to say, that in
    consequence of the introduction of annual magistrates, every one
    increased his efforts to distinguish himself, and to make his talents
    shine.
<br><a class="bold" name="c53">[53]</a> <i>Adepta</i> is here used in a passive sense, contrary to the usage of
    the best authors, in accordance with which he might have said
    <i>adepta libertatem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c54">[54]</a> <i>Brevi</i>, &#8216;in a short time.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c55">[55]</a> <i>Incesserat</i>; supply <i>in eos</i> or <i>iis</i>, referring to <i>cives</i>,
    implied in the preceding <i>civitas</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c56">[56]</a> <i>Habebant</i> should have been <i>habebat</i>, since <i>discebat</i> precedes.
    But see Zumpt, &sect; 366.
<br><a class="bold" name="c57">[57]</a> <i>Labos</i>, a rarer form for <i>labor</i>, as <i>honos</i> and <i>lepos</i>, which are
    even more frequently found than <i>honor</i> and <i>lepor</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c58">[58]</a> <i>Eas</i> agrees with <i>divitias</i>, though in English we say, in such
    cases, &#8216;This,&#8217; or &#8216;these things they considered as riches.&#8217; See
    Zumpt, &sect; 372.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat8">8.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c59">[59]</a> <i>Aliquanto</i>, &#8216;by a considerable amount,&#8217; or simply &#8216;considerably,&#8217;
    is the ablative, expressing the amount of difference between two
    things compared. Sallust here considers it to be a mere matter
    of chance that the wars of the early Romans, as those against the
    Volscians, Aequians, Etruscans, and Samnites, do not stand forth
    in history as glorious as the wars of the Greek nations among
    themselves, and against the Persians. To us it appears that this was
    not a matter of chance; but it undoubtedly arose from the fact,
    that the Greeks even then had already attained a higher degree of
    civilisation. The interest which history takes in wars does not
    depend upon the vastness of the armies or the extent of countries,
    but upon the lower or higher degree of civilisation of those engaged
    in the wars.
<br><a class="bold" name="c60">[60]</a> <i>Pro maximis</i>, &#8216;they are celebrated <i>as if they were</i> the greatest.&#8217;
    Respecting this meaning of <i>pro</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 394, note 3.
<br><a class="bold" name="c61">[61]</a> &#8216;The more intelligent any one was, the more business was intrusted
    to him,&#8217; so that he had no leisure (<i>otium</i>) to devote to literary
    composition. This at least is Sallust&#8217;s opinion; but when a man feels
    it to be his vocation to write history, he can find time for it,
    however much he may be otherwise engaged &#8212; witness J. Caesar and
    Frederick II. of Prussia. For the construction, see Zumpt, &sect; 710. C.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat9">9.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c62">[62]</a> &#8216;Not more by law than by nature;&#8217; that is, &#8216;by nature as well as by
    law.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c63">[63]</a> <i>In suppliciis</i>, &#8216;in the worship of the gods;&#8217; for as it was
    customary, in worshipping, to fall down, the word <i>supplicium</i> has
    this religious meaning, which also appears in <i>supplicatio</i>. The
    other and more common meaning of &#8216;execution,&#8217; &#8216;capital punishment,&#8217;
    or &#8216;severe chastisement,&#8217; likewise originates in the prostration of
    the person so punished.
<br><a class="bold" name="c64">[64]</a> <i>Seque remque</i> is an unusual expression for <i>et se et rem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c65">[65]</a> <i>Quam</i>; before this word we must supply <i>magis</i>, &#8216;they carried on
    the government more with acts of kindness than with fear.&#8217; This
    ellipsis before <i>quam</i> is not uncommon.
<br><a class="bold" name="c66">[66]</a> When they had suffered a wrong, they would rather pardon it than
    take revenge.&#8217; To <i>persequi</i> we must supply <i>eam</i> from the preceding
    ablative.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat11">11.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c67">[67]</a> <i>Propius virtutem</i>, also <i>propius virtuti</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 411.
<br><a class="bold" name="c68">[68]</a> <i>Concupivit</i>, &#8216;No man in his senses <i>has</i> ever coveted money for
    its own sake;&#8217; that is, and even now no one does so, nor will any
    one ever do so. But a <i>homo avarus</i> covets money only that he may
    <i>have</i> it, and not for any ulterior objects.
<br><a class="bold" name="c69">[69]</a> <i>Bonis initiis</i> is the ablative absolute, &#8216;though his beginnings
    were good.&#8217; Although Sulla&#8217;s government began well, it became
    arbitrary and bad, especially by the unlimited partiality with which
    he treated the men of his own party.
<br><a class="bold" name="c70">[70]</a> <i>In civibus</i>. It would have been more in accordance with the common
    usage to write <i>in cives</i>; but the ablative signifies &#8216;in the case of
    citizens.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c71">[71]</a> &#8216;In order thereby to render him faithful or attached to himself,&#8217;
    <i>quo</i> being equivalent to <i>ut eo</i> or <i>ut ea re</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c72">[72]</a> Namely, the charming and delightful places in Asia Minor, near
    the sea-coast, under a mild climate, abounding in all the means
    calculated to afford pleasure and delight.
<br><a class="bold" name="c73">[73]</a> <i>Amare</i>, &#8216;to indulge in illicit intercourse with the other sex:&#8217;
    <i>amare</i> is often used to denote an immoral intercourse between the
    sexes.
<br><a class="bold" name="c74">[74]</a> <i>Vasa caelata</i>, vessels adorned with figures, and wrought with the
    <i>caelum</i>, the chisel. <i>Caelare</i> and <i>caelatura</i> denote the art of
    making raised figures in metal, <i>alto relievo</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c75">[75]</a> <i>Delubra</i>, &#8216;temples of the gods.&#8217; Sallust has chosen this word
    in preference to the common <i>templa</i> or <i>aedes</i>, because it conveys
    the idea of antiquity, sanctity, and mysterious seclusion, which is
    also contained in the word <i>fanum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c76">[76]</a> <i>Ne illi &#8212; temperament</i> &#8216;not to speak of their using their victory
    with moderation;&#8217; that is, they were far from using their victory
    with moderation. <i>Ne</i> is here used in the sense of <i>nedum</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat12">12.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c77">[77]</a> &#8216;Honest conduct was regarded as malevolence or envy,&#8217; inasmuch as an
    honest and incorruptible man was not praised for these virtues, but
    rather drew upon himself the suspicion of envying others for their
    increasing their possessions, and of wishing to prevent them from
    becoming rich by the base means which in their greediness they
    considered to be fair.
<br><a class="bold" name="c78">[78]</a> <i>Operae pretium est</i>, &#8216;it is worth while (properly &#8220;the labour has
    its reward&#8221;) to compare the extensive country-houses of our present
    aristocracy with the small temples of the gods erected by our
    ancestors, notwithstanding their intense piety.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c79">[79]</a> This is the same precept as that advanced by Cicero, that in
    punishing an enemy, we should be satisfied if we have placed him
    in a position in which he can no longer injure us.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat13">13.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c80">[80]</a> &#8216;Mountains are levelled, and seas are produced artificially.&#8217;  In
    the latter expression, Sallust, as in <a href="#cat20">chap. 20</a> (<i>maria extruuntur</i>),
    alludes to the formation of immense basins in the interior of the
    country, into which the water was conducted from the sea, for the
    purpose of keeping in them sea-fish and oysters. In this kind of
    luxury and extravagance all the earlier Roman grandees were eclipsed
    by L. Lucullus, who had amassed immense wealth in the war against
    Mithridates. He possessed a very extensive <i>piscina</i> of this kind
    near the coast of Campania, in the neighbourhood of Baiae.
<br><a class="bold" name="c81">[81]</a> <i>Cultus</i> comprises the whole domestic arrangement, and especially
    includes costly furniture and dresses.
<br><a class="bold" name="c82">[82]</a> &#8216;To the acquisition and to the squandering of money;&#8217; for, as we
    stated before, it was peculiar to the corruption prevalent among
    the Romans that they squandered their own property, and appropriated
    to themselves, by violent means, that which belonged to others.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat14">14.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c83">[83]</a> The author, after having given a description of the state of
    morality in the time of Sulla, now proceeds to the life of Catiline
    himself, and in the following two chapters, describes the associates
    in whom that criminal placed his confidence, and with whose help he
    hoped to overturn the constitution. <i>Flagitia</i> and <i>facinora</i> in this
    passage have the meaning of <i>homines flagitiosi</i>, and <i>facinorosi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c84">[84]</a> <i>Manu</i>, &#8216;by playing at dice&#8217; (<i>alea</i>), because that game was played
    with the hand, either with or without the cup containing the dice
    (<i>fritillus</i>).
<br><a class="bold" name="c85">[85]</a> <i>Difficulter</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 267, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="c86">[86]</a> &#8216;In accordance with his (still) youthful age.&#8217; Zumpt, &sect; 309.
<br><a class="bold" name="c87">[87]</a> <i>Dum</i> for <i>dummodo</i>, &#8216;if but.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat15">15.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c88">[88]</a> Catiline then had a son from a previous marriage, whom he got rid of
    because Orestilla would not become his wife, from fear of the young
    man, who was already grown up, and who would have become her stepson
    (<i>privignus</i>).
<br><a class="bold" name="c89">[89]</a> &#8216;The consciousness of his guilt disturbed his thinking powers,&#8217; for
    this is the meaning of <i>mens</i> as distinct from <i>animus</i>, which has
    reference to the feelings.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat16">16.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c90">[90]</a> <i>Gratuito</i>, &#8216;gratuitously,&#8217; &#8216;without any advantage.&#8217; Respecting the
    form of this adverb, see Zumpt, &sect; 266.
<br><a class="bold" name="c91">[91]</a> Sulla had given settlements to the legions with which he had
    gained the victory over the Marian party in the territory of those
    towns which had longest remained faithful to his adversaries; and
    it was more especially in Etruria that this measure had brought
    about a complete change of the owners of the soil. But the new
    landowners had acted very recklessly on their new estates, and
    therefore were inclined to favour any fresh revolutionary attempt
    which seemed to promise an equally favourable result.
<br><a class="bold" name="c92">[92]</a> Gn. Pompeius. Respecting the orthography of the prenomen <i>Gneius</i>,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 4. Pompey was then engaged in the war against
    Mithridates, king of Pontus, and Tigranes, king of Armenia; and in
    consequence of this war, the extensive country of Syria, which had
    before been an independent kingdom, became a Roman province.
<br><a class="bold" name="c93">[93]</a> <i>Nihil sane intentus</i>, &#8216;in no way attentive.&#8217; For the difference
    between nihil and non, see Zumpt, &sect; 677.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat17">17.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c94">[94]</a> That is, in the year B.C. 64, or 690 after the building of the city.
<br><a class="bold" name="c95">[95]</a> <i>Necessitudo</i>, &#8216;a close connection&#8217; or &#8216;friendship&#8217; is commonly
    distinguished from <i>necessitas</i>, &#8216;necessity,&#8217; or &#8216;a compulsory
    circumstance;&#8217; but the two words are often confounded with each
    other, as here, and subsequently in this chapter, <i>necessitudo</i> is
    used in the sense of <i>necessitas</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c96">[96]</a> For the difference between <i>plures</i> and <i>complures</i>, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 65.
<br><a class="bold" name="c97">[97]</a> <i>Juventus pleraque</i>, &#8216;most young men.&#8217; Commonly the plural
    <i>plerique</i> only is used; but see Zumpt, &sect; 103.
<br><a class="bold" name="c98">[98]</a> <i>Ea tempestate</i>, an old-fashioned expression, such as Sallust is
    fond of, for <i>eo tempore</i>; for in ordinary Latinity, <i>tempestas</i>
    is used only in the sense of &#8216;storm&#8217; or &#8216;tempest.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c99">[99]</a> M. Licinius Crassus had been consul several years before (B.C.
    70), together with Cn. Pompey, and enjoyed considerable popularity
    both on account of his former practical usefulness in the state, and
    on account of his colossal wealth, which he used with proper
    discretion.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat18">18.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c100">[100]</a> <i>Antea</i>. Sallust, who has commenced speaking of the conspiracy
    entered into in the year B. C. 64, considers it necessary, before
    relating its progress, to go back to an earlier conspiracy, which
    failed, and in which Catiline had likewise taken an active part. This
    earlier conspiracy the author relates in chaps. <a href="#cat19">19</a> and <a href="#cat20">20</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c101">[101]</a> <i>Qua</i>; supply <i>conjuratione</i>, which is to be taken from the verb
    <i>conjuravere</i>. This is an irregularity arising from the desire to be
    brief and concise.
<br><a class="bold" name="c102">[102]</a> That is, in the year B. C. 66, or 688 after the building of the
    city.
<br><a class="bold" name="c103">[103]</a> <i>Interrogati</i> &#8212; that is, <i>accusati</i>, &#8216;taken to account by accusers,&#8217;
    because the beginning of all such accusations consisted in the
    accused being asked whether they owned having done this or that thing
    forbidden by law.
<br><a class="bold" name="c104">[104]</a> <i>Post paulo</i> is less common than <i>paulo post</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c105">[105]</a> <i>Repetundarum reus</i>, &#8216;accused of extortion.&#8217; <i>Res repetundae</i>, in
    legal phraseology, signifies the things or money which had been
    illegally taken by public officers from those subject to their
    authority; for such citizens or subjects had a right, after the
    expiration of the official year of their ruler, to reclaim
    (<i>repetere</i>) their property in a court of law. Those officers who
    were found guilty had, in addition, to pay a fine, or were otherwise
    punished. A person who stood accused of extortion was not allowed to
    come forward as a candidate for any other office before he was tried
    and acquitted.
<br><a class="bold" name="c106">[106]</a> <i>Profiteri</i>, &#8216;to announce one&#8217;s self&#8217; as a candidate for an
    office.
<br><a class="bold" name="c107">[107]</a> These are the consuls of the year B. C. 65, who had obtained
    their office after the condemnation of the above-mentioned P. Sulla
    (a nephew of the dictator) and P. Autronius.
<br><a class="bold" name="c108">[108]</a> <i>Hispanias</i>. Ancient Spain was, for administrative purposes,
    divided into two provinces &#8212; <i>Hispania Tarraconensis</i>, or <i>provincia
    citerior</i>, with Tarraco (the modern Tarragona) for its capital; and
    <i>Hispania Baetica</i>, or <i>ulterior</i>, deriving its name from the river
    Baitis (the modern Guadalquiver). Its chief towns were Corduba and
    Hispalis (now Seville).
<br><a class="bold" name="c109">[109]</a> About the force of <i>quod</i>, when joined to conjunctions, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 807. Compare p.14, note 6 [<a href="#c14">note 14</a>].</P>

<h4><a href="#cat19">19.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c110">[110]</a> That is, he was only quaestor, but had the powers of a praetor,
    being commissioned to supply the place of a praetor.
<br><a class="bold" name="c111">[111]</a> Respecting the indicative <i>dicunt</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 563.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat20">20.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c112">[112]</a> The author now continues his account of the conspiracy entered
    into in B.C. 64.
<br><a class="bold" name="c113">[113]</a> <i>Per ignaviam</i>, &#8216;by means of cowardice,&#8217; here means, &#8216;with the
    assistance of cowardly men,&#8217; &#8216;such as you are not, since I have
    evidence of your valour and trustworthiness.&#8217; <i>Vana ingenia</i> are
    men of untrustworthy character. In both cases the abstract quality is
    mentioned instead of the person possessing it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c114">[114]</a> <i>Diversi</i>, &#8216;separately;&#8217; that is, at different times, and in
    different places.
<br><a class="bold" name="c115">[115]</a> <i>Tetrarcha</i> is a title which properly belonged only to such princes
    as ruled over the fourth part of a whole nation. Such a division took
    place in Galatia, and afterwards also in Judaea. A similar title,
    <i>ethnarcha</i>, but that of king also, was sometimes granted to powerful
    princes; or, when they had had it before, the Roman senate sometimes
    allowed them to keep it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c116">[116]</a> <i>Pro fidem</i>, or <i>proh fidem</i>, is an exclamation, and <i>pro</i> an
    interjection. The accus. <i>fidem</i> is governed by some such verb as
    <i>testor</i> or <i>invoco</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 361.
<br><a class="bold" name="c117">[117]</a> <i>Superare</i> here has an intransitive meaning, &#8216;to exist in
    abundance.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c118">[118]</a> <i>Lar familiaris</i>, a domestic or family divinity, whose image stood
    in the interior of the house, by the domestic altar; hence <i>lar</i>, or
    the plural <i>lares</i>, is sometimes used in the sense of &#8216;a house,&#8217; or
    &#8216;home.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c119">[119]</a> <i>Toreumata</i> are the <i>vasa caelata</i> mentioned in <a href="#cat11">chap. 11</a>; works
    in metal, especially silver, with raised figures. The instrument
    called by the Latins <i>caelum</i>, was called by the Greeks
    <i>&#964;&#959;&#961;&#959;&#962;</i>,whence
    <i>&#964;&#959;&#961;&#949;&#965;&#949;&#953;&#957;, &#964;&#959;&#961;&#949;&#965;&#956;&#945;</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c120">[120]</a> &#8216;They cannot master their wealth;&#8217; that is, they are not able to
    spend it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c121">[121]</a> <i>Quin</i> &#8212; that is, <i>qui non</i> or <i>quo non</i>? &#8216;why not?&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c122">[122]</a> <i>En</i>, as well as <i>ecce</i>, are most commonly construed with the
    accusative.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat21">21.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c123">[123]</a> <i>Tabulae novae</i> are literally &#8216;new registers of debts;&#8217; that is, a
    change or reduction of debts, when, for example, the interest
    already paid was deducted from the principal, or when the amount of
    debts was reduced by one-half, or even by three-fourths. Such
    regulations of debts in favour of debtors were often resorted to in
    the revolutions of the ancient republics.
<br><a class="bold" name="c124">[124]</a> &#8216;If he should be consul with him, he would begin to carry the
    matter into effect.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c125">[125]</a> <i>Ignominia</i>, &#8216;disgrace&#8217; which a person incurs, either because
    he has been condemned in a court of law, or with which he has been
    branded by the censors.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat22">22.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c126">[126]</a> <i>Popularis</i>, properly &#8216;a fellow-countryman,&#8217; or &#8216;belonging to the
    same people;&#8217; but Sallust here, and in <a href="#cat24">chapter 24</a>, uses it in the
    more general sense of <i>particeps, socius</i>, &#8216;associate.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c127">[127]</a> <i>Dictitare</i>, a contraction for <i>dictitavere</i>: &#8216;it was frequently
    said that Catiline had done it for this reason.&#8217; This contraction has
    nothing that is offensive here, though in form it is the same as the
    present infinitive; for such an ambiguity of form is not always
    avoided, provided the context clearly shows what the meaning is.
    <i>Dictitare</i> contains a repetition of what is implied in <i>fuere qui
    dicerent</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat23">23.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c128">[128]</a> <i>Met</i> is a suffix which may be appended to all the cases of
    <i>suus</i>, and answers to our &#8216;own.&#8217; It is usually followed by <i>ipse</i>.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 139, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c129">[129]</a> <i>Stuprum</i> is the name for every unchaste connexion with unmarried
    as well as with married women; but <i>adulterium</i> is the illicit
    intercourse with married women.
<br><a class="bold" name="c130">[130]</a> &#8216;To behave more ferociously;&#8217; for <i>agere</i> and <i>agitare</i>, even
    without an accusative, signify &#8216;to behave,&#8217; &#8216;conduct one&#8217;s self,&#8217;
    &#8216;lead a life.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c131">[131]</a> <i>Sublato auctore</i>, &#8216;without mentioning the one of whom she had
    learned it.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c132">[132]</a> &#8216;The nobility was boiling with envy;&#8217; a figurative expression,
    taken from the boiling of water over the fire, which is frequently
    used to describe violent passions. So also <i>incendi, ardere,
    flagrare cupiditate</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c133">[133]</a> A <i>homo novus</i> was at Rome the name for any person, none of
    whose ancestors had been invested with a curule office; that is,
    with the consulship, praetorship, quaestorship, or curule aedileship.
<br><a class="bold" name="c134">[134]</a> <i>Post fuere</i>; that is, <i>postposita sunt</i>, &#8216;were put on one side.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat24">24.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c135">[135]</a> &#8216;Which fact <i>had</i> at first intimidated the associates of the
    conspiracy.&#8217; The pluperfect here seems to be used for the perfect,
    but is necessary from the idea, which properly should have been
    expressed by some such sentence as this: &#8216;which fact, although it
    had at first intimidated the conspirators, yet did not stop the
    progress of the conspiracy.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c136">[136]</a> <i>Faesulae</i>, now Fiesole, a town in the northern part of Etruria,
    not far from Florentia (Florence), which is now the largest town in
    that district, though it was not so in ancient times.
<br><a class="bold" name="c137">[137]</a> <i>Portare</i>, &#8216;he caused money to be taken.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 713.
<br><a class="bold" name="c138">[138]</a> <i>Sumptus tolerare</i>, &#8216;to bear the expenses,&#8217; implying the difficulty
    of defraying them.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat25">25.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c139">[139]</a> <i>Haud facile discerneres</i>, &#8216;it was not easy to determine whether
    she was less concerned about her money or her reputation,&#8217; since she
    was reckless in regard to both. Respecting the imperfect subjunctive,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 528, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="c140">[140]</a> <i>Praeceps</i> is used of steep and precipitous places, and of persons
    who fall or throw themselves headlong down from or into anything.
    Hence <i>Sempronia praeceps abierat</i> is, &#8216;she had thrown herself
    headlong into ruin,&#8217; which might also be expressed by <i>in praeceps
    iverat</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat26">26.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c141">[141]</a> Namely, for the year beginning with the first of January, B. C. 62.
    The elections took place about the middle of the preceding year,
    consequently, in the present instance, about the middle of the
    year B. C. 63.
<br><a class="bold" name="c142">[142]</a> <i>Ad hoc</i> is a common expression in Sallust for <i>praeterea</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c143">[143]</a> <i>Pactione provinciae</i>, by coming to an understanding with him
    about the provinces which were assigned to the consuls after the
    expiration of their year of office at Rome. Cicero had obtained by
    lot the lucrative province of Macedonia and exchanged it for Gallia
    Cisalpina, which had fallen to the lot of Antonius; but afterwards
    he declined the latter also, in order to be able to remain at Rome,
    which at that time was considered to be a sign that a man did not
    care for money &#8212; <i>continentia abstinentia</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c144">[144]</a> The <i>Campus Martius</i>, an extensive open plain between the city and
    the Tiber, was the place for the large assemblies of the people; that
    is, for the Comitia Centuriate, in which the consuls and praetors
    were elected.
<br><a class="bold" name="c145">[145]</a> <i>Aspera foedaque</i> might also have been expressed by the adverbs
    <i>aspere foedeque</i>, &#8216;his attempts turned out unfavourably and
    disgracefully.&#8217; Compare Zumpt, &sect; 682.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat27">27.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c146">[146]</a> <i>Camers</i>, &#8216;a native of Camerium,&#8217; (the capital of the Umbrians),
    for the inhabitants of that place were called Camertes. <i>Picenum</i>
    or <i>ager Picenus</i>, was the Roman territory on the Adriatic between
    the mouths of the rivers Aesis and Aternus with the capitals of
    Ancona and Asculum.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat28">28.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c147">[147]</a> <i>Sicuti salutatum,</i> &#8216;as if to offer him his morning salutation,&#8217;
    for such a morning call before sunrise was a common politeness among
    the Romans.
<br><a class="bold" name="c148">[148]</a> Or according to the common orthography, <i>intelligit</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat29">29.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c149">[149]</a> <i>Exagitatam</i> for <i>agitatam</i>; but the preposition <i>ex</i> gives to the
    word the idea of something brought out of its obscurity to light. The
    matter had already been discussed on the ground of certain rumours.
<br><a class="bold" name="c150">[150]</a> About <i>decrevit</i>, with the mere subjunctive, without <i>ut</i>, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 624.
<br><a class="bold" name="c151">[151]</a> <i>Parare</i> should properly be <i>parandi</i>; but see Zumpt, &sect; 598.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat30">30.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c152">[152]</a> That is, &#8216;on the 6th day before the 1st of November,&#8217; or on the
    27th of October. In such computations with <i>ante</i> and <i>post</i>, the
    point of time from which the calculation begins is included. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 867. But we here reckon according to the calendar such as it
    was subsequently reformed and rectified by J. Caesar.
<br><a class="bold" name="c153">[153]</a> <i>Portenta</i> are chiefly human beings or animals presenting at their
    birth anything abnormal or monstrous; <i>prodigia</i>, on the other hand,
    are strange phenomena in the heavens; and the superstition of the
    ancients regarded both as signs sent by the gods to warn men.
<br><a class="bold" name="c154">[154]</a> <i>Senati</i> for <i>senatus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 81.
<br><a class="bold" name="c155">[155]</a> <i>Hi utrique</i> for <i>horum uterque</i>. Zumpt, &sect; 141, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="c156">[156]</a> Both had received the military command (<i>imperium</i>) from the
    senate and people: Marcius Rex as proconsul of Cilicia, and Metellus
    for the purpose of subduing Crete. After their return from their
    provinces, they tarried for a time outside the walls of Rome (<i>ad
    urbem</i>), because, by entering the city, they would have lost their
    imperium, which they were anxious to retain until their solemn
    entrance in a military procession (the triumph), to which the senate
    had not yet given its sanction. Accordingly, as they were still
    generals in active service, they could legally be intrusted with the
    military command in the disturbed districts of Italy.
<br><a class="bold" name="c157">[157]</a> The intrigues of some influential members of the senate, who had
    either received bribes from the opponents of the two commanders, or
    expected some from the commanders themselves, prevented the
    resolution of the senate here alluded to. Respecting <i>mos erat
    vendere</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 598.
<br><a class="bold" name="c158">[158]</a> Supply to the two names of places <i>missus est</i>, which is implied
    in the preceding sentence.
<br><a class="bold" name="c159">[159]</a> <i>Sestertia centum</i>; that is, <i>centum millia sestertiorum</i>, or the
    ancient census of the citizens of the first class; for the neuter
    sestertia was used in calculations as an imaginary coin of <i>mille
    sestertii</i> or ten nummi aurei.
<br><a class="bold" name="c160">[160]</a> &#8216;According to the means of every town.&#8217; As the Roman gladiators
    might easily be tempted to join in conspiracies, they were quartered
    at a distance from Rome, in the towns of a certain class of Roman
    citizens (<i>municipia</i>); and the citizens of such places were
    ordered to watch over those bands of gladiators, that they might not
    make their escape. <i>Familiae</i>, in its proper sense, signifies the
    whole body of slaves belonging to one master.
<br><a class="bold" name="c161">[161]</a> <i>Minores magistratus</i> are those officers who did not, by virtue
    of their office, become members of the senate. The quaestors,
    accordingly, did not belong to them, but they comprised the masters
    of the mint, the superintendents of the paving of the roads, and
    especially the superintendents of all matters connected with prisons,
    and the <i>decemviri litibus judicandis</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat31">31.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c162">[162]</a> <i>Quibus</i>. Sallust more frequently uses the accusative in such
    expressions. See <a href="#cat8">chapter 8</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c163">[163]</a> <i>Afflictare sese</i>, &#8216;they worried themselves.&#8217; The expression is
    properly used of that kind of grief which manifests itself in
    inflicting pain on the body, by pulling the hair, striking the breast
    or loins, or by throwing one&#8217;s self on the ground. So also
    <i>plangere</i> denotes the physical expression of pain.
<br><a class="bold" name="c164">[164]</a> A law <i>de vi</i> enacted in the year B.C. 89, and aimed at those who
    might attempt by violence to subvert the existing constitution of the
    state. On the ground of this law Catiline had already been summoned
    before a court of law, though no formal charge had yet been brought
    against him.
<br><a class="bold" name="c165">[165]</a> <i>Sicuti</i> is here used for <i>quasi</i>, <i>velut</i>, or <i>perinde ac si</i>,
    &#8216;as if.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c166">[166]</a> This is the first of Cicero&#8217;s speeches against Catiline, which
    was delivered A.D. 6, Id. Novemb.; that is, on the 8th of November.
<br><a class="bold" name="c167">[167]</a> &#8216;When he had sat down;&#8217; that is, when he had finished his speech,
    for those who spoke in the senate did so standing.
<br><a class="bold" name="c168">[168]</a> The imprudence of this speech, independent of the audacious denial
    of facts, consists in his boasting of his patrician descent, and in
    the insinuation that Cicero, who was born in the municipium of
    Arpinum, was only an alien at Rome, although in regard to political
    rights there no longer was any difference between patricians and
    plebeians, nor between the citizens of Rome and those of a
    municipium. Respecting the construction of <i>opus est</i>, with the
    ablative of a participle, see Zumpt, &sect; 464, note 1.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat33">33.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c169">[169]</a> The adjective <i>expers</i> here is joined in the same sentence with two
    different cases; this is an unusual construction, though <i>expers</i> may
    be joined with the genit. as well as with the ablat. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 437, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="c170">[170]</a> From what he quotes as the substance of the law, we see that he
    means the lex Papiria Poetelia, which had been passed in B.C. 326,
    and according to which the property of a debtor served as a security
    to the creditor, while his person or his personal liberty could not
    be touched.
<br><a class="bold" name="c171">[171]</a> <i>Vestrum</i>; it would be more in accordance with the common usage to
    say <i>vestri</i>, but the genitive of the personal pronoun also may be
    used. See Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 424 and 431.
<br><a class="bold" name="c172">[172]</a> Literally, &#8216;the borrowed silver was repaid in copper;&#8217; that is,
    instead of the ordinary silver coin, the sestertius, the value of
    four copper ases, only one copper as was paid. By this means debtors
    gained three-fourths of the capital they had borrowed. This reduction
    of debts took place in B.C. 86, during the ascendancy of the Marian
    party.
<br><a class="bold" name="c173">[173]</a> <i>Amittit</i>; that is, <i>missam facit</i>, <i>dimittit</i> or <i>omittit</i>, &#8216;he
    gives up.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat34">34.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c174">[174]</a> <i>Massilia</i> (the modern Marseilles) was a free and independent city,
    leagued with the Roman people by treaty. It had been founded about
    the year B.C. 600, by Greek emigrants from Phocaea in Asia Minor. As
    Massilia thus was not subject to the civil law of Rome, the Romans
    who withdraw from the laws of their own country &#8212; that is, who went
    into exile &#8212; might choose that city as a safe place of residence,
    without fear of being delivered up to their own country.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat35">35.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c175">[175]</a> Catiline writes that he will not undertake a detailed defence of
    his new design of taking up arms, but he says that he wishes to
    justify himself in regard to one point, and that merely because he
    is not conscious of any criminal act. <i>Satisfactio</i> is nearly the
    same as <i>defensio</i>, but less formal. A man defends himself against
    opponents, but before friends he merely gives an explanation, whereby
    they may be gained over to his side. <i>Ex nulla conscientia</i>, &#8216;in
    consequence of his not being conscious of guilt.&#8217; The expression is
    rather harsh and artificial, and seemingly in Catiline&#8217;s own style
    of writing.
<br><a class="bold" name="c176">[176]</a> <i>Medius fidius</i>, the same as <i>mehercules</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 361.
<br><a class="bold" name="c177">[177]</a> &#8216;I could not maintain the position of my dignity;&#8217; that is, I could
    not maintain my position in society after my enemies had deprived me
    of the consulship.
<br><a class="bold" name="c178">[178]</a> &#8216;Not as if I could not pay my own debts out of my property, since
    Orestilla has paid even other persons&#8217; debts out of her own purse;&#8217;
    she would accordingly have done the same much more for me, her
    husband. <i>Aes alienum meis nominibus</i> is the same as <i>meum ipsius
    aes alienum</i>, &#8216;debts on my own account.&#8217; <i>Nomen</i>, in money
    transactions, is something put down to a person&#8217;s account. Hence
    <i>aes alienum alienis nominibus</i> is the same as <i>aliorum debita</i>,
    &#8216;other persons&#8217; debts,&#8217; <i>aes alienum</i> being understood from the
    preceding clause.
<br><a class="bold" name="c179">[179]</a> &#8216;I felt that I had become estranged by false suspicions,&#8217; namely,
    &#8216;from the Roman people,&#8217; who confer the honours which have been
    obtained by unworthy persons.
<br><a class="bold" name="c180">[180]</a> <i>Hoc nomine</i>, the same as <i>ideo</i>, &#8216;accordingly,&#8217; &#8216;for this reason.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c181">[181]</a> This is said in allusion to the consul Cicero, as if he had
    intended to arrest Catiline, and imprison him. Catiline evidently has
    recourse to this expedient for the purpose of avoiding his awkward
    explanation. They are hollow phrases about honour, the republic,
    and persecution, and well suited to the ruined circumstances of that
    nobleman.
<br><a class="bold" name="c182">[182]</a> <i>Haveto</i>. It is much more common to use this word in meeting a
    person, while <i>vale</i> is the ordinary expression in parting from a
    friend.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat36">36.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c183">[183]</a> <i>In agro Arretino</i>, &#8216;in the territory of Arretium,&#8217; in the heart
    of Etruria, near the lake Trasimenus.
<br><a class="bold" name="c184">[184]</a> <i>Sine fraude</i>, &#8216;without injury&#8217; &#8212; that is, without the fact that
    hitherto they had been with Manlius, drawing any punishment upon
    them.
<br><a class="bold" name="c185">[185]</a> <i>Praeter</i>, adverbially for <i>praeterquam</i>; but he might also have
    used <i>praeter</i> as a preposition: <i>praeter &#8212; condemnatas</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c186">[186]</a> <i>Perditum irent</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 669.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat37">37.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c187">[187]</a> <i>Aliena</i>; supply <i>a republica</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c188">[188]</a> <i>Adeo</i> renders the sentence emphatic, &#8216;nay, the common people
    seemed to do this even according to their custom.&#8217; <i>Adeo</i> in this
    sense is always preceded by a demonstrative pronoun. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 281.
<br><a class="bold" name="c189">[189]</a> <i>Boni</i>. In the political signification of this word, the ideas of
    quiet conduct, aversion to innovations, and acquiescence in the
    actual state of things, are combined with solid wealth. The reason
    of this is easily perceptible; for he who possesses property, dreads
    every change, and supports the existing state of things. A still
    more decided political meaning is implied in the term <i>optimates</i>,
    which denotes the party in the state which we now call Conservative,
    but at Rome it implied at the same time the idea of &#8216;faction,&#8217; and of
    a tendency to occasional violence.
<br><a class="bold" name="c190">[190]</a> &#8216;Poverty (that is, poor people) maintains itself, or continues in
    all disturbances without suffering any loss;&#8217; for he who has nothing,
    cannot sustain any loss.
<br><a class="bold" name="c191">[191]</a> <i>Ea vero</i>, &#8216;this in particular. <i>Vero</i> indicates the transition to
    that circumstance, which in the present case is of the greatest
    importance. Compare Zumpt, &sect; 348, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c192">[192]</a> <i>Sentina</i> properly signifies the sediment which, in a vessel filled
    with water, sinks to the bottom. Hence &#8216;the residue,&#8217; or the place
    where all that is bad or impure is collected.
<br><a class="bold" name="c193">[193]</a> The largesses in money and provisions with which the state
    supported the needy population of the capital, and by which private
    persons, anxious to gain partisans, catered numbers of clients,
    attracted to Rome many people from the country: the city plebs was
    thus constantly increasing.
<br><a class="bold" name="c194">[194]</a> &#8216;They were as much concerned about the good of the state as about
    their own good&#8217; &#8212; that is, just as little.
<br><a class="bold" name="c195">[195]</a> Connect <i>quorum</i> with <i>parentes</i> and the following words, <i>bona</i>
    and <i>jus</i>. Sulla had excluded the sons of those whom he proscribed
    from all public offices, and thus curtailed their rights of free
    citizens.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat38">38.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c196">[196]</a> In B. C. 70, these consuls restored the power of the tribunes in
    its full extent, after it had been greatly reduced by Sulla in
    B. C. 81. The Roman people received this restoration of the tribunian
    power with the greatest joy; but Sallust does not seem to approve of
    it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c197">[197]</a> <i>Senatus specie</i>; under the pretence of supporting the senate, the
    <i>nobiles</i> formed opposition to the tribunes, but in reality it was
    for their own aggrandisement.
<br><a class="bold" name="c198">[198]</a> <i>Quo</i> for <i>ut eo</i>, &#8216;that the authority of the senate might be the
    highest in the state.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat39">39.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c199">[199]</a> <i>Innoxius</i> has a twofold meaning, one active, &#8216;one who does no
    harm&#8217; (<i>noxa</i>), and a passive, &#8216;one who is not injured,&#8217; &#8216;one to
    whom no harm is done,&#8217; <i>qui non afficitur noxa</i>, and in this latter
    sense it is used in this passage.
<br><a class="bold" name="c200">[200]</a> &#8216;In order that, when in office, they themselves might guide the
    populace more gently,&#8217; since those who excited the multitude would
    be kept in awe by the terror of the law. <i>Placidius</i>, &#8216;without
    harshness,&#8217; &#8216;without severity,&#8217; harshness and severity being applied
    only against the popular leaders.
<br><a class="bold" name="c201">[201]</a> <i>Dubiis rebus</i>, the ablative absolute; <i>cum res dubiae essent</i>,
    &#8216;the state of affairs being dangerous.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c202">[202]</a> &#8216;A more powerful man would even have wrested their freedom from
    them.&#8217; About <i>quin</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 542; and about the imperfect in the
    sense of a pluperfect, &sect; 525.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat40">40.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c203">[203]</a> The Allobroges inhabited the country from Lacus Lemannus and the
    Rhone as far south as the Isara. They were subject to Rome, but, with
    a certain degree of independence, they governed themselves within
    their own country. Their chief towns were Vienna and Geneva.
<br><a class="bold" name="c204">[204]</a> <i>Aliena consilii</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 470.
<br><a class="bold" name="c205">[205]</a> Respecting the orthography of <i>accersit</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 202.
<br><a class="bold" name="c206">[206]</a> <i>Magnus animus</i> is the usual Latin expression for &#8216;courage,&#8217; and
    <i>amplior</i> is the same as <i>major</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat41">41.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c207">[207]</a> Manifestum habeo aliquem, &#8216;I catch a person in the act,&#8217; so that he
    can be convicted of his crime by unexceptionable evidence.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat42">42.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c208">[208]</a> <i>Gallia citerior</i> is Gaul south of the Alps, or the province of
    Cisalpine Gaul. <i>Gallia ulterior</i> is Gaul north of the Alps, as
    far as the Cebenna mountains. The part of modern France beyond those
    mountains was not yet subject to Rome, but became a Roman province by
    the conquests of Caesar.
<br><a class="bold" name="c209">[209]</a> <i>Bruttium</i> is the peninsula of Italy, which extends towards Sicily.
    It was a mountainous country with many forests.
<br><a class="bold" name="c210">[210]</a> He was legate to his brother L. Murena, who had then already left
    the province of Gaul, being a candidate for the consulship for the
    year B.C. 62, which he obtained.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat43">43.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c211">[211]</a> <i>Signum,</i> in military phraseology, is the visible or audible signal
    for a movement which the army is to execute. The attack of the
    tribune of the people on Cicero during his address to the people was
    to be the signal. &#8216;After this signal had been given&#8217; (<i>eo signo</i>),
    <i>dato</i> being understood. <i>Conjurationis</i> for <i>conjuratorum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c212">[212]</a> <i>Sed</i>. According to ordinary Latinity, the sentence ought to have
    been introduced by <i>autem</i>; see Zumpt, &sect; 348, note. But it must be
    observed that in the historical style of Sallust <i>sed</i> very
    frequently expresses not only opposition, but also mere transition
    from one thing to another, which seems to be an affectation of
    simplicity.
<br><a class="bold" name="c213">[213]</a> The idea expressed by <i>filius familias</i> is &#8216;a son who is not yet
    independent, who has not yet a household of his own.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c214">[214]</a> <i>Inter haec</i>, &amp;c.; that is, <i>dum haec parantur atque decernuntur</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat44">44.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c215">[215]</a> <i>Conveniunt</i>, with the accusative. See Zumpt, &sect; 387.
<br><a class="bold" name="c216">[216]</a> <i>Qui</i> for <i>quis</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 134, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c217">[217]</a> He means to say, &#8216;even from the slaves, who, as is now seen, have
    not been received by Catiline into his army.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat45">45.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c218">[218]</a> <i>Cuncta</i>. Respecting this accusative, see Zumpt, &sect; 391, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="c219">[219]</a> <i>Pons Mulvius</i>, a bridge across the Tiber, about one mile from
    the city, outside the porta Flaminia. It still exists under the name
    of ponte Molle, and is passed by all travellers who go from Rome to
    the north.
<br><a class="bold" name="c220">[220]</a> <i>Obsidunt</i>. For this verb, see Zumpt, &sect; 189, under <i>sido</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c221">[221]</a> <i>Ad id loci</i>; that is, <i>ad eum locum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c222">[222]</a> He betrayed his treasonable designs even by surrendering to the
    public authorities, as if they were a foreign and hostile power, and
    by praying them to spare his life.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat46">46.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c223">[223]</a> See Zumpt, &sect; 662.
<br><a class="bold" name="c224">[224]</a> The meeting of the senate was held in the Temple of Concord,
    close by the Forum. Temples were often used instead of the Curia
    Hostilia, which was the regular place for the senate to assemble in.
    Lentulus was taken to the senate by the consul himself; the others
    were conducted thither by guards, to be brought before the assembly
    after the business had been opened.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat47">47.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c225">[225]</a> &#8216;He was ordered to make his statement on the ground of the promise
    made to him, on behalf of the state, that he should not be punished.&#8217;
    Sallust might have used the more complete expression, <i>fide publica
    data</i> or <i>accepta</i>; but such expressions are to be completed by the
    sense rather than by any grammatical ellipsis.
<br><a class="bold" name="c226">[226]</a> <i>Sibylla</i> is the ancient Greek name for a prophetic woman; and at
    Rome prophecies and counsels (<i>libri Sibyllini</i>) were kept in the
    Capitol which were believed to have been given as early as the time
    of the kings by a Sibyl of Cumae. They contained information about
    festivals, sacrifices, and other religious observances, and the
    means by which calamities which threatened the state might be
    averted. They were under the superintendence of a special college
    of priests, by whom alone they were consulted, on the command of
    the senate, in cases of public distress or apprehension. This college
    was called at different times, according to the number of its
    members, <i>duoviri</i>, <i>decemviri</i>, or <i>quindecemviri sacrorum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c227">[227]</a> The <i>gens</i> Cornelia comprised a large number of families, such
    as the Scipios, Dolabellas, Merulas, Sullas, Cinnas, Cethegi, and
    Lentuli. L. Cinna, by repeated consulships, and as the leader of
    the Marian party, obtained the highest power at Rome after the
    death of C. Marius, but was slain in B.C. 84 by his own soldiers,
    whom he intended to lead against L. Sulla. Sulla, after having
    been consul as early as the year B.C. 88, became dictator in B.C. 82.
    Respecting the expression <i>urbis potiri</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 466.
<br><a class="bold" name="c228">[228]</a> <i>Haruspices</i> were the interpreters of the signs which were
    believed to be contained in the entrails of victims sacrificed to the
    gods, as well as of the phenomena in the atmosphere (<i>monstra</i>), and
    other occurrences in nature, which seemed to be contrary to the
    ordinary course of things. The system of this kind of superstition
    had been principally developed by the ancient Etruscans, and the
    haruspices engaged in the state religion of the Romans were generally
    natives of Etruria; and the Romans, owing to the uncertainty of their
    knowledge of things divine, dreaded this kind of superstition rather
    than practised it.
<br><a class="bold" name="c229">[229]</a> <i>Libera custodia</i> is opposed to the <i>carcer publicus</i>, in which
    the prisoners were treated like slaves, and kept in chains. There
    were at Rome no prisons for those persons whose guilt was not yet
    established, or whose punishment consisted merely in confinement; but
    private persons, or the relatives of the accused, were obliged to
    keep the person of a criminal in their own houses, until the final
    decision upon his offence was given by the ordinary courts of
    justice.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat48">48.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c230">[230]</a> Such transitions from the historical infinitive to the present or
    imperfect, and <i>vice versa</i>, are not uncommon in Sallust. See
    chapters <a href="#cat18">18</a>, <a href="#cat23">23</a>, <a href="#cat56">56</a>, <a href="#cat58">58</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c231">[231]</a> <i>Erant</i>; according to the style of Cicero, it would be <i>essent</i>.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 565.
<br><a class="bold" name="c232">[232]</a> For <i>deprehensio Lentuli et aliorum</i>, which would be more in
    accordance with the usage of modern languages.
<br><a class="bold" name="c233">[233]</a> <i>In tali tempore</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 475, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c234">[234]</a> They demanded that the consul should bring forward the matter, as
    to whether the statement of Tarquinius was to be believed, in order
    that the votes might be taken upon it. For without a special
    <i>relatio</i> by the magistrate authorised to make it (commonly the
    presiding consul, but sometimes also a tribune of the people), no
    senatus consultum could be made.
<br><a class="bold" name="c235">[235]</a> <i>Potestatem</i>; supply from the context <i>indicandi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c236">[236]</a> <i>Praedicantem</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 636.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat49">49.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c237">[237]</a> These two leaders of the party of the optimates had been consuls,
    Catulus in the year B.C. 78, and C. Piso in B.C. 67; and Catulus had
    also been censor in B.C. 65. Both were enemies of Caesar, who had
    defeated Catulus in his canvas for the office of pontifex maximus,
    and had caused a judicial inquiry to be instituted against Piso,
    about the manner in which he had conducted the proconsular
    administration of Gaul. Caesar was even then considered as the leader
    of the popular party, and as an opponent of the senate and its
    influence in the constitution.
<br><a class="bold" name="c238">[238]</a> It was at that time that Caesar, on going from home to the
    elective assembly, said to his mother, &#8216;To-day you shall see your
    son either as pontifex, or you shall never see him again.&#8217; Caesar,
    however, is here called an <i>adolescentulus</i> only in comparison
    with the aged Catulus, for he was at that time thirty-six years old.
<br><a class="bold" name="c239">[239]</a> &#8216;In public life by the greatest exhibitions;&#8217; for <i>munera</i> are
    exhibitions by means of which a private person, and still oftener a
    magistrate, endeavoured to win the favour of the people. As regards
    Caesar, that which is said here refers to the brilliant exhibitions
    in his aedileship, and the games which he gave while invested with
    that office. But he had thereby got so deeply into debt, that when,
    after his praetorship &#8212; with which he was invested in B. C. 62, the
    year after the Catilinarian conspiracy &#8212; he wanted to leave Rome to go
    to his province of Spain, he was kept back by his creditors; and
    he was not allowed to depart until M. Crassus had given security
    for him.
<br><a class="bold" name="c240">[240]</a> <i>Dicerent</i>. Respecting this subjunctive, see Zumpt, &sect; 551.
<br><a class="bold" name="c241">[241]</a> <i>Mobilitas animi</i>, &#8216;irritability,&#8217; or that state of mind which is
    easily excited, or upon which it is easy to make an impression.
    <i>Clarius esset</i> is an explanation of <i>gladio minitarentur</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat50">50.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c242">[242]</a> <i>Multitudines</i>; that is, <i>catervae, factiones</i>, crowds or bands of
    men united for the purpose of creating disturbances among the people.
<br><a class="bold" name="c243">[243]</a> This is the customary form of condemnation in a decree of the
    senate, whereby it is declared that a wrong has actually been done
    to the state, or that an attempt has been made upon the constitution.
    The verdict of &#8216;guilty,&#8217; therefore, had been pronounced by the
    senate itself.
<br><a class="bold" name="c244">[244]</a> <i>Sententiam rogatus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 393, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="c245">[245]</a> He had declared that at the voting, which took place after the
    members of the senate had expressed their opinions, he would vote
    for the opinion of Tib. Nero; for the voting took place by a division
    (<i>discessio</i>), only one proposal being voted upon at a time, so
    that those who supported it separated from those who did not support
    it, but intended to vote for any other opinion (<i>alia omnia</i>).
<br><a class="bold" name="c246">[246]</a> This opinion then aimed only at an adjournment of the matter.
    Its issue was to be waited for; but in the meantime, the posts of
    guards were to be strengthened, and a fresh proposal was to be made
    respecting the punishment of the prisoners. The Tib. Nero here
    mentioned is the grandfather of the Emperor Tiberius, who was raised
    to the imperial throne in A. D. 14, in the fifty-sixth year of his
    age.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat51">51.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c247">[247]</a> <i>Male consulere</i>, &#8216;to form bad&#8217; or &#8216;injurious resolutions.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c248">[248]</a> <i>Perse</i>. Respecting the forms of this name, see Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 52, 54.
<br><a class="bold" name="c249">[249]</a> <i>An</i> must be explained by supplying another interrogation before
    it, such as <i>alione?</i> &#8216;had that speech any other object, or had it
    this one?&#8217; for <i>an</i> is used only in the second part of a double
    question.
<br><a class="bold" name="c250">[250]</a> &#8216;To be sure words will fire him on, whom the thing itself did not
    move&#8217; &#8212; that is, words are sure not to rouse him whom the thing
    itself did not move; for <i>scilicet</i> has an ironical force.
<br><a class="bold" name="c251">[251]</a> <i>Injuriae suae</i>, &#8216;the injuries done to him.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c252">[252]</a> &#8216;Many have taken them more seriously to heart than was necessary.&#8217;
    It is more common to say <i>gravius tulerunt</i>. The perfect, <i>habuere</i>,
    in expressing a general truth, has the sense of a present, or rather
    of a Greek aorist, denoting that which once happened, and still
    continues to happen. Compare p.22, note 2 [<a href="#c68">note 68</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="c253">[253]</a> <i>Vitam habent</i> for <i>vitam agunt</i>, which is more common. Sallust is
    very fond of the verb <i>habere</i> in certain phrases. See <a href="#jug10"><i>Jug</i>. 10</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c254">[254]</a> <i>Equidem ego</i> for <i>ego quidem</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 278.
<br><a class="bold" name="c255">[255]</a> <i>Inimicitiae</i>. About this plural, see Zumpt, &sect; 94. The singular
    <i>inimicitia</i> is not used at all.
<br><a class="bold" name="c256">[256]</a> &#8216;Such I know to be the character of the man.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c257">[257]</a> <i>Subigere</i> here, as in many other passages of Sallust, has the
    meaning of <i>cogere, invitum impellere</i> (&#8216;to force a person to
    something&#8217;), followed by an infinitive instead of a clause with <i>ut</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c258">[258]</a> <i>Id quod res habet</i>, &#8216;that which is in the nature of the thing.&#8217;
    Caesar hereby means to represent his opinion as philosophically
    correct, and in accordance with nature. <i>Id quod</i> belong together.
<br><a class="bold" name="c259">[259]</a> Such had indeed been the custom in former times. The condemned
    person, previous to being beheaded with the axe, was bound to a post
    and scourged. This barbarous punishment continued to be inflicted
    sometimes even at a later period, when it was expressly mentioned in
    the verdict that the criminal should be punished <i>more majorum</i>.
    <i>Animadvertere</i> is the proper expression for the infliction of
    bodily punishment by a lictor, who <i>has to pay attention to his
    orders</i>; but it is also used of the person who gives the order,
    and causes it to be carried into effect, just as <i>interficere</i>
    is said both of the executioner and the person who orders a man to be
    put to death.
<br><a class="bold" name="c260">[260]</a> This law, proposed by one Porcius, and passed by the people,
    forbade the scourging of Roman citizens on the naked body; so that,
    after the passing of that law, an execution consisted simply in
    beheading a criminal with the sword; and if he was a soldier,
    flogging took the place of scourging. The celebrated M. Porcius Cato,
    about B. C. 160, recommended this bill to the people; but it was not
    he who proposed it, but an unknown person of the name of Porcius,
    probably a tribune of the people.
<br><a class="bold" name="c261">[261]</a> There were no Roman laws forbidding capital punishment, or
    substituting exile in its place, and for this reason Caesar does not
    refer to any such law. He supports his view only by the circumstance
    that, in all the more recent laws, especially in the criminal law of
    Sulla, exile (<i>interdictio aquae et ignis</i>) was fixed upon as the
    extreme penalty; and that according to the usual indulgence (not
    sanctioned by any law), accused persons, if they denied being guilty,
    and were defended by some one, remained in the enjoyment of their
    freedom until the sentence was passed. Thus it happened that a
    person, foreseeing his condemnation, might quit the Roman territory,
    and take up his abode within the territory of some town or city where
    the Roman law was not in force, and where the Roman state placed no
    obstacles in his way.
<br><a class="bold" name="c262">[262]</a> &#8216;How is it consistent?&#8217; Respecting <i>qui</i> for <i>quomodo</i> or <i>quo
    pacto</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 133, note. The <i>minus negotium</i> is the
    scourging, and the <i>majus negotium</i> the execution.
<br><a class="bold" name="c263">[263]</a> <i>At enim</i> introduces an objection raised by the orator himself.
    <i>At</i> represents the objection, and <i>enim</i> introduces an explanation
    of it. See Zumpt, &sect; 349.
<br><a class="bold" name="c264">[264]</a> Caesar means to say that the present senate, which, as he
    flatteringly says, consists of worthy men, will not abuse the power
    of putting Roman citizens to death; but that a subsequent senate,
    taking such an example as a precedent, might abuse its power. It
    must be observed that the Roman senate possessed the power over the
    life and death of citizens, not by virtue of legal enactments, but
    only by ancient custom. This power legally belonged only to the
    people assembled in the Comitia Centuriata, or to those to whom the
    people expressly intrusted it &#8212; namely, the ordinary and extraordinary
    courts of justice. It may seem surprising that Caesar does not
    express himself more energetically against the right claimed by the
    senate; but he would certainly have spoken in vain, for it was
    every senator&#8217;s interest that the power of the senate should be
    recognised in its greatest extent, even though it should not be
    exercised in every particular case.
<br><a class="bold" name="c265">[265]</a> That is, the so-called thirty tyrants in the year B. C. 404.
<br><a class="bold" name="c266">[266]</a> <i>Ea</i>; for this accusative, see Zumpt, &sect; 385.
<br><a class="bold" name="c267">[267]</a> <i>Damasippus</i> was only a surname of the praetor M. Junius Brutus,
    who in the year B. C. 82 put to death a great many Roman nobles of
    the party of Sulla.
<br><a class="bold" name="c268">[268]</a> Namely, by Sulla, after he had been made dictator.
<br><a class="bold" name="c269">[269]</a> <i>Pleraque</i>; most of the ensigns and distinctions by which the
    magistrates were distinguished from private persons, especially the
    <i>toga praetexta</i>, <i>sella curulis</i>, <i>fasces</i> (which were carried
    by the lictors), and, above all, the splendid procession of the
    <i>triumphatores</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c270">[270]</a> <i>Legibus</i> is here a pleonasm, and might have been omitted. We
    must here repeat that Caesar makes an artful application of the
    circumstance that, in all the late criminal laws, the <i>interdictio
    aquae et ignis</i> was fixed as the severest punishment, as if
    thereby a person had been simply permitted to withdraw from the
    republic. The <i>interdictio</i> was a much more severe punishment,
    inasmuch as the person on whom it was inflicted lost all his rights
    as a citizen, and as every one was forbidden to receive him into his
    house, so that he was a complete outcast. Wherever these regulations
    were not carried into effect, and even in case a criminal made his
    escape before the sentence was pronounced, we can see nothing but an
    abuse of clemency.
<br><a class="bold" name="c271">[271]</a> <i>Quominus</i> is here used because the leading clause conveys the
    idea of a hindrance; but <i>ne</i> also might have been written.
<br><a class="bold" name="c272">[272]</a> <i>Per municipia</i>, &#8216;among the municipia.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 301.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat52">52.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c273">[273]</a> Cato says, &#8216;<i>When I consider the danger of our situation, I form
    quite a different view</i> from what I do when I reflect upon the
    opinions expressed by some about the punishment of the criminals; for
    the present danger demands energetic measures of defence, while some
    of you are speaking only about the punishment of a crime already
    committed. But such a view is incorrect, for we are still surrounded
    by the greatest dangers.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c274">[274]</a> <i>Pluris facere</i>, &#8216;to esteem higher.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c275">[275]</a> <i>Capessere rem publicam</i>, &#8216;to take part in the administration of
    the state,&#8217; or &#8216;to devote one&#8217;s self to its service.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c276">[276]</a> <i>Verba facere</i>, &#8216;to speak,&#8217; or &#8216;to make a speech.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c277">[277]</a> &#8216;I who had never connived at any of my bad acts&#8217; &#8212; that is, I who
    had never given way to my own weaknesses. About this subjunctive
    expressing the reason why the orator does not allow the faults of
    others to pass unnoticed, see Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 555, 558.
<br><a class="bold" name="c278">[278]</a> &#8216;The strength of the state bore the negligence&#8217; in restraining the
    arbitrary proceedings in which individuals indulged.
<br><a class="bold" name="c279">[279]</a> &#8216;And here any one will speak to me of clemency and mercy!&#8217; alluding
    to Caesar. The negative pronoun <i>quisquam</i> is used because the
    meaning implied is, that no one ought to have done so. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 709.
<br><a class="bold" name="c280">[280]</a> <i>Equidem</i> for <i>quidem</i>, as often in Sallust, but never in
    Cicero. The meaning is: &#8216;We have indeed (<i>quidem</i>) long since lost
    the habit of calling things by their true names, but this erroneous
    application of the word <i>mercy</i> is not to be borne.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c281">[281]</a> <i>Eo</i>; Cicero would have said <i>ea re</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c282">[282]</a> Instead of <i>et</i>, the author might have used <i>neve</i> (<i>neu</i>), since
    from the preceding clause we have to supply <i>ne</i> to <i>et</i>. This is not
    a very common mode of speaking; but it occurs most frequently when,
    after a negative clause, <i>et</i> introduces a kind of antithesis, and
    thus acquires the power of <i>sed</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c283">[283]</a> <i>Et non</i> corrects the untrue supposition, that there were no rebels
    except at Rome. In such a case we can neither use <i>non</i> without <i>et</i>,
    nor <i>neque</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 334.
<br><a class="bold" name="c284">[284]</a> &#8216;If Caesar alone is unconcerned, it is more requisite (necessary
    or important) that I should be concerned for me and for you.&#8217; About
    <i>refert</i>, see Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 23, 449, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c285">[285]</a> <i>Habetote</i>; this future imperative denotes that something is to be
    done when something else shall take place. Zumpt, &sect; 583.
<br><a class="bold" name="c286">[286]</a> The meaning is: &#8216;All will be there immediately&#8217; &#8212; that is, they will
    rise to make the attack.
<br><a class="bold" name="c287">[287]</a> Cato means to say, &#8216;It is a wrong opinion that our state has
    become great by arms; for if this were true, it would now be in the
    most flourishing condition, as our military power is now greater
    than it ever was. The republic has become great much more by the
    activity of the citizens, and by the justice of the government, and
    it is this activity and stern justice that must be restored.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c288">[288]</a> <i>Obnoxius</i>, &#8216;subject to a punishment,&#8217; or &#8216;to be injured (<i>noxa</i>);&#8217;
    hence, figuratively, &#8216;bound,&#8217; &#8216;dependent.&#8217; Our ancestors, says Cato,
    could deliberate and judge without bias, for their minds were not
    crippled either by crimes they had committed, nor by immoderate
    desires and passions &#8212; a hint intimating that those who were in favour
    of lenient measures were conscious of their own guilt, and not free
    from bad intentions.
<br><a class="bold" name="c289">[289]</a> <i>Hic</i> &#8212; that is, in the senate, in discussing matters of public
    importance, you allow yourselves to be guided only by your desire to
    gain money and popularity, being anxious not to offend any one who
    may be in your way.
<br><a class="bold" name="c290">[290]</a> <i>Vacuam</i> &#8212; namely, <i>a defensoribus</i>, &#8216;defenceless,&#8217; &#8216;helpless.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c291">[291]</a> <i>Incendere</i>, a free use of the infinitive for <i>ad patriam
    incendendam</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c292">[292]</a> A question expressive of wonder, in which the interrogative
    particles are commonly not used. See Zumpt, &sect; 351, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="c293">[293]</a> Ironically: &#8216;I am of opinion that you should have mercy, and
    dismiss the criminals.&#8217; The subjunctive without <i>ut</i> depends upon the
    verb <i>censeo</i>; it is not a subjunctive for an imperative.
<br><a class="bold" name="c294">[294]</a> &#8216;Assuredly this clemency of yours will end in misery.&#8217; Respecting
    <i>nae</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 360; and on the transitive sense of <i>vertere</i>,
    &sect; 145.
<br><a class="bold" name="c295">[295]</a> The sentence beginning with <i>scilicet</i> is again ironical. The
    sense, without the irony, is: &#8216;Nor can it be supposed that you
    consider the matter indeed difficult, but that you are without fear.
    You are, on the contrary, full of fear, but you hesitate.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c296">[296]</a> <i>Immo vero</i>, &#8216;oh no; on the contrary.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 277.
<br><a class="bold" name="c297">[297]</a> Respecting this form of hypothetical sentences, see Zumpt, &sect; 524,
    note 1. The verb in the apodosis might be <i>implorabis</i>, without
    altering the meaning.
<br><a class="bold" name="c298">[298]</a> This statement differs in two points from the current tradition
    of history. First, the praenomen of this Manlius is commonly <i>Titus</i>,
    and so we must no doubt correct here, even though the manuscripts
    have <i>Aulus</i>. Secondly, he did not show his severe military
    discipline towards his son in the Gallic war, but in the great Latin
    war, which ended, in B.C. 340, with the subjugation of Latium.
    Manlius ordered his son to be executed in presence of the army; and
    to characterise that harsh severity, the orator uses the word
    <i>necare</i> instead of <i>interficere</i> or <i>occidere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c299">[299]</a> <i>Quidquam</i> is stronger than <i>siquid</i> &#8212; that is, the expression of
    the negative is more strongly marked in the protasis.
<br><a class="bold" name="c300">[300]</a> &#8216;If there were room for a mistake&#8217; &#8212; namely, in the resolution to be
    come to. The meaning is: &#8216;No time is to be lost, since, if you come
    to a wrong determination, you will be ruined before you have time to
    correct your decision.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c301">[301]</a> &#8216;Is upon our necks,&#8217; a figurative expression, properly applied to
    a wrestler who seizes another by the throat.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat53">53.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c302">[302]</a> &#8216;What has chiefly helped in carrying out such great undertakings.&#8217;
    <i>Negotium sustinere</i>, &#8216;to be able to carry out a business,&#8217;
    representing the <i>negotium</i> as a burden.
<br><a class="bold" name="c303">[303]</a> Sallust states that, after mature consideration of all the
    circumstances, he has come to the conviction that the merit of
    individual citizens had raised Rome to its supremacy over the world,
    but that afterwards there were no men of importance, or excelling
    others by mental superiority, and that the state, as a whole, alone
    made the faults of individuals bearable. We must honour the judgment
    of Sallust, but cannot agree with it; we must rather believe that the
    unvarying ability of the whole Roman people, notwithstanding the not
    very prominent minds of individuals, was the cause of the rapid
    progress of the Roman dominion. In the later times, on the other
    hand, we meet a Scipio the younger, a Marius, a Sulla, a Pompey, and
    a Caesar, all of whom were men or generals of eminent talent, while
    all those who served under them were persons of inferior abilities.
<br><a class="bold" name="c304">[304]</a> <i>Effeta parentum</i>, the same as <i>effeta parens</i>, &#8216;a mother who has
    had children, but can have no more.&#8217; Respecting the partitive
    genitive (as in <i>aliqui militum</i> for <i>aliqui milites</i>), see
    Zumpt, &sect; 430. The author in the progress of his sentence abandons the
    construction with which he began, and which ought to have been
    continued thus: <i>Roma haud sane quemquam virtute magnum protulit</i>,
    for which he says, <i>Romae haud sane quisquam virtute magnus fuit</i>.
    This deviation from the construction may be explained still more
    easily, if in our mind we add <i>facit</i> to the words <i>sicuti effeta
    parentum</i>, &#8216;as is the case with an aged mother.&#8217; <i>Multis
    tempestatibus</i>, &#8216;during a long time.&#8217; The singular <i>tempestas</i> in the
    sense of &#8216;time&#8217; is not uncommon, but the plural <i>tempestates</i> in the
    sense of &#8216;periods of time&#8217; occurs only in Sallust in this passage,
    and <i>Jug</i>. <a href="#jug73">73</a>, <a href="#jug96">96</a>, and <a href="#jug108">108</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c305">[305]</a> <i>Quin</i> is used regularly for <i>ut non</i> after a negative clause:
    &#8216;I would not pass them over in silence, without unfolding their
    characters.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#cat54">54.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c306">[306]</a> &#8216;But the one a different one from the other.&#8217; The Latin custom of
    repeating the same word obliges the author, having once said <i>alia</i>,
    to use <i>alii</i>, which, strictly speaking, should be <i>alteri</i>, as he is
    speaking of only two persons.
<br><a class="bold" name="c307">[307]</a> &#8216;The less he strove after fame, the more it followed him of
    itself,&#8217; so that <i>gloria</i> must be supplied.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat55">55.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c308">[308]</a> <i>Dicessit</i>; that is, after the senate, a division having taken
    place, had decided in favour of Cato&#8217;s opinion. Compare p. 50, note 2 [<a href="#c245">note 245</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="c309">[309]</a> Read <i>tresviros</i>; each one by himself was called <i>triumvir</i> &#8216;one of
    the college of the three.&#8217; These officers belonging to the
    magistratus minores, had the superintendence of the public prison,
    and the carrying of the sentence into execution; whence their
    complete title was <i>tresviri capitales</i>. The singular, <i>triumvir</i>,
    does not justify the plural <i>triumviri</i>, since the ordinary
    grammatical laws require <i>tres viri</i>. In manuscripts, we usually had
    <i>III. viri</i>. Compare Zumpt, &sect; 124.
<br><a class="bold" name="c310">[310]</a> The preposition <i>de</i> in this compound adds to the idea of the
    simple verb <i>ducere</i>, that of the place to which a person is led,
    and in which he is to remain; hence it is frequently used in the
    expression <i>domum deducere</i>, &#8216;to take&#8217; or &#8216;lead a person home.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c311">[311]</a> <i>Locus, quod</i>. Respecting the gender of the relative pronoun,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 372.
<br><a class="bold" name="c312">[312]</a> The whole structure was called <i>carcer Mamertinus</i>, and its main
    parts still exist, being changed into a Christian church, <i>San Pietro
    in carcere</i>. It is situated not far from the ancient <i>forum Romanum</i>,
    to the north-east, at the foot of the Capitoline hill. According to
    Sallust&#8217;s description, persons on entering had to go down a few
    steps leading to the entrance of the <i>Tullianum</i>, a subterraneous
    apartment cut into the rock, and covered over with a roof; and this
    was the place where prisoners were executed. Their corpses were
    afterwards publicly exhibited in the adjoining <i>Scalae Gemoniae</i>.
    The name Tullianum is derived by the Romans from their king, Tullius
    Hostilius.
<br><a class="bold" name="c313">[313]</a> &#8216;The roof is bound together by arches of stone,&#8217; to make it strong,
    for otherwise, wooden beams were used for such purposes.
<br><a class="bold" name="c314">[314]</a> <i>Incultus</i>, a substantive of rare occurrence, denoting &#8216;want of
    cleanliness,&#8217; &#8216;the absence of care.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c315">[315]</a> &#8216;Punishers of capital offences&#8217; is only a paraphrase for
    <i>carnifices</i>, &#8216;executioners.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c316">[316]</a> <i>Cornelius Lentulus</i> had been consul as early as B.C. 71, but the
    year after, he had been ejected from the senate by the censors, on
    account of his base conduct. In order to be able to re-enter the
    senate, he caused himself to become praetor a second time in this
    year, B.C. 63, in which he ended his life so disgracefully. It is
    mentioned that he was of a manly and handsome appearance; but the
    baseness of his character is attested also by other authors.
<br><a class="bold" name="c317">[317]</a> The only one among the others who was a member of the senate was
    Cornelius Cethegus; Gabinius and Statilius were men of equestrian
    rank, and Caeparius was a native of the municipium of Terracina.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat56">56.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c318">[318]</a> A regular military force is more commonly called <i>copiae</i>, but
    the singular, <i>copia</i>, also occurs in the sense of &#8216;army,&#8217; especially
    when it consists of an irregular mass of troops.
<br><a class="bold" name="c319">[319]</a> <i>Cohortes complet</i> cannot mean in this passage, &#8216;he makes the
    cohorts complete,&#8217; for such a completeness (consisting of at least
    420 men) is incompatible with the addition <i>pro numero militum</i>,
    &#8216;according to the number of his soldiers&#8217; in each cohort was not the
    usual number of a complete cohort. <i>Complet</i> refers to the number
    of cohorts, ten of which made a legion. Translate therefore, &#8216;he
    makes the full number of cohorts.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c320">[320]</a> <i>Duobus milibus</i>, Sallust might have said <i>duo milia</i>, with the
    ellipsis of <i>quam</i> so customary with <i>plus</i>, <i>amplius</i>, and <i>minus</i>.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 485.
<br><a class="bold" name="c321">[321]</a> <i>Sparus</i> is said to be a wooden kind of weapon, resembling a
    shepherd&#8217;s staff, turned at the top; and <i>lancea</i> a spear with
    a handle in the middle. Both these weapons were not used by Roman
    soldiers, for the latter, besides the short and broad <i>gladius</i>,
    used the <i>pilum</i>, as long as a man is high, and as thick as a
    fist, the upper end of which was strongly provided with iron, and
    sometimes the <i>hasta</i>, which was still longer, and had an
    iron point.
<br><a class="bold" name="c322">[322]</a> <i>L. Antonius</i>, the colleague of Cicero in the consulship, B.C. 63.
<br><a class="bold" name="c323">[323]</a> <i>Servitia, cujus magnae copiae</i>; a singular construction, which
    cannot be explained otherwise than by taking <i>cujus</i> as a neuter,
    &#8216;slaves, <i>of which</i> large numbers flocked to him.&#8217; This explanation,
    however, is supported by the consideration that slaves were regarded
    as things, and were designated by names of the neuter gender, as
    <i>servitia</i>, <i>mancipia</i>. In ordinary language, we should say
    <i>cujus generis</i>, &#8216;of which class of men.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c324">[324]</a> <i>Videri</i> for <i>se videri</i>, &#8216;he thought it contrary to his interest
    to appear to have maintained the cause of citizens with the aid of
    runaway slaves.&#8217; Respecting the omission of the subject of the
    infinitive when it is a personal pronoun, see Zumpt, &sect; 605.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat57">57.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c325">[325]</a> The territory of Pistoria, in the north of Etruria, not far from
    Faesulae, and to the north of Florentia, is in the Apennines. The
    regular road from Pisae to Genoa, and thence across the Alps into
    Transalpine Gaul, ran along the sea-coast. Cisalpine Gaul was
    likewise protected against Catiline by Metellus, so that he could
    reach his goal (Transalpine Gaul) only by mountain passes.
<br><a class="bold" name="c326">[326]</a> Antonius followed the bands of Catiline, which were not
    inconvenienced by baggage, as they were fleeing (<i>in fuga</i>; that is,
    <i>fugientes</i>). Antonius&#8217;s army marched on smoother roads, but had
    to carry heavier baggage. From all this, we see why Antonius, though
    not far from the enemy, yet could not reach him. Respecting the
    adverb <i>utpote</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 271. <i>Utpote qui</i>, &#8216;the which,&#8217; is
    used as a conjunction for <i>quippe qui</i>, generally with the
    subjunctive, and indicates the cause of the preceding statement.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat58">58.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c327">[327]</a> <i>Officere</i> is properly &#8216;to oppose,&#8217; &#8216;obstruct,&#8217; <i>aliquid alicui
    rei</i>; then omitting the object (<i>aliquid</i>) with the dative alone, &#8216;to
    be an obstacle to,&#8217; or &#8216;to hinder,&#8217; therefore, <i>officia famae tuae</i>,
    &#8216;I oppose something to your fame.&#8217; &#8216;Internal fear is a hindrance to
    the ear,&#8217; so that admonitions are either not heard at all, or do not
    penetrate into the mind.
<br><a class="bold" name="c328">[328]</a> Catiline assigns the circumstance that he had expected aid and
    succours from Rome itself, as the cause of his not having set out for
    Gaul earlier, when he might have accomplished his end. <i>Opperior</i>,
    &#8216;I wait for,&#8217; or <i>expecto dum aliquis veniat</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c329">[329]</a> <i>Quo in loco</i>, &#8216;in which situation.&#8217; The preposition <i>in</i> might
    have been omitted. See Zumpt, &sect; 481.
<br><a class="bold" name="c330">[330]</a> <i>Egestas</i>, &#8216;want,&#8217; with the genitive of the thing wanted, is of
    rare occurrence for <i>inopia</i> or <i>penuria</i>. <i>Egestas</i> is commonly used
    absolutely in the sense of &#8216;poverty,&#8217; &#8216;neediness.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c331">[331]</a> <i>Haec</i> is here used in the general sense of &#8216;these circumstances;&#8217;
    that is, this honourable but difficult war. This we must infer from
    the <i>haec</i> following.
<br><a class="bold" name="c332">[332]</a> For the construction of <i>mutare</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 456.
<br><a class="bold" name="c333">[333]</a> <i>Quis</i> for <i>quibus</i>. <i>Ea</i>, not <i>id</i>. Zumpt, &sect; 372.
<br><a class="bold" name="c334">[334]</a> &#8216;Give me courage,&#8217; or &#8216;give me hope,&#8217; for <i>hortari</i> is applied to
    persons doing good things, and <i>admonere</i> to persons doing bad ones:
    <i>hortamur properantem, admonemus cunctantem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="c335">[335]</a> <i>Cavete &#8212; amittatis, neu trucidemeni</i> for <i>cavete, ne amittatis,
    neve (neu) trucidemini</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 586.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat59">59.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c336">[336]</a> <i>Canere</i> is used in different ways: <i>tubicen canit signum</i>, &#8216;the
    trumpeter blows the signal;&#8217; <i>tubicen canit</i>, &#8216;the trumpeter blows
    (his instrument);&#8217; <i>signa canuntur</i>, &#8216;signals are blown&#8217; or &#8216;given;&#8217;
    and lastly, <i>signa canunt</i>, &#8216;the signals sound.&#8217; The last expression
    is the one used in our passage.
<br><a class="bold" name="c337">[337]</a> <i>Rupe aspera</i>, &amp;c. &#8216;For in accordance with the nature of the plain
    between hills on the left-hand side, and on the right a rugged rock,
    he drew up (only) eight cohorts in front.&#8217;  A simpler construction
    would have been <i>et rupem asperam a dextra</i>, but the manuscripts are
    decidedly in favour of the ablative, which must be considered as an
    ablative absolute, and as forming a distinct clause. Other editions
    have the correction <i>rupis aspera</i>, &#8216;the rough part of a rock&#8217;
    (<i>aspera</i> being the neut. plur.), but this is a poetical expression.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 435.
<br><a class="bold" name="c338">[338]</a> Literally, &#8216;The signals (<i>vexilla</i>) of the other cohorts he places
    in the rear as a reserve, more closely together.&#8217; <i>Signa</i> here
    denotes the separate divisions of the troops; that is, the cohorts
    and the three maniples in each cohort, which are distinguished from
    one another by their flags or banners (<i>vexilla</i>). When an army was
    drawn up in a spacious plain, a space was left between the several
    divisions, but in this case, the plain being too narrow, there were
    no such spaces.
<br><a class="bold" name="c339">[339]</a> &#8216;From among these who were drawn up as a reserve, he draws, for the
    purpose of strengthening the van, all centurions, picked men (in
    apposition), and the volunteers who had not been enlisted, as well as
    the ablest of the common soldiers who were provided with arms.&#8217; The
    word <i>lectos</i> belonging to <i>centuriones</i>, shows that Catiline had
    appointed to the office of centurions only chosen men who were
    personally known to him as able soldiers. <i>Evocati</i> were those
    soldiers in a Roman army who did not serve in the ranks of the other
    common soldiers, but as a separate corps, and were exempt from
    the ordinary military duties of standing as sentinels, making
    fortifications, foraging, and the like. They derived their name from
    the fact that they were invited (<i>evocare</i>) by the general to serve
    in the army as volunteers; they, moreover, were generally more
    advanced in years than the regular troops.
<br><a class="bold" name="c340">[340]</a> <i>Curare</i>, &#8216;to command.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="c341">[341]</a> Catiline himself stood nearest the standard (eagle) with his most
    faithful followers, whose personal fate depended upon him; that is,
    the freedmen of his family and the tenant farmers of his estates.
    The Roman nobles, as early as that time, used to parcel out their
    estates in small farms, which were tenanted especially by their
    freedmen, who were thus patronised by their former masters.
<br><a class="bold" name="c342">[342]</a> <i>Pedibus aeger</i>. He had the gout. Dion Cassius, a later historian
    of Rome, who wrote in Greek, states that Antonius only pretended to
    be ill, in order not to have to fight against his friend Catiline.
<br><a class="bold" name="c343">[343]</a> A <i>legatus</i>, in this sense (for it also means &#8216;ambassador&#8217;),
    supplied, in a Roman army, the place of a commander possessing the
    <i>imperium</i>. Accordingly, consuls and praetors, when intrusted with
    the command of an army, had one or more legates, according to the
    number of legions which they had under their command. The office of
    legate was given by the senate to such men as had held a magistracy,
    generally the praetorship, or at least the quaestorship, and the
    senate appointed them on the proposal of the commander-in-chief.
    When there were several legates, the commander-in-chief might
    intrust one of them with the command of the whole army; but the
    commander-in-chief was answerable for all the acts of his legate.
<br><a class="bold" name="c344">[344]</a> <i>Tumulti</i> for <i>tumultus</i>, as <i>senati</i> for <i>senatus</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat60">60.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c345">[345]</a> <i>Ferentarii</i> are light-armed troops fighting at a distance with
    javelins.
<br><a class="bold" name="c346">[346]</a> The banners being turned hostilely against one another. Respecting
    <i>cum</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 473; for we also find <i>infestis signis
    concurrere</i>, without <i>cum</i>, as an ablative of the instrument.
<br><a class="bold" name="c347">[347]</a> The <i>cohors praetoria</i> was a battalion which, in forming an army,
    was composed of the ablest and most tried soldiers, as the bodyguard
    of the commander-in-chief. They had to protect him, and assist him in
    contriving to bring any engagement to the point where he wished it
    to be. Under the emperors, the <i>cohortes praetoriae</i>, nine or
    ten in number &#8212; the emperors having several armies under their
    command &#8212; formed the body-guard of the emperor and the garrison of
    Rome.</P>

<h4><a href="#cat61">61.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="c348">[348]</a> &#8216;There you might indeed have seen.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 528, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="c349">[349]</a> In the centre of the army where they were drawn up.
<br><a class="bold" name="c350">[350]</a> <i>Adversa vulnera</i>, &#8216;wounds in the breast,&#8217; or &#8216;in the front part
    of the body&#8217; generally. <i>Aversa vulnera</i>, on the other hand, are
    &#8216;wounds in the back,&#8217; such as are inflicted on cowards that run away.
<br><a class="bold" name="c351">[351]</a> <i>Quisquam</i> for <i>ullus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 676.
<br><a class="bold" name="c352">[352]</a> <i>Juxta</i>, &#8216;equally little.&#8217; They had spared the life of their
    enemy as little as their own. Compare p. 41, note 3 [<a href="#c194">note 194</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="c353">[353]</a> These four substantives form contrasts, though intentionally not
    in the regular way, for <i>gaudium</i> and <i>moeror</i> denote a joyous and sad
    state of mind, &#8216;joy&#8217; and &#8216;sadness;&#8217; <i>laetitia</i> and <i>luctus</i> at the
    same time express the audible expressions of joy and grief.
    Accordingly, <i>laetitia</i> contrasts with <i>luctus</i>, and <i>gaudia</i> with
    <i>moeror</i>. Respecting the omission of the conjunction in describing
    contrasts of this nature, see Zumpt, &sect; 783.</P>



<hr>

<h2><a name="bj">C.</a> Sallustii Crispi</h2>

<h2>Bellum Jugurthinum.</h2>

<hr>

<P><a class="bold" name="jug1">1</a>. Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum quod imbecilla atque aevi
brevis<a class="sup" href="#j1">[1]</a> forte potius quam virtute regatur. Nam contra reputando neque
majus aliud neque praestabilius invenias,<a class="sup" href="#j2">[2]</a> magisque naturae industriam
hominum quam vim aut tempus deesse. Sed dux atque imperator vitae
mortalium animus est, qui, ubi ad gloriam virtutis via grassatur,<a class="sup" href="#j3">[3]</a>
abunde pollens potensque et clarus est, neque fortuna eget, quippe
probitatem, industriam aliasque artes bonas neque dare neque eripere
cuiquam potest. Sin captus pravis cupidinibus ad inertiam et voluptates
corporis pessumdatus est, perniciosa libidine paulisper<a class="sup" href="#j4">[4]</a> usus, ubi per
socordiam vires, tempus, ingenium diffluxere, naturae infirmitas
accusatur; suam quisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt.<a class="sup" href="#j5">[5]</a>
Quodsi<a class="sup" href="#j6">[6]</a> hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio
aliena ac nihil profutura multumque etiam periculosa<a class="sup" href="#j7">[7]</a> petunt; neque
regerentur<a class="sup" href="#j8">[8]</a> magis quam regerent casus, et eo magnitudinis<a class="sup" href="#j9">[9]</a>
procederent, ubi pro mortalibus gloria aeterni fierent.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug2">2</a>. Nam uti genus hominum compositum ex corpore et anima est, ita res
cunctae studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia, alia animi<a class="sup" href="#j10">[10]</a> naturam
sequuntur. Igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis
et alia hujuscemodi omnia brevi dilabuntur; at ingenii egregia facinora
sicuti anima immortalia sunt. Postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut
initium sic finis est, omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt: animus
incorruptus<a class="sup" href="#j11">[11]</a> aeternus, rector humani generis, agit atque habet cuncta
neque ipse habetur.<a class="sup" href="#j12">[12]</a> Quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est,<a class="sup" href="#j13">[13]</a>
qui dediti corporis gaudiis per luxum atque ignaviam aetatem agunt,
ceterum<a class="sup" href="#j14">[14]</a> ingenium, quo neque melius neque amplius aliud in natura
mortalium est, incultu atque socordia torpescere sinunt; quum praesertim
tam multae variaeque sint artes animi, quibus summa claritudo paratur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug3">3</a>. Verum ex his magistratus et imperia, postremo omnis cura rerum
publicarum minime mihi hac tempestate<a class="sup" href="#j15">[15]</a> cupiunda videntur; quoniam
neque virtuti honos datur, neque illi, quibus per fraudem is fuit,<a class="sup" href="#j16">[16]</a>
tuti aut eo magis honesti<a class="sup" href="#j17">[17]</a> sunt. Nam vi quidem regere patriam aut
parentes,<a class="sup" href="#j18">[18]</a> quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas,<a class="sup" href="#j19">[19]</a> tamen
importunum est; quum praesertim omnes rerum mutationes caedem, fugam,
aliaque hostilia portendant,<a class="sup" href="#j20">[20]</a> frustra autem niti,<a class="sup" href="#j21">[21]</a> neque aliud se
fatigando nisi odium quaerere, extremae dementiae est; nisi forte<a class="sup" href="#j22">[22]</a>
quem inhonesta et perniciosa libido<a class="sup" href="#j23">[23]</a> tenet, potentiae paucorum decus
atque libertatem suam gratificari.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug4">4</a>. Ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno
usui est memoria rerum gestarum:<a class="sup" href="#j24">[24]</a> cujus de virtute quia multi dixere,
praetereundum puto, simul ne per insolentiam<a class="sup" href="#j25">[25]</a> quis existimet memet
studium meum laudando extollere. Atque ego credo fore, qui, quia decrevi
procul a re publica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen
inertiae imponant: certe, quibus<a class="sup" href="#j26">[26]</a> maxima industria videtur salutare
plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere. Qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego
temporibus magistratum adeptus sim, et quales viri idem assequi
nequiverint,<a class="sup" href="#j27">[27]</a> et postea quae genera hominum in senatum pervenerint,
profecto existimabunt me magis merito quam ignavia judicium animi mei
mutavisse, majusque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis rei
publicae venturum. Nam saepe ego audivi, Q. Maximum,<a class="sup" href="#j28">[28]</a> P. Scipionem,
praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, quum
majorum imagines<a class="sup" href="#j29">[29]</a> intuerentur, vehementissime sibi animum ad virtutem
accendi. Scilicet<a class="sup" href="#j30">[30]</a> non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese
habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore
crescere neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam
adaequaverit.<a class="sup" href="#j31">[31]</a> At contra, quis est omnium his moribus,<a class="sup" href="#j32">[32]</a> quin
divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque<a class="sup" href="#j33">[33]</a> industria cum majoribus
suis contendat? Etiam homines novi,<a class="sup" href="#j34">[34]</a> qui antea per virtutem soliti
erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis
artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur; proinde quasi<a class="sup" href="#j35">[35]</a> praetura et
consulatus atque alia omnia hujuscemodi per se ipsa clara et magnifica
sint, ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum, qui ea sustinent, virtus est.
Verum ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me civitatis morum piget
taedetque; nunc ad inceptum redeo.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug5">5</a>. Bellum scripturus sum,<a class="sup" href="#j36">[36]</a> quod populus Romanus cum Jugurtha rege
Numidarum gessit; primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victoria fuit,
dein quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est; quae
contentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit,
uti studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. Sed
priusquam hujuscemodi rei initium expedio, pauca supra repetam, quo ad
cognoscendum omnia illustria magis magisque in aperto sint.<a class="sup" href="#j37">[37]</a> Bello
Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hannibal post magnitudinem
nominis Romani<a class="sup" href="#j38">[38]</a> Italiae opes maxime attriverat, Masinissa rex
Numidarum, in amicitiam receptus a P. Scipione, cui postea Africano<a class="sup" href="#j39">[39]</a>
cognomen ex virtute fuit, multa ei praeclara<a class="sup" href="#j40">[40]</a> rei militaris facinora
fecerat; ob quae victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, cujus in
Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit,<a class="sup" href="#j41">[41]</a> populus Romanus quascunque
urbes et agros manu ceperat, regi dono dedit. Igitur amicitia Masinissae
bona atque honesta nobis permansit. Sed imperii vitaeque ejus finis idem
fuit. Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit, Mastanabale et Gulussa
fratribus morbo absumptis. Is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit,
Jugurthamque, filium Mastanabalis fratris, quem Masinissa, quod ortus ex
concubina erat, privatum dereliquerat,<a class="sup" href="#j42">[42]</a> eodem cultu quo liberos suos
domi habuit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug6">6</a>. Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo
maxime ingenio validus, non se luxu<a class="sup" href="#j43">[43]</a> neque inertiae corrumpendum
dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, jaculari, cursu cum
aequalibus certare, et quum omnes gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus
esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras
primus aut in primis ferire, plurimum facere, minimum ipse de se loqui.
Quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existimans virtutem
Jugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen, postquam hominem adolescentem
exacta sua aetate et parvis liberis magis magisque crescere intellegit,
vehementer eo negotio permotus, multa cum animo suo volvebat. Terrebat
eum natura mortalium avida imperii et praeceps ad explendam animi
cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis,<a class="sup" href="#j44">[44]</a> quae
etiam mediocres viros spe praedae transversos agit;<a class="sup" href="#j45">[45]</a> ad hoc studia
Numidarum in Jugurtham accensa, ex quibus, si talem virum dolis
interfecisset, ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug7">7</a>. His difficultatibus circumventus ubi videt neque per vim neque
insidiis opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat
Jugurtha manu promptus et appetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum
objectare periculis et eo modo fortunam temptare. Igitur bello
Numantino<a class="sup" href="#j46">[46]</a> Micipsa, quum populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia
mitteret, sperans vel ostentando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile eum
occasurum, praefecit Numidis, quos in Hispaniam mittebat. Sed ea res
longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. Nam Jugurtha, ut erat impigro atque
acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui tum Romanis imperator
erat,<a class="sup" href="#j47">[47]</a> et morem hostium cognovit, multo labore multaque cura,
praeterea modestissime parendo et saepe obviam eundo periculis in tantam
claritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantinis
maximo terrori esset. Ac sane, quod difficillimum in primis<a class="sup" href="#j48">[48]</a> est, et
proelio strenuus erat et bonus consilio; quorum alterum<a class="sup" href="#j49">[49]</a> ex
providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem affere plerumque
solet. Igitur imperator omnes fere res asperas per Jugurtham agere, in
amicis habere, magis magisque eum in dies amplecti; quippe cujus neque
consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat.<a class="sup" href="#j50">[50]</a> Huc accedebat
munificentia animi et ingenii sollertia, qu&icirc;s rebus sibi multos ex
Romanis familiari amicitia conjunxerat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug8">8</a>. Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complures novi atque nobiles,
quibus divitiae bono honestoque potiores erant,<a class="sup" href="#j51">[51]</a> factiosi domi,
potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, qui Jugurthae non
mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset,
fore, uti solus imperio Numidiae potiretur, in ipso maximam virtutem,
Romae omnia venalia esse. Sed postquam Numantia deleta P. Scipio
dimittere auxilia et ipse reverti domum decrevit, donatum atque laudatum
magnifice pro contione<a class="sup" href="#j52">[52]</a> Jugurtham in praetorium abduxit ibique secreto
monuit, uti potius publice quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret
neu quibus<a class="sup" href="#j53">[53]</a> largiri insuesceret; periculose a paucis emi, quod
multorum esset: si permanere vellet in suis artibus,<a class="sup" href="#j54">[54]</a> ultro illi et
gloriam et regnum venturum, sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum
pecunia praecipitem casurum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug9">9</a>. Sic locutus cum litteris eum, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit. Earum
sententia haec erat: &#8216;Jugurthae tui bello Numantino longe maxima virtus
fuit, qnam rem tibi certo<a class="sup" href="#j55">[55]</a> scio gaudio esse. Nobis ob merita sua carus
est; ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope nitemur. Tibi quidem
pro nostra amicitia gratulor. En habes virum dignum te atque avo suo
Masinissa.&#8217; Igitur rex, ubi ea, quae fama acceperat, ex litteris
imperatoris ita esse cognovit, cum virtute tum gratia viri permotus
flexit animum suum et Jugurtham beneficiis vincere aggressus est,
statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem
instituit. Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus quum
sibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis itemque
Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis dicitur hujuscemodi verba cum Jugurtha
habuisse:<a class="sup" href="#j56">[56]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug10">10</a>. &#8216;Parvum ego te, Jugurtha, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus, in
meum regnum accepi, existimans non minus me tibi, quam si genuissem, ob
beneficia carum fore; neque ea res falsum me habuit.<a class="sup" href="#j57">[57]</a> Nam, ut alia
magna et egregia tua omittam, novissime rediens Numantia meque regnumque
meum gloria honoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis
amicissimos<a class="sup" href="#j58">[58]</a> fecisti; in Hispania nomen familiae renovatum est,
postremo, quod difficillimum inter mortales est, gloria invidiam vicisti.
Nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit, per hanc dexteram, per regni
fidem<a class="sup" href="#j59">[59]</a> moneo obtestorque, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui,
beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas, neu malis alienos adjungere<a class="sup" href="#j60">[60]</a>
quam sanguine conjunctos retinere. Non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia
regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere neque auro parare queas;
officio et fide pariuntur.<a class="sup" href="#j61">[61]</a> Quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? aut
quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris? Equidem ego vobis
regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis; sin mali, imbecillum. Nam concordia
parvae res crescunt, discordia maximae dilabuntur. Ceterum ante hos<a class="sup" href="#j62">[62]</a>
te, Jugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, ne aliter quid eveniat,
providere decet. Nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiamsi
accipit injuriam, tamen quia plus potest, facere videtur. Vos autem,
Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate<a class="sup" href="#j63">[63]</a> talem hunc virum, imitamini
virtutem et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar quam
genuisse.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug11">11</a>. Ad ea Jugurtha, tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat et ipse
longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benigne respondit. Micipsa
paucis post diebus moritur. Postquam illi more regio justa magnifice
fecerant, reguli<a class="sup" href="#j64">[64]</a> in unum convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis
disceptarent. Sed Hiempsal, qui minimus ex illis erat, natura ferox et
jam ante ignobilitatem Jugurthae, quia materno genere impar erat,
despiciens, dextera Adherbalem assedit,<a class="sup" href="#j65">[65]</a> ne medius ex tribus, quod
apud Numidas honori ducitur, Jugurtha foret. Dein tamen ut aetati
concederet fatigatus<a class="sup" href="#j66">[66]</a> a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est.
Ibi quum mulla de administrando imperio dissererent, Jugurtha inter alias
res jacit oportere quinquennii consulta et decreta omnia rescindi; nam
per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse. Tum idem
Hiempsal placere sibi respondit; nam ipsum illum tribus proximis
annis<a class="sup" href="#j67">[67]</a> adoptatione in regnum pervenisse. Quod verbum in pectus
Jugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus erat, descendit. Itaque ex eo
tempore ira et metu anxius moliri, parare atque ea modo cum animo
habere,<a class="sup" href="#j68">[68]</a> quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. Quae ubi tardius
procedunt neque lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum
perficere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug12">12</a>. Primo conventu, quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi, propter
dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finesque imperii singulis
constitui. Itaque tempus ad utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad
pecuniam distribuendam. Reguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris alius
alio<a class="sup" href="#j69">[69]</a> concessere. Sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte ejus domo
utebatur, qui proximus lictor<a class="sup" href="#j70">[70]</a> Jugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper
fuerat; quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat impellitque,
uti tamquam suam visens domum eat, portarum claves adulterinas<a class="sup" href="#j71">[71]</a> paret
(nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur); ceterum, ubi res postularet, se
ipsum cum magna manu venturum. Numida mandata brevi conficit atque, uti
doctus erat, noctu Jugurthae milites introducit. Qui postquam in aedes
irrupere, diversi regem quaerere, dormientes alios, alios occursantes
interficere, scrutari loca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu
omnia miscere; quum<a class="sup" href="#j72">[72]</a> interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans sese tugurio
mulieris ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus loci perfugerat. Numidae
caput ejus, uti jussi erant, ad Jugurtham referunt.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug13">13</a>. Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divulgatur;
Adherbalem omnesque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit; in
duas partes discedunt Numidae; plures Adherbalem sequuntur, sed illum
alterum bello meliores. Igitur Jugurtha quam maximas potest copias armat,
urbes partim vi, alias voluntate imperio suo adjungit, omni Numidiae
imperare parat.<a class="sup" href="#j73">[73]</a> Adherbal, tametsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum
docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen fretus multitudine
militum, parabat armis contendere. Sed ubi res ad certamen venit, victus
ex proelio profugit in provinciam<a class="sup" href="#j74">[74]</a> ac deinde Romam contendit. Tum
Jugurtha patratis consiliis, postquam omnis Numidiae potiebatur, in otio
facinus suum cum animo reputans, timere populum Romanum neque adversus
iram ejus usquam nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua spem habere.
Itaque paucis diebus<a class="sup" href="#j75">[75]</a> cum auro et argento multo legatos Romam mittit,
qu&icirc;s praecepit, primum uti veteres amicos muneribus expleant, deinde
novos acquirant, postremo quaecunque possint largiundo parare ne
cunctentur. Sed ubi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto regis hospitibus
aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna
munera misere, tanta commutatio incessit, uti ex maxima invidia in
gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Jugurtha veniret; quorum pars spe, alii
praemio inducti, singulos ex senatu ambiundo<a class="sup" href="#j76">[76]</a> nitebantur, ne gravius
in eum consuleretur.<a class="sup" href="#j77">[77]</a> Igitur ubi legati satis confidunt, die
constituto senatus utrisque datur. Tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum
accepimus:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug14">14</a>. &#8216;Patres conscripti, Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, uti
regni Numidiae tantummodo procurationem<a class="sup" href="#j78">[78]</a> existimarem meam, ceterum jus
et imperium ejus penes vos esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam
maximo usui esse populo Romano; vos mihi cognatorum, vos affinium<a class="sup" href="#j79">[79]</a>
loco ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vestra amicitia exercitum, divitias,
munimenta regni me habiturum. Quae quum praecepta parentis mei agitarem,
Jugurtha, homo omnium, quos terra sustinet,<a class="sup" href="#j80">[80]</a> sceleratissimus contempto
imperio vestro, Masinissae me nepotem et jam ab stirpe socium atque
amicum populi Romani regno fortunisque omnibus expulit. Atque ego, patres
conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram,<a class="sup" href="#j81">[81]</a> vellem potius ob mea
quam ob majorum meorum beneficia posse a vobis auxilium petere, ac maxime
deberi mihi beneficia a populo Romano, quibus non egerem; secundum ea, si
desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer.<a class="sup" href="#j82">[82]</a> Sed quoniam parum tuta per se
ipsa probitas est, neque mihi in manu fuit,<a class="sup" href="#j83">[83]</a> Jugurtha qualis foret, ad
vos confugi, patres conscripti, quibus, quod mihi misserimum est, cogor
prius oneri quam usui esse. Ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a
vobis recepti sunt, aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vestram
appetiverunt; familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi
amicitiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides ejus quam fortuna petenda
erat.<a class="sup" href="#j84">[84]</a> Quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, nolite pati me nepotem
Masinissae<a class="sup" href="#j85">[85]</a> frustra a vobis auxilium petere. Si ad impetrandum nihil
causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere,
fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops, alienas opes
expecto, tamen erat majestatis Romani populi<a class="sup" href="#j86">[86]</a> prohibere injuriam neque
pati cujusquam regnum per scelus crescere. Verum ego iis finibus ejectus
sum, quos majoribus meis populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avus meus
una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginienses. Vestra beneficia mihi
erepta sunt, patres conscripti, vos in mea injuria despecti estis. Eheu
me miserum! Hucine, Micipsa pater, beneficia tua evasere,<a class="sup" href="#j87">[87]</a> ut, quem tu
parem cum liberis tuis regnique participem fecisti, is potissimum stirpis
tuae extinctor sit? Nunquam ergo familia nostra quieta erit!<a class="sup" href="#j88">[88]</a> semperne
in sanguine, ferro, fuga versabimur? Dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere,
jure omnia saeva patiebamur; hostes ab latere, vos amici procul, spes
omnis in armis erat. Postquam illa pestis ex Africa ejecta est, laeti
pacem agitabamus, quippe qu&icirc;s hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos
jussissetis.<a class="sup" href="#j89">[89]</a> Ecce autem ex improviso Jugurtha, intoleranda audacia,
scelere atque superbia sese efferens, fratre meo atque eodem propinquo
suo<a class="sup" href="#j90">[90]</a> interfecto, primum regnum ejus sceleris sui praedam fecit, post,
ubi me iisdem dolis non quit<a class="sup" href="#j91">[91]</a> capere, nihil minus quam vim aut bellum
expectantem in imperio vestro, sicuti videtis, extorrem patria,<a class="sup" href="#j92">[92]</a> domo,
inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubivis tutius<a class="sup" href="#j93">[93]</a> quam in meo
regno essem. Ego sic existimabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem
audiveram patrem meum, qui vestram amicitiam diligenter colerent, eos
multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus maxime tutos<a class="sup" href="#j94">[94]</a> esse. Quod
in familia nostra fuit,<a class="sup" href="#j95">[95]</a> praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset
vobis; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vestra manu est, patres
conscripti. Pater nos duos fratres reliquit; tertium, Jugurtham,
beneficiis suis ratus est conjunctum nobis fore. Alter eorum necatus est,
alterius ipse ego manus impias vix effugi. Quid agam? aut quo potissimum
infelix accedam? Generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt; pater, uti
necesse erat, naturae concessit; fratri, quem minime decuit,<a class="sup" href="#j96">[96]</a>
propinquus per scelus vitam eripuit; affines, amicos, propinquos ceteros
alium alia clades oppressit; capti ab Jugurtha pars in crucem acti, pars
bestiis objecti sunt;<a class="sup" href="#j97">[97]</a> pauci, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in
tenebris cum maerore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt.<a class="sup" href="#j98">[98]</a> Si
omnia, quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis adversa facta sunt,<a class="sup" href="#j99">[99]</a>
incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex improviso mali accidisset, vos
implorarem, patres conscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperii jus et
injurias omnes curae esse decet. Nunc vero exul patria, domo, solus atque
omnium honestarum rerum egens, quo accedam aut quos appellem?<a class="sup" href="#j100">[100]</a>
nationesne an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae ob vestram amicitiam
infesti sunt?<a class="sup" href="#j101">[101]</a> An quoquam mihi adire licet, ubi non majorum meorum
hostilia monumenta plurima sint? aut quisquam nostri misereri potest, qui
aliquando vobis hostis fuit? Postremo Masinissa nos ita instituit, patres
conscripti, ne quem coleremus nisi populum Romanum, ne societates, ne
foedera nova acciperemus; abunde magna praesidia nobis in vestra amicitia
fore; si huic imperio<a class="sup" href="#j102">[102]</a> fortuna mutaretur, una occidendum nobis esse.
Virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti; omnia secunda<a class="sup" href="#j103">[103]</a> et
obedientia sunt; quo facilius sociorum injurias curare licet. Tantum
illud vereor, ne quos privata amicitia Jugurthae parum cognita
transversos agat, quos ego audio maxima ope niti, ambire, fatigare<a class="sup" href="#j104">[104]</a>
vos singulos, ne quid de absente incognita causa statuatis, fingere me
verba et fugam simulare, cui licuerit in regno manere. Quodutinam<a class="sup" href="#j105">[105]</a>
illum cujus impio facinore in has miserias projectus sum, eadem haec
simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud deos immortales
rerum humanarum cura oriatur; nae ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox
atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus impietatis in parentem
nostrum, fratris mei necis mearumque miseriarum graves poenas
reddat.<a class="sup" href="#j106">[106]</a> Jamjam frater, animo meo carissime, quamquam tibi immaturo
et unde minime decuit vita erepta est,<a class="sup" href="#j107">[107]</a> tamen laetandum magis quam
dolendum puto casum tuum;<a class="sup" href="#j108">[108]</a> non enim regnum, sed fugam, exilium,
egestatem et omnes has, quae me premunt, aerumnas cum anima simul
amisisti. At ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno,
rerum humanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam, tuasne injurias
persequar, ipse auxilii egens, an regno consulam, cujus vitae necisque
potestas ex opibus alienis<a class="sup" href="#j109">[109]</a> pendet. Utinam emori fortunis meis
honestus exitus esset! neu vivere contemptus viderer, si defessus malis
injuriae concessissem.<a class="sup" href="#j110">[110]</a> Nunc neque vivere libet, neque mori licet
sine dedecore. Patres conscripti, per vos liberos<a class="sup" href="#j111">[111]</a> atque parentes
vestros, per majestatem populi Romani subvenite misero mihi, ite obviam
injuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vestrum est, per scelus et
sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#j112">[112]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug15">15</a>. Postquam rex finem loquendi fecit, legati Jugurthae, largitione magis
quam causa freti, paucis respondent: &#8216;Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab
Numidis interfectum; Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquara
superatus sit, queri, quod injuriam facere nequivisset: Jugurtham ab
senatu petere, ne se alium putarent, ac Numantiae cognitus esset, neu
verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#j113">[113]</a> Deinde utrique curia
egrediuntur. Senatus statim consulitur: fautores legatorum, praeterea
magna pars gratia depravata,<a class="sup" href="#j114">[114]</a> Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Jugurthae
virtutem extollere laudibus; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis pro
alieno scelere et flagitio sua quasi pro gloria nitebantur. At contra
pauci, quibus bonum et aequum divitiis carius erat, subveniundum
Adherbali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant; sed ex
omnibus maxime Aemelius Scaurus, homo nobilis, impiger, factiosus, avidus
potentiae, honoris, divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans. Is
postquam videt regis largitionem famosam impudentemque, veritus, quod in
tali re solet, ne polluta licentia<a class="sup" href="#j115">[115]</a> invidiam accenderet, animum a
consueta libidine continuit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug16">16</a>. Vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam
anteferebat. Decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa
obtinuerat, inter Jugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. Cujus legationis
princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia
consul, G. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis, acerrime victoriam
nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat.<a class="sup" href="#j116">[116]</a> Eum Jugurtha tametsi Romae in
inimicis habuerat, tamen accuratissime recepit, dando et pollicitando
multa perfecit, uti famae, fide,<a class="sup" href="#j117">[117]</a> postremo omnibus suis rebus
commodum regis anteferret. Reliquos legates eadem via aggressus,
plerosque capit; paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. In divisione,
quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior,
Jugurthae traditur: illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae
portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.<a class="sup" href="#j118">[118]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug17">17</a>. Res postulare videtur Africae siturn paucis exponere et eas gentes,
quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. Sed quae loca
et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus
frequentata<a class="sup" href="#j119">[119]</a> sunt, de iis haud facile compertum narraverim; cetera
quam paucissimis absolvam. In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte
tertia<a class="sup" href="#j120">[120]</a> Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed
Africam in Europa.<a class="sup" href="#j121">[121]</a>Ea fines habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et
Oceani,<a class="sup" href="#j122">[122]</a> ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem,<a class="sup" href="#j123">[123]</a> quem locum
Katabathmon incolae appellant. Mare saevum, importuosum, ager frugum
fertilis, bonus pecori, arbore infecundus, coelo terraque penuria
aquarum. Genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; plerosque
senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere; nam morbus haud
saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis plurima animalia. Sed qui
mortales initio Africam habuerint, quique postea accesserint, aut quomodo
inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet,
diversum est, tamen uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis
dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est, utique rem sese habere cultores ejus
terrae putant, quam paucissimis dicam.<a class="sup" href="#j124">[124]</a> Ceterum fides ejus rei penes
auctores erit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug18">18</a>. Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, qu&icirc;s
cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum, uti pecoribus. Hi neque
moribus neque lege aut imperio cujusquam regebantur; vagi, palantes, qua
nox co&euml;gerat, sedes habebant. Sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti
Afri putant, interiit, exercitus ejus, compositus ex variis gentibus,
amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus,<a class="sup" href="#j125">[125]</a> brevi
dilabitur. Ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii, navibus in Africam
transvecti, proximos nostro mari<a class="sup" href="#j126">[126]</a> locos occupavere. Sed Persae intra
Oceanum magis; hique alveos navium inverses pro tuguriis habuere, quia
neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emundi aut mutandi copia erat;
mare magnum et ignara<a class="sup" href="#j127">[127]</a> lingua commercia prohibebant. Hi paulatim per
connubia Gaetulos secum miscuere, et quia saepe temptantes agros<a class="sup" href="#j128">[128]</a>
alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Nomadas appellavere.
Ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant,
oblonga, incurvis lateribus tecta, quasi navium carinae sunt. Medi autem
et Armenii accessere Libyes<a class="sup" href="#j129">[129]</a> (nam hi propius mare Africum agitabant,
Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus) hique mature oppida
habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant.
Nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro
Medis<a class="sup" href="#j130">[130]</a> appellantes. Sed res Persarum brevi adolevit; ac postea nomine
Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca,
quae proxime Carthaginem Numidia appellatur. Deinde utrique<a class="sup" href="#j131">[131]</a> alteris
freti finitimos armis aut metu sub imperium suum co&euml;gere, nomen
gloriamque sibi addidere; magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant,
quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. Denique Africae pars inferior
pleraque ab Numidis possessa est; victi omnes in gentem nomenque
imperantium concessere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug19">19</a>. Postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars
imperii cupidine, sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis,<a class="sup" href="#j132">[132]</a>
Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Leptim<a class="sup" href="#j133">[133]</a> aliasque urbes in ora maritima
condidere, eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis<a class="sup" href="#j134">[134]</a>
praesidio, aliae decori fuere. Nam<a class="sup" href="#j135">[135]</a> de Carthagine silere melius puto
quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet. Igitur ad
Katabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari<a class="sup" href="#j136">[136]</a>
prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes,<a class="sup" href="#j137">[137]</a>
interque eas Leptis; deinde Philaenon arae,<a class="sup" href="#j138">[138]</a> quem locum Aegyptum
versus finem imperii habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes.
Cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent; proxime Hispaniam Mauri
sunt. Super Numidiam<a class="sup" href="#j139">[139]</a> Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios
incultius vagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dein loca exusta solis
ardoribus. Igitur bello Jugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et fines
Carthaginiensium, quos novissime<a class="sup" href="#j140">[140]</a> habuerant, populus Romanus
permagistratus administrabat, Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad
flumen Mulucham sub Jugurtha erant, Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus
imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus<a class="sup" href="#j141">[141]</a> populi Romani, itemque
nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. De Africa et ejus incolis ad
necessitudinem rei satis dictum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug20">20</a>. Postquam, diviso regno, legati Africa decessere, et Jugurtha contra
timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum ratus, quod ex
amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et
illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat,
in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. Ipse acer, bellicosus; at is, quem
petebat, quietus, imbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus injuriae, metuens
magis quam metuendus. Igitur ex improviso fines ejus cum magna manu
invadit; multos mortales cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia
incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu accedit, deinde cum omni
multitudine in regnum suum convertit, existimans dolore permotum
Adherbalem injurias suas manu vindicaturum, eamque rem belli causam fore.
At ille, quod neque se parem armis existimabat et amicitia populi Romani
magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Jugurtham de injuriis
questum<a class="sup" href="#j142">[142]</a> misit; qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta retulerant, prius
tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea
secus<a class="sup" href="#j143">[143]</a> cesserat. Neque eo magis cupido Jugurthae minuebatur, quippe
qui totum ejus regnum animo jam invaserat. Itaque non uti antea cum
praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu comparato bellum gerere coepit et
aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. Ceterum qua pergebat urbes, agros
vastare, praedas agere, suis animum, hostibus terrorem augere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug21">21</a>. Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum
esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Jugurthae obvius
procedit. Interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum<a class="sup" href="#j144">[144]</a> utriusque
exercitus consedit, et quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum.
Sed ubi plerumque<a class="sup" href="#j145">[145]</a> noctis processit, obscuro etiamtum lumine, milites
Jugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt; semisomnos partim,<a class="sup" href="#j146">[146]</a>
alios arma sumentes fugant funduntque; Adherbal cum paucis equitibus
Cirtam profugit, et ni multitudo togatorum<a class="sup" href="#j147">[147]</a> fuisset, quae Numidas
insequentes moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque
patratum bellum foret. Igitur Jugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis
turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxime
festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab
Adherbale Romam missos audiverat. Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum
accepit, tres adolescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant,
senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient: &#8216;Velle et censere eos ab armis
discedere, de controversiis suis jure potius quam bello disceptare; ita
seque illisque<a class="sup" href="#j148">[148]</a> dignum esse.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug22">22</a>. Legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis, quod Romae, dum
proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur;
sed is rumor clemens erat.<a class="sup" href="#j149">[149]</a> Quorum Jugurtha accepta oratione
respondit: &#8216;Sibi neque majus quiequam neque carius auctoritate senatus
esse; ab adolescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optimo quoque probaretur;
virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artes
ab Micipsa, non penuria liberorum, in regnum adoptatum esse. Ceterum quo
plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suum injuriam minus
tolerare: Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset,
sceleri ejus obviam isse; populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono
facturum,<a class="sup" href="#j150">[150]</a> si ab jure gentium sese prohibuerit; postremo de omnibus
rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum.&#8217; Ita utrique<a class="sup" href="#j151">[151]</a> digrediuntur.
Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug23">23</a>. Jugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est, neque propter loci
naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia
circumdat, turres extruit easque praesidiis firmat, praeterea dies
noctesque aut per vim aut dolis temptare, defensoribus moenium praemia
modo, modo formidinem ostentare, suos hortando ad virtutem arrigere,<a class="sup" href="#j152">[152]</a>
prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Adherbal, ubi intellegit omnes suas
fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxilii spem nullam, penuria
rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam
profugerant, duos maxime impigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac
miserando casum suum confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad
proximum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Numidae paucis diebus jussa
efficiunt; litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec
fuit:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug24">24</a>. &#8216;Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis
Jugurthae subigit, quem tanta libido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos
neque deos immortales in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit.
Itaque quintum jam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus
teneor, neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vestra decreta
auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urguear incertus sum. Plura de Jugurtha
scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea; et jam antea expertus sum parum fidei
miseris esse. Nisi tamen intellego<a class="sup" href="#j153">[153]</a> illum supra quam ego sum petere,
neque simul amicitiam vestram et regnum meum sperare. Utrum gravius
existimet, nemini occultum est. Nam, initio occidit Hiempsalem, fratrem
meum, dein patrio regno me expulit; quae sane fuerint nostrae injuriae,
nihil ad vos.<a class="sup" href="#j154">[154]</a> Verum nunc vestrum regnum armis tenet, me, quem vos
imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti
fecerit, pericula mea declarant. Quid reliquum nisi vestra vis, quo
moveri possit? Nam ego quidem vellem et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae
antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem
verbis faceret. Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Jugurthae scelerum ostentui
essem,<a class="sup" href="#j155">[155]</a> non jam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et
crutiatus corporis deprecor.<a class="sup" href="#j156">[156]</a> Regno Numidiae, quod vestrum est, uti
libet consulite; me ex manibus impiis eripite per majestatem imperii, per
amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet avi mei Masinissae.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug25">25</a>. His litteris recitatis fuere, qui exercitum in Africam mittendum
censerent et quam primum Adherbali subveniundum; de Jugurtha interim uti
consuleretur,<a class="sup" href="#j157">[157]</a> quoniam legatis non paruisset. Sed ab iisdem illis
regis fautoribus summa ope enisum,<a class="sup" href="#j158">[158]</a> ne tale decretum fieret. Ita
bonum publicum, ut in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum.
Legantur tamen in Africam majores natu, nobiles, amplis honoribus usi; in
qu&icirc;s fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis et tum in
senatu princeps. Hi, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis
obsecrati, triduo navim ascendere, dein brevi Uticam appulsi litteras ad
Jugurtham mittunt, quam ocissime<a class="sup" href="#j159">[159]</a> ad provinciam accedat, seque ad eum
ab senatu missos. Ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem
Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suum venisse, primo commotus,
metu atque libidine diversus agitabatur. Timebat iram senatus, ni
paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus
rapiebat. Vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravum consilium. Igitur exercita
circumdato summa vi Cirtam irrumpere<a class="sup" href="#j160">[160]</a> nititur, maxime sperans,
diducta manu hostium<a class="sup" href="#j161">[161]</a> aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae
inventurum. Quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere
potest, ut prius quam legates conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur; ne
amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurimum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis
equitibus in provinciam venit. Ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae
nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione
consumpta legati frustra discessere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug26">26</a>. Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia
defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani
inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Jugurthae
tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur, de ceteris senatui curae fore. At
ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Jugurthae rebatur,<a class="sup" href="#j162">[162]</a> tamen quia penes
eosdem, si adversaretur, cogendi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant
Italici, deditionem facit. Jugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum
necat, deinde omnes puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti
quisque armatis obvius fuerat, interficit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug27">27</a>. Quod postquam Romae cognitum est, et res in senatu agitari coepta,
iidem illi ministri regis interpellando<a class="sup" href="#j163">[163]</a> ac saepe gratia, interdum
jurgiis trahendo tempus, atrocitatem facti leniebant. Ac ni G. Memmius,
tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis,
populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Jugurthae
scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus
dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. Sed ubi
senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia<a class="sup" href="#j164">[164]</a> provinciae
futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P.
Scipio Nasica, L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia
obvenit;<a class="sup" href="#j165">[165]</a> deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur;
stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug28">28</a>. At Jugurtha, contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe cui Romae omnia venum
ire<a class="sup" href="#j166">[166]</a> in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiares ad senatum
legatos mittit, hisque ut illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat,
praecipit, omnes mortales pecunia aggrediantur. Qui postquam Romam
adventabant,<a class="sup" href="#j167">[167]</a> senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos
Jugurthae recipi moenibus; iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum
venissent, uti in diebus proximis decem<a class="sup" href="#j168">[168]</a> Italia decederent. Consul
Numidis ex senati decreto nuntiari jubet; ita infectis rebus illi domum
discedunt. Interim Calpurnius, parato exercitu, legat<a class="sup" href="#j169">[169]</a> sibi homines
nobiles, factiosos, quorum auctoritate, quae deliquisset, munita fore
sperabat; in qu&icirc;s fuit Scaurus, cujus de natura et habitu supra<a class="sup" href="#j170">[170]</a>
memoravimus. Nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes animi et
corporis erant, quas omnes avaritia praepediebat; patiens laborum, acri
ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissimus contra pericula
et insidias. Sed legiones per Italiam Rhegium atque inde Siciliam,<a class="sup" href="#j171">[171]</a>
porro ex Sicilia in Africam transvectae. Igitur Calpurnius initio,
paratis commeatibus, acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortales
et urbes aliquot pugnando cepit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug29">29</a>. Sed ubi Jugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique quod
administrabat asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger avaritia<a class="sup" href="#j172">[172]</a>
facile conversus est. Ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum
assumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio,<a class="sup" href="#j173">[173]</a> plerisque ex factione
ejus corruptis, acerrime regem impugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a
bono honestoque in pravum abstractus est. Sed Jugurtha primo tantummodo
belli moram redimebat, existimans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut
gratia effecturum; postea vero quam participem negotii Scaurum accepit,
in maximam spem adductus recuperandae pacis, statuit cum eis de omnibus
pactionibus praesens agere. Ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a
consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Jugurthae Vagam,<a class="sup" href="#j174">[174]</a> cujus rei
species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis
imperaverat, quoniam deditionis mora induciae agitabantur.<a class="sup" href="#j175">[175]</a> Igitur
rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio
locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua
cum Bestia et Scauro secreta<a class="sup" href="#j176">[176]</a> transigit, dein postero die, quasi per
saturam sententiis exquisitis,<a class="sup" href="#j177">[177]</a> in deditionem accipitur. Sed uti pro
consilio<a class="sup" href="#j178">[178]</a> imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi
cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam ad
magistratus rogandos<a class="sup" href="#j179">[179]</a> proficiscitur. In Numidia et exercitu nostro
pax agitabatur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug30">30</a>. Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama
divulgavit, Romae per omnes locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari.
Apud plebem gravis invidia, patres solliciti erant; probarentne tantum
flagitium, an decretum consulis subverterent, parum constabat.<a class="sup" href="#j180">[180]</a> Ac
maxime eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a
vero bonoque impediebat. At G. Memmius, cujus de libertate ingenii et
odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras
senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem
publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia
facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum
accendebat. Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmii facundia clara
pollensque fuit, decere existimavi unam ex tam multis orationem ejus
perscribere, ac potissimum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum
Bestiae hujuscemodi verbis disseruit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug31">31</a>. &#8216;Multa me dehortantur a vobis,<a class="sup" href="#j181">[181]</a> Quirites, ni studium rei publicae
omnia superet, opes factionis, vestra patientia, jus nullum, ac maxime,
quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. Nam illa quidem piget
dicere, his annis XV.<a class="sup" href="#j182">[182]</a> quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum,
quam foede quamque inulti perierint vestri defensores, ut vobis animus ab
ignavia<a class="sup" href="#j183">[183]</a> atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem, obnoxiis
inimicis,<a class="sup" href="#j184">[184]</a> exsurgitis, atque etiamnunc timetis eos, quibus decet
terrori esse. Sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis
potentiae animus subigit.<a class="sup" href="#j185">[185]</a> Certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente
meo tradita est, experiar; verum id frustra an ob rem<a class="sup" href="#j186">[186]</a> faciam, in
vestra manu situm est, Quirites. Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe majores
vestri fecere, uti contra injurias armati eatis. Nihil vi, nihil
secessione opus est: necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant.<a class="sup" href="#j187">[187]</a>
Occisso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare ajebant, in plebem Romanam
quaestiones habitae sunt. Post G. Gracchi et M. Fulvi caedem item vestri
ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt; utriusque cladis non lex,
verum libido eorum finem fecit. Sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua
restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, jure factum
sit.<a class="sup" href="#j188">[188]</a> Superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari,
reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere, penes eosdem
et summam gloriam et maximas divitias esse; tamen haec talia facinora
impune suscepisse parum habuere.<a class="sup" href="#j189">[189]</a> Itaque postremo leges, majestas
vestra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. Neque eos, qui ea
fecere, pudet aut poenitet, sed incedunt per ora vestra<a class="sup" href="#j190">[190]</a> magnifici,
sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes, perinde quasi
ea honori non praedae habeant. Servi aera parati injusta imperia
dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, imperio nati, aequo animo
servitutem toleratis? At qui sunt hi qui rem publicam oocupavere? Homines
sceleratissimi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissimi iidemque
superbissimi, quibus fides, decus, pietas, postremo honesta atque
inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. Pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii
quaestiones injustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse, pro munimento
habent.<a class="sup" href="#j191">[191]</a> Ita quam quisque pessime fecit, tam maxime<a class="sup" href="#j192">[192]</a> tutus est:
metum a scelere suo ad ignaviam vestram transtulere;<a class="sup" href="#j193">[193]</a> quos omnes
eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum co&euml;git.<a class="sup" href="#j194">[194]</a> Sed haec
inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. Quodsi tam vos libertatis
curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque
res publica, sicuti nunc, vastaretur, et beneficia vestra<a class="sup" href="#j195">[195]</a> penes
optimos, non audacissimos, forent. Majores vestri parandi juris et
majestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Aventinum
occupavere,<a class="sup" href="#j196">[196]</a> vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, non summa
ope nitemini?<a class="sup" href="#j197">[197]</a> atque eo vehementius, quo majus dedecus est parta
amittere quam omnino non paravisse. Dicet aliquis: Quid igitur censes?
Vindicandum in eos,<a class="sup" href="#j198">[198]</a> qui hosti prodidere rem publicam? Non manu neque
vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum
quaestionibus<a class="sup" href="#j199">[199]</a> et indicio ipsius Jugurthae, qut si dediticius est,
profecto jussis vestris obediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet
existimabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Jugurtham
scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentes maximae divitiae, in rem publicam
damna atque dedecora pervenerint. Nisi forte<a class="sup" href="#j200">[200]</a> nondum etiam vos
dominationis eorum satietas tenet, et illa quam haec tempora magis
placent, quum regna, provinciae, leges, jura, judicia, bella atque paces,
postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est,
populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis
habebatis animam retinere; nam servitutem quidem quis vestrum recusare
audebat? Atque ego, tametsi viro flagitiosissimum existimo impune
injuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissimis ignoscere,
quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem
casura esset. Nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent,<a class="sup" href="#j201">[201]</a> parum est
impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciundi licentia eripitur, et vobis
aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, quum intellegetis aut serviundum esse aut
permanus libertatem retinendam. Nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes
est? Dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse, facere illi injurias, vos
prohibere; postremo sociis vestris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis
utuntur. Potestne in tam diversis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse? Quare
moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus impunitum omittatis. Non peculatus
aerarii factus est, neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam
gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine jam pro nihilo habentur: hosti acerrimo
prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vestrum, domi militiaeque
res publica venalis fuit. Quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in
noxios, quid erit reliquum, nisi ut illis, qui ea fecere, obedientes
vivamus? Nam impune quaelibet facere, id est regem<a class="sup" href="#j202">[202]</a> esse. Neque ego
vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis cives vestros perperam quam recte
fecisse, sed ne ignoscendo malis bonos perditum eatis.<a class="sup" href="#j203">[203]</a> Ad hoc in re
publica multo praestat beneficii quam maleficii immemorem esse;<a class="sup" href="#j204">[204]</a>
bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus improbior. Ad hoc si
injuriae non sint, haud saepe auxilii egeas.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug32">32</a>. Haec atque alia hujuscemodi saepe dicundo Memmius populo persuadet,
uti L. Cassius, qui tum praetor erat, ad Jugurtham mitteretur eumque
interposita fide publica Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri
et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebant,<a class="sup" href="#j205">[205]</a> delicta
patefierent. Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia
exercitui praeerant, secuti morem imperatoris sui plurima et
flagitiosissima facinora fecere. Fuere, qui auro corrupti elephantos
Jugurthae traderent; alii perfugas vendere, pars ex pacatis praedas
agebant; tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum veluti tabes invaserat. At
Cassius, perlata rogatione<a class="sup" href="#j206">[206]</a> a G. Memmio ac perculsa omni nobilitate,
ad Jugurtham proficiscitur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti
rebus suis persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam
misericordiam ejus experiri mallet. Privatim praeterea fidem suam
interponit, quam ille non minoris quam publicam ducebat; talis ea
tempestate fama de Cassio erat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug33">33</a>. Igitur Jugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxime miserabili cum
Cassio Romam venit. Ac tametsi in ipso magna vis animi erat, confirmatus
ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra
diximus, G. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, cujus impudentia
contra jus et injurias omnes munitus foret. At G. Memmius, advocata
contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat, et pars in vincula duci
jubebat, pars, ni socios sceleris sui aperiret, more majorum de hoste
supplicium sumi; dignitati quam irae magis consulens, sedare motus et
animos eorum mollire, postremo confirmare, fidem publicam per sese<a class="sup" href="#j207">[207]</a>
inviolatam fore. Post, ubi silentium coepit, producto Jugurtha, verba
facit; Romae Numidiaeque<a class="sup" href="#j208">[208]</a> facinora ejus memorat, scelera in patrem
fratresque ostendit. Quibus juvantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit,
quamquam intellegat populus Romanus, tamen velle manifesta magis ex illo
habere. Si verum aperiat, in fide et clementia populi Romani magnam spem
illi sitam; sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore,<a class="sup" href="#j209">[209]</a> sed se suasque
spes corrupturum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug34">34</a>. Deinde, ubi Memmius dicundi finem fecit et Jugurtha respondere jussus
est, G. Baebius, tribunus plebis, quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus,
regem tacere jubet, ac tametsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat,
vehementer accensa, terrebat eum clamore, vultu, saepe impetu atque aliis
omnibus, quae ira fieri amat,<a class="sup" href="#j210">[210]</a> vicit tamen impudentia. Ita populus
ludibrio habitus ex contione discedit: Jugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris,
quos illa quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt.<a class="sup" href="#j211">[211]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug35">35</a>. Erat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam, nomine Massiva, Gulussae
filius, Masinissae nepos; qui, quia in dissensione regum Jugurthae
adversus fuerat, dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto, profugus ex Africa
abierat. Huic Sp. Albinus, qui proximo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio
Rufo consulatum gerebat,<a class="sup" href="#j212">[212]</a> persuadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae
sit, Jugurthamque ob scelera invidia cum metu urgueat,<a class="sup" href="#j213">[213]</a> regnum
Numidiae ab senatu petat. Avidus consul belli gerundi moveri quam
senescere omnia malebat; ipsi provincia Numidia, Minucio Macedonia
evenerat. Quae postquam Massiva agitare coepit, neque Jugurthae in amicis
satis praesidii est, quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et
timor impediebat, Bomilcari, proximo ac maxime fido sibi, imperat,
pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massivae paret, ac
maxime<a class="sup" href="#j214">[214]</a> occulte, sin id parum procedat, quovis modo Numidam interficiat.
Bomilcar mature regis mandata exequitur, et per homines talis negotii
artifices itinera egressusque ejus, postremo loca atque tempora cuncta
explorat, deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit. Igitur unus ex eo
numero, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo inconsultius Massivam
aggreditur; illum obtruncat, sed ipse deprehensus, multis hortantibus et
in primis Albino consule, indicium profitetur.<a class="sup" href="#j215">[215]</a> Fit reus magis ex
aequo bonoque quam ex jure gentium Bomilcar, comes ejus, qui Romam fide
publica venerat. At Jugurtha manifestus<a class="sup" href="#j216">[216]</a> tanti sceleris non prius
omisit contra verum niti, quam animum advertit,<a class="sup" href="#j217">[217]</a> supra gratiam atque
pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. Igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex
amicis quinquaginta vades dederat,<a class="sup" href="#j218">[218]</a> regno magis quam vadibus
consulens, clam in Numidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, veritus ne reliquos
populares metus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum
foret. Et ipse paucis diebus<a class="sup" href="#j219">[219]</a> eodem profectus est, jussus a senatu
Italia decedere. Sed postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe eo tacitus
respiciens postremo dixisse: &#8216;urbem venalem et mature perituram, si
emptorem invenerit.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug36">36</a>. Interim Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium aliaque, quae
militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare; ac statim ipse
profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus<a class="sup" href="#j220">[220]</a> haud longe aberat, armis
aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret. At contra Jugurtha
trahere omnia et alias deinde alias morae causas facere, polliceri
deditionem, ac deinde metum simulare, cedere instanti et paulo post, ne
sui diffiderent, instare; ita belli modo, modo pacis mora consulem
ludificare.<a class="sup" href="#j221">[221]</a> Ac fuere, qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consilii regis
existimarent, neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum
socordia magis quam dolo crederent.<a class="sup" href="#j222">[222]</a> Sed postquam dilapso tempore
comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus, Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore
relicto Romam decessit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug37">37</a>. Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuniciis atrociter res publica
agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. Annius, tribuni plebis, resistentibus
collegis, continuare magistratum<a class="sup" href="#j223">[223]</a> nitebantur, quae dissensio totius
anni comitia impediebat. Ea mora in spem adductus Aulus, quem pro
praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conficiundi belli aut
terrore exercitus ab rege pecuniae capiundae, milites mense Januario ex
hibernis in expeditionem evocat, magnisque itineribus, hieme aspera,
pervenit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. Quod quamquam et
saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat
(nam circum murum situm in praerupti montis extremo planities limosa
hiemalibus aquis paludem fecerat<a class="sup" href="#j224">[224]</a>), tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo
regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi
potiundi, vineas agere, aggerem jacere, aliaque, quae incepto usui
forent, properare.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug38">38</a>. At Jugurtha, cognita vanitate atque imperitia legati, subdolus ejus
augere amentiam, missitare<a class="sup" href="#j225">[225]</a> supplicantes legatos, ipse quasi
vitabundus per saltuosa loca et tramites exercitum ductare. Denique Aulum
spe pactionis perpulit, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese
veluti cedentem insequeretur; &#8216;ita delicta occultiora fore.&#8217; Interea per
homines callidos die noctuque exercitum temptabat; centuriones ducesque
turmarum partim uti transfugerent corrumpere, alii signo dato locum uti
desererent.<a class="sup" href="#j226">[226]</a> Quae postquam ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de
improviso multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumvenit. Milites Romani,
perculsi tumultu insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars
territos confirmare, trepidare<a class="sup" href="#j227">[227]</a> omnibus locis; vis magna hostium,
coelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps,<a class="sup" href="#j228">[228]</a> postremo
fugere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat. Sed ex eo numero, quos
paulo ante corruptos diximus, cohors una Ligurum cum duabus turmis
Thracum et paucis gregariis militibus transiere ad regem,<a class="sup" href="#j229">[229]</a> et
centurio primi pili<a class="sup" href="#j230">[230]</a> tertiae legionis per munitionem, quam uti
defenderet acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit, eaque Numidae
cuncti irrupere. Nostri foeda fuga, plerique abjectis armis, proximum
collem occupavere. Nox atque praeda castrorum hostes, quo minus victoria
uterentur, remorata sunt. Deinde Jugurtha postero die cum Aulo in
colloquio verba facit: &#8216;tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame et ferro clausum
tenet,<a class="sup" href="#j231">[231]</a> tamen se memorem humanarum rerum, si secum foedus faceret,
incolumes omnes sub jugum missurum,<a class="sup" href="#j232">[232]</a> praeterea uti diebus decem
Numidia decederet.&#8217; Quae quamquam gravia et flagitii plena erant, tamen,
quia mortis metu mutabantur,<a class="sup" href="#j233">[233]</a> sicuti regi libuerat, pax convenit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug39">39</a>. Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror civitatem
invasere. Pars dolere pro gloria imperii, pars insolita rerum bellicarum
timere libertati,<a class="sup" href="#j234">[234]</a> Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxime, qui bello saepe
praeclari fuerant, quod armatus dedecore potius quam manu salutem
quaesiverat. Ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde
periculum timens, senatum de foedere consulebat, et tamen interim
exercitui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino<a class="sup" href="#j235">[235]</a> auxilia
accersere, denique omnibus modis festinare. Senatus ita, uti par fuerat,
decernit, suo atque populi injussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri. Consul
impeditus a tribunis plebis, ne, quas paraverat copias, secum portaret,
paucis diebus in Africam proficiscitur; nam omnis exercitus, uti
convenerat, Numidia deductus, in provincia hiemabat. Postquam eo venit,
quamquam persequi Jugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animo ardebat,
cognitis militibus, quos praeter fugam, soluto imperio, licentia atque
lascivia corruperat, ex copia rerum<a class="sup" href="#j236">[236]</a> statuit sibi nihil agitandum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug40">40</a>. Interim Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus tribunus plebis rogationem ad
populum promulgat, uti quaereretur in eos, quorum consilio Jugurtha
senati decreta neglexisset,<a class="sup" href="#j237">[237]</a> quique ab eo in legationibus aut
imperiis pecunias accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugas
tradidissent, item qui de pace aut bello cum hostibus pactiones
fecissent. Huic rogationi partim conscii sibi, alii ex partium invidia
pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin illa et
alia talia placere sibi faterentur,<a class="sup" href="#j238">[238]</a> occulte per amicos ac maxime per
homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. Sed
plebes incredibile memoratu est, quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi
rogationem jusserit, decreverit, voluerit: magis odio nobilitatis, cui
mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae; tanta libido in partibus
erat. Igitur ceteris metu perculsis, M. Scaurus, quem legatum Bestiae
fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis et suorum fugam, trepida
etiamtum civitate quum ex Mamili regatione tres quaesitores rogarentur,
effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur.<a class="sup" href="#j239">[239]</a> Sed quaestio exercita
aspere violenterque ex<a class="sup" href="#j240">[240]</a> rumore et libidine plebis; ut saepe
nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia
ceperat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug41">41</a>. Ceterum mos partium popularium et senatus factionum,<a class="sup" href="#j241">[241]</a> ac deinde
omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque
abundantia earum rerum, quae prima mortales ducunt.<a class="sup" href="#j242">[242]</a> Nam ante
Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter
se rem publicam tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen
inter cives erat; metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat.
Sed ubi illa formido mentibus decessit, scilicet<a class="sup" href="#j243">[243]</a> ea, quae res
secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. Ita, quod in adversis
rebus optaverant otium, postquam adepti sunt, asperius acerbiusque fuit.
Namque coepere nobilitas dignitatem, populus libertatem in libidinem
vertere, sibi quisque ducere, trahere, rapere. Ita omnia in duas partes
abstracta sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata. Ceterum
nobilitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vis soluta atque dispersa in
multitudine minus poterat. Paucorum arbitrio belli domique agitabatur,
penes eosdem aerarium, provinciae, magistratus, gloriae triumphique
erant; populus militia atque inopia urguebatur; praedas bellicas
imperatores cum paucis diripiebant; interea parentes aut parvi liberi
militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur.<a class="sup" href="#j244">[244]</a>
Ita cum potentia avaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere et
vastare omnia, nihil pensi neque sancti habere, quoad semet ipsa
praecipitavit. Nam ubi primum ex nobilitate reperti sunt, qui veram
gloriam injustae potentiae anteponerent, moveri civitas et dissensio
civilis quasi permixtio terrae<a class="sup" href="#j245">[245]</a> oriri coepit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug42">42</a>. Nam postquam Tiberius et G. Gracchus, quorum majores Punico atque
aliis bellis multum rei publicae addiderant, vindicare plebem in
libertatem et paucorum scelera patefacere coepere, nobilitas noxia atque
eo perculsa, modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites
Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat, Gracchorum actionibus
obviam ierat, et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem
ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum, alterum triumvirum coloniis
deducendis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverat.<a class="sup" href="#j246">[246]</a> Et sane Gracchis
cupidine victoriae haud satis moderatus animus fuit: sed bono vinci
satius est quam malo more injuriam vincere.<a class="sup" href="#j247">[247]</a> Igitur ea victoria
nobilitas ex libidine sua usa multos mortales ferro aut fuga extinxit,
plusque in reliquum sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit. Quae res
plerumque magnas civitates pessumdedit, dum alteri alteros vincere quovis
modo et victos acerbius<a class="sup" href="#j248">[248]</a> ulcisci volunt. Sed de studiis partium et
omnis civitatis moribus si singulatim aut pro magnitudine parem
disserere, tempus quam res maturius me deseret.<a class="sup" href="#j249">[249]</a> Quamobrem ad
inceptum redeo.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug43">43</a>. Post Auli foedus exercitusque nostri foedam fugam, Metellus et
Silanus consules designati,<a class="sup" href="#j250">[250]</a> provincias inter se partiverant,
Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et quamquam adverso populi
partium,<a class="sup" href="#j251">[251]</a> fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. Is ubi primum
magistratum ingressus est, alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, ad bellum,
quod gesturus erat, animum intendit.<a class="sup" href="#j252">[252]</a> Igitur diffidens veteri
exercitui, milites scribere, praesidia<a class="sup" href="#j253">[253]</a> undique accersere, arma,
tela, equos et cetera instrumenta militiae parare, ad hoc commeatum
affatim, denique omnia, quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui
esse solent. Ceteram ad ea patranda senatus auctoritate, socii nomenque
Latinum et reges ultro auxilia mittendo, postremo omnis civitas summo
studio adnitebatur. Itaque ex sententia omnibus rebus paratis
compositisque, in Numidiam proficiscitur, magna spe civium, quum propter
artes bonas, tum maxime, quod adversum divitias invictum animum gerebat,
et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostrae opes
contusae<a class="sup" href="#j254">[254]</a> hostiumque auctae erant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug44">44</a>. Sed ubi in Africam venit, exercitus ei traditur a Sp. Albino pro
consule iners, imbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, lingua
quam manu promptior, praedator<a class="sup" href="#j255">[255]</a> ex sociis et ipse praeda hostium,
sine imperio et modestia habitus. Ita imperatori novo plus ex malis
moribus sollicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxilii aut spei bonae
accedebat. Statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam et aestivorum tempus<a class="sup" href="#j256">[256]</a>
comitiorum mora imminuerat, et expectatione eventus civium animos
intentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere quam majorum disciplina
milites laborare co&euml;gisset. Nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade
perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi provincia, quantum temporis
aestivorum in imperio fuit,<a class="sup" href="#j257">[257]</a> plerumque milites stativis castris
habebat, nisi quum odos<a class="sup" href="#j258">[258]</a> aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat.
Sed neque muniebantur ea, neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur; uti
cuique libebat, ab signis aberat: lixae permixti cum militibus die
noctuque vagabantur; palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, pecoris et
mancipiorum praedas certantes agere, eaque mutare cum mercatoribus<a class="sup" href="#j259">[259]</a>
vino advectitio et aliis talibus; praeterea frumentum publice datum
vendere, panem in dies mercari; postremo, quaecunque dici aut fingi
queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta fuere et
alia amplius.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug45">45</a>. Sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus
magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior; tanta temperantia inter
ambitionem<a class="sup" href="#j260">[260]</a> saevitiamque moderatum: namque edicto primum adjumenta
ignaviae sustulisse, ne quisquam in castris panem aut quem alium coctum
cibum venderet, ne lixae exercitum sequerentur, ne miles gregarius in
castris neve in agmine servum aut jumentum haberet; ceteris arte modum
statuisse.<a class="sup" href="#j261">[261]</a> Praeterea transversis itineribus cotidie castra movere,
juxta ac si hostes adessent, vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras
ponere et eas ipse cum legatis circumire, item in agmine in primis modo,
modo in postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quisquam ordine egrederetur,
uti cum signis frequentes incederent, miles cibum et arma portaret. Ita
prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug46">46</a>. Interea Jugurtha, ubi quae Metellus agebat ex nuntiis accepit, simul
de innocentia ejus certior Romae factus, diffidere suis rebus ac tum
demum veram deditionem facere conatus est. Igitur legatos ad consulem cum
suppliciis<a class="sup" href="#j262">[262]</a> mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque vitam peterent,
alia omnia dederent populo Romano. Sed Metello jam antea experimentis
cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum
avidum esse. Itaque legatos alium ab alio diversos aggreditur,<a class="sup" href="#j263">[263]</a> ac
paulatim temptando, postquam opportunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo
persuadet, uti Jugurtham maxime<a class="sup" href="#j264">[264]</a> vivum, sin id parum procedat,
necatum sibi traderent; ceterum palam, quae ex voluntate forent,<a class="sup" href="#j265">[265]</a>
regi nuntiari jubet. Deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque infesto
exercitu in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli faciem tuguria plena
hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant; ex oppidis et mapalibus
praefecti regis obvii procedebant, parati frumentum dare, commeatum
portare, postremo omnia, quae imperarentur, facere. Neque Metellus
idcirco minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent, munito agmine incedere,
late explorare omnia, illa deditionis signa ostentui credere et insidiis
locum temptari. Itaque ipse cum expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et
sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat, in postremo G. Marius
legatus cum equitibus curabat, in utrumque latus auxiliarios equites
tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium dispertiverat, ut cum his
permixti velites, quocunque accederent equitatus<a class="sup" href="#j266">[266]</a> hostium,
propulsarent. Nam in Jugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et
militiae erat, ut absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens perniciosior
esset, in incerto haberetur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug47">47</a>. Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum
Numidarum, nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxime
celebratum,<a class="sup" href="#j267">[267]</a> ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis
multi mortales. Huc consul simul temptandi gratia, et si paterentur,
opportunitate loci, praesidium imposuit;<a class="sup" href="#j268">[268]</a> praeterea imperavit
frumentum et alia, quae bello usui forent, comportare,<a class="sup" href="#j269">[269]</a> ratus id quod
res monebat, frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatum juvaturum exercitum et
jam paratis rebus munimento fore. Inter haec negotia Jugurtha impensius
modo<a class="sup" href="#j270">[270]</a> legatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam
liberorumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. Quos item, uti priores, consul
illectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat, regi pacem quam postulabat
neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum
exspectare.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug48">48</a>. Jugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis composuit ac se suis artibus
temptari animadvertit, quippe cui verbis pax nuntiabatur, ceterum re
bellum asperrimum erat, urbs maxima alienata, ager hostibus cognitus,
animi popularium temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis
certare. Igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem victoriae adductus ex
opportunitate loci, quam maximas potest copias omnium generum parat ac
per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit.<a class="sup" href="#j271">[271]</a> Erat in ea parte
Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie,
nomine Muthul; a quo aberat mons ferme milia passuum viginti tractu
pari,<a class="sup" href="#j272">[272]</a> vastus ab natura et humano cultu. Sed ex eo medio quasi collis
oriebatur, in immensum pertingens,<a class="sup" href="#j273">[273]</a> vestitus oleastro ac murtetis
aliisque generibus arborum, quae humi arido atque arenoso<a class="sup" href="#j274">[274]</a> gignuntur.
Media autem planities deserta penuria aquae, praeter flumini propinqua
loca; ea consita arbustis, pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug49">49</a>. Igitur in eo colle, quem transverso itinere porrectum docuimus,
Jugurtha, extenuata suorum acie,<a class="sup" href="#j275">[275]</a> consedit, elephantis et parti
copiarum pedestrium Bomilcarem praefecit eumque edocet, quae ageret; ipse
propior montem<a class="sup" href="#j276">[276]</a> cum omni equitatu et peditibus delectis suos
collocat. Dein singulas turmas et manipulos circumiens monet atque
obtestatur, uti memores pristinae virtutis et victoriae sese regnumque
suum ab Romanorum avaritia defendant; cum iis certamen fore, quos antea
victos sub jugum miserint; ducem illis, non animum mutatum; quae ab
imperatore decuerint,<a class="sup" href="#j277">[277]</a> omnia suis provisa, locum superiorem, ut
prudentes cum imperitis, ne pauciores cum pluribus aut rudes cum bello
melioribus manum consererent; proinde parati intentique essent signo
dato Romanos invadere; illum diem aut omnes labores et victorias
confirmaturum, aut maximarum aerumnarum initium fore. Ad hoc viritim, uti
quemque ob militare facinus pecunia aut honore extulerat, commonefacere
beneficii sui et eum ipsum aliis ostentare; postremo pro cujusque ingenio
pollicendo, minitando, obtestando, alium alio modo excitare; quum
interim Metellus, ignarus hostium, monte degrediens cum exercitu
conspicitur,<a class="sup" href="#j278">[278]</a> primo dubius, quidnam insolita facies ostenderet (nam
inter virgulta equi Numidaeque consederant, neque plane occultati
humilitate arborum, et tamen incerti,<a class="sup" href="#j279">[279]</a> quidnam esset, cum natura loci
tum dolo ipsi atque signa militaria obscurati); dein, brevi cognitis
insidiis paulisper agmen constituit. Ibi commutatis ordinibus,<a class="sup" href="#j280">[280]</a> in
dextero latere, quod proximum hostes erat, triplicibus subsidiis aciem
instruxit, inter manipulos funditores et sagittarios dispertit, equitatum
omnem in cornibus locat, ac pauca pro tempore milites hortatus aciem,
sicuti instruxerat, transversis principiis<a class="sup" href="#j281">[281]</a> in planum deducit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug50">50</a>. Sed ubi Numidas quietos neque colle degredi animadvertit, veritus ex
anni tempore et inopia aquae, ne siti conficeretur exercitus, Rutilium
legatum cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitum praemisit ad flumen,
uti locum castris antecaperet, existimans hostes crebro impetu et
transversis proeliis<a class="sup" href="#j282">[282]</a> iter suum remoraturos, et quoniam armis
diffiderent, lassitudinem et sitim militum temptaturos.<a class="sup" href="#j283">[283]</a> Deinde ipse
pro re atque loco, sicuti monte descenderat, paulatim procedere, Marium
post principia habere, ipse cum sinistrae alae equitibus esse, qui in
agmine principes facti erant.<a class="sup" href="#j284">[284]</a> At Jugurtha, ubi extremum agmen
Metelli primos suos praetergressum videt, praesidio quasi duum milium
peditum montem occupat, qua Metellus descenderat, ne forte cedentibus
adversariis receptui ac post munimento foret; dein repente signo dato
hostes invadit. Numidae alii postremos caedere, pars a sinistra ac
dextera temptare, infensi adesse atque instare, omnibus locis Romanorum
ordines conturbare, quorum etiam qui firmioribus animis obvii hostibus
fuerant, ludificati incerto proelio, ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur, neque
contra feriundi aut conserendi manum copia erat; ante jam docti ab
Jugurtha equites, ubicunque Romanorum turma insequi coeperat, non
confertim neque in unum sese recipiebant, sed alius alio quam maxime
diversi. Ita numero priores,<a class="sup" href="#j285">[285]</a> si ab persequendo hostes deterrere
nequiverant, disjectos ab tergo aut lateribus circumveniebant; sin
opportunior fugae collis quam campi fuerat, ea<a class="sup" href="#j286">[286]</a> vero consueti
Numidarum equi facile inter virgulta evadere; nostros asperitas et
insolentia loci retinebat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug51">51</a>. Ceterum facies totius negotii varia, incerta, foeda atque
miserabilis; dispersi a suis pars cedere, alii insequi, neque signa neque
ordines observare, ubi quemque periculum ceperat, ibi resistere ac
propulsare, arma tela,<a class="sup" href="#j287">[287]</a> equi viri, hostes atque cives permixti, nihil
consilio neque imperio agi, fors omnia regere: itaque multum diei
processerat, quum etiamtum eventus in incerto erat. Denique omnibus
labore et aestu languidis, Metellus ubi videt Numidas minus instare,
paulatim milites in unum conducit, ordines restituit et cohortes
legionarias quatuor adversum pedites hostium collocat. Eorum magna pars
superioribus locis fessa consederat. Simul orare, hortari milites, ne
deficerent, neu paterentur hostes fugientes vincere; neque illis<a class="sup" href="#j288">[288]</a>
castra esse neque munimentum ullum, quo cedentes tenderent, in armis
omnia sita. Sed ne Jugurtha quidem interea quietus erat; circumire,
hortari, renovare proelium et ipse cum delectis temptare omnia, subvenire
suis, hostibus dubiis instare, quos firmos cognoverat, eminus pugnando
retinere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug52">52</a>. Eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi viri certabant, ipsi pares,
ceterum opibus disparibus. Nam Metello virtus militum erat, locus
adversus, Jugurthae alia omnia praeter milites opportuna. Denique Romani,
ubi intelligunt neque sibi perfugium esse neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi
fieri (et jam diei<a class="sup" href="#j289">[289]</a> vesper erat) adverse colle, sicuti praeceptum
fuerat, evadunt. Amisso loco Numidae fusi fugatique; pauci interiere,
plerosque velocitas et regio hostibus ignara tutata sunt.<a class="sup" href="#j290">[290]</a> Interea
Bomilcar, quem elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium praefectum ab
Jugurtha supra diximus, ubi cum Rutilius praetergressus est, paulatim
suos in aequum locum deducit ac, dum legatus ad flumen, quo praemissus
erat, festinans pergit, quietus, uti res postulabat, aciem exornat, neque
remittit, quid ubique hostis ageret,<a class="sup" href="#j291">[291]</a> explorare. Postquam Rutilium
consedisse jam et animo vacuum accepit, simulque ex Jugurthae proelio
clamorem augeri, veritus, ne legatus cognita re laborantibus suis auxilio
foret, aciem, quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat,<a class="sup" href="#j292">[292]</a> quo
hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit, eoque modo ad Rutilii castra
procedit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug53">53</a>. Romani ex improviso pulveris vim magnam animadvertunt; nam prospectum
ager arbustis consitus prohibebat. Et primo rati humum aridam vento
agitari, post ubi aequabilem manere et, sicuti acies movebatur, magis
magisque appropinquare vident, cognita re properantes arma capiunt ac pro
castris, sicuti imperabatur, consistunt. Deinde, ubi propius ventum est,
utrimque magno clamore concurritur. Numidae tantummodo remorati, dum in
elephantis auxilium putant,<a class="sup" href="#j293">[293]</a> postquam eos impeditos ramis arborum
atque ita disjectos circumveniri vident, fugam faciunt ac plerique
abjectis armis collis aut noctis quae jam aderat auxilio integri abeunt.
Elephanti quatuor capti, reliqui omnes numero quadraginta interfecti. At
Romani, quamquam itinere atque opere castrorum et proelio fessi
lassique<a class="sup" href="#j294">[294]</a> erant, tamen, quod Metellus amplius opinione morabatur,
instructi intentique obviam procedunt. Nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi
neque remissi patiebatur. Ac primo, obscura nocte, postquam haud procul
inter se erant, strepitu, velut hostes adventarent,<a class="sup" href="#j295">[295]</a> alteri apud
alteros formidinem simul et tumultum facere, et paene imprudentia
admissum<a class="sup" href="#j296">[296]</a> facinus miserabile, ni utrimque praemissi equites rem
exploravissent. Igitur pro metu repente gaudium exortum, milites alius
alium laeti appellant, acta edocent atque audiunt, sua quisque fortia
facta ad coelum fert. Quippe res humanae ita sese habent: in victoria vel
ignavis gloriari licet, adversae res etiam bonos detractant.<a class="sup" href="#j297">[297]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug54">54</a>. Metellus in iisdem castris quatriduo<a class="sup" href="#j298">[298]</a> moratus, saucios cum cura
reficit, meritos in proeliis more militiae donat, universos in contione
laudat atque agit gratias; hortatur ad cetera, quae levia sunt,<a class="sup" href="#j299">[299]</a>
parem animum gerant; pro victoria satis jam pugnatum, reliquos labores
pro praeda fore. Tamen interim transfugas et alios opportunos, Jugurtha
ubi gentium<a class="sup" href="#j300">[300]</a> aut quid agitaret, cum paucisne esset, an exercitum
haberet, ut sese victus gereret, exploratum misit. At ille sese in loca
saltuosa et natura munita receperat, ibique cogebat exercitum numero
hominum ampliorem, sed hebetem infirmumque, agri ac pecoris magis quam
belli cultorem.<a class="sup" href="#j301">[301]</a> Id ea gratia<a class="sup" href="#j302">[302]</a> eveniebat, quod praeter regios
equites nemo omnium Numidarum ex fuga regem sequitur; quo cujusque animus
fert, eo discedunt, neque id flagitium militiae ducitur; ita se mores
habent. Igitur Metellus ubi videt etiamtum regis animum ferocem esse,
bellum renovari, quod nisi ex illius libidine geri non posset,<a class="sup" href="#j303">[303]</a>
praeterea iniquum certamen sibi cum hostibus, minore detrimento illos
vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie, sed alio
more bellum gerundum. Itaque in Numidiae loca opulentissima pergit, agros
vastat, multa castella et oppida temere<a class="sup" href="#j304">[304]</a> munita aut sine praesidio
capit incenditque; puberes interfici jubet, alia omnia militum praedam
esse. Ea formidine multi mortales Romanis dediti obsides; frumentum et
alia, quae usui forent, affatim praebita, ubicunque res postulabat,
praesidium impositum. Quae negotia multo magis quam proelium male
pugnatum ab suis, regem terrebant; quippe cui spes omnis in fuga sita
erat, sequi cogebatur, et qui sua loca<a class="sup" href="#j305">[305]</a> defendere nequiverat, in
alienis bellum gerere. Tamen ex copia<a class="sup" href="#j306">[306]</a> quod optimum videbatur
consilium capit, exercitum plerumque in iisdem locis opperiri jubet, ipse
cum delectis equitibus Metellum sequitur, nocturnis et aviis itineribus
ignoratus Romanos palantes repente aggreditur. Eorum plerique inermes
cadunt, multi capiuntur, nemo omnium intactus profugit, et Numidae,
priusquam ex castris subveniretur, sicuti jussi erant, in proximos colles
discedunt.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug55">55</a>. Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque
et exercitum more majorum gereret, in adverso loco victor tamen virtute
fuisset hostium agro potiretur, Jugurtham magnificum<a class="sup" href="#j307">[307]</a> ex Auli
socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga co&euml;gisset habere. Itaque
senatus ob ea felicitur acta dis immortalibus supplicia<a class="sup" href="#j308">[308]</a> decernere,
civitas trepida antea et sollicita de belli eventu laeta agere, fama de
Metello praeclara esse. Igitur eo intentior ad victoriam niti, omnibus
modis festinare, cavere tamen, necubi<a class="sup" href="#j309">[309]</a> hosti opportunus fieret,
meminisse post gloriam invidiam sequi. Ita quo clarior, eo magis anxius
erat, neque post insidias Jugurthae<a class="sup" href="#j310">[310]</a> effuso exercitu praedari; ubi
frumento aut pabulo opus erat, cohortes cum omni equitatu praesidium
agitabant; exercitus partem ipse, reliquos Marius ducebat. Sed igni magis
quam praeda ager vastabatur. Duobus locis haud longe inter se castra
faciebant; ubi vi opus erat, cuncti aderant; ceterum, quo fuga atque
formido latius cresceret, diversi agebant. Eo tempore Jugurtha per colles
sequi, tempus aut locum pugnae quaerere; qua venturum hostem audierat,
pabulum et aquarum fontes, quorum penuria erat, corrumpere; modo se
Metello, interdum Mario ostendere, postremo in agmine temptare ac statim
in colles regredi, rursus aliis, post aliis minitari, neque proelium
facere neque otium pati, tantummodo hostem ab incepto retinere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug56">56</a>. Romanus imperator ubi se dolis fatigari videt neque ab hoste copiam
pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam et in ea parte qua sita erat arcem regni,
nomine Zamam,<a class="sup" href="#j311">[311]</a> statuit oppugnare, ratus id quod negotium poscebat
Jugurtham laborantibus suis auxilio venturum ibique proelium fore. At
ille, quae parabantur a perfugis edoctus, magnis itineribus Metellum
antevenit, oppidanos hortatur, moenia defendant, additis auxilio
perfugis, quod genus ex copiis regis, quia fallere nequibat, firmissimum
erat. Praeterea pollicetur in tempore<a class="sup" href="#j312">[312]</a> semet cum exercitu affore. Ita
compositis rebus in loca quam maxime occulta discedit ac post paulo
cognoscit Marium ex itinere frumentatum cum paucis cohortibus Siccam
missum, quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pugnam ab rege defecerat.
Eo cum delectis equitibus noctu pergit et jam egredientibus Romanis in
porta pugnam facit; simul magna voce Siccenses hortatur, uti cohortes ab
tergo circumveniant; fortunam illis praeclari facinoris casum dare; si id
fecerint, postea sese in regno, illos in libertate sine metu aetatem
acturos. Ac ni Marius signa inferre atque evadere oppido properavisset,
profecto cuncti aut magna pars Siccensium fidem mutavissent; tanta
mobilitate sese Numidae agunt. Sed milites Jugurthini paulisper ab rege
sustentati, postquam majore vi hostes urguent, paucis amissis profugi
discedunt.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug57">57</a>. Marius ad Zamam pervenit; id oppidum in campo situm, magis opere quam
natura munitum erat, nullius idoneae rei egens, armis virisque opulentum.
Igitur Metellus pro tempore atque loco paratis rebus cuncta moenia
exercitu circumvenit, legatis imperat, ubi quisque curaret. Deinde signo
dato undique simul clamor ingens oritur; neque ea res Numidas terret,
infensi intentique sine tumultu manent; proelium incipitur. Romani, pro
ingenio quisque, pars eminus glande aut lapidibus pugnare; alii succedere
ac murum modo suffodere, modo scalis aggredi, cupere proelium in manibus
facere.<a class="sup" href="#j313">[313]</a> Contra ea oppidani in proximos saxa volvere, sudes, pila,
praeterea pice et sulfure taedam mixtam ardenti<a class="sup" href="#j314">[314]</a> mittere. Sed ne
illos quidem, qui procul manserant, timor animi satis muniverat; nam
plerosque jacula tormentis aut manu emissa vulnerabant, parique periculo,
sed fama impari, boni atque ignavi erant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug58">58</a>. Dum apud Zamam sic certatur, Jugurtha ex improviso castra hostium cum
magna manu invadit, remissis, qui in praesidio erant,<a class="sup" href="#j315">[315]</a> et omnia magis
quam proelium expectantibus, portam irrumpit. At nostri, repentino metu
perculsi, sibi quisque pro moribus consulunt; alii fugere, alii arma
capere, magna pars vulnerati aut occisi. Ceterum ex omni multitudine non
amplius quadraginta memores nominis Romani grege facto locum cepere paulo
quam alii editiorem, neque inde maxima vi depelli quiverunt, sed tela
eminus missa remittere, pauci in pluribus minus frustrari;<a class="sup" href="#j316">[316]</a> sin
Numidae propius accessissent, ibi vero<a class="sup" href="#j317">[317]</a> virtutem ostendere et eos
maxima vi caedere, fundere atque fugare. Interim Metellus quum accerrime
rem gereret, clamorem hostilem a tergo accepit, dein converso equo
animadvertit fugam ad se versum fieri, quae res indicabat populares esse.
Igitur equitatum omnem ad castra propere mittit, ac statim G. Marium
cum cohortibus sociorum, eumque lacrimans per amicitiam perque rem
publicam obsecrat, ne quam contumeliam remanere in exercitu victore neve
hostes inultos abire sinat. Ille brevi mandata efficit. At Jugurtha
munimento castrorum impeditus, quum alii super vallum praecipitarentur,
alii in angustiis ipsi sibi properantes officerent, multis amissis in
loca munita sese recepit. Metellus, infecto negotio, postquam nox aderat,
in castra cum exercitu revertitur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug59">59</a>. Igitur postero die, prius quam ad oppugnandum egrederetur, equitatum
omnem in ea parte, qua regis adventus erat, pro castris agitare jubet,
portas et proxima loca tribunis dispertit, deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum
atque uti superiore die murum aggreditur. Interim Jugurtha ex occulto
repente nostros invadit; qui in proximo locati fuerant, paulisper territi
perturbantur, reliqui cito subveniunt. Neque diutius Numidae resistere
quivissent, ni pedites cum equitibus permixti magnam cladem in congressu
facerent;<a class="sup" href="#j318">[318]</a> quibus illi freti, non uti equestri proelio solet, sequi,
dein cedere, sed adversis equis concurrere, implicare ac perturbare
aciem; ita expeditis peditibus suis hostes paene victos dare.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug60">60</a>. Eodem tempore apud Zamam magna vi certabatur. Ubi quisque legatus aut
tribunus curabat, eo acerrime niti,<a class="sup" href="#j319">[319]</a> neque alius in alio magis quam
in sese<a class="sup" href="#j320">[320]</a> spem habere: pariterque oppidani agere; oppugnare aut parare
omnibus locis, avidius alteri alteros sauciare quam semet tegere, clamor
permixtus hortatione, laetitia, gemitu, item strepitus armorum ad coelum
ferri, tela utrimque volare. Sed illi, qui moenia defensabant, ubi hostes
paulum modo pugnam remiserant, intenti proelium equestre prospectabant,
eos, uti quaeque Jugurthae res erant, laetos modo, modo pavidos
animadverteres,<a class="sup" href="#j321">[321]</a> ac, sicuti audiri a suis aut cerni possent,<a class="sup" href="#j322">[322]</a>
monere alii, alii hortari aut manu significare aut niti corporibus,<a class="sup" href="#j323">[323]</a>
et ea huc et illuc quasi vitabundi aut jacientes tela agitare. Quod ubi
Mario cognitum est (nam is in ea parte curabat) consulto lenius agere ac
diffidentiam rei simulare, pati Numidas sine tumultu<a class="sup" href="#j324">[324]</a> regis proelium
visere. Ita illis studio suorum astrictis,<a class="sup" href="#j325">[325]</a> repente magna vi murum
aggreditur, et jam scalis egressi milites prope summa ceperant, quum
oppidani concurrunt, lapides, ignem, alia praeterea tela ingerunt. Nostri
primo resistere, deinde, ubi unae atque alterae scalae comminutae, qui
supersteterant, afflicti sunt, ceteri, quoquo modo potuere, pauci
integri, magna pars vulneribus confecti abeunt Denique utrimque proelium
nox diremit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug61">61</a>. Metellus, postquam videt frustra inceptum neque oppidum capi, neque
Jugurtham nisi ex insidiis aut suo loco pugnam facere, et jam aestatem
exactam esse, ab Zama discedit et in iis urbibus, quae ad se<a class="sup" href="#j326">[326]</a>
defecerant, satisque munitae loco aut moenibus erant, praesidia imponit;
ceterum exercitum in provinciam, quae proxima est Numidiae, hiemandi
gratia collocat. Neque id tempus ex aliorum more quieti aut luxuriae
concedit, sed quoniam armis bellum parum procedebat, insidias regi per
amicos tendere et eorum perfidia pro armis uti parat. Igitur Bomilcarem,
qui Romae cum Jugurtha fuerat et inde vadibus datis clam Massivae de nece
judicium fugerat, quod ei per maximam amicitiam maxima copia fallendi
erat, multis pollicitationibus aggreditur. Ac primo efficit, uti ad se
colloquendi gratia occultus veniat, dein fide data, si Jugurtham vivum
aut necatum sibi tradidisset, fore, ut illi senatus impunitatem et sua
omnia concederet, facile Numidae persuadet, cum ingenio infido,<a class="sup" href="#j327">[327]</a> tum
metunti, ne, si pax cum Romanis fieret, ipse per condiciones ad
supplicium traderetur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug62">62</a>. Is, ubi primum opportunum fuit, Jugurtham anxium ac miserantem
fortunas suas accedit; monet atque lacrimans obtestatur, uti aliquando
sibi liberisque et genti Numidarum optime merenti provideat, omnibus
proeliis sese victos, agrum vastatum, multos mortales captos, occisos,
regni opes comminutas esse; satis saepe jam et virtutem militum et
fortunam temptatam; caveat, ne illo<a class="sup" href="#j328">[328]</a> cunctante Numidae sibi
consulant. His atque talibus aliis ad deditionem regis animum impellit.
Mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Jugurtham imperata facturum dicerent
ac sine ulla pactione sese regnumque suum in illius fidem tradere.
Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi jubet,
eorum atque aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet. Ita more
majorum<a class="sup" href="#j329">[329]</a> ex consilii decreto per legates Jugurthae imperat argenti
pondo<a class="sup" href="#j330">[330]</a> ducenta milia, elephantos omnes, equorum et armorum
aliquantum. Quae postquam sine mora facta sunt, jubet omnes perfugas
vinctos adduci; eorum magna pars, uti jussum erat, adducti, pauci, quum
primum deditio coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam abierant. Igitur
Jugurtha, ubi armis virisque et pecunia spoliatus est, quum ipse ad
imperandum Tisidium vocaretur,<a class="sup" href="#j331">[331]</a> rursus coepit flectere animum suum et
ex mala conscientia digna<a class="sup" href="#j332">[332]</a> timere. Denique multis diebus per
dubitationem consumptis quum modo taedio rerum adversarum omnia bello
potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, quam gravis casus in
servitium ex regno foret, multis magnisque praesidiis nequidquam
perditis, de integro bellum sumit. Et Romae senatus de provinciis
consultus Numidiam Metello decreverat.<a class="sup" href="#j333">[333]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug63">63</a>. Per idem tempus Uticae forte G. Mario per hostias dis supplicanti,
magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat; proinde, quae animo
agitabat,<a class="sup" href="#j334">[334]</a> fretus dis ageret, fortunam quam saepissime experiretur,
cuncta prospere eventura. At illum jam antea consulatus ingens cupido
exagitabat, ad quem capiundum praeter vetustatem familiae alia omnia
abunde erant,<a class="sup" href="#j335">[335]</a> industria, probitas militiae magna scientia, animus
belli<a class="sup" href="#j336">[336]</a> ingens, domi modicus, libidinis et divitiarum victor,
tantummodo gloriae avidus. Sed is natus et omnem pueritiam Arpini
altus,<a class="sup" href="#j337">[337]</a> ubi primum aetas militiae patiens fuit, stipendiis faciundis,
non Graeca facundia neque urbanis munditiis sese exercuit; ita inter
artes bonas integrum ingenium brevi adolevit. Ergo ubi primum tribunatum
militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem ejus ignorantibus,<a class="sup" href="#j338">[338]</a> facile
notus per omnes tribus declaratur. Deinde ab eo magistratu alium post
alium sibi peperit, semperque in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, ut
ampliore quam gerebat dignus haberetur. Tamea is ad id locorum<a class="sup" href="#j339">[339]</a> talis
vir (nam postea ambitione praeceps datus est) consulatum appetere non
audebat. Etiamtum alios magistratus plebes, consulatum nobilitas inter se
per manus tradebat.<a class="sup" href="#j340">[340]</a> Novus nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis
erat, quin is indignus illo honore et quasi pollutus haberetur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug64">64</a>. Igitur ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem intendere videt, quo cupido
animi hortabatur, ab Metello petundi gratia missionem<a class="sup" href="#j341">[341]</a> rogat. Cui
quamquam virtus, gloria atque alia optanda bonis superabant,<a class="sup" href="#j342">[342]</a> tamen
inerat contemptor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatis malum. Itaque
primum commotus insolita re mirari ejus consilium et quasi per amicitiam
monere, ne tam prava inciperet neu super fortunam animum gereret; non
omnia omnibus cupiunda esse; debere illi res suas satis placere; postremo
caveret id petere a populo Romano, quod illi jure negaretur. Postquam
haec atque alia talia dixit neque animus Marii flectitur, respondit, ubi
primum potuisset per negotia publica,<a class="sup" href="#j343">[343]</a> facturum sese, quae peteret.
Ac postea saepius eadem postulanti fertur dixisse, ne festinaret abire;
satis mature illum cum filio suo consulatum petiturum. Is eo tempore
contubernio patris<a class="sup" href="#j344">[344]</a> ibidem militabat, annos natus circiter viginti;
quae res Marium cum pro<a class="sup" href="#j345">[345]</a> honore, quem affectabat, tum contra Metellum
vehementer accenderat. Ita cupidine atque ira, pessimis consultoribus,
grassari,<a class="sup" href="#j346">[346]</a> neque facto ullo neque dicto abstinere, quod modo
ambitiosum<a class="sup" href="#j347">[347]</a> foret, milites, quibus in hibernis praeerat, laxiore
imperio quam antea habere, apud negotiatores, quorum magna multitudo
Uticae erat, criminose, simul et magnifice de bello loqui, dimidia pars
exercitus si sibi permitteretur, paucis diebus Jugurtham in catenis
habiturum; ab imperatore consulto trahi, quod homo inanis<a class="sup" href="#j348">[348]</a> et regiae
superbiae imperio nimis gauderet. Quae omnia illis eo firmiora
videbantur, quod diuturnitate belli res familiares corruperant et animo
cupienti nihil satis festinatur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug65">65</a>. Erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Numida quidam, nomine Gauda,
Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum
heredem<a class="sup" href="#j349">[349]</a> scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum
imminuta. Cui Metellus petenti more regum ut sellam juxta poneret, item
postea custodiae causa turmam equitum Romanorum, utrumque negaverat,
honorem, quod eorum modo foret, quos populus Romanus reges appellavisset,
praesidium, quod contumeliosum in eos<a class="sup" href="#j350">[350]</a> foret, si equites Romani
satellites Numidae traderentur. Hunc Marius anxium aggreditur atque
hortatur, ut contumeliarum imperatori<a class="sup" href="#j351">[351]</a> cum suo auxilio poenas petat;
hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione extollit: illum
regem, ingentem virum, Masinissae nepotem esse; si Jugurtha captus aut
occisus foret, imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum; id adeo<a class="sup" href="#j352">[352]</a> mature
posse evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret. Itaque et illum
et equites Romanes, milites et negotiatores<a class="sup" href="#j353">[353]</a> alios ipse, plerosque
pacis spes impellit, uti Romam ad suos necessarios aspere in Metellum de
bello scribant, Marium imperatorem poscant. Sic illi a multis mortalibus
honestissima suffragatione<a class="sup" href="#j354">[354]</a> consulatus petebatur; simul ea tempestate
plebes, nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam,<a class="sup" href="#j355">[355]</a> novos extollebat. Ita
Mario cuncta procedere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug66">66</a>. Interim Jugurtha postquam omissa deditione bellum incipit, cum magna
cura parare omnia, festinare, cogere exercitum, civitates, quae ab se
defecerant, formidine aut ostentando praemia affectare,<a class="sup" href="#j356">[356]</a> communire
suos locos, arma, tela, aliaque, quae spe pacis amiserat, reficere aut
commercari, servitia Romanorum allicere et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis
erant, pecunia temptare; prorsus nihil intactum neque quietum pati, cunta
agitare. Igitur Vagenses, quo Metellus initio, Jugurtha pacificante,
praesidium imposuerat, fatigati regis suppliciis neque antea voluntate
alienati,<a class="sup" href="#j357">[357]</a> principes civitatis inter se conjurant; nam vulgus, uti
plerumque solet, et maxime Numidarum, ingenio mobili, seditiosum atque
discordiosum<a class="sup" href="#j358">[358]</a> erat, cupidum novarum rerum, quieti et otio adversum.
Dein, compositis inter se rebus, in diem tertium constituunt, quod is
festus celebratusque per omnem Africam ludum et lasciviam magis quam
formidinem ostentabat.<a class="sup" href="#j359">[359]</a> Sed ubi tempus fuit, centuriones tribunosque
militares et ipsum praefectum oppidi, T. Turpilium Silanum, alius alium
domos suas invitant; eos omnes praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant;
postea milites palantes, inermos, quippe in tali die<a class="sup" href="#j360">[360]</a> ac sine
imperio, aggrediuntur. Idem plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii
studio talium rerum incitati, quis acta consiliumque ignorantibus
tumultus ipse et res novae satis placebant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug67">67</a>. Romani milites, improviso metu incerti ignarique, quid potissimum
facerent, trepidare; ad arcem oppidi, ubi signa et scuta erant,
praesidium hostium; portae ante clausae fugam prohibebant; ad hoc
mulieres puerique pro tectis aedificiorum<a class="sup" href="#j361">[361]</a> saxa et alia, quae locus
praebebat, certatim mittere. Ita neque caveri anceps malum,<a class="sup" href="#j362">[362]</a> neque a
fortissimis infirmissimo generi resisti posse; juxta boni malique,
strenui et imbelles inulti obtruncari. In ea tanta asperitate,
saevissimis Numidis et oppido undique clauso, Turpilius praefectus unus
ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit; id misericordiane hospitis, an
pactione aut casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus; nisi, quia illi in
tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, improbus intestabilisque
videtur.<a class="sup" href="#j363">[363]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug68">68</a>. Metellus, postquam de rebus Vagae actis comperit, paulisper moestus e
conspectu abit; deinde, ubi ira et aegritudo permixta sunt, cum maxima
cura ultum ire injurias festinat. Legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et quam
plurimos potest Numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis expeditos
educit, et postera die circiter horam tertiam pervenit in quandam
planitiem, locis paulo superioribus circumventam. Ibi milites fessos
itineris magnitudine et jam abnuentes omnia<a class="sup" href="#j364">[364]</a> docet oppidum Vagam non
amplius mille passuum<a class="sup" href="#j365">[365]</a> abesse, decere illos reliquum laborem aequo
animo pati, dum pro civibus suis, viris fortissimis atque miserrimis,
poenas caperent; praeterea praedam benigne ostentat. Sic animis eorum
arrectis, equites in primo<a class="sup" href="#j366">[366]</a> late, pedites quam artissime ire et signa
occultare jubet.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug69">69</a>. Vagenses ubi animum advertere ad se versum exercitum pergere, primo,
uti erat res, Metellum esse rati, portas clausere, deinde ubi neque agros
vastari et eos, qui primi aderant, Numidas equites vident, rursum
Jugurtham arbitrati cum magno gaudio obvii procedunt. Equites peditesque
repente signo dato alii vulgum effusum oppido caedere, alii ad portas
festinare, pars turres capere; ira atque praedae spes amplius quam
lassitudo posse. Ita Vagenses biduum modo ex perfidia laetati; civitas
magna et opulens cuncta poenae aut praedae fuit.<a class="sup" href="#j367">[367]</a> Turpilius, quem
praefectum oppidi unum ex omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, jussus a
Metello causam dicere,<a class="sup" href="#j368">[368]</a> postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus
verberatusque capite poenas solvit; nam is civis ex Latio erat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug70">70</a>. Per idem tempus Bomilcar, cujus impulsu Jugurtha deditionem, quam
metu deseruit, inceperat, suspectus regi et ipse eum suspiciens, novas
res cupere, ad perniciem ejus dolum quaerere, diu noctuque fatigare
animum;<a class="sup" href="#j369">[369]</a> denique omnia temptando, socium sibi adjungit Nabdalsam,
hominem nobilem, magnis opibus, carum acceptumque popularibus suis, qui
plerumque seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare et omnes res exequi solitus
erat, quae Jugurthae fesso aut majoribus astricto superaverant;<a class="sup" href="#j370">[370]</a> ex
quo illi gloria opesque inventae. Igitur utriusque consilio dies insidiis
statuitur; cetera, uti res posceret, ex tempore parari placuit; Nabdalsa
ad exercitum profectus, quem inter hiberna Romanorum jussus habebat, ne
ager inultis hostibus vastaretur.<a class="sup" href="#j371">[371]</a> Is postquam magnitudine facinoris
perculsus ad tempus non venit metusque rem impediebat,<a class="sup" href="#j372">[372]</a> Bomilcar
simul cupidus incepta patrandi et timore socii anxius, ne omisso vetere
consilio novum quaereret,<a class="sup" href="#j373">[373]</a> litteras ad eum per homines fideles
mittit, in qu&icirc;s mollitiem socordiamque viri accusare,<a class="sup" href="#j374">[374]</a> testari deos,
per quos juravisset, monere ne praemia Metelli in pestem converteret;
Jugurthae exitium adesse; ceterum suane an virtute Metelli periret, id
modo agitari;<a class="sup" href="#j375">[375]</a> proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum
mallet.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug71">71</a>. Sed quum hae litterae allatae,<a class="sup" href="#j376">[376]</a> forte Nabdalsa exercito corpore
fessus in lecto quiescebat, ubi cognitis Bomilcaris verbis primo cura,
deinde, uti aegrum animum solet,<a class="sup" href="#j377">[377]</a> somnus cepit. Erat ei Numida quidam
negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque et omnium consiliorum nisi
novissimi particeps. Qui postquam allatas litteras audivit, ex
consuetudine ratus opera aut ingenio suo opus esse, in tabernaculum
introiit, dormiente illo epistolam, super caput in pulvino temere
positam, sumit ac perlegit, dein propere, cognitis insidiis, ad regem
pergit. Nabdalsa post paulo experrectus ubi neque epistolam repperit<a class="sup" href="#j378">[378]</a>
et rem omnem, uti acta erat, cognovit, primo indicem persequi conatus,
postquam id frustra fuit, Jugurtham placandi gratia accedit; dicit quae
ipse paravisset facere perfidia clientis sui praeventa;<a class="sup" href="#j379">[379]</a> lacrimans
obtestatur per amicitiam perque sua antea fideliter acta, ne super<a class="sup" href="#j380">[380]</a>
tali scelere suspectum sese haberet.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug72">72</a>. Ad ea rex, aliter atque animo gerebat,<a class="sup" href="#j381">[381]</a> placide respondit.
Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidiarum
cognoverat, interfectis iram oppresserat, ne qua ex eo negotio
seditio oriretur. Neque post id locorum Jugurthae dies aut
nox ulla quieta fuit, neque loco neque mortali cuiquam aut
tempori satis credere, cives hostesque juxta metuere, circumspectare
omnia et omni strepitu pavescere, alio atque alio loco
saepe contra decus regium noctu requiescere, interdum somno
excitus arreptis armis tumultum facere; ita formidine quasi
vecordia exagitari.<a class="sup" href="#j382">[382]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug73">73</a>. Igitur Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et indicio patefacto<a class="sup" href="#j383">[383]</a> ex
perfugis cognovit, rursus tamquam ad integrum bellum cuncta parat
festinatque. Marium, fatigantem de profectione, simul et invitum et
offensum sibi parum idoneum ratus, domum dimittit. Et Romae plebes,
litteris, quae de Metello ac Mario missae erant, cognitis, volenti animo
de ambobus acceperant.<a class="sup" href="#j384">[384]</a> Imperatori nobilitas, quae antea decori,
invidiae esse; at illi alteri generis humilitas favorem addiderat;
ceterum in utroque magis studia partium quam bona aut mala sua
moderata.<a class="sup" href="#j385">[385]</a> Praeterea seditiosi magistratus vulgum exagitare, Metellum
omnibus contionibus capitis arcessere,<a class="sup" href="#j386">[386]</a> Marii virtutem in majus
celebrare. Denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes,
quorum res fidesque<a class="sup" href="#j387">[387]</a> in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus
frequentarent Marium<a class="sup" href="#j388">[388]</a> et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent.
Ita perculsa nobilitate post multas tempestates novo homini consulatus
mandatur, et postea populus a tribuno plebis Manlio Mancino rogatus, quem
vellet cum Jugurtha bellum gerere, frequens Marium jussit. Sed senatus
paulo ante Metello decreverat; ea res frustra fuit.<a class="sup" href="#j389">[389]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug74">74</a>. Eodem tempore Jugurtha amissis amicis, quorum plerosque ipse
necaverat, ceteri formidine, pars ad Romanos, alii ad regem Bocchum<a class="sup" href="#j390">[390]</a>
profugerant, quum neque bellum geri sine administris posset, et novorum
fidem in tanta perfidia veterum experiri periculosum duceret, varius
incertusque agitabat. Neque illi res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum
satis placebat; itinera praefectosque in dies mutare, modo adversum
hostes, interdum in solitudines pergere, saepe in fuga ac post paulo in
armis spem habere, dubitare, virtuti an fidei popularium minus crederet;
ita quocunque intenderat, res adversae erant. Sed inter eas moras repente
sese Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab Jugurtha pro tempore
parati instructique; dein proelium incipitur. Qua in parte rex pugnae
affuit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum, ceteri ejus omnes milites primo
congressu pulsi fugatique. Romani signorum et armorum aliquanto
numero;<a class="sup" href="#j391">[391]</a> hostium paucorum potiti; nam ferme Numidas in omnibus
proeliis magis pedes quam arma tuta sunt.<a class="sup" href="#j392">[392]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug75">75</a>. Ea fuga Jugurtha impensius modo<a class="sup" href="#j393">[393]</a> rebus suis diffidens cum
perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, dein Thalam pervenit, in
oppidum magnum atque opulentum, ubi plerique thesauri filiorumque ejus
multus pueritiae cultus<a class="sup" href="#j394">[394]</a> erat. Quae postquam Metello comperta sunt,
quamquam inter Thalam flumenque proximum in spatio milium quinquaginta,
loca arida atque vasta esse cognoverat, tamen spe patrandi belli, si ejus
oppidi potitus foret, omnes asperitates supervadere ac naturam etiam
vincere aggreditur. Igitur omnia jumenta sarcinis levari jubet nisi
frumento dierum decem, ceterum utres modo et alia aquae idonea<a class="sup" href="#j395">[395]</a>
portari. Praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurimum potest domiti
pecoris, eoque imponit vasa cujusque modi, sed pleraque lignea, collecta
ex tuguriis Numidarum. Ad hoc finitimis imperat, qui se post regis fugam
Metello dederant, quam plurimum quisque aquae portaret; diem locumque,
ubi praesto fuerint,<a class="sup" href="#j396">[396]</a> praedicit. Ipse ex flumine, quam proximam
oppido aquam esse supra diximus, jumenta onerat; eo modo instructus ad
Thalam proficiscitur. Deinde ubi ad id loci ventum, quo Numidis
praeceperat, et castra posita munitaque sunt, tauta repente coelo missa
vis aquae dicitur, ut ea modo<a class="sup" href="#j397">[397]</a> exercitui satis superque foret.
Praeterea commeatus spe amplior, quia Numidae, sicuti plerique in nova
deditione, officia intenderant. Ceterum milites religione pluvia magis
usi, eaque res multum animis eorum addidit; nam rati sese dis
immortalibus curae esse. Deinde postero die contra opinionem Jugurthae ad
Thalam perveniunt. Oppidani, qui se locorum asperitate munitos
crediderant, magna atque insolita re perculsi, nihilo segnius bellum
parare; idem nostri facere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug76">76</a>. Sed rex nihil jam infectum Metello credens,<a class="sup" href="#j398">[398]</a> quippe qui omnia,
arma tela, locos tempora, denique naturam ipsam ceteris imperitantem
industria vicerat, cum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ex oppido noctu
profugit, neque postea in ullo loco amplius uno die aut una nocte moratus
simulabat sese negotii gratia properare; ceterum proditionem timebat,
quam vitare posse celeritate putabat; nam talia consilia per otium et ex
opportunitate capi. At Metellus, ubi oppidanos proelio intentos, simul
oppidum et operibus et loco munitum videt, vallo fossaque moenia
circumvenit. Deinde locis ex copia<a class="sup" href="#j399">[399]</a> maxime idoneis vineas agere,
aggerem jacere et super aggerem impositis turribus opus et administros
tutari. Contra haec oppidani festinare, parare; prorsus ab utrisque nihil
reliquum fieri. Denique Romani multo ante labore proeliisque
fatigati,<a class="sup" href="#j400">[400]</a> post dies quadraginta quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo
potiti, praeda omnis ab perfugis corrupta. Ii postquam murum arietibus
feriri resque suas afflictas vident, aurum atque argentum et alia, quae
prima ducuntur, domum regiam comportant; ibi vino et epulis onerati,
illaque et domum et semet igni corrumpunt, et quas victi ab hostibus
poenas metuerant, eas ipsi volentes pependere.<a class="sup" href="#j401">[401]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug77">77</a>. Sed pariter cum capta Thala legati ex oppido Lepti ad Metellum
venerant orantes, uti praesidium praefectumque eo mitteret; Hamilcarem
quendam, hominem nobilem, factiosum, novis rebus studere, adversum quem
neque imperia magistratuum neque leges valerent; ni id festinaret, in
summo periculo suam salutem, illorum<a class="sup" href="#j402">[402]</a> socios fore. Nam Leptitani jam
inde a principio belli Jugurthini ad Bestiam consulem et postea Romam
miserant amicitiam societatemque rogatum. Deinde, ubi ea impetrata,
semper boni fidelesque mansere et cuncta a Bestia, Albino Metelloque
imperata nave<a class="sup" href="#j403">[403]</a> fecerant. Itaque ab imperatore facile, quae petebant,
adepti. Emissae eo cohortes Ligurum quatuor et G. Annius praefectus.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug78">78</a>. Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum est, quos accepimus profugos ob
discordias civiles, navibus in eos locos venisse; ceterum situm inter
duas Syrtes, quibus nomen ex re inditum. Nam duo sunt sinus prope in
extrema Africa, impares magnitudine, pari natura; quorum proxima terrae
praealta sunt, cetera, uti fors tulit, alta,<a class="sup" href="#j404">[404]</a> alia in tempestate
vadosa. Nam ubi mare magnum esse et saevire ventis coepit, limum
arenamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt; ita facies locorum cum ventis
simul mutatur: Syrtes ab tractu nominatae.<a class="sup" href="#j405">[405]</a> Ejus civitatis lingua
modo<a class="sup" href="#j406">[406]</a> conversa connubio Numidarum, legum cultusque pleraque Sidonica,
quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem
agebant. Inter illos et frequentem Numidiam multi vastique loci erant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug79">79</a>. Sed quoniam in has regiones per Leptitanorum negotia venimus, non
indignum videtur egregium atque mirabile facinus duorum Carthaginiensium
memorare; eam rem nos locus admonuit.<a class="sup" href="#j407">[407]</a> Qua tempestate Carthaginienses
pleraeque Africae imperitabant,<a class="sup" href="#j408">[408]</a> Cyrenenses quoque magni atque
opulenti fuere. Ager in medio arenosus, una specie; neque flumen neque
mons erat, qui fines eorum discerneret; quae res eos in magno diuturnoque
bello inter se habuit. Postquam utrimque legiones item classes saepe
fusae fugataeque, et alteri alteros aliquantum attriverant, veriti, ne
mox victos victoresque defessos alius aggrederetur, per inducias
sponsionem faciunt,<a class="sup" href="#j409">[409]</a> uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur; quo
in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque populi finis
haberetur. Igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi, quibus nomen Philaenis
erat, maturavere iter pergere,<a class="sup" href="#j410">[410]</a> Cyrenenses tardius iere. Id
socordiane an casu acciderit, parum cognovi. Ceterum solet in illis locis
tempestas haud secus atque in mari retinere.<a class="sup" href="#j411">[411]</a> Nam ubi per loca
aequalia et nuda gignentium<a class="sup" href="#j412">[412]</a> ventus coortus arenam humo excitavit, ea
magna vi agitata ora oculosque implere solet, ita prospectu impedito
morari iter. Postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se vident et ob
rem corruptam<a class="sup" href="#j413">[413]</a> domi poenas metuunt, criminari Carthaginienses ante
tempus domo digresses, conturbare rem,<a class="sup" href="#j414">[414]</a> denique omnia malle quam
victi abire. Sed quum Poeni aliam condicionem, tantummodo aequam,
peterent, Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciunt,<a class="sup" href="#j415">[415]</a> ut vel illi,
quos fines populo suo peterent, ibi<a class="sup" href="#j416">[416]</a> vivi obruerentur, vel eadem
condicione sese, quem in locum vellent, processuros. Philaeni condicione
probata seque vitamque suam rei publicae condonavere; ita vivi obruti.
Carthaginienses in eo loco Philaenis fratribus aras consecravere, aliique
illis domi honores instituti. Nunc ad rem redeo.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug80">80</a>. Jugurtha postquam amissa Thala nihil satis firmum contra Metellum
putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus, pervenit ad
Gaetulos,<a class="sup" href="#j417">[417]</a> genus hominum ferum incultumque et eo tempore ignarum
nominis Romani. Eorum multitudinem in unum cogit ac paulatim consuefacit
ordines habere, signa sequi, imperium observare, item alia militaria
facere. Praeterea regis Bocchi proximos magnis muneribus et majoribus
promissis ad studium sui perducit, quis adjutoribus regem aggressus
impellit, uti adversum Romanos bellum incipiat. Id ea gratia facilius
proniusque<a class="sup" href="#j418">[418]</a> fuit, quod Bocchus initio hujusce belli legatos Romam
miserat, foedus et amicitiam petitum, quam rem opportunissimam incepto
bello pauci impediverant caeci avaritia, qu&icirc;s omnia honesta atque
inhonesta vendere mos erat.<a class="sup" href="#j419">[419]</a> Etiam antea Jugurthae filia Bocchi
nupserat. Verum ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia
singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurimas uxores, denas alii, alii plures
habent, sed reges eo amplius.<a class="sup" href="#j420">[420]</a> Ita animus multitudine distrahitur,
nulla pro socia obtinet,<a class="sup" href="#j421">[421]</a> pariter omnes viles sunt.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug81">81</a>. Igitur in locum ambobus placitum<a class="sup" href="#j422">[422]</a> exercitus conveniunt; ibi fide
data et accepta Jugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit: Romanes
injustos, profunda avaritia,<a class="sup" href="#j423">[423]</a> communes omnium hostes esse; eandem
illos causam belli cum Boccho habere quam secum et cum aliis gentibus,
libidinem imperitandi, qu&icirc;s<a class="sup" href="#j424">[424]</a> omnia regna adversa sint; tum sese,<a class="sup" href="#j425">[425]</a>
paulo ante Carthaginienses, item regem Persen, post, uti quisque
opulentissimus videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore. His atque aliis talibus
dictis ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt, quod ibi Metellus praedam
captivosque et impedimenta locaverat. Ita Jugurtha ratus aut capta
urbe<a class="sup" href="#j426">[426]</a> operae pretium fore aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset,
proelio sese certaturos. Nam callidus id modo festinabat, Bocchi pacem
imminuere,<a class="sup" href="#j427">[427]</a> ne moras agitando aliud quam bellum mallet.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug82">82</a>. Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non temere neque, uti
saepe jam victo Jugurtha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam
facit; ceterum haud procul ab Cirta castris munitis reges opperitur,
melius esse ratus, cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novus hostis accesserat,
excommodo<a class="sup" href="#j428">[428]</a> pugnam facere. Interim Roma per litteras certior fit
provinciam Numidiam Mario datam; nam consulem factum ante acceperat. Qu&icirc;s
rebus supra bonum atque honestum<a class="sup" href="#j429">[429]</a> perculsus, neque lacrimas tenere
neque moderari linguam;<a class="sup" href="#j430">[430]</a> vir egregius in aliis artibus nimis molliter
aegritudinem pati. Quam rem alii in superbiam vertebant, alii<a class="sup" href="#j431">[431]</a> bonum
ingenium contumelia accensum esse, multi, quod jam parta victoria ex
manibus eriperetur. Nobis satis cognitum est, illum magis honore Marii
quam injuria sua<a class="sup" href="#j432">[432]</a> excruciatum, neque tam anxie laturum fuisse, si
adempta provincia alii quam Mario traderetur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug83">83</a>. Igitur eo dolore impeditus, et quia stultitiae<a class="sup" href="#j433">[433]</a> videbatur alienam
rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum mittit postulatum, ne sine
causa hostis populo Romano fieret; habere tum<a class="sup" href="#j434">[434]</a> magnam copiam
societatis amicitiaeque conjungendae, quae potior bello esset; quamquam
opibus suis confideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutare;<a class="sup" href="#j435">[435]</a>
omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrime desinere;<a class="sup" href="#j436">[436]</a> non in ejusdem
potestate initium ejus et finem esse; incipere cuivis, etiam ignavo,
licere, deponi, quum victores velint; proinde sibi regnoque suo
consuleret, neu florentes res suas cum Jugurthae perditis misceret. Ad ea
rex satis placide verba facit; sese pacem cupere, sed Jugurthae
fortunarum misereri; si eadem illi copia fieret,<a class="sup" href="#j437">[437]</a> omnia conventura.
Rursus imperator contra postulata Bocchi nuntios mittit; ille probare
partim, alia abnuere. Eo modo saepe ab utroque missis remissisque nuntiis
tempus procedere et ex Metelli voluntate bellum intactum trahi.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug84">84</a>. At Marius, ut supra diximus, cupientissima plebe<a class="sup" href="#j438">[438]</a> consul factus,
postquam ei provinciam Numidiam populus jussit, antea jam infestus
nobilitati, tum vero multus<a class="sup" href="#j439">[439]</a> atque ferox instare, singulos modo, modo
universos laedere; dictitare sese consulatum ex victis illis spolia
cepisse; alia praeterea magnifica pro se, et illis dolentia. Interim,
quae bello opus erant, prima habere; postulare legionibus supplementum,
auxilia a populis et regibus sociisque arcessere, praeterea ex Latio
fortissimum quemque, plerosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos accire, et
ambiundo cogere<a class="sup" href="#j440">[440]</a> homines emeritis stipendiis secum proficisci. Neque
illi senatus, quamquam adversus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat;
ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat, quia neque plebi militia
volenti<a class="sup" href="#j441">[441]</a> putabatur et Marius aut belli usum aut studia vulgi
amissurus. Sed ea res frustra sperata; tanta libido cum Mario eundi
plerosque invaserat. Sese quisque praeda locupletem fore, victorem domum
rediturum, alia hujuscemodi animis trahebant,<a class="sup" href="#j442">[442]</a> et eos non paulum
oratione sua Marius arrexerat. Nam postquam omnibus, quae postulaverat,
decretis milites scribere vult, hortandi causa, simul et nobilitatem, uti
consueverat, exagitandi, contionem populi advocavit. Deinde hoc modo
disseruit:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug85">85</a>. &#8216;Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non iisdem artibus imperium a vobis
petere et, postquam adepti sunt, gerere; primo industrios, supplices,
modicos esse, dein per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere. Sed mihi
contra ea videtur; nam<a class="sup" href="#j443">[443]</a> quo pluris est universa res publica quam
consulatus aut praetura, eo majore cura illam administrari quam haec peti
debere. Neque me fallit, quantum cum maximo vestro beneficio<a class="sup" href="#j444">[444]</a> negotii
sustineam. Bellum parare simul et aerario parcere, cogere ad militiam
eos, quos nolis offendere, domi forisque omnia curare, et ea agere inter
invidos, occursantes, factiosos, opinione, Quirites, asperius est.<a class="sup" href="#j445">[445]</a>
Ad hoc, alii si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, majorum fortia facta,
cognatorum et affinium opes, multae clientelae, omnia haec praesidio
adsunt; mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, quas necesse est virtute et
innocentia tutari; nam alia infirma sunt. Et illud intellego, Quirites,
omnium ora in me conversa esse, aequos bonosque favere, quippe mea bene
facta rei publicae procedunt,<a class="sup" href="#j446">[446]</a> nobilitatem locum invadendi quaerere.
Quo mihi acrius adnitendum est, uti neque vos capiamini et illi frustra
sint. Ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, ut omnes labores, pericula
consueta habeam. Quae ante vestra beneficia gratuito faciebam, ea uti
accepta mercede deseram, non est consilium, Quirites. Illis difficile est
in potestatibus temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere;
mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optimis artibus egi, bene facere jam ex
consuetudine in naturam vertit.<a class="sup" href="#j447">[447]</a> Bellum me gerere cum Jugurtha
jussistis, quam rem nobilitas aegerrime tulit. Quaeso, reputate cum
animis vestris, num id mutari melius sit, si quem ex illo globo
nobilitatis ad hoc aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem veteris
prosapiae<a class="sup" href="#j448">[448]</a> ac multarum imaginum et nullius stipendii, scilicet ut in
tanta re ignarus omnium trepidet, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo
monitorem officii sui. Ita plerumque evenit, ut quem vos imperatorem
jussistis, is sibi imperatorem alium quaerat. Atque ego scio, Quirites,
qui, postquam consules facti sunt, acta majorum et Graecorum militaria
praecepta legere coeperint; praeposteri homines: nam gerere quam fieri
tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est.<a class="sup" href="#j449">[449]</a> Comparate nunc, Quirites,
cum illorum superbia me hominem novum. Quae illi audire et legere solent,
eorum partem vidi, alia egomet gessi; quae illi litteris, ea ego
militando didici. Nunc vos existimate, facta an dicta pluris sint.
Contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam; mihi fortuna, illis
probra objectantur. Quamquam ego naturam unam et communem omnium
existimo, sed fortissimum quemque generosissimum.<a class="sup" href="#j450">[450]</a> Ac si jam ex
patribus Albini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, mene an illos ex se gigni
maluerint, quid responsuros creditis, nisi sese liberos, quam optimos
voluisse? Quodsi jure me despiciunt, faciant<a class="sup" href="#j451">[451]</a> idem majoribus suis,
quibus uti mihi ex virtute nobilitas coepit. Invident honori meo; ergo
invideant labori, innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec
illum cepi. Verum homines corrupti superbia ita aetatem agunt, quasi
vestros honores contemnant; ita hos petunt, quasi honeste vixerint. Nae
illi falsi sunt, qui diversissimas res pariter expectant, ignaviae
voluptatem et praemia virtutis. Atque etiam, quum apud vos aut in senatu
verba faciunt, pleraque oratione majores suos extollunt, eorum fortia
facta memorando clariores sese putant. Quod contra est; nam quanto vita
illorum praeclarior, tanto horum socordia flagitiosior. Et profecto ita
se res habet: majorum gloria posteris quasi lumen est, neque bona neque
mala eorum in occulto patitur. Hujusce rei<a class="sup" href="#j452">[452]</a> ego inopiam fateor.
Quirites, verum id, quod multo praeclarius est, meamet<a class="sup" href="#j453">[453]</a> facta mihi
dicere licet. Nunc videte, quam iniqui sint. Quod ex aliena virtute sibi
arrogant, id mihi ex mea non concedunt, scilicet quia imagines non habeo
et quia mihi nova nobilitas est, quam certe peperisse melius est quam
acceptam corrupisse. Equidem ego non ignoro, si jam mihi respondere
velint, abunde illis facundam et compositam orationem fore. Sed in maximo
vestro beneficio, quum omnibus locis me vosque maledictis lacerent, non
placuit reticere, ne quis modestiam in conscientiam duceret.<a class="sup" href="#j454">[454]</a> Nam me
quidem ex animi mei sententia nulla oratio laedere potest; quippe vera
necesse est bene praedicet, falsam vita moresque mei superant. Sed
quoniam vestra consilia accusantur, qui mihi summum honorem et maximum
negotium imposuistis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num eorum poenitundum
sit. Non possum fidei causa imagines neque triumphos aut consulatus
majorum meorum ostentare, at, si res postulet, hastas, vexillum,
phaleras, alia militaria dona,<a class="sup" href="#j455">[455]</a> praeterea cicatrices adverso corpore.
Hae sunt meae imagines, haec nobilitas, non hereditate relicta, ut illa
illis, sed quae egomet plurimis laboribus et periculis quaesivi. Non sunt
composita mea verba; parum id facio;<a class="sup" href="#j456">[456]</a> ipsa se virtus satis ostendit;
illis artificio opus est, ut turpia facta oratione tegant. Neque litteras
Graecas didici; parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad virtutem
doctoribus nihil profuerunt.<a class="sup" href="#j457">[457]</a> At illa multo optima rei publicae
doctus sum, hostem ferire, praesidia agitare,<a class="sup" href="#j458">[458]</a> nihil metuere nisi
turpem famam, hiemem et aestatem juxta pati, humi requiescere, eodem
tempore inopiam et laborem tolerare. His ego praeceptis milites hortabor,
neque illos arte colam,<a class="sup" href="#j459">[459]</a> me opulenter, neque gloriam meam laborem
illorum faciam. Hoc est utile, hoc civile imperium. Namque quum tute per
mollitiem agas, exercitum supplicio cogere,<a class="sup" href="#j460">[460]</a> id est dominum, non
imperatorem esse. Haec atque talia majores vestri faciundo seque remque
publicam celebravere.<a class="sup" href="#j461">[461]</a> Qu&icirc;s nobilitas freta, ipsa dissimilis moribus,
nos illorum aemulos contemnit, et omnes honores non ex merito, sed quasi
debitos a vobis repetit. Ceterum homines superbissimi procul errant.
Majores eorum omnia, quae licebat, illis reliquere, divitias, imagines,
memoriam sui praeclaram; virtutem non reliquere, neque poterant; ea sola
neque datur dono neque accipitur. Sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt,
quia parum scite convivium exorno, neque histrionem ullum, neque pluris
pretii coquum quam villicum habeo.<a class="sup" href="#j462">[462]</a> Quae mihi libet confiteri,
Quirites; nam ex parente meo et ex aliis sanctis viris ita accepi,
munditias mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis oportere
plus gloriae quam divitiarum esse; arma, non supellectilem decori esse.
Quin ergo quod juvat, quod carum aestimant, id semper faciant;<a class="sup" href="#j463">[463]</a>
ament, potent, ubi adolescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in
conviviis, dediti ventri et turpissimae parti corporis; sudorem, pulverem
et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus illa epulis jucundiora sunt. Verum
noti est ita. Nam ubi se flagitiis dedecoravere turpissimi viri, bonorum
praemia ereptum eunt.<a class="sup" href="#j464">[464]</a> Ita injustissime luxuria et ignavia, pessimae
artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil officiunt, rei publicae innoxiae
cladi sunt.<a class="sup" href="#j465">[465]</a> Nunc, quoniam illis, quantum mores mei, non illorum
flagitia poscebant, respondi, pauca de re publica loquar. Primum omnium
de Numidia bonum habete animum, Quirites; nam quae ad hoc tempus
Jugurtham tutata sunt, omnia removistis,<a class="sup" href="#j466">[466]</a> avaritiam, imperitiam atque
superbiam. Deinde exercitus ibi est, locorum sciens, sed mehercule magis
strenuus quam felix; nam magna pars ejus avaritia aut temeritate ducum
attrita est.<a class="sup" href="#j467">[467]</a> Quamobrem vos, quibus militaris aetas est, adnitimini
mecum et capessite rem publicam,<a class="sup" href="#j468">[468]</a> neque quemquam ex calamitate
aliorum aut imperatorum superbia metus ceperit. Egomet in agmine, in
proelio consultor idem<a class="sup" href="#j469">[469]</a> et socius periculi vobiscum adero, meque
vosque in omnibus rebus juxta geram.<a class="sup" href="#j470">[470]</a> Et profecto dis juvantibus
omnia matura sunt, victoria, praeda, laus; quae si dubia aut procul
essent, tamen omnes bonos rei publicae subvenire decebat.<a class="sup" href="#j471">[471]</a> Etenim
nemo ignavia immortalis factus est, neque quisquam parens liberis, uti
aeterni forent, optavit, magis, uti boni honestique vitam exigerent.
Plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adderent; nam strenuis
abunde dictum puto.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug86">86</a>. Hujuscemodi oratione habita Marius, postquam plebis animos arrectos
videt, propere commeatu, stipendio, armis aliisque utilibus naves onerat;
cum his A. Manlium legatum proficisci jubet. Ipse interea milites
scribere, non more majorum, neque ex classibus, sed uti cujusque libido
erat, capite censos plerosque.<a class="sup" href="#j472">[472]</a> Id factum alii inopia bonorum, alii
per ambitionem consulis memorabant, quod ab eo genere celebratus
auctusque erat, et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissimus quisque
opportunissimus cui neque sua curae,<a class="sup" href="#j473">[473]</a> quippe quae nulla sunt, et
omnia cum pretio honesta videntur. Igitur Marius cum aliquanto<a class="sup" href="#j474">[474]</a>
majore numero, quam decretum erat, in Africam profectus paucis diebus
Uticam<a class="sup" href="#j475">[475]</a> advehitur. Exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato; nam
Metellus conspectum Marii fugerat, ne videret ea, quae audita animus
tolerare nequiverat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug87">87</a>. Sed consul expletis legionibus cohortibusque auxiliariis in agrum
fertilem et praeda onustum<a class="sup" href="#j476">[476]</a> proficiscitur; omnia ibi capta militibus
donat, dein castella et oppida natura et viris parum munita aggreditur;
proelia multa, celerura levia, alia aliis locis facere. Interim novi
milites sine metu pugnae adesse,<a class="sup" href="#j477">[477]</a> videre fugientes capi aut occidi,
fortissimum quemque tutissimum, armis libertatem, patriam parentesque et
alia omnia tegi, gloriam atque divitias quaeri. Sic brevi spatio novi
veteresque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta. At reges, ubi de
adventu Marii cognoverunt, diversi in locos difficiles abeunt. Ita
Jugurthae placuerat speranti mox effusos hostes invadi posse, Romanos
sicuti plerosque remoto metu laxius licentiusque futuros.<a class="sup" href="#j478">[478]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug88">88</a>. Metellus interea Romam profectus contra spem<a class="sup" href="#j479">[479]</a> suam laetissimis
animis excipitur, plebi patribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, juxta
carus. Sed Marius impigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pariter
attendere, cognoscere quid boni utrisque aut contra esset, explorare
itinera regum, consilia et insidias eorum antevenire, nihil apud se
remissum neque apud illos tutum pati. Itaque et Gaetulos et Jugurtham ex
sociis nostris praedas agentes saepe aggressus in itinere fuderat,
ipsumque regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta armis exuerat.<a class="sup" href="#j480">[480]</a> Quae
postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi<a class="sup" href="#j481">[481]</a> cognovit, statuit urbes,
quae viris aut loco pro hostibus et adversum se opportunissimae
erant,<a class="sup" href="#j482">[482]</a> singulas circumvenire; ita Jugurtham aut praesidiis
nudatum,<a class="sup" href="#j483">[483]</a> si ea pateretur, aut proelio certaturum. Nam Bocchus
nuntios ad eum saepe miserat, velle populi Romani amicitiam; ne quid ab
se hostile timeret.<a class="sup" href="#j484">[484]</a> Id simulaveritne, quo improvisus gravior
accideret, an mobilitate ingenii pacem atque bellum mutare solitus, parum
exploratum est.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug89">89</a>. Sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim
vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avertere ab hostibus. Ac primo
mediocria gerebat, existimans Jugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus
venturum.<a class="sup" href="#j485">[485]</a> Sed ubi illum procul abesse et aliis negotiis intentum
accepit, majora et magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est.<a class="sup" href="#j486">[486]</a> Erat inter
ingentes solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens, nomine Capsa,<a class="sup" href="#j487">[487]</a>
cujus conditor Hercules Libys memorabatur. Ejus cives apud Jugurtham
immunes,<a class="sup" href="#j488">[488]</a> levi imperio et ob ea fidelissimi habebantur, muniti
adversum hostes non moenibus modo et armis atque viris, verum etiam multo
magis locorum asperitate. Nam praeter oppido propinqua alia omnia vasta,
inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quorum<a class="sup" href="#j489">[489]</a> vis sicuti
omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior; ad hoc natura serpentium ipsa
perniciosa siti magis quam alia re accenditur. Ejus potiundi Marium
maxima cupido invaserat, quum propter usum belli, tum quia res aspera
videbatur, et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud
dissimiliter situm munitumque, nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus
aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo atque ea intra oppidum jugi
aqua;<a class="sup" href="#j490">[490]</a> ceter&acirc; pluvia utebantur. Id ibique et in omni Africa, quae
procul a mari incultius agebat,<a class="sup" href="#j491">[491]</a> eo facilius tolerabatur, quia
Numidae plerumque lacte et ferina carne vescebantur et neque salem neque
alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant; cibus illis adversum famem atque
sitim, non libidini neque luxuriae erat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug90">90</a>. Igitur consul omnibus exploratis, credo dis fretus (nam contra tantas
difficultates consilio satis providere non poterat, quippe etiam frumenti
inopia temptabatur,<a class="sup" href="#j492">[492]</a> quod Numidae pabulo pecoris magis quam arvo
student,<a class="sup" href="#j493">[493]</a> et quodcumque natum fuerat jussu regis in loca munita
contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuus ea tempestate, nam
aestatis extremum erat), tamen pro rei copia satis providenter
exornat;<a class="sup" href="#j494">[494]</a> pecus omne, quod superioribus diebus praedae fuerat,
equitibus auxiliariis agendum attribuit, A. Manlium legatum cum
cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Lares, ubi stipendium et commeatum
locaverat, ire jubet dicitque se praedabundum, post paucos dies eodem
venturum. Sic incepto suo occultato pergit ad flumen Tanam.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug91">91</a>. Ceterum in itinere cotidie pecus exercitui per centurias, item turmas
<br><a class="bold" name="j495">[495]</a> aequaliter distribuerat, et ex coriis utres uti fierent curabat;
simul et inopiam frumenti lenire et ignaris omnibus parare, quae mox usui
forent; denique sexto die, quum ad flumen ventum est, maxima vis utrium
effecta. Ibi castris levi munimento positis, milites cibum capere atque,
uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur, paratos esse jubet, omnibus
sarcinis abjectis, aqua modo seque et jumenta onerare. Dein, postquam
tempus visum, castris egreditur noctemque totam itinere facto consedit;
idem proxima facit, dein tertia multo ante lucis adventum pervenit in
locum tumulosum ab Capsa non amplius duum<a class="sup" href="#j496">[496]</a> milium intervallo; ibique
quam occultissime potest, cum omnibus copiis opperitur. Sed ubi dies
coepit et Numidae nihil hostile metuentes, multi oppido egressi, repente
omnem equitatum et cum his velocissimos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam
et portas obsidere jubet; deinde ipse intentus propere sequi, neque
milites praedari sinere. Quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res
trepidae,<a class="sup" href="#j497">[497]</a> metus ingens, malum improvisum, ad hoc pars civium extra
moenia in hostium potestate, co&euml;gere, uti deditionem facerent. Ceterum
oppidum incensum, Numidae puberes interfecti, alii omnes venumdati,
praeda militibus divisa. Id facinus contra jus belli non avaritia neque
scelere consulis admissum, sed quia locus Jugurthae opportunus, nobis
aditu difficilis, genus hominum mobile, infidum ante, neque beneficio
neque metu co&euml;rcitum.<a class="sup" href="#j498">[498]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug92">92</a>. Postquam tantam rem Marius sine ullo suorum incommodo patravit,
magnus et clarus antea, major atque clarior haberi coepit. Omnia non bene
consulta in virtutem trahebantur,<a class="sup" href="#j499">[499]</a> milites modesto imperio habiti
simul et locupletes ad coelum ferre, Numidae magis quam mortalem timere,
postremo omnes, socii atque hostes, credere illi aut mentem divinam esse
aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi.<a class="sup" href="#j500">[500]</a> Sed consul, ubi ea res bene evenit,
ad alia oppida pergit, pauca repugnantibus Numidis capit, plura deserta
propter Capsensium miserias igni corrumpit; luctu atque caede omnia
complentur. Denique multis locis potitus ac plerisque exercitu incruento,
aliam rem aggreditur non eadem asperitate qua Capsensium,<a class="sup" href="#j501">[501]</a> ceterum
haud secus difficilem. Namque haud longe a flumine Mulucha, quod
Jugurthae Bocchique regnum disjungebat, erat inter ceteram planitiem mons
saxeus, mediocri castello satis patens, in immensum editus, uno
perangusto aditu relicta, nam omnia<a class="sup" href="#j502">[502]</a> natura velut opere atque
consulto praeceps. Quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant,
summa vi capere intendit. Sed ea res forte quam consilio melius gesta.
Nam castello virorum atque armorum satis magna vis, et frumenti,<a class="sup" href="#j503">[503]</a> et
fons aquae; aggeribus turribusque et aliis machinationibus locus
importunus, iter castellanorum<a class="sup" href="#j504">[504]</a> angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum.
Vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur; nam quum eae paulo
processerant, igni aut lapidibus corrumpebantur, milites neque pro opere
consistere propter iniquitatem loci, neque inter vineas sine periculo
administrare;<a class="sup" href="#j505">[505]</a> optimus quisque cadere aut sauciari, ceteris metus
augeri.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug93">93</a>. At Marius, multis diebus et laboribus consumptis, anxius trahere cum
animo suo, omitteretne inceptum, quoniam frustra erat, an fortunam
opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus fuerat. Quae quum multos dies
noctesque aestuans<a class="sup" href="#j506">[506]</a> agitaret, forte quidam Ligus,<a class="sup" href="#j507">[507]</a> ex cohortibus
auxiliariis miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus, haud procul ab
latere castelli, quod aversum proeliantibus erat, animum advertit inter
saxa repentes cochleas; quarum quum unam atque alteram, dein plures
peteret, studio legundi paulatim prope ad summum montis egressus
est.<a class="sup" href="#j508">[508]</a> Ubi postquam solitudinem intellexit, more humani ingenii cupido
difficilia faciundi animum vertit.<a class="sup" href="#j509">[509]</a> Et forte in eo loco grandis ilex
coaluerat inter saxa paulum modo prona, dein flexa atque aucta in
altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert; cujus ramis modo, modo
eminentibus saxis nisus Ligus castelli planitiem perscribit,<a class="sup" href="#j510">[510]</a> quod
cuncti Numidae intenti proeliantibus aderant.<a class="sup" href="#j511">[511]</a> Exploratis omnibus,
quae mox usui fore ducebat, eadem regreditur, non temere, uti escenderat,
sed temptans omnia et circumspiciens. Itaque Marium propere adit, acta
edocet, hortatur, ab ea parte, qua ipse escenderat, castellum temptet;
pollicetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum Ligure, promissa
ejus cognitum, ex praesentibus misit;<a class="sup" href="#j512">[512]</a> quorum uti cujusque ingenium
erat, ita rem difficilem aut facilem nuntiavere. Consulis animus tamen
paulum arrectus. Itaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum numero quinque
quam velocissimos delegit,<a class="sup" href="#j513">[513]</a> et cum his, praesidio qui forent, quatuor
centuriones, omnesque Liguri parere jubet, et ei negotio proximum diem
constituit.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug94">94</a>. Sed ubi ex praecepto tempus visum, paratis compositisque omnibus ad
locum pergit.<a class="sup" href="#j514">[514]</a> Ceterum illi, qui ascensuri erant, praedocti ab duce,
arma ornatumque mutaverant, capite atque pedibus nudis, uti prospectus
nisusque per saxa facilius foret;<a class="sup" href="#j515">[515]</a> super terga gladii et scuta, verum
ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis gratia simul et offensa quo levius
streperent.<a class="sup" href="#j516">[516]</a> Igitur praegrediens Ligus saxa, et si quae vetustate
radices eminebant,<a class="sup" href="#j517">[517]</a> laqueis vinciebat, quibus allevati milites
facilius escenderent, interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu,
ubi paulo asperior ascensus erat, singulos prae se inermes mittere,
deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi, quae dubia nisu videbantur,
potissimus temptare,<a class="sup" href="#j518">[518]</a> ac saepius eadem ascendens descendensque, dein
statim digrediens,<a class="sup" href="#j519">[519]</a> ceteris audaciam addere. Igitur diu multumque
fatigati tandem in castellum perveniunt, desertum ab ea parte, quod omnes
sicuti aliis diebus adversum hostes aderant. Marius, ubi ex nuntiis, quae
Ligus egerat, cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos proelio Numidas
habuerat, tum vero cohortatus milites et ipse extra vineas egressus,
testudine acta succedere et simul hostem tormentis sagittariisque et
funditoribus eminus terrere. At Numidae saepe antea vineis Romanorum
subversis, item incensis, non castelli moenibus sese tutabantur; sed pro
muro dies noctesque agitare, maledicere Romanis ac Mario vecordiam
objectare; militibus nostris Jugurthae servitium minari, secundis rebus
feroces esse. Interim omnibus, Romanis hostibusque, proelio intentis,
magna utrimque vi pro gloria atque imperio his, illis pro salute
certantibus, repente a tergo signa canere; ac primo mulieres et pueri,
qui visum processerant, fugere, deinde uti quisque muro proximus erat,
postremo cuncti, armati inermesque. Quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani
instare, fundere ac plerosque tanturamodo sauciare, dein super occisorum
corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes murum petere, neque quemquam
omnium praeda morari. Sic forte correcta Marii temeritas gloriam ex culpa
invenit.<a class="sup" href="#j520">[520]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug95">95</a>. Ceterum dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in
castra venit, quos<a class="sup" href="#j521">[521]</a> uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus
erat. Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit,<a class="sup" href="#j522">[522]</a> idoneum visum est de
natura cultuque ejus paucis dicere; neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus
dicturi sumus, et L. Sisenna optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas res
dixere, persecutus,<a class="sup" href="#j523">[523]</a> parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur
Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope jam extincta majorum
ignavia,<a class="sup" href="#j524">[524]</a> litteris Graecis atque Latinis juxta, atque
doctissime,<a class="sup" href="#j525">[525]</a> eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae
cupidior, otio luxurioso esse; tamen, ab negotiis nunquam voluptas
remorata, nisi quod<a class="sup" href="#j526">[526]</a> de uxore potuit honestius consuli; facundus,
callidus et amicitia facilis;<a class="sup" href="#j527">[527]</a> ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingenii
incredibilis;<a class="sup" href="#j528">[528]</a> multarum rerum ac maxime pecuniae largitor. Atque
illi, felicissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam, nunquam super industriam
fortuna fuit,<a class="sup" href="#j529">[529]</a> multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset; nam
postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo, pudeat magis an pigeat disserere.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug96">96</a>. Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in
castra Marii cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli,
sollertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus<a class="sup" href="#j530">[530]</a> factus est. Ad hoc
milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare
beneficia, invitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes mutuum reddere,
ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare,<a class="sup" href="#j531">[531]</a> ut illi quam plurimi
deberent, joca atque seria cum humillimis agere, in operibus, in agmine
atque ad vigilias multus adesse,<a class="sup" href="#j532">[532]</a> neque interim, quod prava ambitio
solet, consulis aut cujusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque
consilio neque manu priorem alium pati, plerosque antevenire. Qu&icirc;s rebus
et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissimus factus.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug97">97</a>. At Jugurtha, postquam oppidum Capsam aliosque locos munitos et sibi
utiles, simul et magnam pecuniam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuntios mittit,
quam primum in Numidiam copias adduceret, proelii faciundi tempus adesse.
Quem ubi cunctari accepit et dubium belli atque pacis rationes
trahere,<a class="sup" href="#j533">[533]</a> rursus, uti antea, proximos ejus donis corrumpit, ipsique
Mauro pollicetur Numidiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi,
aut integris suis finibus bellum compositum foret. Eo praemio illectus
Boechus cum magna multitudine Jugurtham accedit. Ita amborum exercitu
conjuncto, Marium jam in hiberna proficiscentem, vix decima parte
die<a class="sup" href="#j534">[534]</a> reliqua, invadunt, rati noctem, quae jam aderat, et victis sibi
munimento fore et, si vicissent, nullo impedimento,<a class="sup" href="#j535">[535]</a> quia locorum
scientes erant, contra Romania utrumque casum in tenebris difficiliorem
fore. Igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi
hostes aderant<a class="sup" href="#j536">[536]</a> et, priusquam exercitus aut instrui aut sarcinas
colligere, denique antequam signum<a class="sup" href="#j537">[537]</a> aut imperium ullum accipere
quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, non acie neque ullo more proelii,
sed catervatim, uti quosque fors conglobaverat, in nostros concurrunt;
qui omnes trepidi improviso metu, ac tamen virtutis memores, aut arma
capiebant aut capientes alios ab hostibus defensabant, pars equos
ascendere, obviam ire hostibus, pugna latrocinio<a class="sup" href="#j538">[538]</a> magis quam proelio
similis fieri, sine signis, sine ordinibus equites peditesque permixti;
caedere alios, alios obtruncare;<a class="sup" href="#j539">[539]</a> multos, contra adversos acerrime
pugnantes, ab tergo circumvenire; neque virtus neque arma satis tegere,
quod hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi erant; denique Romani
veteres novique et ob ea<a class="sup" href="#j540">[540]</a> scientes belli, si quos locus aut casus
conjunxerat, orbes facere, atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et
instructi hostium vim sustentabant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug98">98</a>. Neque in eo tam aspero negotio Marius territus aut magis quam antea
demisso animo fuit, sed cum turma sua, quam ex fortissimis magis quam
familiarissimis paraverat, vagari passim, ac modo laborantibus suis
succurrere, modo hostes, ubi confertissimi obstiterant, invadere; manu
consulere militibus, quoniam imperare, conturbatis omnibus, non poterat.
Jamque dies consumptus erat, quum tamen barbari nihil remittere,<a class="sup" href="#j541">[541]</a>
atque, uti reges praeceperant, noctem pro se rati, acrius instare. Tum
Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit, atque, uti suis receptui locus
esset, colles duos propinquos inter se occupat, quorum in uno, castris
parum amplo, fons aquae magnus erat, alter usui opportunus, quia magna
parte editus et praeceps pauca munimenta quaerebat.<a class="sup" href="#j542">[542]</a> Ceterum apud
aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem agitare jubet; ipse paulatim dispersos
milites, neque minus hostibus conturbatis,<a class="sup" href="#j543">[543]</a> in unum contrahit, dein
cunctos pleno gradu<a class="sup" href="#j544">[544]</a> in collem subducit. Ita reges loci difficultate
coacti proelio deterrentur, neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed,
utroque colle multitudine circumdato, effusi consedere. Dein crebris
ignibus factis, plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari, exultare,
strepere vocibus, et ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugere, ut pro<a class="sup" href="#j545">[545]</a>
victoribus egere. Sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editioribus locis
facilia visa magnoque hortamento erant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug99">99</a>. Plurimum vero Marius imperitia hostium confirmatus, quam maximum
silentium haberi jubet, ne signa quidem, uti per vigilias solebant,
canere,<a class="sup" href="#j546">[546]</a> deinde, ubi lux adventabat, defessis jam hostibus et paulo
ante somno captis, de improviso vigiles, item cohortium, turmarum,
legionum tubicines simul omnes signa canere, milites clamorem tollere
atque portis erumpere. Mauri atque Gaetuli, ignoto et horribili sonitu
repente exciti, neque fugere neque arma capere neque omnino facere aut
providere quicquam poterant; ita cunctos strepitu, clamore, nullo
subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu, terrore, formido quasi
vecordia ceperat.<a class="sup" href="#j547">[547]</a> Denique omnes fusi fugatique; arma et signa
militaria pleraque capta, pluresque eo proelio quam omnibus superioribus
interempti. Nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug100">100</a>. Dein Marius, uti coeperat, in hiberna proficiscitur, quae propter
commeatum in oppidis maritimis agere decreverat. Neque tamen victoria
socors aut insolens factus, sed pariter atque in conspectu hostium
quadrato agmine incedere; Sulla cum equitatu apud dextimos,<a class="sup" href="#j548">[548]</a> in
sinistra parte A. Manlius cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea
cohortes Ligurum curabat; primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis
tribunes locaverat. Perfugae, minime cari<a class="sup" href="#j549">[549]</a> et regionum scientissimi,
hostium iter explorabant. Simul consul, quasi nullo imposito,<a class="sup" href="#j550">[550]</a> omnia
providere, apud omnes adesse, laudare et increpare merentes. Ipse armatus
intentusque, item milites cogebat;<a class="sup" href="#j551">[551]</a> neque secus, atque iter facere,
castra munire,<a class="sup" href="#j552">[552]</a> excubitum in porta<a class="sup" href="#j553">[553]</a> cohortes ex legionibus, pro
castris equites auxiliarios mittere, praeterea alios super vallum in
munimentis locare, vigilias ipse circumire, non tam diffidentia futurum,
quae<a class="sup" href="#j554">[554]</a> imperavisset, quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore
labos volentibus esset.<a class="sup" href="#j555">[555]</a> Et sane Marius illoque aliisque temporibus
Jugurthini belli pudore magis quam malo<a class="sup" href="#j556">[556]</a> exercitum co&euml;rcebat; quod
multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant, pars quod a pueritia consuetam
duritiam et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati habuisset; nisi
tamen<a class="sup" href="#j557">[557]</a> res publica pariter ac saevissimo imperio bene atque decore
gesta.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug101">101</a>. Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul
speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostes adesse intellegitur.<a class="sup" href="#j558">[558]</a>
Sed quia diversi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem
significabant, consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo
ordine commutato, adversum omnia paratus, ibidem opperitur. Ita Jugurtham
spes frustrata, qui copias in quatuor paries distribuerat, ratus ex
omnibus aeque<a class="sup" href="#j559">[559]</a> aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla,
quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos, turmatim et quam maxime
confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt,<a class="sup" href="#j560">[560]</a> ceteri in loco
manentes ab jaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus
venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum
peditibus, quos Volux filius ejus adduxerat, neque in priore pugna, in
itinere morati, affuerant,<a class="sup" href="#j561">[561]</a> postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Tum
Marius apud primos agebat, quod ibi Jugurtha cum plurimis erat.
Dein Numida, cognito Bocchi adventu, clam cum paucis ad pedites
convertit;<a class="sup" href="#j562">[562]</a> ibi Latine (nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat) exclamat:
&#8216;nostros frustra pugnare paulo ante Marium sua manu interfectum;&#8217; simul
gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quem in pugna satis impigre occiso
pedite nostro cruentaverat. Quod ibi milites accepere, magis atrocitate
rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in
perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. Jamque paulum ab fuga aberant, quum
Sulla, profligatis iis, quos adversum<a class="sup" href="#j563">[563]</a> ierat, rediens ab latere
Mauris incurrit. Bocchus statim avertitur. At Jugurtha, dum sustentare
suos et prope jam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit circumventus ab
equitibus, dextra sinistra omnibus<a class="sup" href="#j564">[564]</a> occisis, solus inter tela hostium
vitabundus<a class="sup" href="#j565">[565]</a> erumpit. Atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus accurrit
auxilio suis, quos pelli jam acceperat. Denique hostes jam undique fusi.
Tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere, occidi
capi; equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi vulneribus acceptis neque fugere
posse neque quietem pati, niti modo, ac statim concidere; postremo omnia,
qua visus erat, constrata telis, armis, cadaveribus, et inter ea humus
infecta sanguine.<a class="sup" href="#j566">[566]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug102">102</a>. Post ea loci<a class="sup" href="#j567">[567]</a> consul haud dubie jam victor pervenit in oppidum
Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat.<a class="sup" href="#j568">[568]</a> Eo post diem quintum quam
iterum barbari male pugnaverant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis
verbis ab Mario petivere, duos quam fidissimos ad eum mitteret, velle de
suo et de populi Romani commodo<a class="sup" href="#j569">[569]</a> cum iis disserere. Ille statim L.
Sullam et A. Manlium ire jubet. Qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen
placuit<a class="sup" href="#j570">[570]</a> verba apud regem facere, uti ingenium aut aversum flecterent
aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, cujus facundiae,
non aetati, a Manlio concessum, pauca verba hujuscemodi locutus:</P>

<P>&#8216;Rex Bocche, magna nobis laetitia est, quum te talem virum di monuere,
uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles, neu te optimum cum pessimo omnium
Jugurtha miscendo commaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam
necessitudinem, pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissimum persequi.
Ad hoc populo Romano jam a principio melius visum amicos quam servos
quaerere; tutiusque rati<a class="sup" href="#j571">[571]</a> volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Tibi
vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia, primum, quod procul absumus, in
quo offensae minimum, gratia par ac si prope adessemus; dein quod
parentes abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque cuiquam omnium satis
fuit. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto ex populo
Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quarn mala perpessus
es.<a class="sup" href="#j572">[572]</a> Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, cui scilicet
placuisse<a class="sup" href="#j573">[573]</a> et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per
illam licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. Multa atque opportuna
habes,<a class="sup" href="#j574">[574]</a> quo facilius errata officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus
tuum demitte,<a class="sup" href="#j575">[575]</a> nunquam populum Romanum beneficiis victum esse; nam
bello quid valeat, tute scis.&#8217;</P>

<P>Ad ea Bocchus placide et benigne; simul pauca pro delicto suo verba
facit: &#8216;Se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse; nam
Numidiae partem, unde vi Jugurtham expulerit,<a class="sup" href="#j576">[576]</a> jure belli suam
factam; eam vastari a Mario pati nequivisse; praeterea missis antea Romam
legatis, repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum vetera omittere ac tum,<a class="sup" href="#j577">[577]</a> si
per Marium liceret, legates ad senatum missurum.&#8217; Dein, copia facta,<a class="sup" href="#j578">[578]</a>
animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Jugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae
et Manlii, metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug103">103</a>. Marius interea, exercitu in hibernaculis<a class="sup" href="#j579">[579]</a> composito, cum
expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola,
obsessum turrim<a class="sup" href="#j580">[580]</a> regiam, quo Jugurtha perfugas omnes praesidium
imposuerat. Tum rursus Bocchus, seu reputando, quae sibi duobus proeliis
venerant,<a class="sup" href="#j581">[581]</a> seu admonitus ab aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Jugurtha
reliquerat,<a class="sup" href="#j582">[582]</a> ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et
fides cognita et ingenia validissima erant. Eos ad Marium, ac dein, si
placeat, Romam legates ire jubet, agendarum rerum et quocunque modo belli
componendi licentiam ipsis permittit. Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum
proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi
spoliatique, pavidi, sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in
expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat.<a class="sup" href="#j583">[583]</a> Eos ille non pro
vanis hostibus,<a class="sup" href="#j584">[584]</a> uti meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter
habuit; qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam et Sullam ob
munificentiam in sese amicum rati. Nam etiamtum largitio multis ignota
erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi pariter volens,<a class="sup" href="#j585">[585]</a> dona omnia in
benignitate habebantur.<a class="sup" href="#j586">[586]</a> Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt;
simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit; copias, fidem,
magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benevolentiae<a class="sup" href="#j587">[587]</a>
esse credebant, oratione extollunt; dein Sulla omnia pollicito, docti,
quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies
quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug104">104</a>. Marius postquam confecto negotio, quo intenderat, Cirtam redit, de
adventu legatorum certior factus, illosque et Sullam venire jubet,<a class="sup" href="#j588">[588]</a>
item L. Bellienum praetorum Utica, praeterea omnes undique senatorii
ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. Legatis potestas eundi Romam
fit ab consule; interea induciae postulabantur. Ea<a class="sup" href="#j589">[589]</a> Sullae et
plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum
rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in adversa mutantur.<a class="sup" href="#j590">[590]</a> Ceterum
Mauri, impetratis omnibus, tres Romam profecti cum Gn. Octavio Rufo,<a class="sup" href="#j591">[591]</a>
qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat; duo ad regem redeunt. Ex
his Bocchus quum cetera, tum maxime benignitatem et studium Sullae libens
accepit. Romae legatis ejus, postquam errasse regem et Jugurthae scelere
lapsura deprecati sunt,<a class="sup" href="#j592">[592]</a> amicitiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo
respondetur:</P>

<P>&#8216;Senatus et populus Romanus beneficii et injuriae memor esse solet.
Ceterum Boccho, quoniam poenitet, delicti gratiam facit;<a class="sup" href="#j593">[593]</a> foedus et
amicitia dabantur, quum meruerit.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug105">105</a>. Qu&icirc;s rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam
ad se mitteret, cujus arbitratu de communibus negotiis consuleretur.<a class="sup" href="#j594">[594]</a>
Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque peditum, funditorum Balearium;<a class="sup" href="#j595">[595]</a>
praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Peligna cum velitaribus armis,
itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis adversum
tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed in itinere quinto denique
die Volux filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non
amplius<a class="sup" href="#j596">[596]</a> equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae
aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant.
Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere,<a class="sup" href="#j597">[597]</a>
timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus, et adversum eos,
quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum praemissi rem uti
erat<a class="sup" href="#j598">[598]</a> quietam nuntiant.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug106">106</a>. Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho
obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine
metu conjuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei vesper erat; repente
Maurus incerto vultu, pavens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex
speculatoribus cognitum, Jugurtham haud procul abesse; simul, uti noctu
clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille animo feroci negat se
toties fusum Numidam pertimescere; virtuti suorum satis credere;<a class="sup" href="#j599">[599]</a>
etiamsi certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius quam proditis, quos
ducebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae
vitae parceret.<a class="sup" href="#j600">[600]</a> Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu
proficiscerentur, consilium approbat, ac statim milites coenatos esse, in
castris ignes quam creberrimos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi
jubet. Jamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu
solis castra metabatur, quum equites Mauri nuntiant Jugurtham circiter
duum milium intervallo ante eos<a class="sup" href="#j601">[601]</a> consedisse. Quod postquam auditum
est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce
et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere, qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque
apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug107">107</a>. At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab injuria Maurum
prohibet;<a class="sup" href="#j602">[602]</a> suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent; saepe ante
paucis strenuis<a class="sup" href="#j603">[603]</a> adversum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in
proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore, nec quemquam decere, qui
manus armaverit, ab inermis<a class="sup" href="#j604">[604]</a> pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu
nudum et caecum corpus ad hostes vertere. Deinde Volucem, quoniam
hostilia faceret, Jovem maximum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae
Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire jubet. Ille lacrimans orare, ne
ea crederet; nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Jugurthae, cui
videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum, quoniam neque
ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque ejus ex patre suo
penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, quum ipse filius testis
adesset; quare optimum factu<a class="sup" href="#j605">[605]</a> videri per media ejus castra palam
transire; sese vel praemissis vet ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla
iturum. Ea res ut in tali negotio<a class="sup" href="#j606">[606]</a> probata; ac statim profecti, quia
de improviso acciderant,<a class="sup" href="#j607">[607]</a> dubio atque haesitante Jugurtha, incolumes
transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug108">108</a>. Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam, Aspar nomine, multum et familiariter
agebat, praemissus ab Jugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat,
orator<a class="sup" href="#j608">[608]</a> et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar,
Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar
(nam pater ejus ex concubina ortus erat), Mauro ob ingenii multa bona
carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante
tempestatibus expertus illico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit paratum sese
facere, quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio diem, locum, tempus ipse
delegeret; consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere;<a class="sup" href="#j609">[609]</a> neu
Jugurthae legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius
gereretur;<a class="sup" href="#j610">[610]</a> nam ab insidiis ejus aliter caveri<a class="sup" href="#j611">[611]</a> nequivisse. Sed
ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide<a class="sup" href="#j612">[612]</a> quam ob ea, quae
praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum
animo suo volvere solitum, Jugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet;
libidinem<a class="sup" href="#j613">[613]</a> adversum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug109">109</a>. Igitur Sulla respondit, pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte
aut nullo aut quam paucissimis praesentibus; simul edocet, quae sibi
responderentur. Postquam sicuti voluerat congressi, dicit se missum a
consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum
rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decimum redire jubet, ac nihil
etiamnunc<a class="sup" href="#j614">[614]</a> decrevisse, sed illo die responsurum. Dein ambo in sua
castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho
occulte accersitur; ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur,
praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus.<a class="sup" href="#j615">[615]</a>
Ac statim sic rex incipit:</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug110">110</a>. &#8216;Nunquam ego ratus sum fore, uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium,
quos novi, privato homini<a class="sup" href="#j616">[616]</a> gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante
te cognitum multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius
indigui.<a class="sup" href="#j617">[617]</a> Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor; fuerit
mihi eguisse<a class="sup" href="#j618">[618]</a> aliquando amicitiae tuae, qua apud animum meum nihil
carius habeo. Id adeo experiri licet:<a class="sup" href="#j619">[619]</a> arma, viros, pecuniam,
postremo quidquid animo libet, sume, utere; et quoad vives, nunquam tibi
redditam gratiam putaveris; semper apud me integra<a class="sup" href="#j620">[620]</a> erit; denique
nihil me sciente frustra voles. Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam
munificentia vinci minus flagitiosum est.<a class="sup" href="#j621">[621]</a> Ceterum de re publica
vestra, cujus curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo
Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui:<a class="sup" href="#j622">[622]</a> fines meos adversum
armatos armis tutatus sum. Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet; gerite
quod vultis cum Jugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Mulucham, quod inter me et
Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Jugurtham sinam. Praeterea
si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis.<a class="sup" href="#j623">[623]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug111">111</a>. Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et de communibus
rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefecit, &#8216;quod polliceatur,
senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam amplius armis valuissent, non in
gratiam habituros;<a class="sup" href="#j624">[624]</a> faciundum aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua
rettulisse videretur; id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam Jugurthae copiam
haberet; quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore, ut illi plurimum deberetur;
amicitiam, foedus, Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tunc ultro
adventuram.&#8217;<a class="sup" href="#j625">[625]</a> Rex primo negitare;<a class="sup" href="#j626">[626]</a> affinitatem, cognationem,
praeterea foedus intervenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus
popularium animos averteret, qu&icirc;s et Jugurtha carus et Romani invisi
erant. Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se
facturum promittit. Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cujus Numida defessus
bello avidissimus, quae utilia visa, constituunt. Ita composito dolo
digrediuntur.</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug112">112</a>. At rex postero die Asparem Jugurthae legatum appellat dicitque sibi
per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum, posse condicionibus bellum poni;<a class="sup" href="#j627">[627]</a>
quamobrem regis sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra
Jugurthae venit; dein ab illo cuncta edoctus, properato itinere post diem
octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei denuntiat, &#8216;Jugurtham cupere omnia, quae
imperarentur, facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum
imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam<a class="sup" href="#j628">[628]</a> frustra fuisse. Ceterum
Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una
ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam
traderet; quum talem virum in potestatem habuisset,<a class="sup" href="#j629">[629]</a> tum fore, uti
jussu senatus populique Romani foedus fieret, neque hominem nobilem non
sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam<a class="sup" href="#j630">[630]</a> in hostium potestate relictum iri.&#8217;</P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug113">113</a>. Haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit, ceterum dolo an
vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates, ut
vehementes, sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi adversae.<a class="sup" href="#j631">[631]</a> Postea tempore
et loco constituto, in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam
modo, modo Jugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus
polliceri. Illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea,
quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis
ac statim, immutata voluntate, remotis ceteris,<a class="sup" href="#j632">[632]</a> dicitur secum ipse
multa agitavisse, vultu <a class="sup" href="#j633">[633]</a> corporis pariter atque animo varius, quae
scilicet tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam
accersi jubet et ex ejus sententia Numidae insidias tendit. Deinde, ubi
dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Jugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis
amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum
facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis
suis inermis, uti dictum erat,<a class="sup" href="#j634">[634]</a> accedit ac statim, signo dato,
undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati; Jugurtha Sullae
vinctus traditur, et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.<a class="sup" href="#j635">[635]</a></P>


<P><a class="bold" name="jug114">114</a>. Per idem tempus<a class="sup" href="#j636">[636]</a> adversura Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione
et Gn. Manlio male pugnatum; quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat.
Illique<a class="sup" href="#j637">[637]</a> et inde usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia
omnia virtuti suae prona esse: cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria,
certare.<a class="sup" href="#j638">[638]</a> Sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Jugurtham
Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus et ei
decreta provincia Gallia; isque Kalendis Januariis<a class="sup" href="#j639">[639]</a> magna gloria
consul triumphavit. Ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo
sitae.</P>


<hr>

<h3>Footnotes for <i>Bellum Jugurthinum</i></h3>

<h4><a href="#jug1">1.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j1">[1]</a> <i>Aevi brevis</i>, &#8216;of short duration.&#8217; <i>Aevum</i>, in the sense of <i>aetas</i>,
    is rather poetical, and does not occur till a rather late period;
    whence the common expression <i>medium aevum</i>, &#8216;the middle ages,&#8217; is
    not exactly in accordance with the best Latinity.
<br><a class="bold" name="j2">[2]</a> <i>Invenias</i>; supply <i>quam naturam humanam</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j3">[3]</a> <i>Grassatur</i>, the same as <i>ingreditur</i>, &#8216;advances towards;&#8217; but
    <i>grassari</i> has the additional meaning of power and vehemence, whence
    it is often used to mark the progress of something bad.
<br><a class="bold" name="j4">[4]</a> <i>Paulisper</i>, &#8216;for a short time.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j5">[5]</a> <i>Auctores</i> contains a whole clause &#8212; &#8216;every one transfers his own
    fault, <i>though he himself is the author of it</i>, to circumstances;&#8217;
    that is, to the things which he himself has done.
<br><a class="bold" name="j6">[6]</a> <i>Quodsi</i>, &#8216;if, however.&#8217; Zumpt, &sect; 807.
<br><a class="bold" name="j7">[7]</a> &#8216;And at the same time very dangerous.&#8217; In many cases one feels
    inclined to assign to the adverb <i>multum</i> the meaning of &#8216;often,&#8217;
    but with adjectives, it is used only to strengthen their meaning.
<br><a class="bold" name="j8">[8]</a> <i>Regerentur</i>; supply <i>casibus</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j9">[9]</a> <i>Eo magnitudinis</i>; that is, <i>ad eam magnitudinem</i>, &#8216;to that
    greatness.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 434.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug2">2.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j10">[10]</a> According to the common arrangement of words, it would be <i>alia
    corporis, alia animi</i>; but Sallust abandons this order just because
    it is common. For the same reason he prefers <i>alii &#8212; pars</i> to
    <i>alii &#8212; alii</i>. <i>Naturam corporis</i> (or <i>animi</i>) <i>sequuntur</i>, &#8216;they
    follow the nature (that is, they are of the same kind) of body and
    mind.&#8217; Regarding the change of <i>anima</i> into <i>animus</i>, it must be
    observed that <i>anima</i> is &#8216;the soul,&#8217; the seat and basis of <i>animus</i>
    (mind), which is the activity of the <i>anima</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j11">[11]</a> &#8216;But the mind is not subject to corruption&#8217; (that is, to dissolution
    and annihilation), for a perfect participle with the negative prefix
    in frequently denotes a passive impossibility, which is usually
    expressed by adjectives ending in <i>ilis</i> or <i>bilis</i>; as <i>invictus
    miles</i>, an invincible soldier.
<br><a class="bold" name="j12">[12]</a> &#8216;The mind possesses all things, but itself is not possessed;&#8217; that
    is, it is free. This is an imitation of a well-known Greek phrase,
    <i>&#949;&#967;&#969;, &#959;&#965;&#954; &#949;&#967;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#953;</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j13">[13]</a> <i>Admirari</i> signifies not only &#8216;to admire,&#8217; but also &#8216;to wonder,&#8217; at
    anything which is surprising or displeasing; and in the latter sense
    it is the same as <i>mirari</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j14">[14]</a> Respecting <i>ceterum </i> as an adversative conjunction, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 349.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug3">3.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j15">[15]</a> <i>Hac tempestate</i>, the same as <i>hoc tempore</i>. Sallust frequently uses
    <i>tempestas</i> in this sense, though certainly the time which he paints
    in such dark colours &#8212; namely, the period after the murder of Caesar,
    in B.C. 44 &#8212; was an agitated and stormy one.
<br><a class="bold" name="j16">[16]</a> &#8216;Who have obtained by fraud an honour or honourable office,&#8217;
    <i>quibus honos contigit</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j17">[17]</a> <i>Honestus</i>, &#8216;honoured,&#8217; or &#8216;honourable;&#8217; for <i>honestus</i> (from
    <i>honor</i>) is both the one who is intrusted with an honourable office,
    and in general he who is worthy of an honour. The persons here spoken
    of were <i>honesti</i> in the first, but not in the second sense.
<br><a class="bold" name="j18">[18]</a> It might seem doubtful as to whether <i>parentes</i> here means &#8216;obeying
    persons&#8217; &#8212; that is, subjects of the Roman state &#8212; or &#8216;kinsmen,&#8217;
    &#8216;relatives.&#8217; We believe the latter to be the case, because to control
    subjects by force was not deemed improper by the ancients. Sallust
    elsewhere also combines <i>patria et parentes</i> (<a href="#cat6"><i>Catil.</i> 6</a>, <a href="#jug87"><i>Jug.</i> 87</a>),
    thereby expressing the idea of a free and equal <i>civitas</i>, which is
    to be convinced, not forced, and to be governed by magistrates chosen
    by itself, and not by a despotic ruler. The word <i>importunus</i>
    properly characterises the rudeness and unbearableness of a despot or
    tyrant.
<br><a class="bold" name="j19">[19]</a> &#8216;Even if you have the power, and intend to punish actual crimes
    in the state&#8217; &#8212; whereby Sallust intimates that a tyrannical government
    may actually introduce improvements, as history proves to have been
    the case at all times. The subjunctive is used with <i>quamquam</i>,
    because the author speaks only of a possibility, and also because an
    indefinite person is addressed by the second person singular. Compare
    Zumpt, &sect; 831, 3.
<br><a class="bold" name="j20">[20]</a> <i>Portendere</i> is here the same as &#8216;to bring with one&#8217;s self,&#8217; or &#8216;to
    be followed by.&#8217; It is a very sound remark, that by violent changes
    in a constitution, improvements may indeed be effected, but that at
    the same time these are accompanied or followed by many acts of
    injustice and crime.
<br><a class="bold" name="j21">[21]</a> <i>Frustra niti</i>, &#8216;to strive in vain (namely, to effect improvements),
    if, after all, nothing but hatred is incurred by it, is extreme
    folly.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j22">[22]</a> <i>Nisi forte</i>, &#8216;unless perhaps&#8217; &#8212; which surely cannot be the case
    with any sensible man. Respecting this use of <i>nisi forte</i>,
    expressing an improbable supposition, see Zumpt, &sect; 526.
<br><a class="bold" name="j23">[23]</a> <i>Libido &#8212; gratificari</i>, &#8216;the inclination to gratify;&#8217; for <i>libido
    tenet</i> is only a paraphrase for <i>libet</i>. This statement is striking,
    and but too true, for there are men who think it an honour to
    sacrifice their own conviction and independence for the purpose of
    pleasing persons in power.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug4">4.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j24">[24]</a> <i>Memoria rerum gestarum</i>, &#8216;the recording of events ;&#8217; that is, the
    writing of history, the usefulness (<i>virtus</i>) of which is
    acknowledged.
<br><a class="bold" name="j25">[25]</a> The words <i>per insolentiam</i> belong to <i>laudando extollere</i>,
    and the meaning is, &#8216;that no one may believe me to extol my own
    occupation with excessive praise.&#8217; <i>Per insolentiam</i> is the same as
    <i>insolenter</i>, <i>per</i> expressing manner.
<br><a class="bold" name="j26">[26]</a> &#8216;At least <i>those</i> to whom it appears to be a lofty occupation,&#8217; &amp;c.
    Respecting the omission of the demonstrative pronoun before the
    relative, even when they are in different cases, see Zumpt, &sect; 765.
<br><a class="bold" name="j27">[27]</a> &#8216;And what distinguished men were unable to attain such a
    distinction.&#8217; Sallust here boasts of having obtained a seat in the
    senate, and a high magistracy, at a time when it was a matter of
    difficulty, and when even men of great merit were unable to gain
    either. But at the same time he adds the remark, that afterwards many
    undeserving persons were introduced into the senate, to
    co-operate with whom was no honour. <i>Quae genera hominum</i> refers to
    the filling up of the senate with persons from the lower classes, and
    even with such as were not free-born. This connivance at ambitious
    upstarts, or rather this recklessness in filling up the vacancies in
    the supreme council of Rome, was shown not only by the dictator J.
    Caesar, but by his successors in power, M. Antony and Octavianus. In
    consequence of such things, Sallust adds, it will be evident that he
    was justified in withdrawing from public life.
<br><a class="bold" name="j28">[28]</a> That is, the celebrated Fabius Maximus, surnamed Cunctator, who
    distinguished himself by his prudence in the second Punic War.
    P. Scipio is the elder Scipio Africanus, the conqueror of Hannibal.
    We might indeed imagine that Sallust is speaking of Scipio Africanus
    the younger, but his being mentioned along with Fabius Maximus must
    lead every reader to think of the elder Scipio.
<br><a class="bold" name="j29">[29]</a> The images (<i>imagines</i>) of ancestors might indeed be statues, but
    from the mention of wax in the next sentence, it is evident that we
    have to understand the wax masks which constituted the greatest
    ornament in the vestibule of the house of a noble family. The busts
    (portraits) of those ancestors who had been invested with a curule
    office were made of wax, and their descendants used these wax
    portraits to dress up persons representing in public processions the
    illustrious deceased, adorned with all the insignia of the offices
    with which they had been invested. Such processions, especially at
    public funerals (a real kind of masquerade), were intended to keep
    alive in the memory of the Romans not only the names and exploits
    of their illustrious statesmen and warriors, but even their bodily
    appearance.
<br><a class="bold" name="j30">[30]</a> <i>Scilicet</i>, in this passage, is not a conjunction as usual, but, as
    in the earlier Latinity of Plautus and Terence, it is used for <i>scire
    licet</i>, &#8216;one may perceive,&#8217; or &#8216;it is self-evident,&#8217; and is
    accordingly followed by the accusative with the infinitive.
<br><a class="bold" name="j31">[31]</a> &#8216;The flame of their noble ambition did not become extinguished until their
    merit had obtained the fame and glory&#8217; (namely, of those ancestors).
<br><a class="bold" name="j32">[32]</a> <i>His moribus</i>, &#8216;in the present state of morality;&#8217; an ablative
    absolute.
<br><a class="bold" name="j33">[33]</a> Instead of <i>neque</i>, the author might have used <i>aut</i>, for both
    particles are used to continue a negative statement. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 337.
<br><a class="bold" name="j34">[34]</a> <i>Homines novi</i>, &#8216;new men,&#8217; so called by the Romans, were those
    persons who were the first of their family to rise to curule offices,
    as Cato Censorius, and at a later time Cicero. In former times,
    Sallust says, such <i>homines novi</i> distinguished themselves by their
    ability, while now they rise by base means, especially by party
    strife and party interest, which he contemptuously calls
    <i>latrocinium</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j35">[35]</a> <i>Proinde quasi</i>, &#8216;just as if,&#8217; and afterwards <i>perinde habentur ut</i>,
    &#8216;they are considered as of equal value.&#8217; Compare Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 282 and
    340.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug5">5.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j36">[36]</a> Respecting the special meaning of this periphrastic conjugation,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 498. Sallust states that he wishes to describe this
    war separately, because during its progress there was kindled at
    Rome that struggle between the populares and the optimates, which
    was in the end carried on with such senseless vehemence, that only
    the devastation of Italy put a stop to the civil discord (<i>studiis
    civilibus</i>), and that only a military despotism (first of Caesar, and
    afterwards of the triumvirs) was able to restore peace. This part of
    the description of the Jugurthine war, accordingly, is of the
    greatest importance, in forming a correct idea of the history of Rome
    at that time.
<br><a class="bold" name="j37">[37]</a> The same meaning might have been expressed by <i>ut omnia ad
    cognoscendum illustriora et apertiora sint</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 106.
<br><a class="bold" name="j38">[38]</a> That is, &#8216;after the Roman name had become great;&#8217; for in earlier
    times the Roman people had suffered still greater reverses,
    especially when the Gauls took and burned the city of Rome itself.
    But the author purposely avoids speaking of those early periods.
<br><a class="bold" name="j39">[39]</a> <i>Africano</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 421.
<br><a class="bold" name="j40">[40]</a> About <i>et</i> after <i>multa</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 756.
<br><a class="bold" name="j41">[41]</a> <i>Magnum atque late</i>, the connection of an adjective and adverb is
    somewhat singular &#8212; &#8216;the dominion of Syphax existed as a large one,
    and had a wide extent;&#8217; for he possessed the whole of western
    Numidia, being the hereditary king of the people of the Massaesyli,
    while Masinissa had only the smaller, eastern, part, and the tribe
    of the Massyli.
<br><a class="bold" name="j42">[42]</a> &#8216;He had left him behind in a private station;&#8217; that is, he had not
    appointed him in his will ruler of any portion of his dominions. But
    his uncle Micipsa gave him that which his grandfather Masinissa
    had refused to him; namely, he recognised him as a prince of the
    royal family.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug6">6.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j43">[43]</a> <i>Luxu</i> for <i>luxui</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 81.
<br><a class="bold" name="j44">[44]</a> &#8216;The favourable opportunity of his advanced age, and of the tender
    age of his children.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j45">[45]</a> Opportunities are apt to lead ordinary persons (not endowed with
    great mental powers) away from the right path. <i>Transversus</i>, &#8216;that
    which turns away to one side.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug7">7.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j46">[46]</a> &#8216;In the war against Numantia.&#8217; Numantia was the capital of the
    Arevaci, a tribe of the Celtiberians in Spain, and was situated
    on the upper Durius (now Duero), in the mountainous district whence
    the Durius and Tagus flow westward, and other rivers eastward,
    into the Iberus (Ebro), and southward into the Mediterranean. This
    city carried on a desperate war against Rome to defend its own
    independence. After a brave resistance of many years, it was taken
    and destroyed, B. C. 133, by Scipio the younger, the destroyer of
    Carthage. Its ruins are believed to be in the neighbourhood of the
    modern Soria.
<br><a class="bold" name="j47">[47]</a> <i>Qui tum erat</i> &#8212; that is, <i>quem tum Romani imperatorem habebant</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j48">[48]</a> <i>Difficillimum in primis</i>, like <i>difficillimum omnium</i>; that is, the
    most difficult among those that were the first or foremost in
    difficulty.
<br><a class="bold" name="j49">[49]</a> The one &#8212; namely, to be good in council &#8212; usually produces
    timidity; the other &#8212; namely, to be bold in battle &#8212; rashness.
    <i>Alterum &#8212; alterum</i>, takes up the things mentioned before, but in an
    inverse order; respecting which, see Zumpt, &sect; 700, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j50">[50]</a> <i>Erat</i> for the usual subjunctive <i>esset</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug8">8.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j51">[51]</a> &#8216;To whom wealth was of more importance than that which is good and
    noble.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j52">[52]</a> For the meaning of <i>pro</i> in this and similar expressions, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 311.
<br><a class="bold" name="j53">[53]</a> Not to make presents to individuals, <i>quibus</i> being used for
    <i>aliquibus</i>. Scipio must have seen with displeasure the intimacy
    between Jugurtha and certain young ambitious Romans of an equivocal
    character.
<br><a class="bold" name="j54">[54]</a> &#8216;In his own mode of acting,&#8217; must be understood here of his
    honourable mode of acting; though there are also <i>malae artes</i>, such
    as faithlessness, cunning, flattery, and the like.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug9">9.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j55">[55]</a> <i>Certo scio</i>; we also find <i>certe scio</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 266, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j56">[56]</a> <i>Verba habere</i> is sometimes used in the sense of <i>orationem habere</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug10">10.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j57">[57]</a> <i>Me falsum habuit</i> for <i>me fefellit</i>. We remarked before (<a href="#c253">Cat. 51</a>)
    that Sallust is fond of using <i>habere</i> in certain phrases.
<br><a class="bold" name="j58">[58]</a> <i>Amicissimos.</i> See Zumpt, &sect; 410.
<br><a class="bold" name="j59">[59]</a> <i>Per regni fidem</i>, &#8216;by the conscientiousness which is observed in
    governing, and must be observed;&#8217; so that it is almost the same as
    <i>per regiam fidem</i>, or <i>per fidem regum</i>, which kings owe to one
    another.
<br><a class="bold" name="j60">[60]</a> <i>Adjungere</i>; supply <i>tibi</i>, &#8216;connect yourself with strangers,&#8217; as
    opposed to supporting and maintaining friendly relations with his
    friends and kinsmen.
<br><a class="bold" name="j61">[61]</a> Sallust here changes his expression. He might have said <i>parantur</i>,
    but <i>parere</i> also occurs in other authors in the sense of <i>parare</i>,
    or &#8216;to acquire.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j62">[62]</a> <i>Ante hos</i>, &#8216;in preference to these.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j63">[63]</a> <i>Observare</i> has a sense similar to that of <i>colere</i>, &#8216;to honour&#8217; and
    refers to the observance of all the duties of devotedness, especially
    in the external relations of social life.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug11">11.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j64">[64]</a> <i>Reguli</i> may be petty kings with small dominions as well as young
    kings &#8212; that is, princes. We here take the latter to be the meaning.
<br><a class="bold" name="j65">[65]</a> <i>Adherbalem assedit</i>, or <i>Adherbali assedit</i>, &#8216;he sat himself down
    at the right-hand side of Adherbal.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 386, note. There
    accordingly remained for Jugurtha only the place on the left of
    Adherbal &#8212; that is, the least honourable of the three places.
<br><a class="bold" name="j66">[66]</a> <i>Fatigatus</i> is commonly construed with an ablative, which is here to
    be supplied (<i>precibus</i>); but without such an addition, <i>fatigare</i>
    signifies &#8216;to importune a person with prayers and requests.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j67">[67]</a> &#8216;Within the last three years;&#8217; but as the author is here speaking
    of the time at which something happened, it is used instead of
    <i>ante triennium</i>, or <i>triennio ante</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j68">[68]</a> <i>Cum animo habere</i>, the same as <i>cum</i>, or <i>in animo agitare</i>,
    <i>volvere</i>, <i>reputare</i>. Here, again, we must attend to the use of
    <i>habere</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug12">12.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j69">[69]</a> <i>Alius alio</i>, &#8216;one in one direction, and the other in another.&#8217; See
    Zumpt, &sect; 289.
<br><a class="bold" name="j70">[70]</a> <i>Proximus lictor</i> is the one of the lictors who, when they precede
    the praetors or consuls, walks last, and is therefore nearest to his
    commander; and this lictor, according to Roman custom, had the
    highest rank among his fellow-lictors. The customs of the Romans were
    imitated at the courts of allied princes.
<br><a class="bold" name="j71">[71]</a> <i>Claves adulterinae</i>, &#8216;imitation keys.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j72">[72]</a> Respecting the <i>quum</i> in descriptions, where it is commonly preceded
    by <i>interea</i>, or <i>interim</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 580.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug13">13.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j73">[73]</a> <i>Parat</i>, in the sense of <i>se parat</i>, &#8216;he prepares himself,&#8217; or &#8216;sets
    about;&#8217; and thus <i>parare</i> is not unfrequently used by Sallust
    absolutely in the sense of <i>statuere</i> and <i>instituere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j74">[74]</a> <i>Provincia</i> here is the Roman province of Africa, consisting of the
    territory of Carthage which had been destroyed, and containing the
    towns of Leptis, Hadrumetum, Utica, and Carthage, which was
    gradually rising again as a Roman town. That territory now belongs
    to the dey of Tunis, a vassal prince of the Turkish sultan. Numidia,
    in the west of the Roman province, was bounded in the west by the
    kingdom of Mauretania, and comprised the modern Algeria which is
    possessed by the French.
<br><a class="bold" name="j75">[75]</a> <i>Paucis diebus</i>, &#8216;within a few days;&#8217; that is, a few days after.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 480.
<br><a class="bold" name="j76">[76]</a> <i>Singulos ambire</i>, &#8216;to go about addressing individual persons,&#8217; has
    at the same time the meaning of &#8216;attempting to gain them over by
    intreaties or promises.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j77">[77]</a> &#8216;That no severe decree might be passed against him,&#8217; <i>ne gravius
    consilium in eum caperetur</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug14">14.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j78">[78]</a> Adherbal says that only the administration of Numidia belongs to
    him, but that the legal title and supremacy belong to Rome &#8212; the
    language of abject servility, by which he wishes to recommend himself
    to the protection of the senate.
<br><a class="bold" name="j79">[79]</a> <i>Affines</i> are those connected with one another by marriage, whereas
    <i>cognati</i> are relations by blood.
<br><a class="bold" name="j80">[80]</a> <i>Sustinere</i> is here the same as <i>ferre</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j81">[81]</a> &#8216;As I was to come to such misery;&#8217; that is, as it had been ordained
    by fate that I should come to such misery. See Zumpt, &sect; 498.
<br><a class="bold" name="j82">[82]</a> Adherbal wishes to be able to solicit the aid of the Romans, in
    consequence of his own services, rather than those of his ancestors;
    he then again divides that wish, considering it as most desirable
    that the Roman people should owe him services without his being in
    want of them, and next in desirableness that the services which he
    requires should be performed as services due to him. By this latter
    sentiment he returns to the point from which he set out &#8212; namely, his
    wish to have done good services (<i>beneficia</i>) to the Romans. <i>Vellem</i>
    in this sentence is followed twice by the accusative with the
    infinitive (<i>posse</i>, to which <i>me</i> is to be supplied, and <i>beneficia
    deberi</i>), and then by a clause with <i>ut</i> (<i>uti;</i> that is,
    <i>ut &#8212; uterer</i>). <i>Secundum ea</i>, &#8216;next to,&#8217; or &#8216;next after this,&#8217;
    according to the etymology of <i>secundum</i> from <i>sequor</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j83">[83]</a> <i>In manu fuit</i>, an expression not uncommon in the comic poets; <i>in
    manu alicujus est</i>, &#8216;it is in a person&#8217;s power.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j84">[84]</a> &#8216;At a time when the good fortune of the Romans did not render it so
    desirable to enter into connection with them as their fidelity and
    trustworthiness.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j85">[85]</a> &#8216;Do not allow me in vain to pray for your assistance.&#8217; <i>Me</i> in this
    sentence is accompanied by two accusatives in apposition, first
    <i>progeniem</i>, and then <i>nepotem Masinissae</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j86">[86]</a> Observe the unusual combination <i>Romani populi</i> for <i>populi Romani</i>,
    which is to be explained by the fact, that here <i>Romani</i> is the more
    emphatic word, placing the Roman people in contrast with other
    nations.
<br><a class="bold" name="j87">[87]</a> &#8216;O I, unfortunate man! to what result, father Micipsa, have thy good
    services led!&#8217; For the accusative <i>me miserum</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 402; and
    for the double suffix in <i>hucine</i>, &sect; 132.
<br><a class="bold" name="j88">[88]</a> &#8216;Never, then, will our family be at peace!&#8217; an exclamation to which
    afterwards an interrogative sentence with <i>ne</i> is appended. The
    former also might have been expressed by <i>numquamne ergo</i>, &amp;c.
<br><a class="bold" name="j89">[89]</a> The subjunctive <i>jussissetis</i> indicates a repeated action. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 569. The senate and people of Rome had the right to make war
    and peace throughout the extent of the Roman dominion, so that the
    allied nations and kings were obliged to regard those against whom
    the Romans declared war as their own enemies; as, for example, not
    long since, the Numantines.
<br><a class="bold" name="j90">[90]</a> &#8216;Who being a brother, was at the same time a relation.&#8217; Respecting
    this use of the pronoun <i>idem</i>, when the two predicates are added to
    one subject, see Zumpt, &sect; 697.
<br><a class="bold" name="j91">[91]</a> <i>Non queo</i>; that is, <i>nequeo</i>, or <i>non possum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j92">[92]</a> <i>Extorris</i> (from <i>terra</i>), as <i>exsul</i> from <i>solum</i>, &#8216;homeless.&#8217;
    Respecting the ablative denoting separation or privation, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 468.
<br><a class="bold" name="j93">[93]</a> <i>Tutius</i>; the adjective <i>tutior</i> also might have been used.
    Respecting the use of adverbs with esse, see Zumpt, &sect; 365.
<br><a class="bold" name="j94">[94]</a> <i>Maxime tutos</i>; that is, <i>omnium tutissimos</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j95">[95]</a> &#8216;Whatever was in the power of our family;&#8217; <i>quod per familiam
    nostram stetit</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j96">[96]</a> This inserted clause belongs to the following <i>propinquus</i>. The
    demonstrative <i>id</i> (or <i>is</i>) is omitted, and the relative clause
    precedes the word to which it refers. See Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 765, 813.
<br><a class="bold" name="j97">[97]</a> <i>Pars &#8212; pars</i>; that is, <i>alii &#8212; alii</i>; whence the verb is in the
    plural.
<br><a class="bold" name="j98">[98]</a> <i>Exigere vitam</i> for <i>agere vitam</i>, but implying a long and sorrowful
    life.
<br><a class="bold" name="j99">[99]</a> &#8216;Which out of friendly things (circumstances), have become hostile.&#8217;
    The neuter <i>necessaria</i> also comprises the persons who are termed
    <i>necessarii</i>, &#8216;persons connected by ties of relationship or
    friendship;&#8217; such as in particular Jugurtha, the adoptive brother of
    the speaker.
<br><a class="bold" name="j100">[100]</a> &#8216;Whither shall I turn myself? whom shall I call to my assistance?&#8217;
    Donatus, an ancient grammarian, in his commentary on Terence, quotes
    from Sallust <i>quo accidam?</i> &#8216;whither shall I turn myself for
    assistance?&#8217; but none of the manuscripts has that reading in this
    passage.
<br><a class="bold" name="j101">[101]</a> He alludes to the nations and kings who were still independent and
    had not yet been incorporated with the Roman empire, especially
    the kings of Syria and Egypt, and perhaps also the king of
    Mauritania.
<br><a class="bold" name="j102">[102]</a> Sallust might have said <i>hujus imperii</i>, but he prefers the dative,
    which is a dativus incommodi.
<br><a class="bold" name="j103">[103]</a> <i>Secundus</i>, &#8216;favourable,&#8217; according to its derivation from
    <i>sequor</i>, is especially used of a favourable wind, but also in the
    general sense of &#8216;assisting,&#8217; or &#8216;devoted to.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j104">[104]</a> <i>Fatigare</i>, &#8216;to importune a person with prayers.&#8217; See note <a href="#jug3">chap. 3</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j105">[105]</a> <i>Quodutinam</i> connects this sentence in an animated manner with the
    preceding, otherwise <i>utinam</i> alone might be used. &#8216;Yes, would that I
    could but see Jugurtha feigning these very things.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j106">[106]</a> <i>Nae ille &#8212; reddat</i>; as far as the sense is concerned, this sentence
    forms the apodosis to the preceding wish: &#8216;would that I could see
    him in like circumstances, and would that at length the gods opened
    their eyes; then he would surely have to pay a heavy penalty for
    his impiety, for the death of my brother and for my sufferings.&#8217;
    The present subjunctive in the apodosis corresponds with the same
    tense in the protasis, and differs very little from the future
    indicative. See Zumpt, &sect; 524, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j107">[107]</a> &#8216;Although life has been taken from thee before the age of maturity,
    and by a person who should have done it least of all.&#8217; <i>Unde</i>,
    the more general relative, is here used for <i>a quo homine</i>. In like
    manner the Romans, in legal phraseology, called the defendant
    <i>unde petitur</i>; that is, the person of whom payment is demanded.
<br><a class="bold" name="j108">[108]</a> <i>Doleo</i>, &#8216;I grieve at,&#8217; is construed with <i>de</i>, as <i>de casu tuo</i>,
    with the ablative alone, <i>casu tuo</i>, and also as a transitive verb
    with the accusative, <i>doleo casum tuum</i>. <i>Laetari</i> here follows the
    construction of <i>doleo</i>, for it is generally followed by <i>de</i>, or the
    ablative alone. See Zumpt, &sect; 383.
<br><a class="bold" name="j109">[109]</a> Namely, the life and death of the persecuted Adherbal depends
    upon the power of Jugurtha.
<br><a class="bold" name="j110">[110]</a> Adherbal wishes two things: first, that a speedy death may
    terminate his misfortunes; and second, not to be obliged to live in
    contempt, if he should yield to Jugurtha. But neither of these
    things, says he, can be done. Jugurtha will continue to lay snares
    for him, and if he yields, and gives up to him his kingdom, he must
    live despised. These two wishes are here uttered to move the hearts
    of the senators, expressed as they are by a king.
<br><a class="bold" name="j111">[111]</a> <i>Per vos liberos atque parentes vestros</i>. The words <i>per liberos</i>
    belong together; to <i>vos</i> supply <i>oro</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 794. Adherbal
    intreats the senators by their children and parents, because Jugurtha
    has so criminally trampled on the sacred rights of the family. Others
    read <i>per vos per liberos vestros</i>; but this is wrong, and the
    repetition of <i>per</i> is bad: we never intreat persons by themselves,
    but by something that is dear to them.
<br><a class="bold" name="j112">[112]</a> <i>Tabescere</i>, &#8216;to waste away,&#8217; &#8216;perish;&#8217; the proper meaning is, &#8216;to
    be consumed by some disease.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug15">15.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j113">[113]</a> <i>Ante facta</i>, &amp;c. It would have been more common to say <i>factis
    suis anteponerent</i>. In Cicero, <i>ante</i> is not used to denote
    preference as in Sallust, <a href="#cat53"><i>Cat.</i> 53</a>: <i>Graeci ante Romanos fuere</i> for
    <i>Graeci Romanis praestabant</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j114">[114]</a> According to Sallust&#8217;s mode of speaking, we should have expected
    <i>depravati</i>, <i>pars</i> being only another form for <i>alii</i>. But nothing
    can be said against the grammatical agreement <i>pars depravata</i>, it
    being that form which, according to grammar, should be used.
<br><a class="bold" name="j115">[115]</a> Scaurus dreaded the stained audacity of those who accepted bribes
    from Jugurtha without any scruple or shame, and would have liked to
    stir up against them the hatred and envy of others. <i>Licentia</i> is the
    conduct of a man who thinks he is allowed to do anything, and
    accordingly here signifies to accept bribes by which statesmen
    disgrace themselves. The adjective which properly refers to men
    (<i>pollutus</i>) is here transferred to <i>licentia</i>. Sallust describes
    Aemelius Scaurus, one of the most eminent men of his age (he was
    twice consul and princeps senatus), as a prudent aristocrat, anxious
    to keep up a respectable appearance, and to avoid suspicion as much
    as possible; although in secret he, too, had recourse to unfair means
    to obtain influence and wealth. The events which Sallust has related
    hitherto, the murder of Hiempsal, the expulsion of Adherbal by
    Jugurtha, and Adherbal&#8217;s flight to Rome, belong to the year B.C. 116,
    a time when, if we except some trifling wars against barbarous tribes
    on the frontiers, the Roman Republic was not engaged in any military
    undertaking.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug16">16.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j116">[116]</a> Opimius had been consul in B.C. 121, and in that year he had,
    with the authority of the senate, crushed the democratical party of
    G. Gracchus by force of arms. In consequence of that victory,
    several very harsh measures had been adopted by the aristocracy
    to strengthen and increase the power of the senate and the nobility.
    Opimius, too, was a statesman of loose principles, as is clear from
    the narrative of Sallust.
<br><a class="bold" name="j117">[117]</a> <i>Fide</i> for <i>fidei</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 85, note 3.
<br><a class="bold" name="j118">[118]</a> <i>Possedit</i>, &#8216;he took possession of.&#8217; The present <i>possideo</i> only
    means &#8216;to possess;&#8217; but the past tenses, <i>possedi</i>, <i>possessum</i>, at
    the same time have the meaning of &#8216;taking possession,&#8217; as if they
    were formed from a present <i>possido</i>, <i>possidere</i>. Compare the
    similarly-formed compounds of <i>sido</i>, <i>sidere</i>, in Zumpt, &sect; 189.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug17">17.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j119">[119]</a> <i>Frequentata sunt</i>, &#8216;they have been frequented.&#8217; The participle is
    in the neuter, the subjects being both animate and inanimate.
    <i>Asperitas</i> refers to the inaccessible nature of mountainous
    districts.
<br><a class="bold" name="j120">[120]</a> Other editions have <i>in partem tertiam</i>, and this deviation from
    the common mode of speaking (which is to use <i>pono</i> with <i>in</i> and the
    ablative) commentators explain by the remark, that the division was
    not yet made, but only supposed. But the Latin language knows of no
    such distinction.
<br><a class="bold" name="j121">[121]</a> In the earliest times, before the earth was divided into three
    parts, it was rather customary to consider Africa, especially Egypt
    and the countries about the Nile, as belonging to Asia. To connect
    Africa with Europe could only have been an idea of those who divided
    the earth into an eastern and a western half, and did not know the
    vast extent of Africa to the south.
<br><a class="bold" name="j122">[122]</a> <i>Fretum</i>, &amp;c.; that is, the Fretum Herculeum, or the Straits of
    Gibraltar. It is clear that Sallust wants to state only the northern
    frontier of Africa on the Mediterranean, and the frontiers in the
    east and west. The extent of Africa southward was too little known to
    him to speak about it.
<br><a class="bold" name="j123">[123]</a> &#8216;The inclined plain,&#8217; or, as the geographer Mela says, &#8216;the valley
    which inclines towards Egypt.&#8217; The length of this valley extends from
    south to north as far as the Mediterranean, and in the upper part it
    separates the immense desert in the west from the oasis in the east,
    which is considered as a part of Egypt. The easternmost country in
    Africa on the Mediterranean was Cyrenaica. It is therefore quite
    clear that Sallust does not include Egypt in Africa.
<br><a class="bold" name="j124">[124]</a> Sallust wants to give a short account of the original inhabitants
    of Africa, and their amalgamation with new immigrants, such as it
    was translated for him from the Punic books of King Hiempsal. This
    Hiempsal is not the same as the one already mentioned, who had been
    murdered by Jugurtha, but a later descendant of Masinissa, who ruled
    after Jugurtha, and was still alive in the days of Cicero, about
    B. C. 60. <i>Interpretatum est</i>, in a passive sense. See Zumpt, &sect; 632.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug18">18.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j125">[125]</a> Within the clause expressed by the ablative absolute
    (<i>multis &#8212; petentibus</i>) there is inserted another stating that each
    did so for himself, and that in the nominative case, because <i>multis
    petentibus</i> is, after all, only a different form for <i>quum multi
    peterent</i>. Grammatically speaking, it ought to be <i>sibi quoque</i>; but
    no Latin would have understood this, since he would have taken
    <i>quoque</i> as an adverb. See Zumpt, &sect; 710. <i>Passim</i>, &#8216;in different
    places,&#8217; &#8216;scattered everywhere,&#8217; but not &#8216;here and there.&#8217; The
    tradition of the immense conquests extending to the western
    extremities of the known earth, which are ascribed to Hercules
    (Heracles), who occurs in the traditions of various nations, runs
    through the whole of ancient history.
<br><a class="bold" name="j126">[126]</a> <i>Nostrum mare</i> is the Mediterranean, the African coast of which
    was occupied by the parts of Hercules&#8217; army here mentioned; and
    the Persae, it is farther stated, occupied that coast which is more
    within (that is, &#8216;on this side,&#8217; as a person writing at Rome would
    say) the ocean.
<br><a class="bold" name="j127">[127]</a> <i>Gnarus</i> and <i>ignarus</i> have most commonly an active meaning,
    denoting &#8216;one who does know,&#8217; or &#8216;one does not know;&#8217; but sometimes,
    and especially in Sallust and Tacitus, they have a passive meaning,
    &#8216;he who is known,&#8217; and &#8216;he who is not known.&#8217; So here <i>ignara lingua</i>
    is the same as <i>ignota lingua</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j128">[128]</a> &#8216;They tried the fields;&#8217; that is, &#8216;the soil,&#8217; as to whether it was
    fruitful, and in this manner they sometimes inhabited one place,
    and sometimes another. <i>Alia, deinde alia</i>, is the same as <i>alia
    atque alia</i>, as in <a href="#jug26">chap. 26</a>. Hence they were called in Greek
    <i>&#925;&#959;&#956;&#945;&#948;&#949;&#962;</i>, and the Greek accusative of this word, <i>Nomadas</i> for
    <i>Nomades</i>, is used by Sallust in the next sentence. See Zumpt, &sect; 74.
<br><a class="bold" name="j129">[129]</a> The Medes and Armenians in the army of Hercules joined the
    Libyans, the ancient inhabitants of Africa. <i>Libyes</i> is the
    accusative, for <i>accedere</i> is joined with the accusative as well as
    the dative of the person whom one joins. See Zumpt, &sect; 386, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j130">[130]</a> This derivation of the name <i>Mauri</i> is very improbable. The Mauri
    are the inhabitants of the western part of the African coast of the
    Mediterranean. They lived to the west of the mouth of the river
    Mulucha (which separated them from the Numidians), opposite Malaga
    and Cadiz, and also on the coast of the ocean extending southward as
    far as those countries were known to the ancients. The modern name of
    Moors is derived from the ancient Mauri.
<br><a class="bold" name="j131">[131]</a> <i>Utrique</i> refers to <i>parentes</i> and their descendants, the Numidae.
    One part of the nation trusted to the other (<i>alteris freti</i>), and
    was supported by it.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug19">19.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j132">[132]</a> To <i>aliis &#8212; avidis</i> supply <i>sollicitatis</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j133">[133]</a> All three are cities in the territory of Carthage, which afterwards
    became the province of Africa. Hippo with the surname of Diarrhytus,
    (there being another town, Hippo Regius, on the coast of Numidia,) is
    said to be the modern Bizerta; Hadrumetum, southeast of Carthage, and
    Leptis, surnamed minor (there being another town, Leptis magna, more
    to the east), are now in ruins.
<br><a class="bold" name="j134">[134]</a> &#8216;To their origin;&#8217; that is, to their mother country Phoenicia,
    whence the settlers had come.
<br><a class="bold" name="j135">[135]</a> The transition to Carthage by the conjunction <i>nam</i> presupposes
    the ellipsis of some such sentiment as &#8212; &#8216;I only meant to mention
    these Phoenician settlements on the African coast, <i>for</i> it is well
    known that Carthage also was a settlement of the Phoenicians.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j136">[136]</a> <i>Secundo mari</i>, &#8216;along the sea,&#8217; is said according to the analogy
    of <i>secundo flumine</i> (see Caes. <i>Bell. Gall.</i> vii. 58) <i>secundo
    flumine ad Lutetiam iter facere coepit</i>. The sea has indeed no
    current like a river, but the direction is determined by the person
    travelling on the coast, and in this case it is the direction from
    east to west. <i>Theraei</i> are the inhabitants of the island of Thera,
    in the Greek Archipelago, south of Peloponnesus, whence the first
    Greek settlers at Cyrene proceeded in B. C. 631, under the leadership
    of Battus. Respecting the Greek genitive <i>on</i>, instead of <i>orum</i>, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 52, 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="j137">[137]</a> <i>Syrtis major</i> and <i>Syrtis minor</i> are two large sandbanks near the
    coast of Africa between Cyrene and Carthage. They were very
    dangerous to navigation, and between them lay the route to Leptis
    magna, a city of considerable importance. Compare <a href="#jug78">chap. 78</a>, where
    Sallust describes these sandbanks and the bays named after them.
<br><a class="bold" name="j138">[138]</a> The origin of the name of this place is stated by Sallust, <a href="#jug79">chap.
    79</a>. As it was situated above the great, that is, the eastern Syrtis,
    it is clear that <i>deinde</i> is used somewhat vaguely, since only the
    great Syrtis, but not the town of Leptis and the small Syrtis,
    precede the place Arae Philaenon in the order of succession.
<br><a class="bold" name="j139">[139]</a> &#8216;Above Numidia;&#8217; that is, southward, towards the inland, the
    coast being always, or at least being always conceived to be, lower
    than the inland districts.
<br><a class="bold" name="j140">[140]</a> <i>Novissime</i>, &#8216;latterly;&#8217; that is, at the beginning of the third
    Punic war, the result of which was, that Carthage and its territory
    became a Roman province.
<br><a class="bold" name="j141">[141]</a> <i>Cetera ignarus</i>, &#8216;otherwise unknown.&#8217; Compare p. 87, note 4
    [<a href="#j127">note 127</a>]; and on <i>cetera</i>, Zumpt, &sect; 459.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug20">20.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j142">[142]</a> <i>Questum</i>, the supine, &#8216;in order to complain&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j143">[143]</a> &#8216;The war previously undertaken had turned out unsuccessfully.&#8217;
    About <i>secus</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 283.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug21">21.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j144">[144]</a> <i>Cirta</i>, the capital of Numidia, situated in that part of the
    country nearest to Carthage, or the Roman province. It is said to be
    &#8216;not far from the sea,&#8217; only in consideration of the vast extent of
    Numidia to the south. Cirta is the modern Constantina, which name it
    received in honour of the Emperor Constantine, and is situated at a
    distance of four days&#8217; march from Bona, the ancient Hippo Regius.
<br><a class="bold" name="j145">[145]</a> <i>Plerumque</i> for the more common <i>plurimum</i>, &#8216;the greater part.&#8217;
    See Zumpt, &sect; 103.
<br><a class="bold" name="j146">[146]</a> As Sallust in other passages connects <i>pars</i> and <i>alii</i>, so here
    <i>partim</i> and <i>alios</i>, <i>partim</i> being the same as <i>partem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j147">[147]</a> <i>Togati</i> are Roman citizens, for they alone wore the peculiar and
    privileged dress called <i>toga</i>. But it may be that other Italians
    also are comprised under the name; for Romans and Italians resided in
    great numbers in all the towns subject to the Roman dominion, for
    the sake of commerce, and in them they formed a distinct <i>conventus</i>.
    <i>Moenibus prohibere</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 468.
<br><a class="bold" name="j148">[148]</a> It would be more in accordance with the ordinary usage to say,
    <i>et se et illis</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 338.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug22">22.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j149">[149]</a> Literally, &#8216;but this report was mild;&#8217; that is, it spoke of the
    battle and siege as if they had been mild or moderate; which was not
    the case, as Jugurtha carried them on with all his energy.
<br><a class="bold" name="j150">[150]</a> <i>Pro bono facere</i>; literally, &#8216;to act in accordance with what is
    good,&#8217; and hence &#8216;to act well,&#8217; <i>bene agere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j151">[151]</a> <i>Utrique</i> refers to both parties &#8212; the Roman ambassadors on the one
    hand, and Jugurtha on the other. The ambassadors were not allowed to
    speak with Adherbal.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug23">23.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j152">[152]</a> <i>Arrigere</i>, the same as <i>excitare</i>; hence frequently <i>animum
    arrigere</i>, &#8216;to rouse courage.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug24">24.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j153">[153]</a> <i>Nisi tamen intellego</i> refers to the preceding <i>plura scribere
    nolo</i>, and expresses an exception, as is always the case with <i>nisi</i>
    after a negative: he will write nothing else, but still add the
    remark that Jugurtha aimed at something beyond the kingdom of
    Adherbal; namely, that he intended afterwards to attack the Romans
    themselves, because he saw that the acquisition of the kingdom of
    Adherbal was irreconcilable with the friendship of Rome. <i>Plura non
    scribam nisi hoc intellego</i> is an elliptical expression, equivalent
    to <i>plura non scribam, nisi hoc scribam, me intellegere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j154">[154]</a> &#8216;Whatever may have been our mutual acts of injustice, it is no
    concern of yours;&#8217; that is, they must be indifferent to you. Consider
    only the fact, that he has taken possession of the kingdom of your
    ally.
<br><a class="bold" name="j155">[155]</a> Adherbal, for the purpose of exciting the sympathy of the senate,
    represents it as a fact that he is born only to exhibit (endure) the
    crimes of Jugurtha. Respecting the dative <i>ostentui</i>, see Zumpt,
    &sect;&sect; 90 and 422.
<br><a class="bold" name="j156">[156]</a> Adherbal prays the senate to <i>prevent (deprecor)</i> his enemy from
    acquiring the sole sovereignty, and from killing him amid tortures.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug25">25.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j157">[157]</a> <i>Consuleretur</i>; supply <i>senatus</i>; &#8216;that the subject of the
    disobedience shown by Jugurtha should be brought for decision before
    the senate.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j158">[158]</a> <i>Enisum est</i>, &#8216;it was carried.&#8217; Observe the passive meaning of the
    deponent verb.
<br><a class="bold" name="j159">[159]</a> <i>Quam ocissime</i>, &#8216;as speedily as possible.&#8217; The positive of
    <i>ocissime</i> is not in use in Latin. Zumpt, &sect; 293, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j160">[160]</a> <i>Cirtam irrumpere</i> is a peculiarity in the style of Sallust, the
    common expression being, <i>in urbem irrumpere</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 386,
    note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j161">[161]</a> By engaging the enemy&#8217;s troops in different places, and thus
    dividing them. This is the meaning of the inseparable particle <i>dis</i>
    or <i>di</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug26">26.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j162">[162]</a> &#8216;Although he considered everything else to be of more weight than
    the faithfulness (promise) of Jugurtha.&#8217; The conquest of Cirta, and
    the putting to death of Adherbal, belong to the year B. C. 112.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug27">27.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j163">[163]</a> <i>Interpellando</i>, &#8216;by interrupting the speakers, and introducing
    other topics.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j164">[164]</a> By this law of the tribune G. Sempronius Gracchus, in the year
    B. C. 122, it had been ordained that every year previous to the
    election of the consuls for the next year, the senate should
    determine those provinces which should be assigned to the consuls
    about to be elected, after the expiration of the year of their
    office. As two provinces were thus fixed upon, the consuls afterwards
    determined by lot which should have the one, and which the other. The
    object of this law was to prevent intrigues in the senate, which
    would be carried on by the ruling consuls if they had to choose their
    own provinces.
<br><a class="bold" name="j165">[165]</a> <i>Obvenit</i>, &#8216;fell to the lot.&#8217; Whenever Italy is called a province,
    it is implied that the consul undertaking its administration was to
    remain at Rome, and was to be ready for any other war which might
    break out. For in the first place, there were now no wars in Italy,
    and in the second place, Italy was not a province in the ordinary
    sense of the term. The consuls here mentioned entered upon their
    office on the 1st January, B. C. 111.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug28">28.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j166">[166]</a> <i>Venum eo</i>, or contracted <i>veneo</i>, infinitive <i>venire</i>, &#8216;to go to
    be sold,&#8217; or &#8216;to be sold;&#8217; the passive of <i>vendo</i> (I sell) is not in
    use. Zumpt, &sect; 187.
<br><a class="bold" name="j167">[167]</a> <i>Adventabant</i>, with the accusative, see Zumpt, &sect; 489.
<br><a class="bold" name="j168">[168]</a> <i>In diebus</i>, &amp;c.; for <i>in</i>, with words denoting time, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 479. <i>Deditum</i> is a supine.
<br><a class="bold" name="j169">[169]</a> <i>Legare</i> properly signifies &#8216;to despatch,&#8217; and &#8216;to add to;&#8217; whence
    the word <i>legatus</i> means both &#8216;an ambassador,&#8217; and &#8216;a person added
    to an officer,&#8217; who, when necessary, supplies his place. See <a href="#cat59"><i>Catil.</i>
    chap. 59</a>. It was the business of the senate to supply such legates
    to a magistrate (<i>senatus legat aliquem alicui</i>), but as this was
    commonly done on the proposal or recommendation of the magistrate
    himself, we also read <i>legat sibi</i>, &#8216;he chooses some one to be his
    legate.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j170">[170]</a> <i>Supra</i>. See <a href="#jug15">chap. 15</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j171">[171]</a> Respecting the omission of <i>in</i> before <i>Siciliam</i>, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 398, note 1.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug29">29.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j172">[172]</a> <i>Aeger avaritia</i>, &#8216;sick with avarice;&#8217; a very appropriate
    expression, describing moral defects as a disease.
<br><a class="bold" name="j173">[173]</a> <i>A principio</i>; that is, <i>in principio</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 304. The
    faction of Scaurus is that of the nobility or aristocracy.
<br><a class="bold" name="j174">[174]</a> <i>Vaga</i>, a considerable town in Numidia, to the south-east of Cirta.
<br><a class="bold" name="j175">[175]</a> &#8216;A truce was observed on account of (or during) the delay of the
    surrender,&#8217; which Jugurtha had promised, but which could not yet be
    carried into effect.
<br><a class="bold" name="j176">[176]</a> <i>Secreta</i> refers to <i>reliqua</i>, so that the other negotiations were
    secret, whereas the proposal to surrender had been made in presence
    of the war council. It would have been more in accordance with
    ordinary usage to employ the adverb <i>secreto</i> belonging to the verb.
<br><a class="bold" name="j177">[177]</a> The opinions of the persons invited to the war council were asked
    only <i>en masse (per saturam)</i>. The Latin expression is taken from
    <i>lanx satura</i>, a dish offered as a sacrifice to the gods, and
    containing different kinds of fruit. Its figurative application to
    other mixtures is here indicated by <i>quasi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j178">[178]</a> <i>Pro consilio</i>; that is, <i>in consilio</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 311.
<br><a class="bold" name="j179">[179]</a> To cause the magistrates for the year B.C. 110 to be elected.
    The president in the elective assembly <i>rogat populum</i> (requests the
    people) to appoint new officers; hence <i>rogare</i>, the usual term.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug30">30.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j180">[180]</a> <i>Parum constabat</i>, &#8216;was not firmly determined upon;&#8217; namely, <i>iis,
    patribus</i> &#8212; that is, they had not yet made up their minds.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug31">31.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j181">[181]</a> <i>Dehortantur a vobis</i> &#8212; that is, <i>ad causam vestram suscipiendam</i>,
    &#8216;many things dissuade me to undertake your cause.&#8217; According to
    the context, the expression might, or rather should be, <i>multa me
    dehortantur, ni superaret</i>; but the present represents the act of
    <i>superare</i> as an actual fact, and is at the same time more
    impressive.
<br><a class="bold" name="j182">[182]</a> The number XV., which is found in all good manuscripts, points
    to the year B. C. 125, in which the aristocracy gained a decisive
    victory through the praetor L. Opimius, who destroyed the town of
    Fregellae, and thereby crushed the first attempt of the Italian
    allies (<i>socii</i>) to obtain the Roman franchise. It may be supposed
    that this attempt of the allies was even then supported by the Roman
    plebs, as was the case afterwards in the time of Marius.
<br><a class="bold" name="j183">[183]</a> <i>Ab ignavia</i> is to be taken in the sense of &#8216;in consequence of,&#8217; or
    &#8216;on account of your cowardice.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 305.
<br><a class="bold" name="j184">[184]</a> &#8216;When your political enemies (in consequence of the crime which
    they have committed) are deserving of punishment, and in your hands.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j185">[185]</a> <i>Animus subigit</i>. &#8216;My feelings compel me to stand out against
    the faction (of the optimates), in spite of your lukewarmness.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j186">[186]</a> <i>Ob rem</i>, &#8216;effectually,&#8217; &#8216;with success.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j187">[187]</a> &#8216;They must ruin themselves.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j188">[188]</a> &#8216;I will grant that everything has been done with justice, which
    cannot be punished without again shedding the blood of citizens;&#8217;
    that is, the cruelties then committed by the optimates in crushing
    Tib. and G. Gracchus may be considered as legitimate, since the
    perpetrators cannot be punished without fresh executions. <i>Ulciscor</i>,
    usually a deponent, is here used in a passive sense, just as the
    participle <i>ultus</i> is sometimes used in the sense of <i>vindicatus</i>.
    For the same reason, the passive form <i>nequitur</i> has been chosen;
    respecting which, see Zumpt, &sect; 216.
<br><a class="bold" name="j189">[189]</a> <i>Parum habuere</i>, &#8216;they considered it too little&#8217; (this is the
    meaning of <i>parum</i>): it was not enough for them that they had
    committed such disgraceful acts.
<br><a class="bold" name="j190">[190]</a> <i>Incedere per ora hominum</i>, &#8216;to walk in the eyes&#8217; or &#8216;in the sight
    of men.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j191">[191]</a> &#8216;The cruelties committed against the defenders of the plebs, serve
    them as a bulwark;&#8217; that is, make them only the more audacious.
<br><a class="bold" name="j192">[192]</a> About <i>quam maxime &#8212; tam maxime</i>, expressing a proportionate
    increase, see Zumpt, &sect; 725.
<br><a class="bold" name="j193">[193]</a> A complicated expression &#8212; &#8216;they have transferred their fear, which
    they ought to have on account of their crime, to your cowardice;&#8217;
    that is, to you who are cowards, or whom they consider as cowards.
<br><a class="bold" name="j194">[194]</a> <i>In unum co&euml;git</i>; that is, <i>conjunxit, copulavit</i>. The infinitives
    here are the subjects of the sentence: the same fear and the same
    greediness have united all your opponents into one league. Compare
    <a href="#cat20"><i>Cat.</i> 20</a>: <i>idem velle atque idem nolle, ea demum firma amicitia
    est</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j195">[195]</a> <i>Benejicia vestra</i>; that is, <i>honores, magistratus, imperia</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j196">[196]</a> The speaker refers to the two most important secessions of the
    Roman plebs &#8212; the one in which they obtained their tribunes in B.C.
    510, and the other, which was undertaken in B.C. 449. to restore
    the consulate and the tribuneship after the overthrow of the
    tyrannical rule of the decemvirs. Both led to the establishment of a
    legitimate state of things (<i>jus</i>), and the latter, in particular, to
    the establishment of the decisive authority of the people against the
    magistrates and the patricians. This sovereignty of the Roman
    people was termed <i>majestas</i>. These secessions, according to the
    statements of the ancients, were made to the Mons Sacer, and not
    to the Aventine; but Sallust here follows other ancient authorities;
    and it is probable enough that the plebs may have occupied both
    hills.
<br><a class="bold" name="j197">[197]</a> Respecting the form of this sentence, see Zumpt, &sect; 781. The answer
    to this question is contained in the clause <i>atque eo vehementius</i>,
    to which we must supply <i>nitendum vobis est</i>. <i>Atque</i> introduces the
    answer with emphasis.
<br><a class="bold" name="j198">[198]</a> <i>Vindicare</i> is construed with <i>in</i> and the accusative, as well as
    <i>vindicare scelus in aliquo</i> and <i>vindicare aliquam rem</i>. <i>Vindicare
    in aliquem</i>, &#8216;to use force against a person for the purpose of taking
    revenge.&#8217; <i>Vindicare sibi rem</i>, &#8216;to claim a thing for one&#8217;s self,&#8217; or
    &#8216;to appropriate a thing.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j199">[199]</a> <i>Quaestio</i>, &#8216;a judicial inquiry into a crime,&#8217; &#8216;a criminal trial.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j200">[200]</a> <i>Nisi forte</i> supposes, with a strong irony, a case which cannot be
    conceived. See Zumpt, &sect; 526.
<br><a class="bold" name="j201">[201]</a> <i>Quantum importunitatis habent</i>, &#8216;according to the high degree of
    impudence and arrogance which they possess.&#8217; Sallust might have said,
    <i>quae eorum importunitas est</i>, or <i>pro eorum importunitate</i>. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 705.
<br><a class="bold" name="j202">[202]</a> <i>Rex</i>, according to Roman notions, always contains the idea of an
    absolute ruler, and is therefore frequently used in the sense of &#8216;a
    tyrant.&#8217; The idea of a constitutional or limited monarchy was not
    known in antiquity, except perhaps at Sparta.
<br><a class="bold" name="j203">[203]</a> <i>Perditum eatis</i>; that is, <i>perdatis</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 669.
<br><a class="bold" name="j204">[204]</a> Practically, it is quite correct, that in the administration of a
    state it is more necessary to punish criminals than to reward good
    services; for it is impossible that all good citizens should be
    rewarded with external distinctions; but if a criminal remains
    unpunished, he does harm by his example, and undermines the organism
    of the state.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug32">32.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j205">[205]</a> <i>Arcessere</i>, &#8216;to summon before a court of justice,&#8217; governs the
    genitive of the thing for which a person is summoned.
<br><a class="bold" name="j206">[206]</a> <i>Rogatio</i>, &#8216;a proposal to the people,&#8217; because, in making a
    proposal, as well as at elections of magistrates, the people were
    requested (<i>rogabatur</i>) to pass a resolution.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug33">33.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j207">[207]</a> <i>Per sese</i>, &#8216;as far as lay in him,&#8217; &#8216;as much as he could,&#8217; as in
    the phrase <i>per me licet</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j208">[208]</a> Respecting <i>Romae Numidiaeque</i>, where <i>Numidiae</i> by a kind of
    attraction takes the same case as <i>Romae</i>, instead of <i>in Numidia</i>,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 398, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="j209">[209]</a> &#8216;He (Jugurtha) would not, indeed, thereby be a safety to his
    accomplices, but destroy his own hope (of obtaining pardon).&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug34">34.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j210">[210]</a> The words <i>quae ira fieri amat</i> are very surprising, but were
    regarded by the ancients themselves as a Graecism of Sallust, from
    whom Quinctilian quotes the words <i>quae vulgus amat fieri</i>, which
    occurred in a work of Sallust that is lost. In both cases, we must
    construe <i>ira (vulgus) amat</i> with an accusative with the infinitive
    after it: &#8216;anger likes that this or that should happen.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j211">[211]</a> <i>Animus augescit</i>, &#8216;courage grows&#8217; or &#8216;increases.&#8217; For the plural
    <i>animi</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 92.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug35">35.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j212">[212]</a> We here enter the year B.C. 110.
<br><a class="bold" name="j213">[213]</a> <i>Urgueat</i>, &#8216;presses Jugurtha;&#8217; that is, he is hindered by the
    indignation on account of his past crimes, and at the same time by
    the apprehension with which the Roman people regard him.
<br><a class="bold" name="j214">[214]</a> He would like best that it should be done in secret; but if this
    should not succeed, he would like it to be done in any way, whatever
    it might be. Instead of <i>maxime</i>, the author might have said
    <i>potissimum</i>. See the same expression <a href="#jug46">chap. 46</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j215">[215]</a> <i>Profiteri indicium</i>, &#8216;to declare that you will state everything.&#8217;
    We must understand that in the defective administration of justice
    at Rome, the <i>index</i> (informer) received a promise of impunity.
<br><a class="bold" name="j216">[216]</a> <i>Manifestus</i>, with the genitive of the crime, is a person <i>qui mani
    festo tenetur</i>, or against whom there is most decisive evidence.
<br><a class="bold" name="j217">[217]</a> <i>Animum adverto</i>, the same as the compound <i>animadverto</i>, like
    <i>venum eo</i> for <i>veneo</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j218">[218]</a> Jugurtha had given fifty sureties in the name of Bomilcar, in order
    that he might remain at liberty. These sureties were of course fifty
    Roman citizens. As Bomilcar fled, those sureties had to pay the money
    with which each guaranteed his appearance, and there can be no doubt
    but that Jugurtha secretly paid the money.
<br><a class="bold" name="j219">[219]</a> <i>Paucis diebus.</i> See Zumpt, &sect; 480.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug36">36.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j220">[220]</a> This season was usually the middle of the year, but was frequently
    delayed until the autumn. The consul Albinus seems to have been
    commissioned to preside at the elections, because his colleague, who
    had obtained Macedonia, was at a still greater distance.
<br><a class="bold" name="j221">[221]</a> Jugurtha protracted the war, delayed the negotiations for peace,
    and in this manner thwarted the consul. We have here restored the
    active form <i>ludificare</i>, because it exists in all the manuscripts.
    It is found also in Cicero, though the deponent <i>ludificari</i> is more
    frequent.
<br><a class="bold" name="j222">[222]</a> Some were convinced that after the hurry which the consul had
    shown at the beginning, the war was protracted, not so much by his
    carelessness, as by his cunning designs. <i>Non magis quam</i> is
    expressed in modern languages as if the Latin were <i>dolo magis quam
    socordia</i>: &#8216;they believed that the war was protracted by his cunning
    designs rather than by his carelessness.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 725.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug37">37.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j223">[223]</a> <i>Continuare magistratum</i>, &#8216;to continue for another year in a
    magistracy which has been given for only one year.&#8217; In the case of
    some magistracies this was forbidden by law; in that of tribunes of
    the people, it occurs rather frequently in the early times, that they
    were re-elected twice or oftener in successive years. The last in
    stance of a tribuneship lasting for two years is that of G. Gracchus,
    in B.C. 123 and 122; and even then this re-election was the cause of
    violent commotions, and it was impossible to carry it for the third
    year.
<br><a class="bold" name="j224">[224]</a> Around the wall, which had been built on the extreme edge of a
    precipitous rock, the clayey soil had formed a marsh. Respecting
    <i>extremum</i> used substantively, see Zumpt, &sect; 435.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug38">38.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j225">[225]</a> Respecting the frequentatives <i>ductare</i> and <i>missitare</i>, which last
    is a secondary derivative from <i>mittere</i> (as <i>currere, cursare,
    cursitare</i>), see Zumpt, &sect; 231; and about <i>vitabundus</i>, &sect; 248.
<br><a class="bold" name="j226">[226]</a> The usual arrangement of the words would be: <i>corrumpere, ut alii
    (partim) transfugerent, alii &#8212; desererent</i>. The <i>ut</i> is here repeated
    in the second clause, which is rather unusual.
<br><a class="bold" name="j227">[227]</a> <i>Trepidare</i>, in its proper sense, is, &#8216;to run about with fear and
    trembling.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j228">[228]</a> <i>Anceps</i>, &#8216;twofold,&#8217; on the part of the enemy and of that of
    nature.
<br><a class="bold" name="j229">[229]</a> The author here distinguishes the infantry (<i>cohors</i>) and cavalry
    (<i>turma</i>) of the auxiliaries, and the common soldiers from the Roman
    legions.
<br><a class="bold" name="j230">[230]</a> The <i>primus pilus</i> in a Roman legion is the first company
    (<i>manipulus</i>) of the third class of legionaries, who were called
    <i>pilani</i> or <i>triarii</i>, and were employed in battle as a reserve,
    while the two other classes of legionaries, the <i>hastati</i> and
    <i>principes</i>, began the engagement. A legion thus contained ten
    maniples of every class; that is, altogether thirty maniples, each of
    which consisted of two <i>centuriae</i>, and each <i>centuria</i> was commanded
    by a <i>centurio</i>. Out of these sixty centurions of a legion, the two
    commanding the <i>primus pilus</i> (they themselves also were called, like
    their companies, <i>primi pili</i>) were the first in rank, and again the
    <i>ductor prioris centuriae primi pili</i> was the principal centurion in
    a legion. The treachery of such an officer, therefore, is the more
    surprising. To the pronoun <i>ea</i> supply <i>via</i>; <i>ea</i>, with this
    ellipsis, is used as an adverb in the sense of &#8216;there.&#8217; See Zumpt,
    &sect; 207, 288.
<br><a class="bold" name="j231">[231]</a> In accordance with the rules on the oratio obliqua, Sallust ought
    to have written <i>teneat</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j232">[232]</a> A <i>jugum</i> was formed by two lances fixed in the ground, and a
    third fastened across them so as to form a gate. When an army
    confessed itself to be conquered, and after capitulating, was allowed
    to depart, the troops had to march under a yoke of this description.
<br><a class="bold" name="j233">[233]</a> Literally: &#8216;because the disgrace was exchanged for the fear of
    death;&#8217; that is, by enduring it, they became free from the fear of
    death.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug39">39.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j234">[234]</a> <i>Dolere pro gloria</i>, &#8216;to be grieved for reputation;&#8217; that is, as
    they were interested in the glory of their country, they were grieved
    at the disgrace (<i>dedecore</i> or <i>propter dedecus</i>) they had suffered.
    <i>Timere libertati</i>, &#8216;to be afraid of losing one&#8217;s freedom,&#8217; it
    appearing to be in danger. See Zumpt, &sect; 414.
<br><a class="bold" name="j235">[235]</a> <i>Nomen Latinum</i> is the same as <i>socii Latini</i>, or <i>Latini</i> alone.
    The expression properly signifies those who are called Latins; for
    this class of people comprised not only those who really belonged to
    the nation of the Latins &#8212; such as the inhabitants of the ancient
    Latin towns of Tibur and Praeneste &#8212; but those also whose towns
    subsequently received the same privileges. The latter were termed
    coloniae Latinae &#8212; such as Alba in the country of the Marsians,
    Beneventum in Samnium, Cremona and Placentia on the Po.
<br><a class="bold" name="j236">[236]</a> <i>Ex copia rerum</i>, &#8216;according to his present resources,&#8217; &#8216;according
    to the state of affairs.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug40">40.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j237">[237]</a> In a few manuscripts we read <i>neglegisset</i>, respecting which see
    Zumpt, &sect; 195.
<br><a class="bold" name="j238">[238]</a> <i>Quin faterentur</i>, &#8216;without confessing.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 539.
<br><a class="bold" name="j239">[239]</a> M. Scaurus, who, as Sallust stated before, was himself bribed
    by Jugurtha, had availed himself of the time when the people were
    rejoicing at his victory, when the city was still under apprehensions
    respecting the war, and when many other nobles, from a consciousness
    of guilt, kept back; and there can be no doubt that, through the
    influence of his friends, he contrived to be himself elected one of
    the commissioners who had to institute inquiries about these
    briberies, and thus escaped being tried himself.
<br><a class="bold" name="j240">[240]</a> <i>Ex</i> here signifies &#8216;with respect to.&#8217; The people after this
    victory were insolent, so that the commissioners yielded to the
    wishes of the multitude.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug41">41.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j241">[241]</a> &#8216;The custom of (forming) parties among the people, and of factions
    in the senate;&#8217; the people are divided into <i>partes</i>, the senate
    into <i>factiones</i>; the latter evidently implies intriguing
    combinations.
<br><a class="bold" name="j242">[242]</a> &#8216;From the abundance of those things which mortals deem of the
    first importance.&#8217; <i>Prima</i> is used substantively, and with it the
    relative pronoun (<i>quae</i>) agrees. Sallust might have said
    <i>quas &#8212; primas</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j243">[243]</a> <i>Scilicet</i>, &#8216;naturally,&#8217; is used here as an adverb. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 271.
<br><a class="bold" name="j244">[244]</a> The annexation of small free farms to the adjoining large estates,
    is described by all the ancient authors as the cause of the great
    misery of the Roman state, and, as Sallust remarks, it was
    facilitated by the absence of many of the free citizens who were
    serving in the armies; for their fathers or children, who were left
    behind, were easily induced to sell their small farm to a wealthy and
    powerful neighbour. For force was certainly not always applied, and
    <i>pellere</i> here signifies &#8216;to displace,&#8217; rather than &#8216;to expel.&#8217; The
    large estates thus formed were called <i>latifundia</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j245">[245]</a> <i>Permixtio terrae</i> is said figuratively, as is indicated by
    <i>quasi</i>, &#8216;a chaos &#8212; a mixture of elements.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug42">42.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j246">[246]</a> Tib. Gracchus was slain in B.C. 133, and his brother, G. Gracchus,
    in B.C. 121. Sallust here states that the faction of the optimates
    threw obstacles in the way of the two brothers, sometimes by means of
    the <i>socii</i> (in Italy), and sometimes by means of the Roman equites,
    who had been drawn into the senate by the popular party. This
    refers, in the first place, to the opposition made, through the
    instrumentality of the Latins, to the scheme of the Gracchi to
    settle poor Roman citizens in Latin colonies; and secondly, to the
    ingratitude of the equites, to whom G. Gracchus had transferred
    the administration of justice, after having taken it from the senate.
    Respecting <i>modo &#8212; interdum</i>, instead of <i>modo &#8212; modo</i>, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 723.
<br><a class="bold" name="j247">[247]</a> Sallust admits that the Gracchi went somewhat too far, but blames
    the violence with which the faction of the optimates took
    vengeance upon them; &#8216;for,&#8217; says he, &#8216;a good man prefers being
    conquered, to taking revenge for injury done to him in a violent
    manner&#8217; &#8212; intimating that the optimates ought to have borne the
    injury done to them by the Gracchi, rather than avenge it with
    murder and assassination.
<br><a class="bold" name="j248">[248]</a> <i>Acerbius</i>; that is, <i>nimis acerbe</i>, or <i>acerbius quam par est</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j249">[249]</a> <i>Omnis civitatis</i> for <i>totius civitatis</i>, in opposition to the
    patres. <i>Parem</i>; that is, <i>velim</i>, which is followed in the apodosis
    by the same subjunctive present, or the future indicative. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 524, note 1. <i>Res</i>, the same as <i>materia</i>, <i>argumentum</i>, &#8216;subject.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug43">43.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j250">[250]</a> The consuls here mentioned entered upon their office on the 1st
    of January, 109 B.C. The preparation for the campaign accordingly
    belongs to the latter part of the year 110.
<br><a class="bold" name="j251">[251]</a> &#8216;An opponent of the popular party;&#8217; <i>adversus</i> being used as a
    substantive, in the sense of <i>adversarius</i>; as an adjective, it is
    construed with the dative.
<br><a class="bold" name="j252">[252]</a> <i>Cum collega</i>, a short expression for <i>conjuncta cum collega</i>,
    &#8216;everything else he considered as common between himself and his
    colleague, but to the Numidian war he alone directed his attention,
    as though it were his own exclusive business.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j253">[253]</a> <i>Praesidia</i> is generally &#8216;resources;&#8217; but here the same as
    <i>auxilia</i>, &#8216;auxiliary troops.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j254">[254]</a> <i>Contusae</i>, from <i>contundere</i>, for <i>imminutae</i>, <i>debilitatae</i>,
    <i>fractae</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug44">44.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j255">[255]</a> <i>Praedator</i>, belonging to <i>exercitus</i>, is the same as <i>praedas
    agens</i>, &#8216;carrying off booty.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 102, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="j256">[256]</a> <i>Aestivorum tempus</i> is the time suited for the campaign. To
    <i>aestivorum</i> supply <i>castrorum</i>, &#8216;a summer-camp,&#8217; and &#8216;a campaign
    made in summer;&#8217; hence, also, &#8216;a campaign&#8217; in general, inasmuch as
    warlike operations were but rarely carried on in winter.
<br><a class="bold" name="j257">[257]</a> <i>Albinus</i>, during a portion of the summer of the year 109 B. C.,
    continued to command as proconsul, while the consul Metellus was
    detained at Rome by the election of the consuls for the year
    B. C. 108.
<br><a class="bold" name="j258">[258]</a> <i>Odos</i> for <i>odor</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 7.
<br><a class="bold" name="j259">[259]</a> <i>Cum mercatoribus</i>, &#8216;in intercourse with merchants.&#8217; The
    merchandise, in return for which another commodity is given, is
    expressed by the ablative. See Zumpt, &sect; 456.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug45">45.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j260">[260]</a> <i>Ambitio</i>, &#8216;courting favour;&#8217; hence here in the sense of
    &#8216;indulgence,&#8217; &#8216;connivance,&#8217; these being the ordinary means to obtain
    the favour of the multitude.
<br><a class="bold" name="j261">[261]</a> <i>Ceteris arte modum statuisse</i> still depends upon <i>comperior</i>, &#8216;I
    learn (that is, we are informed) that for the rest (of the wants) he
    fixed the measure in a close (niggardly) manner;&#8217; for <i>arte</i> is the
    adverb of <i>artus</i>, which is frequently, though not correctly, written
    <i>arcte</i>. It must not be confounded with <i>arte</i> from <i>ars</i>. Sallust
    might have said, <i>ceteris (rebus) artum modum statuisse</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug46">46.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j262">[262]</a> <i>Supplicia</i> here, as elsewhere, are <i>supplices preces</i>, &#8216;humble
    prayers,&#8217; or &#8216;petitions.&#8217; Compare <a href="#jug66">chap. 66</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j263">[263]</a> &#8216;He applies to the ambassadors one by one;&#8217; that is, he tries them
    one by one, <i>temptat singulos</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j264">[264]</a> <i>Maxime</i>, the same as <i>potissimum</i>. Compare <a href="#jug35">chap. 35</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j265">[265]</a> &#8216;What would be in accordance with his wish;&#8217; namely, the granting
    of his request.
<br><a class="bold" name="j266">[266]</a> The plural <i>equitatus</i> is rare; here it refers to different troops
    of cavalry, as in Caesar, <i>Bell. Civ.</i> i. 61. To <i>propulsarent</i>
    supply <i>eos</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 766.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug47">47.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j267">[267]</a> &#8216;Most frequented;&#8217; for <i>celeber</i>, <i>bris</i>, <i>bre</i>, is commonly used
    of densely peopled or much frequented places.
<br><a class="bold" name="j268">[268]</a> Metellus placed a garrison in the city, partly to test the
    sentiments of the inhabitants, and partly on account of the
    advantages offered to him by the nature of the place, in case the
    inhabitants should not object to a garrison of the Romans. The common
    reading, <i>si paterentur opportunitates loci</i>, must be rejected, for
    the words <i>si paterentur</i> must refer to the inhabitants of the place,
    and explain the preceding <i>temptandi gratia</i>. Another reading,
    <i>opportunitatis</i>, to which <i>gratia</i> must be supplied by the mind, has
    the same meaning as <i>opportunitate</i>, the ablative of cause.
<br><a class="bold" name="j269">[269]</a> &#8216;He believed that the great number of merchants (in the town)
    and the corn would be of use to the army, and protect the provisions
    (of the Roman army) already accumulated,&#8217; so that the Roman stores
    might be saved.
<br><a class="bold" name="j270">[270]</a> <i>Impensius modo</i>; that is, <i>praeter modum</i>, &#8216;beyond measure,&#8217;
    &#8216;immoderately;&#8217; literally, &#8216;stronger than the measure observed in
    such matters.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug48">48.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j271">[271]</a> <i>Exercitum antevenit</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 386, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j272">[272]</a> &#8216;In an equal direction;&#8217; that is, likewise extending from south
    to north.
<br><a class="bold" name="j273">[273]</a> In the midst of this range there arose another group, extending
    far and wide; and, as will be seen hereafter (<a href="#jug49">chapter 49</a>), in a
    transverse direction (<i>transverso itinere</i>) from the range to the
    river running parallel with it. <i>In immensum</i>, however, must be
    understood relatively of a very great extent, and not absolutely of
    an infinite extent.
<br><a class="bold" name="j274">[274]</a> &#8216;On dry and sandy ground&#8217; is a very singular expression, and
    has been noticed as such by the Roman grammarians themselves;
    for <i>humi</i> (on the ground) is otherwise used without an adjective as
    an adverb. The adjective is here put in the ablative, to denote the
    place where, and in the neuter gender, <i>humi</i> being regarded as
    indeclinable. In ordinary language, it would be <i>in humo arida</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug49">49.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j275">[275]</a> &#8216;The battle-line being long, but not deep.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j276">[276]</a> <i>Montem</i>, the same as <i>monti</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 411.
<br><a class="bold" name="j277">[277]</a> <i>Decuerint</i>. Sallust might have written <i>decuerit</i> in the singular.
    Compare Zumpt, &sect; 226.
<br><a class="bold" name="j278">[278]</a> <i>Quum interim Metellus &#8212; conspicitur</i>, is the apodosis. &#8216;Then,
    in the meantime, Metellus appears.&#8217; Respecting this use of <i>quum</i>
    with the present indicative, see Zumpt, &sect; 580, 2; for the
    circumstance of <i>interim</i> being used here, where we might expect
    <i>subito</i>, does not alter the case, and only expresses that Jugurtha
    was yet engaged in encouraging his army when Metellus became visible.
<br><a class="bold" name="j279">[279]</a> <i>Incerti</i> is here used passively and personally, &#8216;uncertain what it
    might be,&#8217; for <i>de quibus incertum erat, quidnam esset</i>; and the
    neuter <i>quidnam</i> is used in the sense of the masculine plural, &#8216;it
    was uncertain whether they were men, and what sort of men.&#8217; In like
    manner we have seen (<a href="#jug18">chapter 18</a>) <i>ignarus</i> used passively.
<br><a class="bold" name="j280">[280]</a> &#8216;With an alteration in the ranks,&#8217; those soldiers who had before
    marched by the side of one another now being placed behind one
    another, as the man who had till then been on the right wing of his
    detachment suddenly turned to the right, with his face towards the
    hill. On the right of the whole marching army, he now formed the
    front towards the enemy (<i>aciem</i>), and strengthened by a threefold
    reserve.
<br><a class="bold" name="j281">[281]</a> &#8216;The <i>principia</i> standing transversely&#8217; (to the direction in which
    till then the column had been). The march of the Roman army
    was from east to west; the enemy appeared on the right flank, and
    the Roman vanguard (<i>principia</i>) therefore turned round to face them
    (that is, turning its face to the north), and it is this direction
    which is expressed by <i>transversus</i>. <i>Principia</i> is the vanguard,
    because in a Roman legion the ten companies of <i>principes</i> formed the
    front line, while the <i>hastati</i> constituted the second, and the
    <i>triarii</i> the third. In this manner the <i>principes</i> here faced the
    enemy, while the other divisions of the army drew up behind them as
    a reserve.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug50">50.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j282">[282]</a> <i>Transversis proeliis</i>, &#8216;by attacks on the flanks&#8217; &#8212; namely, if the
    Roman army should resume its march westward.
<br><a class="bold" name="j283">[283]</a> <i>Temptare lassitudinem militum</i>, the same as <i>lassos milites
    aggredi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j284">[284]</a> The army was drawn up in battle array facing the north, so that,
    if it resumed its march westward, the part which formed the left
    wing became the head of the column (<i>agmen</i>).
<br><a class="bold" name="j285">[285]</a> <i>Priores</i>; that is, <i>superiores</i>, &#8216;superior.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j286">[286]</a> <i>Ea</i>, &#8216;on this road,&#8217; or &#8216;there.&#8217; <i>Evadere</i>, &#8216;to ascend.&#8217; <i>Vero</i> in
    the apodosis renders it strong and emphatic. See Zumpt, &sect; 716.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug51">51.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j287">[287]</a> Respecting the omission of <i>et</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 782. <i>Arma</i> and
    <i>tela</i> are the two kinds of arms, the one being used in a close
    contest, and the other at a distance; the use of either of them
    depended on chance (<i>fors regebat</i>). <i>Itaque</i> in the next clause is
    the same as et <i>ita</i>, and not the conjunction <i>itaque = igitur</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j288">[288]</a> They had no camp, no fortifications into which they could retreat.
    <i>Illis</i> refers to the Romans addressed, and is rendered by the
    emphatic they; instead of <i>illis</i>, the speaker might have used
    <i>ipsis</i> whereby he would have included himself, whereas now he is
    speaking only of the soldiers. Compare Zumpt, &sect; 702.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug52">52.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j289">[289]</a> <i>Diei</i>; other editions have <i>die</i>, an obsolete form of the fifth
    declension. <i>Adverso colle evadunt</i>, &#8216;they worked their way up the
    opposite hill.&#8217; The author might have said <i>in adversum collem,</i>
    &#8216;they ascended it.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j290">[290]</a> The neuter predicate <i>tutata sunt</i> here refers to two feminine
    nouns, instead of <i>tutatae sunt</i>; but it is quite in accordance with
    the custom of Sallust. See Zumpt, &sect; 377.
<br><a class="bold" name="j291">[291]</a> &#8216;What the enemy were doing in every place;&#8217; for <i>ubique</i> signifies
    &#8216;in every place;&#8217; not absolutely, but in every one of the places
    where anything was done by the enemy. <i>Ubique</i> stands to <i>ubivis</i>
    in the same relation as <i>quisque</i> to <i>quivis</i>. Compare Zumpt, &sect; 710.
<br><a class="bold" name="j292">[292]</a> &#8216;He had drawn up his corps close together.&#8217; About <i>arte</i>, see
    <a href="#cat59"><i>Cat.</i>, chap. 59</a>, and p. 110, note 4 [<a href="#j261">note 261</a>].</P>

<h4><a href="#jug53">53.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j293">[293]</a> &#8216;They held out only so long as they believed that they had an
    assistance in their elephants.&#8217; When they were disappointed in this
    hope, they took to flight; for <i>fugam facere</i> is here the same as
    <i>fugere</i>, though generally it is equivalent to <i>fugare</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j294">[294]</a> &#8216;Tired and worn out.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j295">[295]</a> The two detachments of the Roman army approaching each other, threw
    each other into fear and confusion by the noise of their march, as
    they imagined lhat the enemy was approaching. We have retained
    <i>adventarent</i>, the reading of the early editions; the one now
    generally received, <i>adventare</i>, must be rendered, &#8216;when they were
    not far from one another, they approached in a noisy manner, like
    enemies, (and) filled each other mutually with fear.&#8217; But here
    the verb <i>adventare</i> is offensive, it having already been said that
    they were not far from one another; so also is the mere ablative
    <i>strepitu adventare</i> and the omission of <i>et</i>, for which we cannot
    see any reason.
<br><a class="bold" name="j296">[296]</a> Supply <i>esset</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j297">[297]</a> &#8216;Misfortunes lower even good men;&#8217; that is, diminish their
    reputation.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug54">54.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j298">[298]</a> Duration of time is properly expressed by the accusative, but the
    ablative also is not unfrequently employed. See Zumpt, &sect; 396.
<br><a class="bold" name="j299">[299]</a> <i>Sunt</i> here changes the oratio obiiqua into the oratio recta;
    according to the grammatical rule, it ought to be <i>sint</i> or <i>essent</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j300">[300]</a> <i>Gentium</i> is added to increase the expression of uncertainty. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 434.
<br><a class="bold" name="j301">[301]</a> A bold combination of terms: soldiers who were in the habit of
    being more concerned about the cattle and the field than about war.
    Respecting the substantive <i>cultor</i>, instead of the participle
    <i>colens</i>, see p. 109, note 5 [<a href="#j255">note 255</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j302">[302]</a> <i>Ea gratia</i>, a concise expression for <i>ejus (rei) gratia</i>, &#8216;on this
    account.&#8217; In like manner we find <i>hac, ea causa</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j303">[303]</a> &#8216;Which could not be carried on otherwise than according to his
    pleasure;&#8217; because, considering the number and condition of his
    irregular troops, he had it in his power both to attack and to
    retreat, and thus to draw the Romans hither and thither.
<br><a class="bold" name="j304">[304]</a> <i>Temere</i> signifies that which is done without any lasting effect,
    without serious consideration, or what is suggested by mere accident
    or chance.
<br><a class="bold" name="j305">[305]</a> <i>Sua loca</i> are &#8216;convenient&#8217; or &#8216;favourable places;&#8217; <i>aliena</i>,
    &#8216;inconvenient ;&#8217; that is, such as he would not have chosen himself.
<br><a class="bold" name="j306">[306]</a> &#8216;According to circumstances,&#8217; as in <a href="#jug39">chap. 39</a>: <i>ex copia rerum</i>,
    &#8216;according to the state of circumstances.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug55">55.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j307">[307]</a> <i>Magnificus</i>, &#8216;boasting,&#8217; &#8216;insolent,&#8217; as in <a href="#jug31">chap. 31</a>: <i>incedunt per
    ora, vestra magnifci</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j308">[308]</a> Such a public thanksgiving ordered by the senate is commonly called
    <i>supplicatio</i>, and was a sign that the general was likely to be
    honoured with a triumph.
<br><a class="bold" name="j309">[309]</a> <i>Necubi</i> for <i>ne alicubi</i>, &#8216;in order that not somewhere.&#8217; See
    Zumpt, &sect; 136.
<br><a class="bold" name="j310">[310]</a> <i>Post insidias Jugurthae</i>, &#8216;after he had once experienced attacks
    made from an ambuscade.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug56">56.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j311">[311]</a> <i>Zama</i>, a town celebrated for the victory gained, about one hundred
    years before, by Scipio over Hannibal. It was situated, according
    to Polybius, five days&#8217; march south of Carthage.
<br><a class="bold" name="j312">[312]</a> <i>In tempore</i>, &#8216;in due time,&#8217; &#8216;in proper time.&#8217; Zumpt, &sect; 475, note.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug57">57.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j313">[313]</a> <i>Proelium facere in manibus</i>, the same as <i>pugnare cominus, manus
    conserere</i>, &#8216;to be engaged in close combat.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j314">[314]</a> &#8216;Torches mixed of burning pitch and sulphur;&#8217; that is, burning
    torches of pitch and sulphur. The singular <i>taedam</i> is used in a
    collective sense for the plural <i>taedas</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug58">58.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j315">[315]</a> &#8216;Those who had been left behind to protect the camp being remiss&#8217;
    (careless, unconcerned); a figurative use of <i>remissus</i>, taken from a
    bow when it is not stretched.
<br><a class="bold" name="j316">[316]</a> &#8216;As they, being few, less missed in throwing their darts among
    the many.&#8217; The deponent <i>frustari</i> here has a reflective meaning,
    &#8216;to exert one&#8217;s self in vain,&#8217; &#8216;to deceive one&#8217;s self,&#8217; and must be
    conceived to come from the active <i>frustrare</i>, &#8216;to frustrate.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j317">[317]</a> &#8216;Then, indeed (in truth), they showed,&#8217; &amp;c. Respecting <i>vero</i> in
    the apodosis, see note on <a href="#jug50">chap. 50</a>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug59">59.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j318">[318]</a> &#8216;The Numidian horsemen would not have resisted any longer, had not
    their infantry mingled with the cavalry caused a great carnage&#8217;
    (among the Romans). Respecting the imperfect in the protasis, though
    the apodosis contains the pluperfect, see Zumpt, &sect; 525. The Numidian
    horse, accordingly, here did not follow their usual custom of making
    a sudden attack, and then retreating; on the contrary, they fought in
    such a manner that their own horses and those of the Romans stood
    head to head, and thus gained an almost complete victory, by
    procuring a respite for their struggling infantry.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug60">60.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j319">[319]</a> &#8216;There they exerted themselves most actively,&#8217; <i>eo</i> having the
    meaning of <i>eo loco</i>, or <i>ibi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j320">[320]</a> &#8216;More upon themselves than upon others.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 725.
<br><a class="bold" name="j321">[321]</a> &#8216;One might observe them.&#8217; Zumpt, &sect; 528, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="j322">[322]</a> <i>Sicuti &#8212; possent</i>, &#8216;just as if,&#8217; as <i>sicut</i>, like <i>quasi</i>, is used
    for <i>velut</i>. See <a href="#jug31">chap. 31</a>. For it is not possible that the two places
    of the struggle, near the walls of Zama, and on the other side of the
    Roman camp, should have been so near that the men could hear one
    another, or even distinctly see the separate charges.
<br><a class="bold" name="j323">[323]</a> <i>Niti corporibus</i>, &#8216;to exert one&#8217;s self bodily,&#8217; inasmuch as the
    body of the combatants is sometimes moved forward, and sometimes
    backward. The plural <i>corpora</i> is as common in Latin as <i>animi</i>, when
    several persons are spoken of.
<br><a class="bold" name="j324">[324]</a> <i>Sine tumultu</i>, &#8216;without disturbance&#8217; or &#8216;hindrance.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j325">[325]</a> <i>Astrictus</i>, &#8216;fixed intent,&#8217; whose attention was entirely directed
    to the contest at a distance. <i>Occupatis</i> also might have been used.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug61">61.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j326">[326]</a> <i>Ad eum</i>, or <i>ad illum</i>, would have been strictly grammatical; and
    as Sallust uses <i>ad se</i>, it would have been more consistent to use
    the subjunctive <i>defecissent</i>; but the indicative is necessary,
    because a fact is to be expressed. All doubts would have been removed
    by <i>ad ipsum</i>, for this pronoun would turn our attention away from
    the secondary subject, <i>urbes</i>, and direct it to the leading subject,
    Metellus. But the ancient authors do not very often use this pronoun
    where <i>is</i> or <i>sui</i>, <i>sibi</i>, <i>se</i>, can be employed. Compare <a href="#jug66">chap. 66</a>,
    and Zumpt, &sect; 550.
<br><a class="bold" name="j327">[327]</a> That is, <i>Bomilcar ingenio infidus erat et metuebat</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug62">62.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j328">[328]</a> <i>Ne illo</i>, &amp;.c. refers to Jugurtha, &#8216;if he hesitated still longer.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j329">[329]</a> <i>More majorum</i> refers to the custom according to which Roman
    generals were not allowed to fix the terms of treaties and peace
    according to their own discretion, but had to assemble and consult a
    council of war. This council of war consisted of the superior
    officers, the legates, the quaestor, the tribuni militum, and the
    praefects of the allies. Sometimes the centuriones primipilares also
    took part in it, especially when the subjects of discussion were of a
    purely military nature.
<br><a class="bold" name="j330">[330]</a> <i>Pondo</i>, &#8216;pound,&#8217; properly <i>librarum pondo</i> (depending upon
    <i>milia</i>). See Zumpt, &sect; 87. As in the time of the Roman republic
    eighty-four denarii were coined out of one pound of silver, and
    twenty-five denarii (or 100 sesterces) constituted one Roman aureus,
    the amount of silver here mentioned is equivalent to 672,000 nummi
    aurei.
<br><a class="bold" name="j331">[331]</a> &#8216;When he himself was summoned to receive his orders.&#8217; There
    is an ancient military expression, <i>Ad imperium vocari</i>, or <i>adesse</i>,
    by which a person present receives a command which he has to carry
    into effect. See Zumpt, &sect; 658.
<br><a class="bold" name="j332">[332]</a> <i>Digna</i>, &#8216;what is due to him;&#8217; here of course bodily suffering or
    punishment.
<br><a class="bold" name="j333">[333]</a> We are here already at the beginning of the year B.C. 108, in
    which Metellus was no longer consul; but the senate had prolonged
    his imperium, which accordingly he continued to hold for this year
    as proconsul.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug63">63.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j334">[334]</a> <i>Agitabat</i> does not express the sentiment of the haruspex; for if
    so, the verb would be in the subjunctive.
<br><a class="bold" name="j335">[335]</a> Marius accordingly possessed every qualification required of a
    candidate for the consulship in a very high degree, but he was not
    a member of an ancient family, being a Roman eques of the municipium
    of Arpinum. The term &#8216;ancient family&#8217; means one which had <i>imagines</i>,
    or images of ancestors who had been invested with the highest offices
    of the state. A Roman eques answers pretty nearly to a modern country
    gentleman, and was, generally speaking, a person who had property
    enough to enable him to serve on horseback in the army. In point of
    rank he was far below a senator; and no services that he could render
    to the state as an eques could raise him to the senatorial rank,
    which was attainable only through the high offices to which he might
    be elected by the people, and by virtue of which he became a member
    of the senate. Marius himself had been a senator long before this, as
    he had been tribune of the people and praetor, and after his
    praetorship, he now was legatus (lieutenant-general) with Metellus.
<br><a class="bold" name="j336">[336]</a> <i>Belli</i>; that is, <i>in bello</i>, on account of the following <i>domi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j337">[337]</a> <i>Altus</i>; that is, <i>alitus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 198.
<br><a class="bold" name="j338">[338]</a> That is, <i>quamquam plerique faciem ejus ignorabant, facile tamen
    notus factus</i>, &amp;c.; namely, by the report of his distinguished
    services in the war, which, in the assembly of the people, was
    communicated by one person to another.
<br><a class="bold" name="j339">[339]</a> <i>Ad id locorum</i>, &#8216;until then,&#8217; &#8216;until that time,&#8217; as in <a href="#jug72">chap. 72</a>:
    <i>post id locorum</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 434. Marius did not venture to aspire
    to the consulship; for <i>appetere</i> is not the same as <i>petere</i>, the
    latter denoting the actual suit or canvass. His ambition had not
    yet been directed to that highest of all offices, until religious
    superstition suggested it to him, and encouraged him.
<br><a class="bold" name="j340">[340]</a> The <i>nobiles</i> transmitted the consulship to one another <i>per
    manus</i>; that is, after one <i>nobilis</i> had been invested with it, it
    was, as it were by agreement, given to another, care being taken that
    no <i>homo novus</i> should come forward as a candidate.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug64">64.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j341">[341]</a> His dismissal from the post of legate. If he had wished to return
    to the service, he would have asked <i>commeatum</i>, &#8216;leave of absence.&#8217;
    He was confident that in his canvass for the consulship he would be
    successful.
<br><a class="bold" name="j342">[342]</a> <i>Superabant</i>; that is, <i>supererant, abunde erant</i>.
    Metellus had all the other qualifications in a great degree, but at
    the same time he had a haughty contempt for all who were not nobly
    born.
<br><a class="bold" name="j343">[343]</a> &#8216;He would grant him his dismissal as soon as he could do so
    consistently with the duties he owed to the republic.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j344">[344]</a> <i>Contubernio patris</i> for <i>in contubernio patris</i>, as
    <i>contubernalis</i> of the commander-in-chief. It was the custom for
    young Roman nobles to perform their first military service as equites
    in the suite, and as attach&eacute;s (adjutants) to a general, whereas other
    less favoured Romans served <i>in ordine</i>; that is, enlisted in some
    detachment of cavalry or infantry.
<br><a class="bold" name="j345">[345]</a> <i>Pro</i>, &#8216;in regard to,&#8217; &#8216;in consideration of.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j346">[346]</a> <i>Grassari</i>, &#8216;to go on,&#8217; &#8216;proceed;&#8217; but at the same time contains
    the idea of excitement or vehemence.
<br><a class="bold" name="j347">[347]</a> <i>Ambitio</i>, &#8216;courting favour;&#8217; <i>ambitiosum</i>, something the object
    or consequence of which is to gain favour; hence &#8216;winning,&#8217;
    &#8216;captivating.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j348">[348]</a> <i>Inanis</i>, &#8216;empty.&#8217; Of persons, signifies a man devoid of substance,
    one who has only the appearance of something, and is satisfied with
    it; hence &#8216;vain,&#8217; &#8216;superficial.&#8217; <i>Vanus</i> also is used in the same
    sense. <i>Regia superbia</i>. See <a href="#jug31">chap. 31</a>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug65">65.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j349">[349]</a> <i>Secundus heres</i> is the person who is pointed out in a will to
    supply the place of the real heir, in case of the latter being unable
    or unwilling to accept the inheritance, especially in case of his
    death without leaving any issue.
<br><a class="bold" name="j350">[350]</a> <i>In eos</i>; that is, <i>in equites Romanos</i>, referring to what follows.
<br><a class="bold" name="j351">[351]</a> <i>Imperatori</i>, a dativus incommodi, <i>cui poena imponantur</i>, &#8216;that
    with his assistance he should endeavour to find punishments for the
    general in return for the insults offered to him.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j352">[352]</a> &#8216;This might happen even very soon.&#8217; <i>Adeo</i> points out that which is
    essential in a thing. See Zumpt, &sect; 281.
<br><a class="bold" name="j353">[353]</a> The words <i>milites et negotiatiores</i> are in apposition to <i>equites
    Romanos</i>, and describe the two classes of Roman equites existing in
    the province, some serving in the army, and others carrying on
    business (<i>negotiabantur</i>) in the towns. If the sentence were to be
    understood otherwise, the copulative conjunction would not have been
    omitted before <i>milites</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 783. The <i>milites gregarii</i>
    and their sentiments are not mentioned, probably because such persons
    had little or no communication with their friends at Rome.
<br><a class="bold" name="j354">[354]</a> <i>Suffragatio</i>, the inclination to give one&#8217;s vote in favour of a
    person, and the effort to procure him the votes of others; hence &#8216;the
    support given to a person&#8217;s election.&#8217; A vote is <i>suffragium</i>, and
    <i>suffragari</i>, to vote for a person.
<br><a class="bold" name="j355">[355]</a> This decree of the people, instituting a criminal investigation
    into the acts of bribery committed by Jugurtha, was mentioned in
    <a href="#jug40">chap. 40</a>, where it was farther observed that the whole nobility was
    terrified by it.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug66">66.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j356">[356]</a> <i>Affectare</i>, &#8216;to try to obtain a thing,&#8217; &#8216;to exert one&#8217;s self for a
    thing.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j357">[357]</a> <i>Voluntate alienati</i>; that is, <i>sua sponte alienati</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j358">[358]</a> <i>Discordiosus</i>, &#8216;quarrelsome;&#8217; a very rare word, but formed with
    perfect correctness. Zumpt, &sect; 252.
<br><a class="bold" name="j359">[359]</a> &#8216;The day promised (beforehand) recreation and enjoyment, rather
    than apprehension and terror;&#8217; namely, to the Romans or the Roman
    garrison.
<br><a class="bold" name="j360">[360]</a> <i>In tali die</i>. The preposition here is unusual, but is justified by
    the addition <i>tali</i>, indicating the particular circumstances of that
    day of joy. See Zumpt, &sect; 475, note. <i>Inermos</i> is much more rare than
    <i>inermes</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 101, note.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug67">67.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j361">[361]</a> <i>Pro tectis</i>, &#8216;on the edge of the roofs.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j362">[362]</a> <i>Anceps malum</i>, &#8216;the double attack;&#8217; namely, the one made on even
    ground, and that from the roofs.
<br><a class="bold" name="j363">[363]</a> Respecting the connection of <i>nisi</i> &#8212; <i>videtur</i>, instead of the
    complete expression <i>nisi hoc constat</i> &#8212; <i>eum videri</i>, see p. 92,
    note 2 [<a href="#j153">note 153</a>]. <i>Intestabilis</i>, properly, &#8216;a person unfit to give
    his evidence, and incapable of making a will;&#8217; hence, according to
    Roman usage, equivalent to &#8216;infamous;&#8217; <i>detestabilis</i>, which also
    properly signifies &#8216;one deserving to be excluded in the will,&#8217; or &#8216;to
    be disinherited.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug68">68.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j364">[364]</a> &#8216;Declining everything;&#8217; that is, refusing to obey any order that
    was given them.
<br><a class="bold" name="j365">[365]</a> <i>Passuum</i> might also be <i>passus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 116, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j366">[366]</a> <i>In primo</i>, &#8216;at the head,&#8217; or &#8216;in front,&#8217; the line being spread out
    (<i>late</i>), so as to conceal the infantry marching behind the cavalry.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug69">69.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j367">[367]</a> &#8216;The whole town was given up to punishment or booty.&#8217; We cannot say
    <i>urbs poenae fuit</i> alone; but the dative <i>poenae</i> is explained
    by the common expression <i>praedae fuit</i>, with which it is connected.
<br><a class="bold" name="j368">[368]</a> &#8216;Ordered to defend himself&#8217; against the charge of treachery
    which was brought against him. For a <i>reus</i> (a person standing
    accused of a crime) <i>causam dicit</i>; that is, conducts his case, or
    defends himself. Turpilius was condemned by the war council, and paid
    the forfeit with his life, after having previously been scourged.
    This ancient severity, according to which the condemned was bound
    to a post, and scourged with rods on his naked body, had been
    abolished by a lex Porcia for Roman citizens. See page 52, note 5
    [<a href="#c260">note 260</a>].
    For this reason Sallust adds the remark, that Turpilius was a citizen
    from Latium; that is, he did not possess the full Roman franchise,
    but only that part of it which was not incompatible with his
    retaining the franchise in some Latin town. Such half-citizens or
    Latins, to whom the Roman franchise was given in this manner,
    that thereby they acquired the right to settle in the territory of
    Rome, and become members of a Roman tribe, provided they renounced
    their Latin franchise, were at that time still very numerous;
    but they ceased to exist in B.C. 91, when what were called
    the Latin towns received the Roman franchise.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug70">70.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j369">[369]</a> &#8216;He tormented himself day and night with the thought.&#8217; Respecting
    this paraphrase of one&#8217;s own person by the word <i>animus</i>, see Zumpt,
    &sect; 678.
<br><a class="bold" name="j370">[370]</a> <i>Quae Jugurthae</i> &#8212; <i>superaverant</i>, &#8216;which had been left for
    Jugurtha;&#8217; that is, which he himself had not been able to accomplish.
<br><a class="bold" name="j371">[371]</a> &#8216;That the open country might not be laid waste by the enemy
    in such a manner as to leave the enemy unpunished&#8217; (<i>inultis</i>).
<br><a class="bold" name="j372">[372]</a> <i>Metusque</i> &#8212; <i>impediebat</i>. The imperfect describes the lasting
    condition of the matter, while the perfect, <i>venit</i>, expresses the
    momentary act, and the clause <i>metus impediebat</i> represents an
    inserted clause denoting cause: <i>metus enim rem impediebat</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j373">[373]</a> Bomilcar was seized with fear in consequence of the timidity shown
    by Nabdalsa.
<br><a class="bold" name="j374">[374]</a> <i>In qu&icirc;s</i> &#8212; <i>accusare</i>. The historical infinitive in a relative
    clause is very rare, but <i>in qu&icirc;s</i> here supplies the place of <i>et in
    his</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j375">[375]</a> &#8216;The question only was, whether Jugurtha should perish by their
    (that is, Bomilcar and Nabdalsa&#8217;s) valour, or by that of Metellus,&#8217;
    since his doom was fixed at all events. <i>Id agitari</i> for <i>id agi</i>,
    which in this sense is far more frequent.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug71">71.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j376">[376]</a> <i>Allatae</i>; supply <i>essent</i>, an ellipsis, which is not very common
    after a conjunction, governing the subjunctive.
<br><a class="bold" name="j377">[377]</a> <i>Solet</i>, supply <i>capere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j378">[378]</a> <i>Repperit</i>; for the orthography of this word, see Zumpt, &sect; 22.
<br><a class="bold" name="j379">[379]</a> <i>Res praevenitur</i>, &#8216;a thing is anticipated,&#8217; or &#8216;something is done
    previously,&#8217; is found very rarely instead of <i>occupatur</i>. <i>Homo
    praevenitur</i>, &#8216;a person is anticipated in a thing,&#8217; is more common.
<br><a class="bold" name="j380">[380]</a> <i>Super</i>, the same as <i>de</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 320.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug72">72.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j381">[381]</a> &#8216;Differently from what he carried in his mind;&#8217; that is, from what
    he intended in his mind.
<br><a class="bold" name="j382">[382]</a> A beautiful and vivid description of a man who is conscious of
    his guilt, and is pursued by all: it is a situation which would have
    paralysed the mental energy of even the most enterprising barbarian.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug73">73.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j383">[383]</a> <i>Indicio patefacto</i> is a kind of pleonasm, as <i>indicio facto</i> would
    be sufficient; for <i>indicium fit, res ipsa</i> (that is, <i>conjuratio</i>)
    <i>patefit</i> &#8212; &#8216;the denunciation is made, the conspiracy is revealed.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j384">[384]</a> <i>Plebs &#8212; acceperant</i> for <i>acceperat</i>, <i>plebs</i> being a collective
    noun. Zumpt, &sect; 366.
<br><a class="bold" name="j385">[385]</a> &#8216;However, the party-zeal was in both men more decisive than
    either their virtues or their faults.&#8217; <i>Moderata sunt</i>, from the
    deponent <i>moderor</i>, &#8216;I determine,&#8217; &#8216;I guide;&#8217; as in Cicero, <i>mens
    moderatur omnia</i>, &#8216;the mind determines everything.&#8217; <i>Sua bona aut
    mala</i>, &#8216;their own virtues or vices,&#8217; in apposition to the party-zeal
    of others. <i>Suus</i> here is not reflective, but only designates
    something as opposed to that which belongs to another. See Zumpt,
    &sect; 550.
<br><a class="bold" name="j386">[386]</a> <i>Arcessere</i>, &#8216;to summon before a court of justice,&#8217; with the
    genitive of the crime or punishment. The forms <i>arcessere</i> and
    <i>accersere</i> have the same meaning, but <i>arcessere</i> is more frequent
    in the sense of &#8216;to summon,&#8217; or &#8216;to accuse.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j387">[387]</a> <i>Res fidesque</i>, &#8216;property and credit.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j388">[388]</a> &#8216;Crowded around Marius,&#8217; whenever he appeared in public, to show
    him their attachment. <i>Post honorem Marii ducerent</i>, the same, as
    <i>postponerent honori Marii</i>, the preposition in this sense being
    commonly joined to the verb. Compare <a href="#cat23"><i>Cat</i>. chap. 23</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j389">[389]</a> From this instance, we see that the popular assembly was sovereign
    in the Roman state; that is, when the people were called upon
    to decide a question, which happened but rarely, since it was
    customary to leave to the senate the provinces and the current
    administration of foreign affairs.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug74">74.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j390">[390]</a> <i>Bocchus</i>, king of Mauretania, west of Numidia, and extending as
    far as the Ocean, opposite to Spain. It accordingly comprised the
    modern empire of Fez and Morocco.
<br><a class="bold" name="j391">[391]</a> &#8216;The Romans gained possession of a considerable number of
    standards.&#8217; The adjective <i>aliquantus</i>, with the exception of the
    neuter in an absolute sense, is rarely used. We have here to observe
    the varying construction of <i>potior</i>. See Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 465, 466. Sallust
    often prefers variety to uniformity.
<br><a class="bold" name="j392">[392]</a> <i>Tuta sunt</i> might also be <i>tuentur</i>; for the perfect is here used
    of things which usually happened, and still happen. <i>Tuta</i> is less
    common than <i>tuita</i> or <i>tutata</i>, which in this passage is found in
    some good manuscripts, and must perhaps be received into the text.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug75">75.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j393">[393]</a> <i>Impensius modo</i> may be &#8216;still more strongly,&#8217; his despondency
    having already been mentioned; or <i>modo</i> is the ablative, and
    <i>impensius modo</i> is stronger than the (ordinary) measure; that is,
    beyond measure, <i>ultra modum</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j394">[394]</a> <i>Cultus</i> is everything belonging to the regulation of life, apart
    from eating and drinking; so that <i>pueritiae cultus</i> comprises the
    regulations for a youth&#8217;s residence, his education, and the things
    and persons by whom he is surrounded.
<br><a class="bold" name="j395">[395]</a> &#8216;And other things fit to contain water;&#8217; probably vessels to keep
    water in, and apparatus to purify and mix water, for example, with
    vinegar, a beverage usually drunk by the soldiers.
<br><a class="bold" name="j396">[396]</a> &#8216;Where they should be assembled.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j397">[397]</a> <i>Modo</i> is commonly used only to denote that something is less
    than it might be, but has here the unusual meaning of &#8216;that alone,&#8217;
    or &#8216;even that alone.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug76">76.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j398">[398]</a> &#8216;That for Metellus nothing was now impossible,&#8217; the perfect
    participle with the negative prefix denoting impossibility &#8212; as
    <i>invictus</i>, invincible; <i>incorruptus</i>, incorruptible; <i>inaccessus</i>,
    inaccessible. See Zumpt, &sect; 328.
<br><a class="bold" name="j399">[399]</a> <i>Ex copia</i>, &#8216;according to circumstances,&#8217; here referring especially
    to the different nature of the locality. <i>Vinea</i>, properly &#8216;a bower
    formed of vines;&#8217; hence &#8216;a protecting roof,&#8217; under which the soldiers
    attacked the fortifications of the enemy.
<br><a class="bold" name="j400">[400]</a> &#8216;After they had previously worn themselves out by great exertions:&#8217;
    <i>ante</i> here is superfluous.
<br><a class="bold" name="j401">[401]</a> <i>Poenas pendere</i>, the same as <i>poenas solvere</i>, &#8216;to pay a penalty.&#8217;
    In <i>corrumpunt</i> we may notice a zeugma, as out of <i>corrumpunt</i> we
    have to take <i>interficiunt</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 775.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug77">77.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j402">[402]</a> <i>Illorum</i>; that is, <i>Romanorum</i>. Respecting the situation of Leptis
    magna, see <a href="#jug19">chap. 19</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j403">[403]</a> <i>Nave</i> or <i>naviter</i> (&#8216;actively&#8217;) is the correct orthography, for
    which other editions have <i>gnave</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 12. Its case is the
    same as that of <i>natus</i>, which in composition takes the <i>g</i> &#8212; as
    <i>cognatus</i>, <i>agnatus</i>; and also <i>narus</i>, <i>ignarus</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug78">78.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j404">[404]</a> <i>Alta</i>; supply <i>in alia tempestate</i>, &#8216;sometimes deep, and sometimes
    shallow.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j405">[405]</a> &#8216;They have been called Syrtes from this current, which draws
    other things along with it;&#8217; for the Greek <i>&sigma;&upsilon;&rho;&epsilon;&iota;&nu;</i> signifies
    &#8216;to draw,&#8217; or &#8216;drag along.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j406">[406]</a> It was only the language of the inhabitants of Leptis that had
    experienced a change, in consequence of their matrimonial connections
    with the Numidians, otherwise they had for the most part preserved
    their Sidonian, that is, Phoenician, laws and habits, being separated
    from the inhabited part of Numidia by extensive deserts, which was
    also the reason of the Numidian king&#8217;s seldom residing at Leptis,
    although the town belonged to his kingdom.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug79">79.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j407">[407]</a> <i>Admonere</i> is here construed in an unusual manner with two
    accusatives, one of the person, and the other of the thing, the
    latter being expressed by a substantive; for the neuter of a pronoun
    in the accusative is not uncommon &#8212; as <i>hoc, id, illud te admoneo</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j408">[408]</a> <i>Imperare</i> and <i>imperitare</i> are construed with the dative of that
    over which one rules, or take the preposition in with the accusative
    or ablative.
<br><a class="bold" name="j409">[409]</a> <i>Sponsionem facere</i> here has the general sense, &#8216;to make a
    contract,&#8217; otherwise it signifies a contract at which security is
    given, which is lost by him who is condemned.
<br><a class="bold" name="j410">[410]</a> &#8216;They hastened to get through their journey.&#8217; The intransitive
    <i>pergere</i> (like <i>ire</i>) containing the notion of an uninterrupted
    continuance, takes a substantive of the same meaning, or of the same
    derivation, in the accusative, and thus acquires a transitive
    meaning. See Zumpt, &sect; 384.
<br><a class="bold" name="j411">[411]</a> <i>Retinere</i>; supply <i>proficiscentes</i> or <i>iter facientes</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j412">[412]</a> &#8216;Devoid of,&#8217; or &#8216;without products;&#8217; for <i>gignere</i> is used of those
    things which, like plants or animals, produce other things like
    themselves.
<br><a class="bold" name="j413">[413]</a> &#8216;Because they had spoiled the affair;&#8217; as by quick travelling they
    might have traversed a considerable extent of country.
<br><a class="bold" name="j414">[414]</a> <i>Conturbare</i>, &#8216;to disturb,&#8217; or &#8216;to try to throw into confusion;&#8217;
    namely, the agreement.
<br><a class="bold" name="j415">[415]</a> &#8216;The Greeks give the Carthaginians the choice,&#8217; for <i>dant optionem
    Carthaginiensibus</i>. The genitive <i>Carthaginiensium</i> occurs in most,
    and in the best manuscripts.
<br><a class="bold" name="j416">[416]</a> <i>Ibi</i>; that is, <i>in illis finibus</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug80">80.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j417">[417]</a> The Nomades of the great desert Sahara, and of the oases in it,
    in the south of Numidia and Mauretania, as far as the southern
    countries inhabited by real negroes.
<br><a class="bold" name="j418">[418]</a> <i>Pronum</i>, that which, when once commenced, proceeds without
    obstacle or difficulty. This is a figurative sense taken from an
    inclined plane.
<br><a class="bold" name="j419">[419]</a> The Roman rulers thus demanded money from Bocchus before
    they would grant his request to be declared a friend and ally of the
    Roman people, although Bocchus no doubt considered his offer of
    friendship as a matter of no small value to the Romans.
<br><a class="bold" name="j420">[420]</a> &#8216;But kings so much the more;&#8217; namely, surpass others in the
    numbers of their wives.
<br><a class="bold" name="j421">[421]</a> &#8216;None (no wife) maintains her position as a sharer;&#8217; that is, none
    is recognised as sharing with her husband all the relations of life
    and rank.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug81">81.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j422">[422]</a> <i>In locum placitum</i>, &#8216;at a fixed place,&#8217; at a place where it had
    been agreed to meet. The participle <i>placitus</i> is formed irregularly
    from the neuter verb <i>placeo</i>, as such verbs generally have no
    passive voice. But <i>placeo</i> is used also as an impersonal verb,
    <i>placet</i>, and, as such, its perfect is either <i>placuit</i> or <i>placitum
    est</i>, &#8216;it pleased,&#8217; or &#8216;was decreed.&#8217; The same is the case with other
    impersonal verbs; and as in this manner the regular passive form
    gradually ceased to be offensive, <i>placitus, a, um</i>, came to be used
    in the sense of <i>is qui, ea quae, id quod placuit</i>. Compare Zumpt,
    &sect;&sect; 142, 225.
<br><a class="bold" name="j423">[423]</a> &#8216;Of an insatiable avarice;&#8217; for <i>profundus</i> is often used
    figuratively of passions and desires which have no bottom or end.
<br><a class="bold" name="j424">[424]</a> <i>Quis</i> (<i>quibus</i>) refers to the preceding <i>illos</i>; that is,
    <i>Romanos</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j425">[425]</a> <i>Tum, sese</i>; supply <i>hostem Romanis esse</i>, which infinitive must be
    taken from the following <i>fore</i>. The <i>tum</i> must be rendered in
    English by &#8216;now,&#8217; as it refers to present time. See Zumpt, &sect; 732; and
    regarding <i>Persen</i> for <i>Perseum</i>, &sect; 52.
<br><a class="bold" name="j426">[426]</a> <i>Capta urbe</i>, &#8216;if the town were taken,&#8217; it would be worth while.
<br><a class="bold" name="j427">[427]</a> <i>Pacem imminuere</i>, to disturb or spoil the peace with Bocchus
    intended to conclude with the Romans.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug82">82.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j428">[428]</a> &#8216;According to his advantage;&#8217; that is, if a favourable opportunity
    should offer.
<br><a class="bold" name="j429">[429]</a> &#8216;More than is just and fair.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j430">[430]</a> According to the language of Cicero, the dative <i>linguae</i> would
    have been used in this sense. See Zumpt, &sect; 414.
<br><a class="bold" name="j431">[431]</a> <i>Alii</i>; supply from what precedes <i>interpretabantur</i>, &#8216;they
    accounted for his sensibility by,&#8217; &amp;c.
<br><a class="bold" name="j432">[432]</a> <i>Injuria sua</i> has a passive sense; &#8216;by the injustice done to him.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug83">83.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j433">[433]</a> <i>Stultitiae</i> might have been <i>stultilia</i> for the genitive. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 448, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="j434">[434]</a> <i>Tum</i>. See page 137, note 3
    [<a href="#j425">note 425</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j435">[435]</a> <i>Incerta mutare</i>, &#8216;to obtain uncertain things in exchange for
    others, or for certain things;&#8217; but it might also mean, &#8216;to give
    uncertain things for certain ones.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 456, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j436">[436]</a> <i>Desinere</i> is used here for the sake of variety, instead of
    <i>finire</i>, <i>deponi</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j437">[437]</a> &#8216;If the same power were granted to him&#8217; (Jugurtha), namely, to
    conclude peace, &#8216;an agreement might easily be come to.&#8217; <i>Res convenit
    inter nos</i> is the same as <i>convenimus de re</i>, &#8216;we agree upon the
    matter.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug84">84.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j438">[438]</a> &#8216;The plebs being most desirous.&#8217; The participle <i>cupiens</i>, with
    its degrees of comparison like an adjective, is rare, but not
    contrary to grammar.
<br><a class="bold" name="j439">[439]</a> <i>Multus instare</i> is rather a poetical phrase for <i>multum</i>,
    &#8216;greatly,&#8217; or &#8216;repeatedly.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j440">[440]</a> <i>Ambiundo cogere</i>, &#8216;to oblige a person by flattering words;&#8217; a very
    expressive phrase, signifying that kind of compulsion which is
    effected by flattery and intreaties.
<br><a class="bold" name="j441">[441]</a> For the expression <i>aliquid mihi volenti est</i>, &#8216;a thing accords
    with my wishes,&#8217; see Zumpt, &sect; 420, note. <i>Neque</i> corresponds with
    <i>et</i>: on the one hand, it was <i>not</i> believed that the service in the
    army was agreeable to the plebs; and on the other hand, it <i>was</i>
    believed that Marius, owing to the aversion of the people to military
    service, would either do without a numerous army, or that he would
    lose the popular favour if he should compel the common people.
<br><a class="bold" name="j442">[442]</a> <i>Traho animo</i>, or <i>cum animo meo</i>, &#8216;I am incessantly occupied in my
    mind with something.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug85">85.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j443">[443]</a> From what precedes, supply <i>mihi videtur</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j444">[444]</a> Marius, according to the ordinary usage of the Latin language,
    calls his appointment to the consulship a <i>beneficium</i>, &#8216;a favour,&#8217;
    of the Roman people.
<br><a class="bold" name="j445">[445]</a> &#8216;Is more difficult;&#8217; namely, than is commonly believed, quam
    <i>opinio</i> est.
<br><a class="bold" name="j446">[446]</a> <i>Procedunt</i>, &#8216;benefit the state,&#8217; &#8216;promote the general good.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j447">[447]</a> <i>Vertit</i>, intransitively, &#8216;has become changed;&#8217; the same as <i>vertit
    se</i>, or <i>versum est</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 145.
<br><a class="bold" name="j448">[448]</a> <i>Prosapia</i> for <i>familia</i>, an ancient and obsolete word, and
    intentionally put into the mouth of Marius to ridicule the
    pretensions of the nobility.
<br><a class="bold" name="j449">[449]</a> Marius calls those nobles who do not make themselves acquainted
    with the duties of public offices, until they have obtained them,
    <i>praeposteri homines</i>; that is, &#8216;men who do afterwards that which
    they ought to do before;&#8217; for, he adds, it is true one must first be
    appointed to an office, in order to do anything in it, but an active
    preparation ought to precede.
<br><a class="bold" name="j450">[450]</a> &#8216;I consider, indeed, all men to be equal by nature, but I make
    this distinction, that the bravest is the most noble.&#8217; By <i>quamquam</i>,
    Marius breaks off the question about noble or ignoble birth (Zumpt,
    &sect; 341); <i>sed</i> introduces a new distinction between men; namely that
    of merit.
<br><a class="bold" name="j451">[451]</a> <i>Faciant idem</i>, &#8216;let them despise their own ancestors likewise.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j452">[452]</a> <i>Hujusce rei</i>; that is, <i>commemorationis majorum meorum</i>, &#8216;I cannot
    speak of my ancestors.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j453">[453]</a> <i>Meamet</i>, commonly with the addition of <i>ipse</i>. Zumpt, &sect; 139, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j454">[454]</a> &#8216;That no one may interpret my modesty as if I were conscious
    of my own weakness and want of ability.&#8217; Modesty often shows
    itself mainly in silence. <i>Conscientia</i> is the consciousness of a
    person both of his valuable qualities and of his deficiencies.
    <i>Ducere in aliquid</i>, &#8216;to consider a thing as;&#8217; &#8216;to interpret a thing
    as:&#8217; compare <a href="#jug82">chap. 82</a>: <i>vertere in superbiam</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j455">[455]</a> <i>Militaria dona</i> are presents which a general gives publicly to
    brave soldiers, and which they either wear as honourable
    distinctions, or which they kept and preserved in their houses. Such
    presents were with the ancients what orders are in modern times.
    Among them are frequently mentioned lances, bridles, chains worn
    round the neck (<i>torques</i>), bracelets (<i>armillae</i>), pins or brooches
    (<i>fibulae</i>) to fasten the cloak, and crowns (<i>coronae</i>). It was less
    common, but very honourable, to receive a flag (<i>vexillum</i>) attached
    to a pole.
<br><a class="bold" name="j456">[456]</a> &#8216;I consider this as something too unimportant.&#8217; <i>Parum</i> is used
    substantively.
<br><a class="bold" name="j457">[457]</a> &#8216;Greek literature has not benefited its professors (that is, the
    Greek nation) in regard to political virtue:&#8217; inasmuch as the Greek
    states had been unable to protect their political liberty either
    against kings and tyrants, or against foreigners. <i>Virtus</i> signifies
    especially &#8216;bravery,&#8217; &#8216;valour;&#8217; but it has also a more general
    meaning, comprising justice, abstinence, and the sacrificing of one&#8217;s
    own advantages.
<br><a class="bold" name="j458">[458]</a> <i>Praesidia agitare</i>, &#8216;to keep watch,&#8217; to maintain the posts
    intrusted to us for the protection of friends against the attacks of
    enemies.
<br><a class="bold" name="j459">[459]</a> <i>Arte colere</i>, &#8216;to keep close;&#8217; <i>opulenter colere</i>, &#8216;to treat
    liberally.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j460">[460]</a> &#8216;To compel by bodily punishment.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j461">[461]</a> <i>Celebravere</i>; that is, <i>extulerunt</i>, <i>auxerunt</i>. <i>Celebrare</i>
    properly signifies &#8216;to make or render frequent;&#8217; that is, to bring
    into repute, and therefore to fill with men, buildings or other
    objects.
<br><a class="bold" name="j462">[462]</a> &#8216;I have no cook worth more than a steward.&#8217; Marius here assails
    the luxury of others, who considered a clever cook worth more
    than a clever steward. Both kinds of people were slaves; the
    <i>villicus</i> was the principal and overseer of all the servants engaged
    in agriculture on the estate (<i>villa</i>) of a Roman noble. <i>Coquus</i> is
    also spelled <i>cocus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 5.
<br><a class="bold" name="j463">[463]</a> <i>Quin ergo &#8212; faciant</i>, &#8216;why, then, will they not do?&#8217; This form
    of expression contains an exhortation to do something. The
    subjunctive, therefore, does not depend upon <i>quin</i>, but upon the
    optative meaning of the sentence. See Zumpt, &sect; 542.
<br><a class="bold" name="j464">[464]</a> <i>Ereptum eunt</i>, &#8216;they endeavour to snatch away,&#8217; or &#8216;they snatch
    away.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j465">[465]</a> <i>Cladi sunt</i>, &#8216;they are a destruction;&#8217; the same as <i>calamitosae,
    perniciosae sunt</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j466">[466]</a> That is, &#8216;you have removed (deposed) the greedy, inexperienced,
    and haughty commanders.&#8217; Marius alluding to his predecessors, Bestia,
    Albinus, and Metellus.
<br><a class="bold" name="j467">[467]</a> <i>Attrito</i>, &#8216;worn away,&#8217; &#8216;annihilated,&#8217; &#8216;sacrificed.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j468">[468]</a> &#8216;Serve the republic,&#8217; &#8216;devote yourselves to the public good.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j469">[469]</a> &#8216;Both as an adviser and sharer in the danger.&#8217; <i>Idem</i> indicates the
    union of two predicates belonging to one subject. See Zumpt, &sect; 697.
<br><a class="bold" name="j470">[470]</a> &#8216;I shall treat myself and you in the same manner.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j471">[471]</a> <i>Decebat</i>, a peculiarity of the Latin language for <i>deceret</i>. See
    Zumpt, &sect; 518.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug86">86.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j472">[472]</a> In this way Marius introduced a great change in the military
    affairs of Rome. Previous to his time, only the citizens of the first
    five property classes were enlisted to serve in the legions. Those
    persons whose property did not come up to the lowest estimate of
    the fifth class, were excluded from the honourable service in the
    legions. They were <i>capite censi</i>, because, when the censors made
    out their lists, those persons had only to give in their personal
    existence or name for registration. Their being called &#8216;the sixth
    class&#8217; is an improper application of the term, as, strictly speaking,
    <i>classis</i> signifies only &#8216;a property class.&#8217; As the number of persons
    of this kind was at that time (B.C. 107) already very considerable,
    and as there were among them many both able and willing to serve in
    the army, and lastly, as Marius was opposed to all exclusive
    privileges, he enlisted those poor people who voluntarily offered
    themselves in the legions, and thus created an army of able men, and
    accustomed to endure hardships. The higher orders did not object to
    this measure, because it lightened their burdens connected with the
    service in the army. But however useful this arrangement was at the
    time, it contained the elements of a body of soldiers distinct from
    the citizens; for when the time of their military service was over,
    those men did not feel inclined to return to a quiet citizen&#8217;s life,
    and thus became a very powerful and ready instrument in the hands of
    ambitious generals, such as Sulla and Caesar.
<br><a class="bold" name="j473">[473]</a> <i>Sua curae</i>; another reading is <i>cura sunt</i>, the sense of which is
    nearly the same. <i>Sua</i>, &#8216;a person&#8217;s own property,&#8217; or &#8216;all that
    belongs to him,&#8217; including the state itself.
<br><a class="bold" name="j474">[474]</a> &#8216;With a considerably larger army.&#8217; About this meaning of
    <i>aliquanto</i> with a comparative, see Zumpt, &sect;&sect; 108, 488.
<br><a class="bold" name="j475">[475]</a> <i>Utica</i>, the most important city in the province of Africa: it was
    a more ancient Phoenician colony than even Carthage. In the second
    Punic war, after it had revolted from Carthage, it was rewarded
    by the Romans with freedom and independence. Its present name is
    Biserta, north-west of Tunis.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug87">87.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j476">[476]</a> &#8216;Laden with booty;&#8217; that is, filled with things which can be taken
    as booty.
<br><a class="bold" name="j477">[477]</a> <i>Pugnae adesse</i> belong together, &#8216;to take part in the battle.&#8217;
    Marius&#8217;s plan was well calculated, as he inspired his soldiers with
    courage before leading them to labour and hardship.
<br><a class="bold" name="j478">[478]</a> <i>Futuros</i>; supply <i>esse</i>, &#8216;they would behave;&#8217; hence the adverbs.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 365.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug88">88.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j479">[479]</a> &#8216;Contrary to his expectation;&#8217; for <i>spes</i> is often used in the
    general sense of &#8216;expecting,&#8217; or &#8216;looking forward to&#8217; anything,
    whether good or bad.
<br><a class="bold" name="j480">[480]</a> <i>Armis exuere,</i> &#8216;to disarm;&#8217; here the same as &#8216;conquer&#8217; or
    &#8216;defeat;&#8217; intimating that the enemies take to flight, leaving their
    arms behind.
<br><a class="bold" name="j481">[481]</a> &#8216;Not calculated to bring the war to a close.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 662.
<br><a class="bold" name="j482">[482]</a> <i>Adversum se erant</i> is a combination of two constructions
     &#8212; <i>adversum se essent</i> and <i>adversum eum erant</i> &#8212; of which we have
    already observed several instances. Compare <a href="#jug66">chap. 66</a>, and p. 122,
    note 1 [<a href="#j326">note 326</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j483">[483]</a> To <i>nudatum</i> supply <i>fore</i>, which is to be taken out of the
    following <i>esse</i>; &#8216;he hoped that Jugurtha would either be deprived of
    his fortified places, or be compelled to fight.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j484">[484]</a> <i>Ne quid &#8212; timeret</i>, &#8216;(requesting him) not to fear anything;&#8217; the
    imperative of the oratio recta is expressed in the oratio obliqua by
    the subjunctive. See Zumpt, &sect; 603.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug89">89.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j485">[485]</a> <i>In manus venire</i>, &#8216;to come within reach,&#8217; &#8216;engage in close
    combat;&#8217; for <i>manus conserere</i>, which is much more frequent.
<br><a class="bold" name="j486">[486]</a> &#8216;It seemed to be time;&#8217; that is, it seemed to be a favourable
    moment, or it seemed to be advisable; hence the infinitive <i>aggredi</i>.
    Zumpt, &sect; 659, note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j487">[487]</a> <i>Capsa</i>, a town in the eastern part of Numidia, between the river
    Bagradas, which empties itself into the sea not far from Carthage,
    and lake Tritonis: it is believed still to exist under the name of
    Cafza, and to have been founded by the African Hercules; that is,
    by Phoenicians; for the Phoenician conquests are ascribed to a
    Phoenician Hercules, and the north coast of Africa was the principal
    scene of the enterprises of those seafaring conquerors.
<br><a class="bold" name="j488">[488]</a> <i>Immunis</i>, &#8216;exempt from taxes.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j489">[489]</a> Other editions have <i>quarum</i> instead of <i>quorum</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 78,
    note.
<br><a class="bold" name="j490">[490]</a> <i>Jugis aqua</i>, &#8216;running water,&#8217; or &#8216;a well perpetually flowing.&#8217;
    The other water which they used was rain water, and to <i>pluvia</i> we
    must supply <i>aqua</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j491">[491]</a> <i>Africa &#8212; incultius agebat</i>, &#8216;Africa, which was in a state of
    greater want of cultivation;&#8217; an unusual transfer of the verb <i>agere</i>
    (to be in a condition) from the inhabitants of a country to the
    country itself.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug90">90.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j492">[492]</a> &#8216;He was brought into danger&#8217; or &#8216;difficulty.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j493">[493]</a> &#8216;They take more care about pastures than cultivated fields.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j494">[494]</a> <i>Exornat</i>; supply <i>rem, expeditionem</i>, &#8216;the undertaking or
    campaign.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug91">91.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j495">[495]</a> <i>Per</i> implies an equal distribution among the centuries and turmae.
<br><a class="bold" name="j496">[496]</a> <i>Duum</i> for <i>duorum</i> occurs most frequently in connection with
    <i>milium</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 115, note 2.
<br><a class="bold" name="j497">[497]</a> <i>Res trepidae</i>, &#8216;a dangerous situation.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j498">[498]</a> Sallust feels that he must excuse or explain the destruction of a
    town which had surrendered at discretion.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug92">92.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j499">[499]</a> &#8216;All things, not only his good arrangements, were interpreted
    as good services,&#8217; so that to <i>non</i> we have to supply <i>modo</i>. For the
    phrase <i>in virtutem trahere</i>, see <a href="#jug85">chap. 85</a>: <i>ducere in conscientiam</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j500">[500]</a> &#8216;He was either himself endowed with a divine mind, or everything
    was revealed to him by divine inspiration.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j501">[501]</a> <i>Capsensium</i>; supply <i>res</i>, &#8216;the undertaking against Capsa;&#8217; for
    the name of the inhabitants of a town is often used for that of the
    town itself.
<br><a class="bold" name="j502">[502]</a> &#8216;For it was on all sides steep, as if made so by human hands,
    and purposely.&#8217; The accusative <i>omnia</i> is to be taken adverbially,
    &#8216;on all sides,&#8217; just as we frequently find <i>cetera</i> and <i>reliqua</i>.
    See Zumpt, &sect; 459. Other editions and inferior manuscripts have <i>per
    omnia</i>, <i>omni parte</i>, <i>omnis</i>, all of which are only attempts to
    explain the true reading.
<br><a class="bold" name="j503">[503]</a> &#8216;For the fort contained a sufficient number of men, arms, and
    provisions.&#8217; This is the reading of the manuscripts; in modern
    editions <i>et</i> is omitted, and the passage is given with the following
    punctuation: <i>nam castello virorum atque armorum satis, magna vis
    frumenti</i>, which seems indeed to be supported by the sense; but
    violates the rule, that when there are three nouns, the conjunction
    must either be used twice, or omitted altogether.
<br><a class="bold" name="j504">[504]</a> &#8216;The road of the inhabitants of the castle;&#8217; that is, the only
    road which led up to the castle.
<br><a class="bold" name="j505">[505]</a> &#8216;Do their work ;&#8217; namely, break through the wall.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug93">93.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j506">[506]</a> <i>Aestuans</i> is here used figuratively of one who is in care and
    anxiety.
<br><a class="bold" name="j507">[507]</a> <i>Ligus</i>, &#8216;a Ligurian,&#8217; belonging to the country of Liguria, which
    was then not yet considered as belonging to Italy, and the capital
    of which was Genoa. Four cohorts of Ligurian auxiliares in the Roman
    army were mentioned in <a href="#jug77">chap. 77</a>, and those auxiliaries were no doubt
    of great service to the Romans in this war, since they were
    accustomed to climbing, ascending heights, and other hardships, from
    their own mountainous country. Livy, too, praises the quickness,
    perseverance, and adroitness of the Ligurians in the petty warfare in
    which they were engaged for many years against the Romans.
<br><a class="bold" name="j508">[508]</a> <i>Egressus est</i>, the same as <i>escendit</i> or <i>evasit</i>, &#8216;he got up.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j509">[509]</a> &#8216;The desire to accomplish difficult things changed his mind,&#8217;
    inasmuch as he gave up collecting snails, and planned an attack
    upon the castle.
<br><a class="bold" name="j510">[510]</a> &#8216;He drew an accurate plan of the area of the castle,&#8217; as from his
    high position he could survey the whole. It is indeed hard to suppose
    that the Ligurian had with him the necessary drawing materials;
    but <i>perscribit</i> may possibly mean only to mark such points as
    would enable the soldier to make an accurate drawing of the locality
    after his return to the camp.
<br><a class="bold" name="j511">[511]</a> &#8216;The Numidians were most intently observing the combatants, being
    with them.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j512">[512]</a> &#8216;Marius despatched some of his followers to test the promises of
    the Ligurian.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j513">[513]</a> &#8216;Out of the horn-blowers and trumpeters he chose five in number.&#8217;
    <i>Numero</i> is almost superfluous.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug94">94.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j514">[514]</a> <i>Pergit</i>; namely, <i>Ligus</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j515">[515]</a> &#8216;That it might proceed more easily.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j516">[516]</a> &#8216;In order that, if they stumbled against anything, they might make
    less noise.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j517">[517]</a> &#8216;And the roots which, owing to their old age, were standing forth;&#8217;
    for the roots of old trees rise out of the ground, and such
    knots remain on the surface even when the trees no longer exist.
<br><a class="bold" name="j518">[518]</a> &#8216;He himself foremost (<i>potissimus</i>) tried those places which it
    was doubtful (dangerous) to climb up.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j519">[519]</a> &#8216;And then immediately withdrawing;&#8217; namely, in order to make room
    for those who followed.
<br><a class="bold" name="j520">[520]</a> &#8216;The inconsiderate boldness of Marius (of attacking an impregnable
    fortress), when it became adjusted (justified, <i>correcta</i>) by
    chance, found praise instead of blame.&#8217; The sudden terror of the
    Numidians on their hearing the military music of the Romans in
    their rear, was, according to Sallust, most advantageous to the
    Romans; for if the Numidians, while engaged in fighting, had
    despatched fifty men, they might easily have thrown down the few
    Romans who had found their way up; for the number of four centurions
    for the protection of the trumpeters is indeed surprisingly
    small, and we might almost be inclined to suppose that these
    centurions were followed by their centuries at some distance.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug95">95.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j521">[521]</a> <i>Quos</i> refers to the <i>equites</i> implied in the word <i>equitatus</i>.
    This is a construction <i>ad sensum</i>, of which many examples occur in
    Sallust (compare <a href="#cat7"><i>Cat.</i> 7</a>), though the present case is rather
    unusual.
<br><a class="bold" name="j522">[522]</a> <i>Res</i>, &#8216;the subject,&#8217; &#8216;the present discussion,&#8217; or &#8216;the context of
    the narrative.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j523">[523]</a> <i>Persecutus</i>; supply <i>Sullae naturam cultumque</i>. L. Sisenna, an
    early contemporary of Cicero, had written a history of the civil war
    between Marius and Sulla; he was himself a partisan of Sulla, and
    therefore not quite unbiassed in his judgment.
<br><a class="bold" name="j524">[524]</a> The patrician gens to which Sulla belonged was the gens Cornelia.
    The statement that the family of Sulla was almost extinct, in
    consequence of the inactivity of the ancestors of the great Sulla,
    applies to their loss of power and influence rather than to a
    physical decay of the family.
<br><a class="bold" name="j525">[525]</a> <i>Atque doctissime</i>, &#8216;and that very profoundly;&#8217; the same as <i>et
    doctissime quidem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j526">[526]</a> <i>Nisi quod</i> adds a limitation or exception to something stated
    before. Here the preceding praise is qualified or limited by the
    remark, that in his matrimonial relation he might have behaved
    better; for he was married several times, and chose his wives at the
    spur of a momentary passion. <i>Potuit consuli</i>; supply <i>ab eo</i>; that
    is, <i>potuisset consulere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j527">[527]</a> <i>Amicitia facilis</i>, &#8216;pleasing and agreeable in his friendship or
    friendly intercourse.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j528">[528]</a> <i>Altitudo animi</i>, the unfathomableness of a man&#8217;s character and
    designs &#8212; a character which shows nothing outwardly of what is going
    on within. Such a character has all the requisites to become
    hypocritical, <i>ad simulationem et dissimulationem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j529">[529]</a> &#8216;His good fortune was never greater than his activity;&#8217; that is,
    his activity was equal to his good fortune, and he therefore deserved
    all praise. But his doings after his victory in the civil war are
    utterly condemned by Sallust, who then assigns to him neither
    good-luck nor activity.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug96">96.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j530">[530]</a> For <i>intra breves tempestates</i>, see note 3, page 59
    [<a href="#c304">note 304 in Cat.</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j531">[531]</a> <i>Id laboro</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 385. <i>Ut illi deberent</i> should properly
    be <i>sibi</i> or <i>ipsi</i>; but see Zumpt, &sect; 550.
<br><a class="bold" name="j532">[532]</a> <i>Multus adesse</i>, &#8216;he was present in many places,&#8217; multiplying, as
    it were, his own person. Compare <a href="#jug84">chap. 84</a>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug97">97.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j533">[533]</a> <i>Rationes trahere</i> implies slow and careful deliberation, as in
    chaps. <a href="#jug34">34</a> and <a href="#jug93">93</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j534">[534]</a> <i>Die</i> for <i>diei</i>. See page 115, note 3 [<a href="#j289">note 289</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j535">[535]</a> &#8216;The night would not he an obstacle to them&#8217; (in their pursuit).
    <i>Nullo</i> obsolete for <i>nulli</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 140.
<br><a class="bold" name="j536">[536]</a> <i>Simul cognovit</i> &#8212; <i>et hostes aderant</i>, &#8216;he at once learned &#8212; and the
    enemy was there;&#8217; that is, between the receiving of the information
    and the actual attack of the enemy there was no interval. <i>Sarcinas
    colligere</i>; the baggage was laid down before an engagement, and put
    together in a heap, as in Caes. <i>Bell</i>. <i>Gall</i>. vii. 18.
<br><a class="bold" name="j537">[537]</a> <i>Signum</i> here is &#8216;the watchword,&#8217; which is given out by the
    general, and is communicated among the soldiers by one man telling
    another. Sometimes <i>signum</i> is the signal given by a <i>cornu</i> or
    <i>tuba</i>. To make the former known throughout an army required some
    time, but not so the latter. <i>Signa</i> afterwards are the standards of
    the maniples, cohorts, and legions.
<br><a class="bold" name="j538">[538]</a> <i>Latrocinium</i>, &#8216;a predatory attack,&#8217; as opposed to a regular
    battle.
<br><a class="bold" name="j539">[539]</a> <i>Obtruncare</i> in opposition to <i>caedere</i> (cut down) signifies &#8216;to
    mutilate by cutting off a limb or limbs.&#8217; The word <i>multos</i> is chosen
    here only for variety&#8217;s sake, instead of <i>alios</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j540">[540]</a> The words <i>veteres novique</i> express a whole sentence: &#8216;as old
    and new soldiers were united in the several divisions (maniples and
    cohorts) of the army;&#8217; and it is to this meaning that <i>ob ea</i> (for
    this reason) refers. The scattered Romans, as old and new soldiers
    were everywhere mixed together, profited by the experience of the
    old ones, and formed dense circles (we should say <i>squares</i>), which
    was, in fact, the only safe means of warding off the attack of a
    superior enemy.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug98">98.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j541">[541]</a> <i>Quam tamen</i> &#8212; <i>nihil remittere</i>, &#8216;while the barbarians nevertheless
    did not leave off.&#8217; For <i>quum</i> with the historical infinitive, see
    Zumpt, &sect; 582. <i>Pro se</i>, &#8216;favourable to them.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j542">[542]</a> Marius occupies two hills close by each other, the one only to
    have the command of water, but the other to pitch his camp on, as
    it required only to be slightly fortified. <i>Quaerebat</i> for
    <i>requirebat</i>, which is more common in this sense.
<br><a class="bold" name="j543">[543]</a> &#8216;As the enemy also had fallen into no less confusion;&#8217; so that
    <i>neque</i>, being properly used for <i>et non</i>, must here be taken for
    <i>etiam non</i> or <i>ne</i> &#8212; <i>quidem</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j544">[544]</a> <i>Pleno gradu</i>, &#8216;at a quick pace,&#8217; which, however, is not running.
    This retreat up the hill is, after all, a proof that the Romans had
    been worsted in the attack.
<br><a class="bold" name="j545">[545]</a> <i>Fugere, ut pro</i>, is the reading of the manuscripts, &#8216;as they did
    not flee, they acted as though they were the victors.&#8217; <i>Ut pro</i>
    signifies &#8216;both as victors and as if they were,&#8217; the <i>ut</i> and <i>pro</i>
    signifying nearly the same thing.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug99">99.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j546">[546]</a> &#8216;Not even the signals were to be sounded, which were usually
    heard at the different night watches.&#8217; The night was divided by
    the Romans into four watches (<i>vigiliae</i>), the beginning of which was
    announced by a horn (<i>buccina</i>). <i>Canere</i> is here used
    intransitively, &#8216;to sound,&#8217; as in <a href="#cat59"><i>Cat</i>. chap. 59</a> Below, it is used
    transitively, in the sense of &#8216;to blow,&#8217; or &#8216;give a signal.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j547">[547]</a> The description of the consternation among the barbarians is in
    some parts very minute. <i>Formido</i> is the highest degree of fear
    (<i>timor</i>), which almost makes people mad, whence the addition <i>quasi
    vecordia</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug100">100.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j548">[548]</a> The superlative <i>dextimus</i> does not differ in meaning from the
    positive <i>dexter</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 114, note 1.
<br><a class="bold" name="j549">[549]</a> <i>Minime cari</i>; that is, <i>maxime viles</i>, &#8216;who were most
    indifferent,&#8217; or &#8216;valueless to him,&#8217; whose lives he was least
    inclined to spare.
<br><a class="bold" name="j550">[550]</a> &#8216;As if he had not placed (there) any commander.&#8217; <i>Imponere</i>, used
    absolutely, &#8216;to appoint;&#8217; namely, in the place spoken of. <i>Nullo</i> for
    <i>nemine</i>, the ablative as well as the genitive of <i>nemo</i> not being in
    use.
<br><a class="bold" name="j551">[551]</a> <i>Cogebat</i>; supply <i>armatos intentosque esse</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j552">[552]</a> Construe <i>neque secus castra munire, atque iter facere</i>; that is,
    his care in securing the camp was as great as that which he displayed
    in marching.
<br><a class="bold" name="j553">[553]</a> The singular <i>in porta</i> is here used because the author is speaking
    especially of that gate which faced the enemy (the <i>porta praetoria</i>
    opposite the <i>porta decumana</i>). At this gate a strong body of
    outposts (<i>excubitores</i>) was stationed, consisting of the most
    trustworthy soldiers.
<br><a class="bold" name="j554">[554]</a> <i>Futurum, quae imperavisset</i>, an old-fashioned mode of speaking
    for <i>futura esse, quae</i>. Besides this passage, there is no other
    certain instance of such an expression in the classical writers of
    Rome; but the grammarian Gellius has proved, by many examples, that
    in the earlier times it was by no means uncommon.
<br><a class="bold" name="j555">[555]</a> &#8216;Than that the exertion, if equally shared with them (soldiers)
    by the commander, should be agreeable to the soldiers.&#8217; <i>Aliquid
    mihi est volenti</i>. See p. 139, note 1 [<a href="#j441">note 441</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j556">[556]</a> <i>Malum</i> is here the same as &#8216;punishment,&#8217; or <i>poena</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j557">[557]</a> <i>Nisi tamen</i> introduces a modification or limitation of the doubt
    expressed before respecting the real motive of Marius&#8217;s indulgence.
    Compare p. 92, note 2 [<a href="#j153">note 153</a>].</P>

<h4><a href="#jug101">101.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j558">[558]</a> <i>Hostes adesse intellegitur</i> is a nominative with the infinitive,
    for <i>intellegunt hostem adesse</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 607. It is, however,
    not impossible that <i>hostis</i> may be the accusative plural for
    <i>hostes</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j559">[559]</a> <i>Aeque</i>, &#8216;equally;&#8217; for Jugurtha hoped that at any rate one of his
    detachments would attack the Romans in the rear; but as he did not
    know to which part the Romans would direct their front, each of his
    detachments might equally reach a position in the rear of the Romans.
<br><a class="bold" name="j560">[560]</a> The meaning is &#8212; Sulla caused the cavalry which he commanded on the
    right wing, on the whole, to keep quiet, and only to repel individual
    enemies that might approach; but he himself and other commanders
    alternately gallopped forth with single turmae forming close bodies,
    and attacked the enemy.
<br><a class="bold" name="j561">[561]</a> <i>Neque &#8212; affuerant</i>, without repeating the relative pronoun, which,
    being the subject, should be in the nominative, for <i>sed &#8212; qui non
    affuerant</i>, or <i>neque ii &#8212; affuerant</i>. The omission is singular, but
    not without other examples. See Zumpt, &sect; 806. The <i>prior pugna</i> is
    the one described in chaps. <a href="#jug97">97</a>-<a href="#jug99">99</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j562">[562]</a> &#8216;He rode secretly, with few companions,&#8217; to another place, where
    the Mauretanian infantry were attacking the rear of the Romans.
    <i>Convertit</i> for <i>convertit se</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 145.
<br><a class="bold" name="j563">[563]</a> Respecting the position of <i>quos adversum</i>, instead of <i>adversum
    quos</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 324.
<br><a class="bold" name="j564">[564]</a> That is, <i>ipsius comitibus</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j565">[565]</a> &#8216;By making a skilful movement with his body,&#8217; <i>dum corpore evitat
    tela</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j566">[566]</a> A very graphic description of a field of battle after the fighting
    is over. <i>Afflicti</i>, &#8216;thrust down to the ground,&#8217; implying the notion
    of persons being severely wounded. <i>Niti</i>, &#8216;to attempt to rise.&#8217;
    <i>Qua visus erat</i>, &#8216;as far as one could see.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug102">102.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j567">[567]</a> <i>Post ea loci</i>, &#8216;afterwards.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j568">[568]</a> &#8216;Whither he had at first directed his march. &#8216;<i>Profectus</i> might
    have been omitted, but its meaning is, &#8216;having once set out on his
    march.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j569">[569]</a> &#8216;About what was useful to him and to the Roman people.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j570">[570]</a> <i>Placuit</i>; supply <i>eos</i>, which might also have been expressed by
    the relative pronoun, <i>quos placuit</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 804. The
    ambassadors, having been summoned by the king himself to hear his
    proposals, were not under the necessity of addressing him; but they
    probably had orders to speak first, in order that, if he were not
    favourably inclined towards the Romans, they might try to win him
    over, or if he were favourably disposed, to strengthen him in his
    designs.
<br><a class="bold" name="j571">[571]</a> <i>Rati</i>; namely, <i>Romani</i>, which must be taken out of <i>populo
    Romano</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j572">[572]</a> The manuscripts have <i>esses</i>, which can be explained only by an
    amalgamation of the two clauses, and might be conceived as a form
    of politeness which is not contained in <i>perpessus es</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j573">[573]</a> The infinitive <i>placuisse</i> depends on <i>scilicet</i>, which is here
    quite the same as <i>scire licet</i>, as in chaps. <a href="#jug4">4</a> and <a href="#jug113">113</a>. In ordinary
    language, <i>scilicet</i> is a mere adverb, &#8216;evidently,&#8217; &#8216;forsooth.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j574">[574]</a> &#8216;You have many opportunities;&#8217; consequently the same as <i>magnam
    opportunitatem</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 756.
<br><a class="bold" name="j575">[575]</a> <i>Demittere in pectus</i>, &#8216;to impress upon one&#8217;s mind,&#8217; <i>sibi
    persuadere</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j576">[576]</a> This is a diplomatic falsehood, as hitherto Bocchus had committed
    no act of hostility towards Jugurtha, and had occupied no part of
    Numidia against his will; but it may be that Jugurtha had promised
    to give up to him a part of Numidia, if he should succeed in
    recovering the whole. That Bocchus actually wished to have a part
    of Numidia, is clear from his negotiation with Sulla, <a href="#jug111">chap. 111</a>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j577">[577]</a> <i>Tum</i>, &#8216;now.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 732.
<br><a class="bold" name="j578">[578]</a> Namely, <i>legates mittendi</i>, &#8216;after he had obtained permission to
    despatch an embassy to Rome.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug103">103.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j579">[579]</a> <i>Hibernacula</i>, &#8216;a winter-camp;&#8217; the same as <i>hiberna</i>,
    &#8216;winter-quarters;&#8217; for in <a href="#jug100">chap. 100</a> it was stated that Marius ordered
    quarters to be taken in the maritime towns. It is, however, doubtful
    whether he placed the whole army in those towns, or whether he
    ordered a portion to spend the winter in barracks, or leathern tents
    made for the purpose. If the latter &#8212; <i>in hibernaculis</i> is used in its
    proper sense.
<br><a class="bold" name="j580">[580]</a> <i>Turrim</i> is here the same as <i>castellum</i>. <i>Perfugae omnes</i> are not
    &#8216;all the deserters,&#8217; but &#8216;nothing but deserters,&#8217; or &#8216;all deserters;&#8217;
    for all the soldiers of the garrison consisted of deserters.
<br><a class="bold" name="j581">[581]</a> <i>Venerant</i> has the meaning of <i>evenerant</i>. Respecting <i>sibi</i> for
    <i>ipsi</i>, see p. 121, note 2 [<a href="#j320">note 320</a>].
<br><a class="bold" name="j582">[582]</a> <i>Reliquerat</i>, not &#8216;he had left them behind,&#8217; which is the usual
    meaning of <i>relinquo</i>, but &#8216;he had left them unbribed:&#8217; that is, he
    had neglected to bribe them.
<br><a class="bold" name="j583">[583]</a> That is, he had given him the praetorian imperium during his
    absence, and thereby appointed him independent commander.
<br><a class="bold" name="j584">[584]</a> &#8216;He did not treat them as untrustworthy enemies;&#8217; for they
    were still enemies engaged in war with the Roman people, no peace
    having yet been concluded. The epithet <i>vani</i> belongs to them,
    because their master had hitherto shown himself irresolute, sometimes
    suing for peace, and sometimes carrying on war. <i>Accurate</i>, &#8216;with
    care,&#8217; &#8216;with respect.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j585">[585]</a> <i>Volens</i> expresses a hearty inclination to do that which one does.
<br><a class="bold" name="j586">[586]</a> &#8216;Were considered as acts of kindness,&#8217; as parts or proofs of a
    kindly disposition.
<br><a class="bold" name="j587">[587]</a> <i>Benevolentiae sunt</i>, &#8216;are calculated to produce good-will&#8217; towards
    the king.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug104">104.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j588">[588]</a> Sulla undoubtedly had his quarters near the Mauretanian frontier;
    that is, in the extreme west; as the ambassador of Bocchus fled to
    him. Marius summoned him to his head-quarters, Cirta, whither he also
    summoned the praetor Bellienus from Utica. This praetor was no doubt
    propraetor of the province of Africa, sent thither from Rome to
    undertake the regular administration, but he was at the same time
    placed at the disposal of the consul Marius; for as a propraetor had
    the <i>jus praetorem</i> in his province, he was sometimes simply called
    praetor; thus Verres is often called praetor of Sicily. All the other
    military commanders who happened to be in the province, and were of
    senatorial rank, were likewise summoned to Cirta, in order to give
    weight and dignity to the preliminary negotiations for peace, for its
    real conclusion rested with the senate.
<br><a class="bold" name="j589">[589]</a> <i>Ea</i>, the neuter plural, though referring to <i>induciae</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j590">[590]</a> Namely, when previously they have been successful, as had hitherto
    been the case with the Roman war.
<br><a class="bold" name="j591">[591]</a> The manuscripts have <i>Rufone</i>, which unusual name must be
    corrected either into <i>Rufo</i> or <i>Rusone</i>. We prefer <i>Rufo</i>, because
    Suetonius, in his life of Octavianus, mentions the <i>Octavii Rufi</i> as
    a senatorial family of the time here spoken of.
<br><a class="bold" name="j592">[592]</a> <i>Deprecati sunt</i>; that is, <i>deprecantes dixerunt</i>; for <i>deprecari</i>
    properly signifies &#8216;to avert something by prayers.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j593">[593]</a> <i>Gratiam facere</i>, &#8216;to grant pardon for something.&#8217; To <i>quoniam
    poenitet</i> we must supply <i>eum</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug105">105.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j594">[594]</a> &#8216;By whose decision a final determination might be come to
    respecting the common affairs.&#8217; Respecting the ablative <i>arbitratu</i>,
    see Zumpt, &sect; 190.
<br><a class="bold" name="j595">[595]</a> The infantry which, besides an escort of Roman cavalry, was
    sent to accompany Sulla, consisted of light-armed troops, who were
    prepared both to march through uncultivated districts, and to fight
    with the barbarians. Roman infantry could not have kept up with
    the cavalry. The inhabitants of the Balearian Islands (Majorca,
    Minorca, and Iviza) were celebrated in antiquity as slingers; and
    as <i>socii</i> of the Romans, they furnished slingers for the Roman
    armies. Their weapon was a leathern sling, by which leaden balls
    were thrown, with great skill and accuracy, at a distance of 500
    paces. The <i>Pelignians</i> are a people of central Italy, not far from
    the Adriatic, with two important towns, Corfinium and Sulmo. All
    the Italian nations which had then not yet received the Roman
    franchise furnished their auxiliary cohorts of 400, 500, or 800 men
    to the Roman army. Whether the Pelignians always bore <i>arma
    velitaria</i> (a round shield, a short sword, and a light javelin), or
    whether they did so only on this occasion, is doubtful; but it seems
    that this was their proper armour.
<br><a class="bold" name="j596">[596]</a> <i>Non amplius</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 485.
<br><a class="bold" name="j597">[597]</a> &#8216;They tried (tested) their arms and darts, and directed them
    against the supposed enemy,&#8217; but without making actual use of them.
<br><a class="bold" name="j598">[598]</a> &#8216;As was in reality the case;&#8217; namely, that the approaching cavalry
    had no hostile intentions.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug106">106.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j599">[599]</a> To this and the following infinitive we must supply <i>dicit</i>, which
    is to be taken out of the preceding <i>negat</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 774.
<br><a class="bold" name="j600">[600]</a> <i>Mansurum potius, quam &#8212; vitae parceret</i> is correctly said, though
    it might also be <i>quam vitae parsurum</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 603, 2. The
    indicative <i>quos ducebat</i> is a remark of the historian; <i>quos
    duceret</i> would be a remark of the speaker, which would here have been
    the regular form. <i>Coenatos esse</i>, &#8216;they were to have finished
    dining.&#8217; See Zumpt, &sect; 148.
<br><a class="bold" name="j601">[601]</a> <i>Ante eos</i>, &#8216;before them;&#8217; that is, on the road along which they
    had to march.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug107">107.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j602">[602]</a> &#8216;He protects the Mauretanian against violence.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j603">[603]</a> A dative. See Zumpt, &sect; 419.
<br><a class="bold" name="j604">[604]</a> The same as <i>inermibus</i>. See Zumpt, &sect; 101. <i>Nudum et caecum
    corpus</i>, &#8216;the undefended part of the body, and not provided with
    eyes;&#8217; that is, the back, which a person ought not to turn towards
    the enemy, if he wants to be safe.
<br><a class="bold" name="j605">[605]</a> &#8216;It seemed to him to be the most advisable.&#8217; Instead of <i>factu</i>,
    other editions have <i>factum</i>, &#8216;it seemed to him to be the best
    thing.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j606">[606]</a> &#8216;As the matter stood,&#8217; a limitation suggesting that, under other
    circumstances, that dangerous way would not have been chosen.
<br><a class="bold" name="j607">[607]</a> &#8216;As they had come upon him unexpectedly;&#8217; for Jugurtha had
    not imagined that the Romans would thus, without negotiation, pass
    through his lines.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug108">108.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j608">[608]</a> &#8216;As ambassador with a public commission,&#8217; though at the same time
    he privately acted the part of a spy.
<br><a class="bold" name="j609">[609]</a> &#8216;That he kept firmly and unalterably everything which had been
    previously determined upon with Sulla.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j610">[610]</a> &#8216;In order that the common business might be conducted the more
    carelessly.&#8217; The laying aside of fear in the presence of Jugurtha&#8217;s
    ambassador was to induce Sulla to carry on the negotiations for peace
    more openly, frankly, and incautiously, since, under the influence of
    fear, he would have been cautious and mistrustful. <i>Non pertimescere</i>
    are joined together as one idea, somewhat in the sense of
    <i>contemnere</i>, &#8216;he should disregard&#8217; the ambassador, and accordingly
    act with Bocchus more confidentially.
<br><a class="bold" name="j611">[611]</a> The infinitive of the impersonal passive <i>cavetur ab insidiis</i>,
    &#8216;precaution is taken against snares.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j612">[612]</a> <i>Punica fides</i> is proverbially the same as <i>mala fides</i>, the
    Carthaginians being generally regarded by the Romans as perfidious
    double-dealers. <i>Attinere</i> is the same as <i>morari</i>, &#8216;to detain.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j613">[613]</a> &#8216;His inclination.&#8217;</P>

<h4><a href="#jug109">109.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j614">[614]</a> &#8216;And <i>says</i> (which must be taken from the preceding <i>jubet</i>) that
    as yet he had determined upon nothing.&#8217; As past time is here
    spoken of, it should properly not be <i>etiamnunc</i>, but <i>etiamtunc</i>;
    and it is doubtful as to whether the reading of some manuscripts <i>tum
    etiam</i> ought not to be received into the text. If <i>etiamnunc</i> is
    correct, we must explain it by supposing that the historian abandons
    the character of a narrator of past events, and transfers himself to
    the present.
<br><a class="bold" name="j615">[615]</a> &#8216;A conscientious (trustworthy) man, and acceptable to both&#8217; (Sulla
    and Bocchus).</P>

<h4><a href="#jug110">110.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j616">[616]</a> The king calls the quaestor Sulla a private person, being
    unwilling, as a king, to allow any one a public character who is not,
    like himself, a king. But in the opinion of the Romans, the quaestor
    Sulla was by no means a private person.
<br><a class="bold" name="j617">[617]</a> &#8216;I have assisted many at their request, and others of my own accord
    (unasked), while I myself was in need of no man&#8217;s assistance.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j618">[618]</a> <i>Fuerit mihi eguisse</i>, the concessive mood: &#8216;granting that it was
    the case that I needed,&#8217; might also have been expressed simly by
    <i>eguerim</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j619">[619]</a> &#8216;This you may try at once.&#8217; For this meaning of <i>adeo</i>, whereby
    that which precedes is confirmed by the result, see Zumpt, &sect; 281.
<br><a class="bold" name="j620">[620]</a> &#8216;Unimpaired,&#8217; &#8216;in the same condition.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j621">[621]</a> We should express the same idea rather thus: <i>regem munificentia
    vinci flagitiosius est, quam armis</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j622">[622]</a> About <i>factum volui</i>, see Zumpt, &sect; 611.
<br><a class="bold" name="j623">[623]</a> &#8216;Your wish will not be refused by me.&#8217; Bocchus no doubt here
    alludes to the surrender of Jugurtha, but he is yet doubtful as to
    whether it is worthy of himself.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug111">111.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j624">[624]</a> &#8216;What he promised them, they would not consider as a favour (as a
    thing for which they owed him gratitude); that he must do something
    beyond, something that might appear to be their interest more than
    his.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j625">[625]</a> &#8216;Would then come to him,&#8217; implying an advantage gained without
    exertion.
<br><a class="bold" name="j626">[626]</a> <i>Negitare</i>, a rare word, but very expressive; for the simple
    <i>negare</i>, in a case like this, is stronger than a repeated assertion
    that you cannot, or will not, do a certain thing. The <i>affinitas</i>
    (connexion by marriage) refers to what is mentioned <a href="#jug80">chap. 80</a>, a
    daughter of Bocchus being married to Jugurtha. Respecting their
    <i>cognatio</i> (relation by blood) nothing is known, but there must have
    been a family connexion between the neighbouring kings.
    <i>Intervenisse</i> &#8212; that is, <i>factum esse</i> &#8212; referring especially to
    <i>foedus</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug112">112.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j627">[627]</a> &#8216;That the war could be brought to a close by mutual concessions.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j628">[628]</a> <i>Pax conventa</i>, &#8216;the peace which is agreed upon.&#8217; Observe the
    rare use of the passive participle; for <i>convenire</i> is commonly
    intransitive &#8212; as <i>pax convenit</i>, a &#8216;peace is concluded.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j629">[629]</a> <i>In potestatem habere</i> is ungrammatical for <i>in potestate habere</i>,
    but is found now and then. See Zumpt, &sect; 316.
<br><a class="bold" name="j630">[630]</a> The expression is somewhat contorted; for the inserted clause
    <i>non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam</i> should have a verb of its own,
    which, however, would be a part of the leading verb &#8212; namely, <i>qui
    in hostium potestate esset</i>.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug113">113.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j631">[631]</a> &#8216;In contradiction with themselves,&#8217; &#8216;contradictory.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j632">[632]</a> &#8216;The king first summoned his councillors, then dismissed them
    immediately, and for a long time meditated by himself.&#8217; <i>Ceteris</i>
    refers to the preceding <i>amicis</i>, but is used instead of <i>iis</i>, to
    form antithesis to himself: &#8216;after the removal of all the rest, he
    deliberated by himself.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j633">[633]</a> <i>Vultus</i>, chiefly &#8216;the look of the eyes,&#8217; but also &#8216;the features of
    the countenance,&#8217; by which the inward emotions are manifested;
    hence Sallust here, by the addition of <i>corporis</i>, opposes the
    outward expression to the emotions of the mind: &#8216;He changed (varied)
    in the expression of his bodily features as much as in his
    sentiments.&#8217; <i>Quae scilicet patefecisse</i>, &#8216;which, as could be seen,
    revealed his mental emotions.&#8217; <i>Quae</i> is the neuter plural, and
    <i>scilicet</i> contains the leading verb.
<br><a class="bold" name="j634">[634]</a> That is, <i>ut praeceptum erat</i>, and not <i>dictum</i> in the sense of
    <i>edictum</i>; for according to the deceitful agreement, the <i>condiciones
    pacis</i> were to be determined peaceably.
<br><a class="bold" name="j635">[635]</a> Sallust passes very rapidly over the catastrophe of a king who
    had worn out, by simulation and war, the Roman armies for six
    years. He was taken prisoner in B.C. 106, when Marius was no
    longer consul, but yet remained in Africa as proconsul. Sulla
    considered the capture of Jugurtha to be an event so important, and
    to himself so glorious, that he had it engraved on his sealing ring.</P>

<h4><a href="#jug114">114.</a></h4>

<p class="note"><a class="bold" name="j636">[636]</a> &#8216;During the same time;&#8217; that is, the time during which Marius,
    as proconsul, was still in Africa, occupied no doubt with the
    regulation of the affairs which, owing to the long war, had fallen
    into disorder. Bocchus received a part of western Numidia, as far as
    the river Ampsaga; and Numidia was divided between Hiempsal
    and Hiarbas, two princes of the family of Masinissa. These and
    other matters detained Marius in Africa during the year B.C. 105,
    in which the Romans under the consul Gn. Manlius and the proconsul
    Q. Caepio, suffered a great defeat from the Cimbri, on the
    river Rhodanus. This led to the second consulship of Marius, in
    B.C. 104. The people whom Sallust here calls Gauls (<i>Galli</i>) are
    the Cimbri and Teutones, German tribes coming from the countries
    about the Elbe. This mistake must be accounted for by the general
    difficulty of distinguishing Celtic (Gallic) from Germanic tribes,
    and also by the circumstance that the Cimbri had for many years been
    wandering about in Gaul.
<br><a class="bold" name="j637">[637]</a> <i>Illique</i>; that is, the Romans then living, as opposed to those in
    the time of Sallust. <i>Sic habuere</i>, &#8216;entertained this opinion.&#8217;
<br><a class="bold" name="j638">[638]</a> <i>Certare</i>; supply <i>se</i>; unless we read <i>certari</i>, to which it is
    easier to supply a <i>se</i>.
<br><a class="bold" name="j639">[639]</a> On the 1st of January B.C. 104. We may here observe, that
    Jugurtha, after he had adorned the triumphal procession at Rome,
    was put to death in the public prison near the Forum &#8212; which is
    described by Sallust, <a href="#cat55"><i>Cat.</i> 55</a> &#8212; at the same hour in which Marius
    offered up his thanksgiving to Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the
    Capitol.</P>
<hr>


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