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<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<h1>RICHARD THE LION HEART</h1>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<figure class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_colophon">
  <img class="p6 w100" src="images/i_colophon.jpg" alt="colophon">
</figure>

<p class="p2 p4b center">
<span class="fs80">MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Limited</span></span><br>
<span class="fs60">LONDON. BOMBAY. CALCUTTA. MADRAS<br>
MELBOURNE</span><br>
<br>
<span class="fs80">THE MACMILLAN COMPANY</span><br>
<span class="fs60">NEW YORK. BOSTON. CHICAGO<br>
DALLAS. SAN FRANCISCO</span><br>
<br>
<span class="fs80">THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></span><br>
<span class="fs60">TORONTO</span>
</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<p class="p1 pfs180">
RICHARD<br>
THE LION HEART</p>

<p class="p6 pfs80">BY</p>
<p class="pfs120 lsp2">KATE NORGATE</p>

<p class="p10 pfs100">MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED<br>
ST. MARTIN’S STREET, LONDON<br>
1924</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<p class="p6 pfs80">COPYRIGHT</p>

<p class="p10 pfs80">PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[Pg v]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2>

<p>“When History drops her drums and trumpets and learns
to tell the story of Englishmen, it will find the significance
of Richard not in his Crusade or in his weary wars along the
Norman border, but in his lavish recognition of municipal
life.” It may well seem strange to begin by quoting these
words of the master who inspired my earliest venture—and
thereby, indirectly at least, all my later ventures also—into
the field of history, the preface to a book on Richard the
First in which that sovereign’s island realm figures scarcely
more than in the background, and the life of its people not
at all. Certainly England and the English people ought to
have stood in the forefront and to have been treated in the
fullest detail, if this book were intended for a history of
Richard’s reign; but it has been written with no such
intention. It is merely an attempt to sketch, from materials
of which some of the most valuable and interesting have
become accessible to students only within a comparatively
recent period, the life-story of a prince who reigned less than
ten years and lived less than forty-two, yet whose personal
character, peculiar circumstances, and adventurous career
have given him—whether deservedly or not—a conspicuous
place in mediæval history, and made him a hero of romance
in every country from England to Palestine.</p>

<p>The only detailed biography of Richard known to me is
that which Mr. G. P. R. James wrote many years ago. A
wealth of material unknown at that time has since then been
placed within our reach. This is especially the case with
regard to the Crusade of 1191-1192. Richard’s struggle
with Saladin is the phase of his career which has contributed
the most to his fame; and my studies have led me to believe
that he himself regarded it as the most important work of
his life. Every step in his policy from the hour when he took<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span>
the Cross till he set out for Holy Land appears to have
been taken primarily, if not solely, with a view to the one
enterprise which his contemporaries emphatically called “the
work of God”; and there is no reason to doubt that when
compelled to leave that work unfinished, he left it with the
full intention of returning to complete it, and would have
returned, had not his destiny been ordained otherwise. I
have therefore allowed myself to tell the story of the
Crusade with a fullness of detail which may be thought
disproportionate to the brief space of time which the expedition
actually occupied, and to its direct influence on the
history of his dominions; and I have made a lavish use of
the materials, Eastern and Western, contained in the publications
of the various French literary and historical societies,
especially the great <cite lang="fro">Recueil des Historiens des Croisades</cite>.
The chief treasure in that collection—chief, at least, for my
purpose—is the elaborate edition of Bohadin with its French
translation, superseding the crabbed Latin of Schultens;
although, as will be seen, I cannot but think that Schultens’s
work still retains a value of its own. Of the relations
between the two versions of our chief Western authority
for the story of the Crusade—the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium Peregrinorum
et Gesta Regis Ricardi</cite> and the <cite lang="fro">Estoire de la Guerre Sainte par
Ambroise</cite>—I made, about fourteen years ago, a somewhat
minute study based on the notes written by Mr. T. A. Archer
in the margins of his copies of those two books; I having
had the melancholy pleasure of becoming their owner after
his death. The results of that study, with a brief statement
of the circumstances which had impelled me to it and assisted
me in it, appeared in the <cite>English Historical Review</cite> for July
1910. After going over the ground again I see no reason
to alter the conclusion which I had then formed on the
subject; rather do I find myself confirmed in that opinion.
I have, however, thought it right, when citing either or both
of the two versions, to give in every case a separate reference
to each of them.</p>

<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Kate Norgate.</span></p>

<p><em>January, 1924.</em></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2>

<table class="autotable fs80 wd80">
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs135" colspan="3"><a href="#BOOK_I">BOOK I</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc" colspan="3">RICHARD OF AQUITAINE, 1157-1189</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BI_I">CHAPTER I</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdr"></td>
<td class="tdr"></td>
<td class="tdr fs80 tdhh">PAGE</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">THE BOY DUKE, 1157-1179</td>
<td class="tdr">1</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BI_II">CHAPTER II</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">FATHER AND SONS, 1179-1183</td>
<td class="tdr">32</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BI_III">CHAPTER III</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">KING HENRY’S HEIR, 1183-1189</td>
<td class="tdr">57</td>
</tr>
<tr><td colspan="3">&#160;</td></tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs135" colspan="3"><a href="#BOOK_II">BOOK II</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc" colspan="3">RICHARD’S CRUSADE, 1189-1192</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_I">CHAPTER I</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">THE YEAR OF PREPARATION, 1189-1190</td>
<td class="tdr">91</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_II">CHAPTER II</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">THE OUTWARD VOYAGE, 1190-1191</td>
<td class="tdr">119</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_III">CHAPTER III</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">THE FALL OF ACRE, 1191</td>
<td class="tdr">152</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_IV">CHAPTER IV</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">FROM ACRE TO JOPPA, 1191</td>
<td class="tdr">176</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_V">CHAPTER V</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">THE ADVANCE ON JERUSALEM, 1191-1192</td>
<td class="tdr">193</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BII_VI">CHAPTER VI</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">RICHARD AND SALADIN, 1192</td>
<td class="tdr">230</td>
</tr>
<tr><td colspan="3">&#160;</td></tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs135" colspan="3"><a href="#BOOK_III">BOOK III</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc" colspan="3">RICHARD AND EUROPE, 1192-1199</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BIII_I">CHAPTER I</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">RICHARD AND THE EMPIRE, 1192-1194</td>
<td class="tdr">264</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#CHAPTER_BIII_II">CHAPTER II</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl fs90" colspan="2">RICHARD AND FRANCE, 1194-1199</td>
<td class="tdr">294</td>
</tr>
<tr><td colspan="3">&#160;</td></tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc fs120" colspan="3"><a href="#NOTES">NOTES</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_I">I.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">Richard and Leopold at Acre</td>
<td class="tdr">330</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_II">II.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">The Capitulation of Acre</td>
<td class="tdr">331</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_III">III.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">The Advance from the Two Casals to Ramlah</td>
<td class="tdr">333</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_IV">IV.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">Casal des Plains and Casal des Bains</td>
<td class="tdr">334</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_V">V.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">Richard’s Homage to the Emperor</td>
<td class="tdr">336</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdrt fs120"><a href="#NOTE_VI">VI.</a></td>
<td class="tdl fs120">Richard, William of Longchamps, and the Great Seal</td>
<td class="tdr">338</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdr"></td>
<td class="tdl fs120 smcap"><a href="#INDEX">Index</a></td>
<td class="tdr">341</td>
</tr>
</table>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span></p>

<h2 class="p4 nobreak" id="ERRATA">ERRATA</h2>

<div class="p4b fs90 pad6">
P. 35, footnote, line 4, <em>for</em> Dien <em>read</em> Dieu.<br>

P. 91, heading of chapter, <em>for</em> 1191 <em>read</em> 1190.<br>

P. 152, heading of chapter, <em>for</em> 1190 <em>read</em> 1191.<br>

Pp. 152 and 153, <em>delete</em> dates in margin.<br>

P. 154, margin, <em>for</em> 1190 <em>read</em> 1189.<br>

P. 159, lines 4 and 10, <em>for</em> Henfrid <em>read</em> Humphry.<br>

Pp. 160 to 175, margin, <em>for</em> 1190 <em>read</em> 1191.<br>

P. 264, heading of chapter, <em>for</em> 1193 <em>read</em> 1194.<br>

P. 314, line 12 from foot, <em>for</em> VIII <em>read</em> VI.<br>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[Pg 1]</span></p>

<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="BOOK_I">BOOK I<br>

<span class="fs80">RICHARD OF AQUITAINE<br>

1157-1189</span></h2>

<div class="blockquot">

<p><span lang="la">In Regum serie scribatur Dux Aquitanorum et Vasconum Ricardus,
qui ad probitatis opera nunquam exstitit tardus, cujus adolescentia magna
floret industria.</span> (Geoffrey of Vigeois, <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1185).</p>
</div>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BI_I">CHAPTER I<br>
<span class="fs70">THE BOY DUKE<br>
1157-1179</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80">Bonum est viro cum portaverit jugum adolescentia sua.</p>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></div>

<p>“The eagle of the broken covenant shall rejoice in her
third nesting”—thus ran one of the predictions in the
so-called “prophecy of Merlin,” which in the latter half of
the twelfth century was generally regarded as shadowing
forth the destiny of Henry Fitz-Empress and his family.
“The queen,” said those who interpreted the prophecy
after the event, “is called the eagle of the broken covenant
because she spread out her wings over two realms, France
and England, but was separated from the one by divorce
and from the other by long imprisonment. And whereas
her first-born son, William, died in infancy, and the second,
Henry, in rebellion against his father, Richard, the son of
her third nesting, strove in all things to bring glory to his
mother’s name.”<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></span></p>

<p>There was nothing to mar the rejoicing of either Eleanor
or Henry in September 1157. The young king had overcome
the difficulties which had beset him at the opening of
his reign. Public order and the regular administration of
public justice had been restored throughout his realm.
He had obtained the French king’s recognition of his rights
over Normandy and the Angevin lands, and also over
Eleanor’s duchy of Aquitaine,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> where in the winter of 1156
he had received the homage of the barons and kept the
Christmas festival with her at Bordeaux.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> King and queen
<span class="sidenotex">1157</span>
returned to England in the spring.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> Soon afterwards
the last remnant of opposition to the rule of the Angevin
king in England had been disarmed in the persons of Earl
Hugh of Norfolk and Count William of Boulogne; Henry
had “subdued all the Welsh to his will,”<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> and received,
together with the homage of Malcolm of Scotland, a formal
restitution of Northumberland, Westmorland and Cumberland,<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>
which had been in the possession of the Scots since
1136. From these successes Henry had either just returned,
or was on his way back to rejoin his queen at Oxford, when
their third son was born there—no doubt in Beaumont
palace—on September 8.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> A woman of S. Alban’s was
chosen for the boy’s nurse and fostered him together with
her own son, born on the same night and afterwards known
as Alexander Neckam,<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> author of a treatise on natural
science or what passed for science in his time. Her name
was Hodierna; in later days she had from the royal domains
in Chippenham an annuity of seven pounds, doubtless
granted to her by her royal nursling, whom she seems to
have survived by some twenty years.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> Whether she dwelt
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></span>
at the court while he was under her charge, or whether, like
his ancestor Geoffrey Martel, he was sent to dwell with his
foster-mother, there is nothing to show. Before he was
two years old his destiny was planned by the king; Richard
was to be heir to the dominions of his mother.</p>

<p>“Aquitaine,” says an English writer of the time,
“abounding in riches of many kinds, excels other parts of
the western world in such wise that it is reckoned by historians
as one of the happiest and most fertile among the
provinces of Gaul. Although its fields respond abundantly
to culture, its vines to propagation, and its woodlands to
the chase, yet nevertheless it takes its name not from any
of these advantages, but from its waters (<i lang="la">aquæ</i>), haply
esteeming as alone worthy of account among its delights
that which its health-giving water brings forth either to be
returned to the sea, or uplifted in the air. If, indeed, we
track the Garonne from its fount along its rapid course to
the sea, and if we also follow the line of the Pyrenean
mountains, all the country that lies between derives its
name from the beneficent waters that flow through it.
Furthermore, in those parts smoothness of tongue is so
general that it promises impunity to everybody, and any
one who knows not the manner of that people cannot
know whether they are more constant in deed than in word.
When they set themselves to tame the pride of their enemies,
they do it in earnest; and when the labours of battle are
over and they settle down to rest in peace, they give
themselves up wholly to pleasure.”<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p>

<p>Whatever may be thought of Dean Ralph’s etymology,
there was an element of truth in his description, half jesting
though it seems to be, of the country and the character of
its people. He gives indeed hardly sufficient prominence
to the pugnacious side of the latter; and the boundaries
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></span>
which he assigns to the former are considerably narrower
than those of the duchy of Aquitaine as it stood at the time
of Richard’s birth. That duchy comprised, in theory at
least, fully one-third of the kingdom of France. As counts
of Poitou its dukes bore direct sway over a territory bounded
on the north by Britanny, Anjou, and Touraine, on the
west by the sea from the bay now known as that of Bourgneuf
to the mouth of the Charente, and on the east (roughly)
by the course of the river Creuse from a little distance below
Argenton to its junction with the Vienne; and also over
the dependent district of Saintonge on the north side of
the estuary of the Garonne, or Gironde. As counts of
Gascony they were overlords of a number of lesser counties
and lordships, extending from the mouth of the Garonne to
the Pyrenees, and forming a territory nearly twice the size
of Poitou. Between Poitou and Gascony lay the counties
of Angoulême, La Marche, and Périgord, and, between the
two latter, a cluster of minor fiefs which collectively formed
the district known as the Limousin, and of which the most
important was the viscounty of Limoges. All these had
from early times owned the overlordship of the Poitevin
counts in their ducal capacity. So, too, had Berry, an
extensive district lying to the north of La Marche. The
north-eastern portion of Berry, which formed the viscounty
of Bourges, had, however, for a long time past been lost to
the dukes and reckoned as part of the Royal Domain of
France. On the eastern and south-eastern borders of the
duchy lay the counties of Auvergne and Toulouse. Toulouse,
with its dependencies—the Quercy or county of Cahors,
Alby, Foix, Carcassonne, Cerdagne and Roussillon—had
always been a separate fief held directly of the Crown; but
the right to its ownership had for the last sixty years been
in dispute between the Poitevin counts and its actual
holders, the house of St. Gilles, who also held the neighbouring
county of Rouergue and with it the overlordship of a
number of smaller fiefs along the southern coast. Auvergne,
originally a part of the Aquitanian duchy, was strongly
disposed to reject the authority of the Poitevin dukes; and
both Auvergne and Toulouse were more or less openly
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></span>
supported in this matter by the French king. Nor were
the other underfiefs of the duchy, or even the barons of
Poitou, by any means models of feudal obedience. For a
century or more the dukes had been periodically at strife
with the counts of Angoulême, the counts of La Marche,
the lords of Lusignan (in Poitou), the viscounts of Limoges,
and the neighbours and rivals of these last.<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> It was little
more than twenty years since Count William of Angoulême
had carried off from Poitiers Eleanor’s stepmother, the
Countess Emma, “by the counsel of the chiefs of the
Limousin who feared lest the Poitevin yoke should be laid
more heavily upon them” owing to her marriage with
the duke, she being a daughter and a possible co-heiress of
the viscount of Limoges.<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> At Limoges itself, moreover,
there seems to have been a perennial rivalry between the
bishop, the viscount, the abbot of the great abbey of S.
Martial, and the townsfolk.<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a></p>

<p>When Henry II went to Limoges after his marriage in
1152 he seems to have been welcomed as duke by the viscount;
but strife arose between his followers and the
citizens which so enraged him that he ordered the recently
built walls of the town to be razed and the bridge to be
destroyed. As the town—locally called “the castle”—was
held by the viscount of the abbot, this was an offence to
all parties at once; and the abbot retorted by refusing to
grant the duke’s claim to a procuration in the city—that
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1157</b></span>
is, outside the walls—saying he was only bound to grant it
within the enclosure of the “castle.”<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> Henry, though
angry, had his mind fixed on more important matters, and
let the insult pass; but on his next visit to Limoges, in
<span class="sidenotex">1156</span>
1156, he successfully asserted his ducal rights.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> In the
spring or early summer of 1159 he again went to Aquitaine,
<span class="sidenotex">1159</span>
to prosecute by force of arms his claim, as Eleanor’s husband,
to the county of Toulouse. The support of the Count of
Barcelona and his wife, the Queen of Aragon, was purchased
by a promise that Richard should wed their infant daughter
and should on his marriage receive the Dukedom of Aquitaine.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>
The Quercy was conquered by Henry and held for
him awhile after he had abandoned the siege of Toulouse
and returned to Normandy. A treaty made between
<span class="sidenotex">1160</span>
Henry and Louis of France in May 1160 contained a provision
for a year’s truce between Henry and Raymond of
Toulouse, during which Henry was to keep “whatever he
at the date of the treaty had of the honour of Toulouse,
Cahors, or Quercy.”<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> This was probably not much, as
his troops had already been withdrawn from the conquered
territory; the greater part of it seems to have fallen back
into Raymond’s hands, and we hear nothing more of the
relations between him and Henry for nearly thirteen years.</p>

<p>Where and how the future duke of Aquitaine was being
brought up there is nothing to show. All that we know
about him, till he was well advanced in his thirteenth year,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1160</b></span>
is that the sheriffs of London paid ten pounds six and
eightpence for his travelling expenses on some occasion—probably
<span class="sidenotex">1163</span>
his elder brother’s birthday feast—in 1163,<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> and
that in May 1165 he went with his mother and eldest sister
<span class="sidenotex">1165-6</span>
to join the king in Normandy.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a> Henry’s quarrel with
S. Thomas of Canterbury was then at its height; and
Henry’s discontented subjects in Aquitaine were quick to
take advantage of the opportunity for mischief given them
by the difficulties with France in which that quarrel involved
him. On the pretext of “certain liberties whereof he had
deprived them” some of them became so troublesome—chiefly,
it seems, by their intrigues with King Louis<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>—that
<span class="sidenotex">1166</span>
in November 1166 he summoned them to a conference at
Chinon. It took place on Sunday, November 19,<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> with so
little result that he sent Eleanor, who had apparently been
trying to maintain order in the duchy during his absence,
back to England and himself went to keep Christmas at
Poitiers.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a> Whether Richard went with his mother or stayed
with his father does not appear.</p>

<div class="sidenotex">1167</div>

<p>In March Henry had a conference with Raymond of
Toulouse at Grandmont. Shortly afterwards he tried to
assert his ducal authority over the count of Auvergne.
The only result was a fresh rupture with Louis,<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> which was
temporarily patched up by a truce made in August to last
till Easter next, March 31, 1168.<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> Before that date a
formidable rebellion broke out in Aquitaine. The counts
<span class="sidenotex">1167-8</span>
of Angoulême and La Marche,<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> the viscount of Thouars,<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1167-8</b></span>
Robert of Seilhac in the Limousin and his brother Hugh,<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>
Aimeric of Lusignan in Poitou, Geoffrey of Rancogne in the
<span class="sidenotex">1168</span>
county of Angoulême,<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> “with many others,” sought to
rebel against the king, and went about ravaging with fire
and sword. When the king heard of this he hurried to the
place, took the strong castle of Lusignan and made it stronger
still, and destroyed the villages and fortresses of the rebels.
He then revictualled his own castles, and left the duchy
under the charge of Eleanor (who had rejoined him after
Christmas) and of Earl Patrick of Salisbury, while he himself
went to meet Louis on the Norman border on April 7.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>
The truce between the kings was now expired, and Henry
desired a treaty of peace; but meanwhile the southern
rebels were urging Louis to insist that Henry should
indemnify them for the loss and damage which he had
inflicted upon them, and which they represented as a
breach of his truce with France, the French king being
supreme lord of Aquitaine.<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> They even placed in the
hands of Louis the hostages which they had promised to
Henry.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> Louis did not go to the conference in person, but
sent some nobles to represent him.<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> To them Henry proposed
a new scheme for the future of Aquitaine: that its
young duke-designate should marry the youngest daughter
of Louis. The French envoys refused to bind their sovereign
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1168</b></span>
to this unexpected condition; it was, however, agreed
“that if Richard should ask for his rights over the Count
of St. Gilles”—that is, of Toulouse—“the king of France
should try the cause in his court.” Thus the settlement of
Aquitaine on Richard was, by implication at least, recognized
by France, although Richard himself was not yet eleven
years old. As to the aggrieved nobles, Henry promised
them restitution;<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> but Louis would not give up the hostages;
and the conference ended in another truce to last till the
octave of midsummer.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a></p>

<p>Scarcely had the parties separated when tidings came
that Earl Patrick had been slain in a fight with some of
the malcontents.<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> Henry was too much overburdened with
other cares to attempt during the rest of that year any
personal intervention in Aquitaine. Eleanor seems to
have urged him to make it formally over to Richard.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> She
probably saw that there was no likelihood of a good understanding
between her people and her Angevin husband, and
hoped to be more successful in governing them herself in
the name of her son. Her suggestion, and that which
Henry had made nine months before to the representatives
<span class="sidenotex">1169</span>
of Louis, were both carried into effect on January 6, 1169,
when the two kings made peace at Montmirail. The two
elder sons of Henry and Eleanor were both present at the
meeting. Henry himself first did homage to Louis for his
continental possessions; young Henry did the like for
Britanny, Anjou and Maine; then Richard was betrothed
to the French king’s daughter Aloysia, and likewise performed
the homage due to Louis for the county of Poitou
and the duchy of Aquitaine.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a></p>

<p>The feudal situation created by these transactions was a
strange one. It was capable of at least two different
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1169</b></span>
interpretations, and its practical result, so far as Aquitaine
was concerned, was that for the next twenty years there
were two dukes of that country. Henry’s purpose in thus
making his sons do homage to Louis was to guard against
the possibility of dispute, after his own death, as to the
portion of his dominions to which each of them was entitled.
In his eyes the homage was anticipatory of a future and
perhaps—for he was not yet thirty-six—still very remote
event, and its effect was merely prospective. But, so far
as can be seen, no such limitation of its scope was expressed
in the act of homage; and the legal effect of that act therefore
was not merely prospective, but immediate; it at once
made the younger Henry and Richard respectively count
of Anjou and duke of Aquitaine, not under the suzerainty
of their father, but under the direct overlordship of the
French king. Such at least would be its legal effect as
soon as the boys were old enough to govern for themselves;
and this age young Henry had almost reached, for he was
in his fourteenth year. Their father, on the other hand,
as the sequel shows, never intended to give during his own
lifetime any real authority at all to young Henry, nor did
he intend to give any to Richard otherwise than with a tacit
but perfectly well understood reservation of his own right
of intervention and control whenever he might choose to
exercise it; and he still remained legally both count and
duke, for he had just repeated, in both capacities, his own
homage to Louis. There can be no doubt that Louis was
fully alive (although it seems that Henry was not) to the
advantages which the French Crown might derive from this
complicated state of affairs. But he was, of course, not
desirous of pointing them out to his rival; and during the
next four years he carefully refrained from all interference
with the affairs of the Angevin dominions. The new duke
of Aquitaine was, however, not yet twelve years old, and it
was clearly with the French king’s sanction that his father,
in the spring, marched into the duchy and forcibly brought
the counts of Angoulême and La Marche and most of the
other rebels to submission.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1169</b></span></p>

<p>Our only certain notice of Richard between January 1169
and June 1172 shows him to have been, at some time in
<span class="sidenotex">1170</span>
1170, at Limoges with his mother, laying the foundation-stone
of the abbey of S. Augustine.<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> On the Octave of
<span class="sidenotex">1172</span>
Whit-Sunday, June 11, 1172, his formal installation as
duke took place at Poitiers. In the abbey church of
S. Hilary he was placed, according to custom, in the abbot’s
chair, and the sacred lance and banner which were the
insignia of the ducal office were given to him by the Archbishop
of Bordeaux and the Bishop of Poitiers. He afterwards
proceeded to Limoges, where he was received with a
solemn procession; the ring of S. Valeria, the protomartyr
of Aquitaine, was placed on his finger, and he was then
proclaimed as “the new Duke”<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>—for it was in virtue of
this double investiture, given not by the king of France,
but by the local prelates and clergy as representatives of
the local saints of the land, that the dukes of Aquitaine
claimed to hold their dukedom.</p>

<p>Eight months later another important ceremony took
place at Limoges. Henry and Eleanor, accompanied by
their two elder sons, held court in the castle for a week
with the kings of Aragon and Navarre, and the counts of
Toulouse and Maurienne. Alfonso of Aragon, Raymond of
Toulouse, and Humbert of Maurienne had met Henry at
Montferrand in Auvergne, the last-named to make a treaty
of marriage between his daughter and Henry’s youngest
<span class="sidenotex">1173</span>
son, John, the two former to seek the king’s mediation in a
quarrel between themselves. Alfonso was the son of
Queen Petronilla and Raymond of Barcelona, and brother
of the girl to whom Richard had been betrothed in 1159.
He and Raymond of Toulouse were at strife about the homage
of Cerdagne, Foix, and Carcassonne; both were anxious for
the friendship of their nearest and most powerful neighbour.
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1173</b></span>
Henry “made peace between them,” and Raymond, whose
territories were ringed in by those of Aragon and Aquitaine,
paid the peacemaker his price; “he became the man of the
king, and of the new king his son, and of Count Richard
of Poitou, to hold Toulouse of them”—that is, to hold it
immediately of Richard, who held it under his elder brother
and his father—“as a hereditary fief, by military service
at the summons of either king or count, and by a yearly
payment of a hundred marks of silver or of ten destriers
worth at least ten marks each.”<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a></p>

<p>A few months later Richard entered actively on public
life; and he made a bad beginning. Towards the end of
March the younger King Henry fled from his father’s court
in Normandy to that of Louis.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> The elder Henry had been
warned at Limoges by Raymond of Toulouse that “his wife
and his sons had formed a conspiracy against him”;<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>
but he had disregarded the warning, and left Richard and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1173</b></span>
Geoffrey in Aquitaine under the guardianship of their
mother. Early in the summer both the lads joined their
elder brother in France,<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> and all three pledged themselves
by a solemn oath, at a great council in Paris, “not to
forsake the king of France, nor to make any peace with
their father save through him (Louis) and the French
barons”; Louis in return swearing, and causing his barons
to swear, “that he would help the young king and his
brothers, to the utmost of his power, to maintain their war
against their father and to gain possession of the kingdom
of England” for young Henry.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a></p>

<p>The “young king” was eighteen years old; he was as
shallow-minded and selfish as he was handsome and superficially
attractive; and he had fallen under the influence
of Louis, to whose daughter he was married. Crowned in
1170 as his father’s heir, he chose to consider himself
aggrieved by being given no share in the government of
England or of the Angevin home-lands. He may have
persuaded his brothers to consider themselves as victims
of a similar grievance with regard to their duchies of
Aquitaine and Britanny. He and Louis were naturally
anxious to secure the forces of those two duchies in support
of their scheme of ousting the elder King Henry from
his dominions, continental and insular; and they hoped
that the example of the boy-dukes might help to detach
their respective vassals from their father’s cause.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> But the
lads had a nearer counsellor than young Henry or Louis,
and one to whose counsels it was only natural, and in a
measure right, that they should listen with reverence and
submission. Eleanor unquestionably sided with her elder
son against her husband, for she was caught in the act of
trying to make her way from Aquitaine to the French
court disguised in the dress of a man.<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a> Certainly nothing
can justify, or even excuse, the duplicity of this “eagle
of the broken covenant” towards the husband and sovereign
who, even when his eyes were fully opened to the treason
of their eldest son, still put such confidence in her loyalty
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1173</b></span>
as to leave the younger eaglets in her charge. But there is
a very considerable excuse for Richard and Geoffrey. On
the ground of that feudal loyalty which was a principle of
such importance in the life of those days, there was, indeed,
something to be said for all three of the brothers, and more
especially for Richard. None of them were homagers of
Henry II; all of them were homagers of Louis and of
Louis alone. For Richard it might further be urged that
if he was under any other feudal obligation, it was more to
his mother than to his father; his possession of Aquitaine
was their joint gift, but it was on Eleanor’s consent that
the validity of the gift really rested; Henry possessed the
dukedom only in right of his wife. On the higher ground of
filial duty Henry’s and Eleanor’s claims to the obedience of
their children were equal; Richard and Geoffrey suddenly
found that those claims were conflicting, and that a choice
must be made between the two. That the choice really lay
between right and wrong is much plainer to us than it could
be to these lads, of whom the elder was not yet sixteen, and
both of whom were under the direct personal influence of
their mother. On her, rather than on them, lies the
responsibility for their wrong choice.</p>

<p>Eleanor, captured by some of her husband’s scouts, was
at once placed by him in strict confinement.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> Her eldest
son’s cause gained practically nothing by the adhesion of
his young brothers. According to one account, both of
them accompanied him to the siege of Drincourt in July.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>
The success of that siege, however, was due, not to any of
the three, but to their allies the counts of Flanders and
Boulogne; moreover, the death of the latter soon afterwards
caused the Flemish troops to withdraw to their own country,
and nothing further came of the expedition.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> The rebel
barons of Geoffrey’s duchy all submitted to his father in
the autumn.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> At a conference on September 25 at Gisors
Henry made fair offers to all three of his sons; “but the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1173</b></span>
king of France did not deem it advisable that the [English]
king’s sons should make peace with their father.”<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> At
some time before the end of the year Richard was knighted
by Louis.<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> Young Henry and Geoffrey seem to have
remained at the French court through the winter, but
Richard characteristically went his own way; he returned
to Aquitaine. Considering the extent of that country and
the character of its previous relations with Henry II, it
seems to have furnished a very small proportion of names
to the list of avowed partizans of the young king; and the
more important Aquitanian names which we do find there
are those of men whose disobedience is very unlikely to
have been in any way connected with that of Richard—Count
William of Angoulême, Geoffrey of Rancogne,
Geoffrey and Guy of Lusignan, William of Chauvigny, and
Thomas of Coulonges in Poitou, Charles of Rochefort in
Saintonge, Robert of Blé in the Limousin, and in Gascony
Jocelyn of Maulay and Archbishop William of Bordeaux.<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>
The first four of these needed no incitement from the young
duke’s example, and the last two are not likely to have
been influenced by it, to throw off their allegiance to his
father. The Aquitanian rebels in 1173 would probably
have been more numerous had not the barons of the Limousin
been at that time too busy fighting among themselves to
give much heed to disagreements between their rival rulers.
The confusion in those parts was aggravated by a swarm of
“Brabantines,” or foreign mercenaries,<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> probably brought
in by Henry at an earlier time, and now roving about the
land and preying on it wholly at their own will and pleasure.
There was no one to control either Brabantines or barons,
since Richard’s withdrawal and Eleanor’s imprisonment
had left Aquitaine without any resident governor at all, till
in the winter Richard went back to put himself single-handed
at the head of affairs. We hear of him as far south
as Bordeaux, where he was no doubt sure of a welcome from
Archbishop William, and secured the support of another
great churchman, the abbot of S. Cross, by confirming the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1173</b></span>
privileges of the abbey.<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> He tried to win to his cause the
rising town of La Rochelle; but in this he failed; the townsfolk
shut their gates in his face.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> He soon, however, had
under his command a considerable force of knights which
<span class="sidenotex">1174 c. <em>May 12</em></span>
at Whitsuntide 1174 seized the city of Saintes. Henry was
then at Poitiers; at the head of a body of loyal Poitevins
he marched upon Saintes and drove out the intruders,<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and
recovered possession of several other rebel fortresses.<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>
The hopes of young Henry and Louis had broken down
both in Aquitaine and in Normandy. In England they
broke down still more completely; and the failure of the
rebellion there led to the reopening of negotiations for peace.</p>

<p>Some ten or fifteen years later a bitter enemy of Henry II
described the characters of young Henry and of Richard
both at once in the form of a comparison, or rather contrast,
between them.<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> The contrast showed itself even in the
ill-omened first stage of their political and military careers.
Throughout the rebellion of 1173-4 the young king was a
mere tool—and a very inefficient one—in the hands of
Louis. At the instigation of Louis he had entered upon
the war, and at the dictation of Louis he was ready to
accept terms of peace. Geoffrey was apparently contented
with a similar position; but not so Richard. Eleanor
might have made a tool of her second son, but no one else
could do so. It was not for love of either young Henry or
Louis that he had sided with them, and not at their behest
<span class="sidenotex">1174 <em>Sept. 8</em></span>
would he give up the struggle. On his seventeenth birthday
the kings met at Gisors; but “they could not come to a
settlement because of the absence of Count Richard, who at
that time was in Poitou, making war on the castles and
men of his father.” The conference ended in a truce till
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1174</b></span>
Michaelmas,<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> on the understanding that meanwhile Henry
should subdue Richard by force without hindrance from
Louis, young Henry, or their adherents. Richard was not
yet hardened enough to contemplate fighting his father in
person; “when King Henry was come into Poitou, his son
Richard dared not await him, but fled from every place at
his approach, abandoning all the fortresses that he had
taken, not daring to hold them against his father.” When
he learned the terms of the truce, his indignation at being
thus deserted by his supposed allies made him suddenly
determine on a better course. “He came weeping, and
fell with his face on the ground at the feet of the king his
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 23</em></span>
father, beseeching his forgiveness.” It was granted
instantly and completely.<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> Father and son re-entered
Poitiers together.<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> At Henry’s suggestion Richard went
in person to assure his elder brother and Louis that he was
no longer an obstacle to the conclusion of peace; and on
September 30 the peace was made at Montlouis in
Touraine. Henry’s three sons placed themselves at his
mercy and “returned to him and to his service as their
lord.” He promised to each of them a specified provision;
and they all pledged themselves to accept these provisions
as final and nevermore to require anything further from him
save at his own pleasure, nor to withdraw themselves or
their service from him. Richard and Geoffrey also did
homage to him “for what he granted and gave them.”
Young Henry would have done likewise, but his father
would not permit it “because he was a king.”<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> This
treaty seems to have been afterwards put into writing and
formally executed at Falaise, probably on October 11.<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a>
<span class="sidenotex">1175</span>
Early in 1175 Richard and Geoffrey did homage to their
father again at Le Mans,<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> and on April 1 their elder brother
did the same at Bures.<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a></p>

<p>The new provision for Richard did not include his reinstatement
as duke of Aquitaine or count of Poitou. It consisted
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1175</b></span>
merely of “two fitting dwelling-places, whence no
damage could come to the king, in Poitou,” and half the
revenues of that county in money.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> The strict letter of
the treaty of Montlouis (or of Falaise) in fact reinstated
Henry II as sole ruler of all the Angevin dominions, and
reduced all his sons to the position of dependents on his
bounty. Henry, however, soon showed that he had no
intention of enforcing this punishment to the uttermost
on Richard and Geoffrey. The treaty ordained that all
lands and castles belonging to the king and his loyal barons
were to be restored to their owners and to the condition in
which they had been fifteen days before “the king’s sons
departed from him”; so, too, were the lands of the rebels,
but in their case no mention was made of their castles.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>
With these castles, therefore, Henry was left free to deal
at his pleasure. Accordingly, when early in 1175 he set
himself to carry out this clause of the treaty in Anjou and
Maine, he not only revictualled and repaired whatever
fortresses of his own had suffered damage, and destroyed
whatever new fortifications had been added to the castles
whose owners had defied or resisted him, but also ordered
that some of these latter should be razed. Geoffrey was
sent to carry out this process in Britanny, and Richard in
Aquitaine, while the two Henrys returned to England
together on May 9.<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a></p>

<p>Besides the avowed partizans of young Henry in Aquitaine,
there were others who had seized the opportunity afforded
them by the war to fortify their castles and set the ducal
authority at defiance. The men of the South for the most
part would at any moment gladly have flung off that
authority altogether, no matter whether it was wielded by
the heiress of the old ducal house, her husband, or her son.
The Aquitanian barons whose castles had in the time of the
war been fortified or held against Henry II made it clear
that they were not disposed to give them up to Richard.
He therefore, in pursuance of his father’s orders, set out
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1775</b></span>
“to reduce the said castles to nothing.” He began after
midsummer by marching into the county of Agen, where
Arnald of Bonville had fortified Castillon against him,
“and would not give it up.” This place, “fortified by
both nature and art,” held out against the duke and his
engines of war for nearly two months; “at last he took it,
and in it thirty knights whom he kept in his own hands.”<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>
We have no certain knowledge of his further movements
<span class="sidenotex">1176</span>
till the following spring, when he and Geoffrey of Britanny
went to England together. They landed on Good Friday,
April 7.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Richard’s purpose seems to have been to seek
counsel and help in the difficult task which his father had
assigned to him, for when the Easter festivities were over
it was arranged by the elder Henry that the younger one
should go with Richard into Poitou “to subdue his enemies.”
Young Henry went to Normandy on April 20;<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Richard
probably returned about the same time, though the brothers
did not cross the Channel together.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> During his absence
Vulgrin of Angoulême, a son of the reigning count William
Taillefer, had “presumed” to march into Poitou at the
head of a troop of Brabantines. The bishop of Poitiers
had at once resolved, with Theobald Chabot, who was
“the leader of Duke Richard’s soldiery,” to “deliver the
people committed to him out of the hand of their enemies,”
and the invaders, although they far outnumbered the forces
of the bishop and the constable, had been completely routed
near Barbezieux.<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Richard made straight for Poitou and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176</b></span>
called out its feudal levies, “and a great multitude of
knights from the regions round about flocked to him, for
the wages that he gave them.” He began by punishing
some of the rebels in Poitou; next, after Whitsuntide
(May 23), he marched against Vulgrin’s Brabantines and
defeated them in a pitched battle between St. Maigrin and
Bouteville, near the western border of the Angoumois.
Thence he led his host into the Limousin, to punish Count
Aimar of Limoges, who also had taken advantage of the
duke’s absence to commit some breaches of the peace.
First, Richard besieged and took Aimar’s castle of Aixe
with its garrison of forty knights. Then he attacked
Limoges, and in a few days was master of the city and all
its fortifications. All this was the work of a month.
Shortly after midsummer he returned to Poitiers; there he
was at last joined by the young king. After taking counsel
with the Poitevin barons it was decided that the next
step should be the punishment of Vulgrin of Angoulême.
The brothers led their united forces to Châteauneuf on the
Charente, south-west of Angoulême, and won the place after
a fortnight’s siege. Thereupon young Henry “would stay
with his brother no longer, but following evil counsel
departed from him.” Richard, thus suddenly deserted,
moved cautiously further away from Angoulême to Moulineuf,
another castle belonging to Vulgrin; this he captured
in ten days. Then he turned back again and laid siege to
Angoulême itself. Within its walls were not only Vulgrin
and his father, Count William, but also Aimar of Limoges
and two other rebel leaders, the viscounts of Ventadour
and of Chabanais. In six days Count William was forced
to surrender into Richard’s hands himself, his city, and all
its contents, his castles of Bouteville, Archiac, Montignac,
Jarnac, La Chaise, and Merpins, and to give hostages for
his submission to the mercy of Richard and of King Henry,
to whom Richard immediately sent him and the other nobles
who had surrendered with him.<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> They presented themselves
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176</b></span>
before Henry at Winchester on September 21, fell
at his feet, and “obtained mercy from him”; that is to
say, he, it seems, sent them back again with instructions
that they should be temporarily reinstated in their possessions,
pending a fuller consideration which he purposed to
give to their case when he should return to Normandy.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a></p>

<p>Having for the moment reduced northern Aquitaine to
subjection, Richard set himself to a like task in Gascony.
After keeping Christmas at Bordeaux he marched upon
Dax, which had been fortified against him by its viscount
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan.</em> 1177</span>
with the help of the count of Bigorre. Its recovery by
Richard was quickly followed by that of Bayonne, held
against him by its viscount Ernald Bertram. Thence he
marched up to the very “Gate of Spain”—St. Pierre de
Cize, on the Navarrese border at the foot of the Pyrenees—took
the castle of St. Pierre in one day, razed it, compelled
the Basques and Navarrese to swear that they would keep
the peace, “destroyed the evil customs which had been
introduced at Sorde and Lespéron” (two towns in the
Landes) “where it was customary to rob pilgrims on their
way to or from S. James,” and by Candlemas was back at
Poitiers, having—for the moment—“restored all the
provinces to peace.”<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> The count of Bigorre in the south
and a few barons of Saintonge and of the Limousin had not
yet submitted; Richard, however, made no further movement
against any of them for many months. His inaction
may have been due to instructions from his father, who was
probably unwilling to let him engage in another campaign
against these rebels at a moment when all the available
forces of the Angevin house and the presence of Richard
himself seemed likely to be needed in another quarter.</p>

<p>The richest baron of Aquitanian Berry, Ralf of Déols, the
lord of Châteauroux, whose lands were said to be worth as
much as the whole ducal domains of Normandy,<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> had died
at the close of 1176 leaving as his sole heir a daughter three
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176</b></span>
years old. The wardship of this child and of her heritage
belonged of right to her suzerain, the Duke of Aquitaine;
but her relations were resolved to keep, if possible, both
herself and her lands in their own power,<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> so they carried
her off to La Châtre,<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and prepared her castles and their
<span class="sidenotex">1176</span>
own for defence and defiance. When these tidings reached
King Henry in England, he sent urgent orders to his eldest
son to assemble the Norman host without delay and take
forcible possession of the lands of Déols.<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> Henry’s action
in this matter is noticeable as showing that he regarded
Richard’s tenure of the dukedom of Aquitaine at this period
as merely nominal or delegated; he claimed Denise of Déols
as his own vassal, not as Richard’s. It is, however, not at
once apparent why, since he had intrusted to Richard the
task of subduing the other Aquitanian rebels, he did not
leave the affair of Déols to the same hands. The reason
may have been mainly a geographical one. These things
<span class="sidenotex">1176-7</span>
may have taken place at a moment when Henry knew
Richard to be busily engaged at the very opposite end of the
duchy, at any rate somewhere in Gascony, perhaps at its
extreme southern border. The young king, on the other
hand, was in Normandy, whence it would be easy for him
to lead a force through Maine and Touraine into Berry. On
receiving his father’s instructions he did so, and laid siege to
Châteauroux, which surrendered to him at once.<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> He did
not, however, gain possession of the little heiress or of the
rest of her lands; for the matter now became complicated
by the intervention of the supreme lord of Berry and of
Aquitaine, King Louis.</p>

<p>For more than eight years, ever since January 1169,
Aloysia of France had been in Henry’s guardianship as
the destined bride of Richard. According to one of the
best informed English writers of the time, Louis, when this
engagement was made, had promised that on the marriage
of the young couple he would make over to Richard, as
Aloysia’s dowry, the city of Bourges with all its appurtenances;<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>
that is, the portion of Berry the ownership of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176-7</b></span>
which was in dispute between France and Aquitaine. Ten
years before—in the year of Aloysia’s birth—he had promised
to King Henry a like cession of the Vexin, the disputed
border-land of France and Normandy, as the dowry of
Aloysia’s sister Margaret on her intended marriage with
Henry’s eldest son, and Henry had taken advantage of the
ambiguous wording of a clause in the treaty to have the two
children—contrary to Louis’s intention—at once formally
married in church; whereby he gained immediate possession,
not indeed of the whole Vexin, but of that portion of it which
had once been Norman and which contained its most
valuable fortresses, these being surrendered to him by the
Templars, who were by the treaty to have them in custody
till the marriage should take place. That marriage, nevertheless,
had brought more advantage to Louis than to Henry,
by bringing Margaret’s husband, as soon as he reached manhood,
under the influence of his father-in-law in opposition
to his own father. There was but too much reason to fear
a like result in the case of Richard; and the dangers of such
a result were even greater in this case than in the former one,
owing to special circumstances connected with the betrothal
of Richard and Aloysia. That betrothal was the
price, or part of the price, paid by Henry at Montmirail in
1169 for Louis’s sanction, as overlord, to the scheme devised
by Henry for securing a certain distribution of his dominions
among his sons. Henry’s own renewal of homage to Louis
on that occasion for all his continental territories was a
token that he did not intend to renounce his personal rights
over any of his lands, but merely to secure for himself the
power of sharing those rights with his sons whenever he
might choose to do so, and for the boys an unquestionable
right of succession at his death to their respective shares of
the Angevin heritage. But, somewhat like Louis nine years
before, Henry made a mistake which rendered it possible
for his adversary to put another construction upon the
matter. He secured young Henry’s claims to the future
possession of the heritage of Geoffrey of Anjou and Maud of
Normandy, and Richard’s claim to the heritage of Eleanor,
by making them do homage to Louis for Anjou and Aquitaine
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176-7</b></span>
respectively; but he omitted to secure the subordination of
their claims to his own during his lifetime by making them
do homage to himself. Owing to this omission, it was
open to Louis to assert, if he chose, that the Angevin
counties and the Norman duchy legally belonged to young
Henry and the duchy of Aquitaine to Richard, in virtue
of the homage rendered by them for those lands direct to
himself as overlord; Henry II—so he might argue—having
by his consent to that homage tacitly renounced all claim
to the lands for which it was rendered, and being thenceforth
merely in temporary charge of them as guardian of the
boys. The promise of the cession of Bourges was a very
small price to pay for a weapon so tremendous as that which
Henry had thus, it seems, unconsciously placed in the hands
of an enemy whose mean jealousy and unscrupulous astuteness
he appears never to have fully realized. He unintentionally
made this possible construction of the treaty of
Montmirail still more plausible through the crowning of his
eldest son in 1170 and the solemn installation of the second
as duke of Aquitaine in 1172. Louis acted upon it in 1173,
although he does not seem ever to have put it into formal
words; and his action, coupled with that of the ungrateful
sons urged on by their mother, must have opened Henry’s
eyes to the peril in which he had involved himself through
his misplaced confidence in the loyalty both of his overlord
and of his own family. It showed that as soon as Richard
and Aloysia were married, Louis might and in all probability
would demand the recognition of his new son-in-law as sole
ruler of Aquitaine, independent of any superior save Louis
himself.</p>

<p>At the close of 1175 or early in 1176 Louis, it seems,
reminded Henry that, Richard being now in his nineteenth
<span class="sidenotex">1175-6</span>
year and Aloysia in her sixteenth, it was full time for the
<ins class="corr" id="tn-24" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'contract of mariage'">
contract of marriage</ins> between them to be carried into effect;
but the answer which he received was so unsatisfactory
that he referred the matter to the Pope. We have no actual
record of any communication between the kings on the
subject at this time, but something of the kind must have
<span class="sidenotex">1176</span>
taken place to cause the Pope’s action. In May 1176
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1176</b></span>
Alexander bade Cardinal Peter, then legate in France,
lay the whole of Henry’s lands on both sides of the sea under
Interdict “unless he (Henry) would permit Richard and
Aloysia to be married without delay.”<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> The legate,
however, seems to have done nothing in the matter for more
than a year. Probably the two kings were negotiating;
<span class="sidenotex">1177</span>
but we hear nothing of their negotiations till June 1177,
when Henry sent an embassy to France to “convene”
Louis about the dowries which he had promised to give with
his two daughters to the young king and to Richard—to
wit, the Vexin (that is, its eastern or “French” part, which
was still in Louis’s hands) and the viscounty of Bourges.<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>
It seems that Henry, having found Margaret’s marriage fail
to give him the control over her promised lands, demanded
to be put in possession of those of Aloysia before he would
allow her to marry Richard. But meanwhile the Pope had
in May renewed the injunctions which he had issued to
Cardinal Peter eleven months before; and on July 12 the
English envoys returned with the news that Peter was
instructed to lay the whole of their sovereign’s dominions,
insular and continental, under Interdict, unless Richard
were at once permitted to take for his wife the maiden whom
Henry “had so long already, and longer than had been
agreed, had in his custody for the said Richard.”<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> Henry
at once made the English bishops appeal to the Pope.
Illness detained him in England for nearly five weeks;<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a>
then he went to Normandy (August 18), and on September 21
met Louis and the legate at Nonancourt.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a> In the legate’s
presence he promised that Richard should wed Aloysia, if
Louis gave Bourges to Richard and the Vexin to the young
king as previously agreed.<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> Whether the wedding or the
cession was to take place first, however, seems to have been
left an open question; and four days later the whole matter
was again postponed indefinitely by a treaty whereby the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1177</b></span>
two elder kings pledged themselves to take the Cross and go
to the Holy Land together, and meanwhile, as brother
Crusaders, to lay aside all mutual strife and make no claims
or demands upon each other’s possessions as they held them
at that moment, except with regard to Auvergne and to
any encroachments which the men of either party might
have made upon those of the other in the territory of
Châteauroux or of the lesser fiefs on the border of their
respective lands in Berry. If on these excepted matters
they could not agree between themselves, twelve arbitrators
were to decide according to the sworn evidence of the men
of the lands in question.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p>

<p>All immediate danger of interference from either Louis
or the Legate being thus removed, Henry summoned the
Norman host to meet at Argentan on October 9 for an
expedition against the rebels in Berry.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> Young Henry and
Richard had, by his desire, joined him on his arrival in
Normandy;<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> the former was now despatched in advance into
Berry, and when the king’s host reached the Norman
border at Alençon Richard was detached from it and once
more sent into Poitou “to subdue the enemies” there,
while the king himself marched upon Châteauroux. After
receiving its formal surrender he proceeded to La Châtre;
this place, and the little Lady of Déols, were also given up
to him at once. Thence he proceeded into the Limousin
and called upon those of its nobles and knights who had
taken part in the rebellion of 1173 to give an account of
their conduct; one of the most important of them, the
viscount of Turenne, surrendered his chief castle, “strongly
fortified by both art and nature”; with the others Henry
dealt “according as each of them deserved.”<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a> He then
hurried back to Graçay in Berry, to meet Louis and the
commissioners who were to report to the two kings the result
of their investigations about Auvergne. What that result
was we are nowhere directly told; we only hear that both
the rivals declared themselves content to abide by it.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a> The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1177</b></span>
next reference to the overlordship of Auvergne, however,
some twelve years later, seems to indicate that the commissioners
gave their award in favour of the duke of
Aquitaine.</p>

<p>Another of Henry’s vassals in Berry, Odo of Issoudun,
had lately died leaving an infant heir, and this child had
been stolen by his kinsman the duke of Burgundy. The
custody of his fief was offered to the king by the barons who
had it in their keeping, but he refused to receive it without
the child,<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> whom he made no attempt to reclaim. It was
not worth while to risk an embroilment with Burgundy
about a petty lordship in Berry at the moment when an
opportunity was just presenting itself for annexing to the
Poitevin domains a valuable fief of the duchy of Aquitaine,
the county of La Marche, which lay between Berry and the
Limousin. Count Adalbert V of La Marche had separated
from his wife, lost his only son, and seemingly disinherited
his only daughter with her own consent;<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> the kinship
between him and his only other surviving relatives was so
remote that he deemed himself free to dispose of his county
without regard to them; and he now offered to sell it to its
overlord, King Henry, for a sum of money wherewith he
himself might go to end his lonely days in the Holy Land.
In December Henry went to meet him at Grandmont;
the bargain was quickly struck, the conveyance executed,
and the purchase money—less than a third of what Henry
is said to have estimated the county as worth—paid down,
and the barons and knights of La Marche did homage to
Henry as their immediate liege lord.<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1177</b></span></p>

<p>In all these proceedings of Henry in Aquitaine there is
no reference to Richard. They clearly indicate that the
elder holder of the ducal title still claimed the ducal power
and authority as his own, not his son’s. He seems, however,
to have left to Richard the punishment of one important
Limousin rebel whose case he had a year before expressly
reserved for his own judgement; for it was Richard who
now “took away the castle”—that is, the fortified town—“at
Limoges where S. Martial rests in his minster” from the
viscount; “and it served the viscount right,” adds a
Norman chronicler, “for helping the count of Angoulême
against the duke.”<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> This seems to have been about the
time when Henry was in Aquitaine, and it is the only act
of Richard’s mentioned by any chronicler between Henry’s
arrival in Normandy in August 1177 and his return to
England in July 1178.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> We may infer, almost with certainty,
that it was done by Henry’s order; and, with considerable
probability, that the unusual state of quiescence in which
Richard seems to have passed these eleven months was due
in part at least to the restraint placed on him by Henry’s
presence on the continent. So long as Richard remained
in the dependent position to which he had been reduced by
the agreement at Montlouis, it would be impossible for him
to take any considerable military or political action, unless
by his father’s order, while his father was within reach.
<span class="sidenotex">1178</span>
But in the autumn of 1178, when Henry was once more in
England, Richard’s activity re-commenced. “With a
great host” he again proceeded into Gascony<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a> as far as
Dax. There, to his delight, he found that the count of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1178</b></span>
Bigorre, who two winters before had helped the viscount of
Dax to hold the city against the duke, had somehow incurred
the displeasure of the citizens and was fast in their prison.
They seem to have handed him over to Richard; “but
<span class="sidenotex">1177</span>
King Alfonso of Aragon, grieving that his friend the count
of Bigorre was held in chains, came to the said duke, and
entreating that his friend might be liberated, stood surety
for him that he would do the will of the duke and of his father
the king of England; and the count of Bigorre, that he
might be set free, gave up to the duke Clermont and the
castle of Montbron.” Richard then went northward again,
and after keeping Christmas at Saintes gathered another
“great host” for the subjugation of Saintonge and the
Angoumois.<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> These two districts had been for years, and
indeed for generations, a seed-plot of rebellion. Richard
seems to have been bent upon reducing them to order once
<span class="sidenotex">1178</span>
for all. The moving spirits of defiance there were Vulgrin of
Angoulême and Geoffrey of Rancogne. Count William of
Angoulême, after being reinstated by Henry in his capital
city, seems to have made over the government of his county
to his eldest son, Vulgrin, who had headed the resistance to
Richard in 1176. Geoffrey of Rancogne took his name from
a place in the same county, and was also owner of two
lordships of far greater importance in Saintonge, one of
which, Pons, lay close to the border of the Angoumois, and
the other, Taillebourg, was a fortress of great strength,
about half way between Saintes and St. Jean d’Angély.
It was to Pons that Richard now laid siege. After some
weeks, finding that he made no progress, he left his constables
<span class="sidenotex">1179</span>
there with a part of his forces, and led the rest, in Easter
week (April 1-8), into the Angoumois. A three days’ siege
won the castle of Richemont; four other castles—Genzac,
Marcillac, Gourville, Auville—were taken in the last fortnight
of April and levelled with the ground. Then he
turned westward again, re-crossed the border, and marched
upon Taillebourg.<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a></p>

<p>By Richard’s contemporaries the siege of Taillebourg was
looked upon as “a most desperate enterprize, which none of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
his predecessors had ever ventured to attempt. Never
before had a hostile force so much as looked upon the
castle.” It seems indeed to have been not merely a castle
but a strongly fortified, though small, town, the castle
proper—perched on the summit of a rock of which three
sides were inaccessible by nature and the fourth was defended
by art—forming the citadel. “Girt with a triple
ditch; defying from behind a triple wall every external
authority; amply secured with weapons, bolts, and bars;
crowned with towers placed at regular intervals; furnished
with a handy stone laid ready for casting from every loop-hole;
well stocked with victuals; filled with a thousand
men ready for fight,” this virgin fortress “was in no wise
affrighted” at the duke’s approach. Richard, however,
had made up his mind to “subdue the pride of Geoffrey of
Rancogne once for all.” He had collected auxiliaries from
every quarter; and he set them all to work as soon as the
host reached Geoffrey’s border. “He carried off the
wealth of the farms; he cut down the vines; he fired the
villages; whatever was left he pulled down and laid
waste; and then he pitched his tents on the outskirts
of the castle close to the walls, to the great alarm of
the townsfolk, who had expected nothing of the kind.”
At the end of a week (May 1-8), “deeming it a disgrace that
so many high-spirited and well-proved knights should
tamely submit to be shut up within the walls, they agreed
to sally forth and fall upon the duke’s host at unawares.
But the duke bade his men fly to arms, and forced the
townsmen to retire. The mettle of horses, the worth of
spears, swords, helmets, bows, arbalests, shields, mailcoats,
stakes, clubs, were all put to proof in the stubborn fight
that raged at the gates, till the townsmen could no longer
withstand the fierce onslaught of the duke’s van headed by
the duke himself. As they retired helter-skelter within the
walls, he by a sudden dash made his way with them into the
town. The citadel now became their only refuge from their
assailants, who rushed about the streets plundering and
burning at their will.” Two days later—on Ascension Day,
May 10—the castle was surrendered, seemingly by Geoffrey
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
in person; and in a few days more the whole of its walls
were levelled with the ground.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a></p>

<p>The capture of Taillebourg was Richard’s first great
military exploit. It laid the foundation of his military
fame, not so much by the intrinsic importance of the exploit
itself as by the revelation, in the campaign of which it was
at once the turning-point and the crown, of the character
and capability of the young duke. Its immediate result
was the complete submission of the rebels against whom that
campaign was directed. Not only did Geoffrey of Rancogne
surrender Pons,<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> but Vulgrin of Angoulême, before the end
of the month, gave up his capital city and his castle of
Montignac; and when Richard, after razing the walls
of all these places, sailed for England, he left in Aquitaine,
for the moment at least, “all things settled according to his
will.”<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a> He seems to have visited the tomb of S. Thomas
the Martyr at Canterbury<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> before joining his father. Henry
received him “with great honour”<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> and gave him his
reward; when the young conqueror returned to Aquitaine
shortly before Michaelmas, he returned not merely as his
father’s lieutenant, but as once again, with his father’s
sanction, count of Poitou.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BI_II">CHAPTER II<br>
<span class="fs70">FATHER AND SONS<br>
1179-1183</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80">Domus divisa contra se.</p>

<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>

<p>We are not told on what conditions, if any, the restitution
of Poitou was made to Richard by his father. The matter
might become important whenever Henry should again cross
the sea; but so long as the king remained in England it would
have scarcely any practical effect on Richard’s position in
Aquitaine. Whether he commanded the feudal host and
disposed of the feudal revenues of Poitou as count or as his
father’s delegate, he was, in his father’s absence, equally
master of both; and in Aquitaine at large the temporary
degradation inflicted on him by Henry seems never to have
been recognized at all. He himself had never laid aside the
style and title of duke of Aquitaine, nor the princely state
belonging to that dignity, nor had he hesitated to deal with
the demesne lands of Poitou as his own absolute property.
In his own eyes he was count and duke by virtue not of
any grant from either Henry or Louis, but of his descent
from the old ducal line and of the investiture which he had
received at Poitiers and at Limoges from the clergy and
people of the duchy. His subjects regarded him in the
same light. They fought and intrigued against him not as
an intruder or a usurper, nor as the lieutenant of one whom
they counted as such, but precisely because he was to them
the incarnation of the ducal authority in a form which was
specially obnoxious to their habits of turbulent independence
and lawless self-will. For seven years they had been
watching with growing uneasiness and dismay the development
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
of the “new duke,” whom as a boy of fourteen they
had acclaimed at Limoges in 1172, into a man of very different
character from the dukes of the last two or three generations.</p>

<p>None of the pictures of Richard’s outer or inner man which
have come down to us date from a time quite so early as
the year 1179; but the main features of his personality,
outward and inward, were already marked enough to show
us in those pictures a true likeness of the young conqueror
of Taillebourg. In the sculptured effigies of Richard at
Fontevraud and at Rouen the outlines of the face give so
little indication of age as to suggest that in the living model
they may have been—except for the beard and moustache—almost
the same at forty-one as at twenty-one; the features
are well proportioned and finely formed. In life they were
crowned with a profusion of hair “of a colour midway
between red and yellow”—in other words, of the rare
golden or still rarer auburn hue. The young duke’s stature
was lofty,<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> above the average height,<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a> his frame shapely and
well proportioned, with long, straight, flexible limbs; “no
arm was better adapted than his for drawing sword, nor
more powerful to strike with it.”<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> His whole person had
such an aspect of dignity that two independent observers,
at different times, described it in the same words—“a form
worthy to occupy a place of high command”;<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a> and the
seemliness of his appearance was enhanced by that of his
manners and dress.<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> The stories of his gigantic strength
all relate to the time of the Crusade, when that strength
was in its maturity; but a man of whom such tales were
told must have been a born athlete. On the other hand,
it was certainly before his Aquitanian days were over that
he contracted the quartan ague which, says Gerald of Wales,
“was given him to repress the over fierce workings of his
mind, but by which he, like the lion, yea, more than lion that
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
he was,<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> seemed rather to be influenced as by a goad; for
while thus almost continually trembling, he remained
intrepid in his determination to make the whole world
tremble and fear before him.”<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p>

<p>In this sentence of Gerald’s we have perhaps the earliest
foreshadowing of the epithet which was to become attached
exclusively to Richard’s name. The king of beasts has in
all ages been a common simile for a king of men, whether
the kingship be material or metaphorical.<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> But Gerald’s
words seem, from their context, meant to carry a special
significance which is more distinctly implied in the special
form of Richard’s traditional surname. Richard is not the
only hero whom poets and romancers, in the golden age of
old French poetry and romance, credited with the possession
of “a lion’s heart,”<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> but he is the only one who became
known to the world for all time as pre-eminently and
absolutely “The Lion-Heart.” We cannot tell precisely
when the epithet came into general use; one writer used it
within eight years after Richard’s death.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> It had evidently
fixed itself in popular tradition before a less high-souled
generation of romancers sought to explain a surname, whose
true meaning they were too far removed from the old epic
spirit to appreciate or understand, by devising an origin for
it in an impossible tale of their own clumsy invention.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> Its
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
true origin need be sought no further than the character of
him who bore it.</p>

<p>“Among the virtues in which he excels, three especially
distinguish him beyond compare: supereminent valour and
daring;<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> unbounded liberality and bountifulness; stedfast
constancy in holding to his purpose and to his word”—thus
Gerald of Wales wrote of Richard some eight or nine years
after the campaign of Taillebourg.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> The young duke’s
energy and daring had been proved before that expedition;
and his lavish readiness to reward those who served him had
contributed in no small degree to his military successes, by
means of the crowd of highly trained soldiers whom it
attracted to his standard. What medieval writers call
“constancy” was one of the qualities most universally
admired in the medieval world. Richard’s “constancy”
had, as yet, shown itself chiefly in a form which compelled
the admiration and respect of all his Aquitanian subjects,
but was not likely to win him the love of the Aquitanian
baronage. From the hour when his father laid on him, a
lad of scarce sixteen years and a half, the task of restoring
the ducal authority in Aquitaine, his aim was to rule and
govern what Gerald truly calls “that hitherto untamed
country” in such wise “that not only might he establish
within its borders a far more complete and unbroken peace
than was wont to reign there, but also, recovering what in
time past had been lopped off and separated from it,
restore all things to their pristine condition.”<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a> The barons
of the duchy were for the most part far from regarding
“peace within its borders” as a thing to be desired; and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
Richard’s ideal of a well-ordered state, while thus differing
from theirs, was not made more attractive in their eyes by
the methods which he employed to realize it. Unlike his
elder brother, he did not court popularity; he was indeed
absolutely indifferent to it, if not contemptuous of it.
“Strictness and firmness, gravity and constancy,” were the
characteristics in him which men contrasted with the young
king’s easy good-nature, indulgent temper, and pleasantness
towards all who approached him. Richard’s generosity
and graciousness were of a higher type than young Henry’s;
they were displayed only where they were deserved.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> With
him everything was earnest. Even martial sports had no
charm for a lad who, while other young knights of his day—his
brothers among them—were acquiring the use of arms
in an endless round of tournaments, was serving his military
apprenticeship in real warfare; a warfare which he waged
with tireless persistence and relentless severity for nearly
ten years, “that he might quell the insubordination of an
unruly people, and make innocence secure amid evildoers.”<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a></p>

<p>His zeal for public order and justice, his ruthless application
of the utmost rigor of law to those who in his eyes
deserved punishment, naturally provoked the hatred of his
opponents, and laid him open to the charge of cruelty.<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a>
No instances, however, are recorded; the Aquitanian
chroniclers say nothing on the subject, and there is no real
ground for supposing that his sternness towards the barons
who withstood his will was other than what Gerald represents
it to have been—part of a wholesome and necessary
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span>
discipline.<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> In 1183 they are said to have accused him of crimes
of another kind;<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a> but this accusation rests only upon an
English writer’s report of the pleas by which they sought
to justify their own treason. That some at least of the worst
details of the charge were a product of that “recklessness
of tongue” for which the men of the south were notorious,
may with much probability be inferred from the silence of
the Aquitanian chroniclers on this point also. The only
comment made by a contemporary local writer on Richard’s
character and conduct during these early years of storm and
stress is a tribute of praise even more impressive, considering
the period and the circumstances in which it was written,
than the panegyrics that were lavished from all quarters
upon his later achievements. Geoffrey of Breuil seems to
have been a member of a junior branch of the knightly
family of Breuil in Poitou; his father’s house was at Ste.
Marie de Clairmont, near Excideuil in Périgord. He made
his profession as a monk at S. Martial’s abbey at Limoges
in 1160, was ordained priest in 1167, and ten years later was
made Prior of Vigeois in the Limousin. His sketch of
Aquitanian history ends abruptly at the year 1185. In
that year he, as he says, decided to insert in his work “the
names of the kings who are ruling the world in this our age.”
After mentioning by name Prester John, the two Emperors,
the kings of Jerusalem, France, England, Scotland, Denmark,
Sicily, Morocco, Spain, and Hungary, he continues: “In
the list of the kings let there be written down the duke of
Aquitaine and Gascony, Richard, who has never been slack
in deeds of prowess, and whose youth is distinguished by
great strenuousness of life.”<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1179</b></span></p>

<p>A cessation of war between duke and barons in Aquitaine
was usually followed by trouble with the mercenary troops
who were always employed by one party or the other,
sometimes by both parties, and who when such employment
was lacking fell to raiding on their own account. This
occurred in the summer of 1179 during Richard’s absence
in England after the fall of Taillebourg. Bordeaux was
ravaged and burnt by some “Basques, Navarrese, or
Brabantines,” evidently soldiers of this class.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a> With the
barons Richard seems to have had no particular trouble for
the next two years or more. On July 7, 1179, old Count
William of Angoulême and his stepson Aimar of Limoges,
“with many others,” set out on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem.<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a>
William died a month later at Messina; Vulgrin, who had
surrendered the city to Richard, thus became head of the
family, but the dignity and authority of count of Angoulême
seems to have been shared between him and his brothers.<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p>

<p>The recent humiliation of Vulgrin and the absence of
Aimar of Limoges and his fellow pilgrims may help to
account for the fact that the year 1180 is almost a blank in
the chronicles of Aquitaine. King Henry’s presence in
Normandy from April 1180 to July 1181 may also have
had a pacific effect throughout all his continental dominions.
It is, moreover, probable that some of the pilgrims had come
<span class="sidenotex">1180</span>
to an agreement with Richard before they started; it seems
almost certain that Aimar had done so, for when he returned,
in December 1180, he was solemnly welcomed at Limoges
on Christmas Day<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> in a manner which implies that he had
been reinstated in his former position of authority there,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1180</b></span>
and we hear of no further hostilities between him and
Richard for more than six months.<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> We hear indeed of no
<span class="sidenotex">1181</span>
further military movements in Aquitaine till after King
Henry’s return to England at the end of July 1181. Then
Richard marched into Gascony and took possession of
Lectoure, the chief town of the viscounty of Lomagne. He
was seemingly on his way thence to Dax when Vézian of
Lomagne, in the middle of August, came and submitted
himself to him at S. Sever. Vézian was probably a very
young man, for he was not yet a knight. His submission
was not only accepted as frankly as it was offered, but it
was rewarded by the bestowal of knighthood from Richard’s
hand.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a> In November Richard joined his brothers in
punishing the count of Sancerre for his rebellion against the
young King Philip of France, whom Henry had charged his
sons to protect and support during his own absence over-sea.<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p>

<p>It was probably in the interval between these two expeditions,
to Gascony and to Sancerre, that a new strife
arose in the Angoumois. Count Vulgrin Taillefer III had
died on June 29<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> leaving an only child, a girl “who,” says
Geoffrey of Vigeois, “was the cause of great calamity to
her country.” Richard, as duke, took her into his wardship
as heiress of Angoulême and claimed also the wardship of
her land;<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> but her uncles, William and Aimar, tried to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1181</b></span>
seize their dead brother’s heritage. Richard drove them
<ins class="corr" id="tn-40" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'out of Augoulême'">
out of Angoulême</ins>, whereupon they found a refuge at Limoges
with their half-brother, viscount Aimar.<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> It was plain that
Richard would soon be involved in a new war with them and
with Aimar of Limoges; and meanwhile other influences
were tending to develope that war into a general one. The
comparative peace of the last eighteen months was almost
ominous; it certainly did not imply contentment on the
part of the barons of Aquitaine. They were all this while
writhing under the iron rule of their young duke; many of
them were plotting schemes for “doing their utmost to
drive him out of the duchy of Aquitaine and the county of
Poitou altogether.”<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> Strangely enough, the impulse which
at length brought their plottings to a head seems to have
sprung from a private quarrel between two brothers who
did not rank among the great vassals of the duchy.</p>

<p>The castle of Hautefort, on the border of the Limousin
and Périgord, was the joint patrimony of Constantine and
Bertrand de Born. They lived in it together, but in continual
discord, till Constantine drove Bertrand out, seemingly
in the latter part of 1181 or early in 1182. Bertrand,
however, soon made his way back, and expelled Constantine
in his turn. Constantine appealed for help to their immediate
feudal superior, the viscount of Limoges,<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a> and also,
it seems, to the duke. Both took up his cause; but at the
moment they were at enmity with each other—probably
about the Angoulême succession—so “Richard made war
against Aimar, and Richard and Aimar made war against
Bertrand and ravaged and burned his land.” Constantine
was “a good knight as regards fighting”;<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> Bertrand was
something more—“a good knight, and a good fighter,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1181</b></span>
and a good squire of dames, and a good troubadour, and
wise and well-spoken, knowing how to deal with bad and good—and
all his time he was at war with all his neighbours.”<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a>
The condition of things described in these last words was
to Bertrand an ideal condition: “I would that the great
men should be always quarrelling among themselves,”
he said.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a> It was the ideal of a typical Aquitanian baron;
and that ideal had become much less easy of realization
now that the young duke was master of the land than it
had been while the ducal interests were represented only
by a woman or left in charge of mere seneschals. Bertrand
seems to have conceived a project of so working on the
minds of the other malcontents as to band them together
with himself in a conspiracy whose primary and ostensible
object was to be the overthrow of the duke, but which by
uniting all its members in a sworn alliance with each other
and therefore with its originator, Bertrand, should enable
him to maintain his position as master of Hautefort. If
Aimar of Limoges could be bound to Bertrand in a sworn
league against Richard, Bertrand would be at once rid of
one of his present antagonists, and another and a greater
one would—so at least the allies might hope—soon have
<span class="sidenotex">1181-2</span>
his hands too full of other work to trouble himself further
about Hautefort.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a></p>

<p>Aimar and his three half-brothers,<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a> being already banded
together against the duke for the preservation of Angoulême
to the male line of Taillefer, were naturally quite ready to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1181-2</b></span>
embrace Bertrand’s project—if indeed the project had
originated with Bertrand. It seems to have first taken shape
in a meeting at Limoges: “in an ancient minster of S.
Martial,” says Bertrand, “many rich men swore to me on a
missal.”<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> They seem to have sworn that no individual
among them should make terms with Richard for himself
independently of his allies.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> Among the earliest members
of the league thus formed were, besides the brothers of
Angoulême and their half-brother of Limoges, the three
other viscounts of the Limousin—Ventadour, Comborn,
and Turenne—the count of Périgord, and William of Gourdon
in Quercy.<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> To these were soon added “other barons of
Périgord and of the Limousin and Quercy whom Richard
was disinheriting.”<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a> In one of his most vigorous sirventes
Bertrand made a stirring appeal to the great nobles of
Gascony, Gaston of Béarn, Vézian of Lomagne, Bernard
of Armagnac, Peter of Dax, Centol of Bigorre: “if they
will it, the count [of Poitou] will have enough to do in those
parts; and then, since he is so valiant, let him come with
his great host this way and measure himself with us!”
The effect of Richard’s repressive measures in Saintonge
and in Poitou are indirectly acknowledged in the poet’s
next words: “If Taillebourg and Pons and Lusignan and
Mauléon and Tonnay were fit for action, and if there were
a stirring and stalwart viscount at Sivray, I will never
believe that they would not help us. He of Thouars, too,
whom the count has threatened, should join us if he be
not a dastard.”<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> Of Richard’s relations at this period
with Aimeric of Thouars, Ralf of Mauléon, and the lords of
Tonnay and Sivray, we know nothing. The head of the
house of Lusignan was that same Geoffrey who had been a
prominent leader in the Poitevin rising of 1167, and had also
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1181-2</b></span>
joined in the revolt of 1173. Since then a new cause of
strife had arisen between him and the Angevin rulers of
Aquitaine. At the time when Adalbert of La Marche
sold his county, according to his own statement, there was
“no one protesting and indeed no one existing who had
a right to protest” against the sale.<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> But on the actual
annexation of La Marche to the ducal domain Geoffrey of
Lusignan “with his brothers”—he had five—did more
than protest; he “resisted, saying that La Marche belonged
to him as heir—and,” adds Geoffrey of Vigeois, “he got it.”<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a>
How and when he got it we do not know, but it was probably
not earlier than the autumn of 1182, since Bertrand de Born
shortly before that time evidently did not regard the Lusignans
as being in a position to afford much practical help
to the league, and in June of that year Henry was still
sufficiently master of the county to make a peaceful visit
to Grandmont for the third time within sixteen months.<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a>
Obviously, however, the league would have the sympathies
of the claimant of La Marche and his brothers. It seems
to have also had those of some at least of the towns; “the
burghers are shutting themselves in all round”—that is,
rebuilding or strengthening their town walls—said Bertrand.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a></p>

<p>Concerted action was, however, so difficult to men accustomed
by lifelong habit to fighting each for his own hand
that before the allies were ready for a simultaneous rising
their project seems to have become known to the duke.
On Sunday, April 11, 1182, he “with a few of his people
manfully captured” the Puy-St.-Front, a stronghold which
stood in much the same relation to the city of Périgueux
as that of the “castle of S. Martial” to the city of Limoges.
The capture was evidently a surprise, characteristically
planned and executed by Richard on the spur of the moment
<span class="sidenotex">1182</span>
when he discovered that Elias of Périgord, with whom he
does not seem to have had any previous trouble, “was
favouring his enemies.” He then marched upon Excideuil
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1182</b></span>
and ravaged the Limousin border from that fortress to
Corgnac. By the middle of May the rebel leaders were
apparently so disheartened that they were ready to discuss
terms of peace, not indeed with Richard, but with his
father. Soon after Whitsuntide (May 16) the counts of
Angoulême and Périgord and the viscount of Limoges met
the king at Grandmont, but no agreement was reached.
Henry then went to support Richard in the Limousin.
Richard suddenly attacked Excideuil, and took the town,
though not the castle; Henry went to St. Yrieix, placed
a garrison there, and then laid siege to Pierre-Buffière, which
surrendered after twelve days. At midsummer he was back
at Grandmont. Richard meanwhile had gone from Excideuil
back to Périgueux. It seems that in his absence Elias had
recovered Puy-St.-Front, and this time it was well prepared
for defence. Richard “girded it all round about with a very
great host”; in a few days he was rejoined by his father,
and at the end of the month by his elder brother. The
result was that in the first week of July both Elias of
Périgord and Aimar of Limoges submitted. The peace was
sworn in S. Augustine’s abbey at Limoges; Aimar promised
that his half-brothers should have no further help from
him, and placed two of his sons in Richard’s hands as
hostages; Elias surrendered Périgueux to the young duke,
who thereupon made peace with him, but took the precaution
of destroying all the towers of the city wall.<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a>
<span class="sidenotex">1181</span>
Twelve months earlier, he had ordered a more complete
destruction of the defences of Limoges. There, the walls
of the castle of S. Martial, which Henry had ordered to
be razed thirty years before, had been hurriedly rebuilt
by the burghers during the war of 1174, “lest when peace
was restored the duke should forbid it.”<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> The duke seems
to have let them alone for seven years; it may have been
<span class="sidenotex">1181-2</span>
some recent addition to the fortifications which made him
issue at midsummer 1181 an order that they should again
be pulled down; and the burghers dared not disobey
him.<a id="FNanchor_158" href="#Footnote_158" class="fnanchor">[158]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1181-2</b></span></p>

<p>The league seemed to have failed; but its ultimate failure
was by no means assured yet. Two at least of its members
were by this time contemplating, if indeed they had not
already taken, steps to win support for it outside the duchy.
Aimar Taillefer offered his homage for Angoulême to the
lord paramount, King Philip of France; Philip accepted
the homage, and thus pledged himself to uphold Aimar
in his struggle for the county against Richard, who was
still determined to reclaim it for its late count’s daughter,
<span class="sidenotex">1182</span>
Maud.<a id="FNanchor_159" href="#Footnote_159" class="fnanchor">[159]</a> There was another young king in whom, although
his kingship was merely nominal, Bertrand saw a yet more
desirable tool for the purposes of the league. Before young
Henry joined his father and brother at the siege of Puy-St.-Front,
he had been “joyfully received” by the monks of
S. Martial’s at Limoges<a id="FNanchor_160" href="#Footnote_160" class="fnanchor">[160]</a>—perhaps not by the monks only.
The careless, easy, shallow disposition of Eleanor’s eldest
son was far more in accord than the energetic temper of
Richard with the ideas of the Aquitanian nobles as to what
their duke should be. The policy of setting him up as
Richard’s rival was obvious; and a characteristic action
on Richard’s part helped, most opportunely from Bertrand’s
point of view, to stir up the elder brother’s latent jealousy
of the greater independence granted to the younger one
by their father. About half way between Châtelleraut
and Poitiers, on the borders of Anjou and Poitou, there
rose out of the champaign land a certain hill which seems
to have struck Richard as being a good site for a castle.
He built a castle on it accordingly, just as the first “great
builder” of the Angevin family, Fulk the Black, had built
so many of the fortresses in the Loire valley, and just as
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1182</b></span>
he himself in later days built the last and greatest of all
the fortresses reared by Fulk’s descendants—without regard
to the fact that the site did not belong to him. It really
belonged to his father; but, being in Anjou, it formed
part of the territory destined to fall at his father’s death
to the share of the young king.<a id="FNanchor_161" href="#Footnote_161" class="fnanchor">[161]</a> Bertrand seized his opportunity.
“At Clairvaux”—such was the name given,
somewhat inappropriately as it seems, to the new fortress—“a
fair castle has been, without hindrance, built and set
in the midst of the fields. I would not that the young king
knew of it or saw it,” ran the troubadour’s sarcastic verse,
“for he would not be pleased therewith; but I fear, so
white it is, he will see it from Matefélon.”<a id="FNanchor_162" href="#Footnote_162" class="fnanchor">[162]</a> The young king
seems to have remonstrated with Richard,<a id="FNanchor_163" href="#Footnote_163" class="fnanchor">[163]</a> but without
effect. It is doubtful whether these things took place
before or after his visit to Limoges; the sequence of events
in Aquitaine during the years 1181-2, like that of
Bertrand’s <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> on which we are largely dependent
for our knowledge of those events, is obscure; but one thing
is clear: before Christmas 1182 young Henry was secretly
pledged to the league against his brother.</p>

<p>Outwardly, that league was for a time broken up by the
submission of Aimar of Limoges and Elias of Périgord,
and for some months the Taillefer brothers and their
adherents in the Angoumois seem to have been the only
enemies whom Richard had to fight. At the beginning
of November he took from them the castle of Blanzac;<a id="FNanchor_164" href="#Footnote_164" class="fnanchor">[164]</a>
and about the same time Chalais was fortified against him
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1182</b></span>
by its lord, Oliver of Castillon.<a id="FNanchor_165" href="#Footnote_165" class="fnanchor">[165]</a> Before Christmas Richard
rejoined his father and brothers in Normandy. He seems
to have taken Bertrand de Born with him; at any rate
he and Bertrand were for a while both at once with the
court at Argenton, and to all appearance on very friendly
terms.<a id="FNanchor_166" href="#Footnote_166" class="fnanchor">[166]</a> Most likely, however, their friendliness was on
both sides only external. Bertrand soon afterwards unceremoniously
expressed his opinion that the Norman court,
“where there was no <em>gab</em> and laughter and no giving of
presents,” was not worthy to be called a court, and declared
that the dulness and rusticity (“<span lang="fro">l’enois e la vilania</span>”) of
Argenton would have been the death of him, but for the
“good company” of the duchess of Saxony,<a id="FNanchor_167" href="#Footnote_167" class="fnanchor">[167]</a> Richard’s
sister, to whom the troubadour had (according to his own
account) been introduced in a highly complimentary manner
by Richard himself.<a id="FNanchor_168" href="#Footnote_168" class="fnanchor">[168]</a> Bertrand’s own military resources
were small,<a id="FNanchor_169" href="#Footnote_169" class="fnanchor">[169]</a> and he is not likely to have taken any active
part in the recent war; but the earlier <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> by which
he had striven to foment it seem to have already brought
upon him a warning from the duke,<a id="FNanchor_170" href="#Footnote_170" class="fnanchor">[170]</a> and it may have been
a measure of policy on Richard’s part, when he quitted
his duchy, to command or invite the poet to accompany
him, and even to be at some pains to furnish him with a
new subject for his verse.</p>

<p>The darkest secrets connected with the league did not
come out till after Christmas. The festival week was spent
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1182</b></span>
by the two Henrys, Richard, and Geoffrey, at Caen.<a id="FNanchor_171" href="#Footnote_171" class="fnanchor">[171]</a> On
<span class="sidenotex">1183</span>
January 1, 1183, the young king, “of his own accord,
no one compelling him,” publicly took an oath on the Gospels
that he would serve his father loyally and faithfully from
that time forth; “and because—as he asserted—he desired
to retain in his mind no malice or rancour whereby his father
might afterwards be offended, he made known to him that
he (young Henry) was bound by an agreement with the
barons of Aquitaine against his brother Richard; having
been moved thereto because the castle of Clairvaux had
been built against his will, in the patrimony which was his
rightful inheritance, by his said brother; wherefore he
besought his father to take that castle from Richard and
retain it in his own keeping.” Richard, when admonished
by his father on the subject, at first refused to give up the
castle, but afterwards at his father’s desire “freely made it
over to him to dispose of it according to his good pleasure.”<a id="FNanchor_172" href="#Footnote_172" class="fnanchor">[172]</a></p>

<p>The question of Clairvaux was thus settled for the lifetime
of the elder king; the settlement was that which the younger
one had himself proposed, and it ought to have led to his
immediate withdrawal from his engagements with Richard’s
enemies. But the incident had a further significance
which filled Henry II with dismay. It showed him that
on his death not only might this particular dispute between
young Henry and Richard be reopened, but a crowd of
other disputes might arise among all his sons about their
feudal relations with each other, and that unless these
relations were fixed beforehand, all his schemes for preserving
the integrity of the Angevin dominions would probably
come to nought. As soon as the festival season was over
he set out with his sons for Anjou. When they reached Le
Mans, he expressed his desire that young Henry, as the
future head of the family, should receive the homage of
Richard and Geoffrey for their respective duchies.<a id="FNanchor_173" href="#Footnote_173" class="fnanchor">[173]</a> It
seems that the proposition was made privately to the young
king, and was at least tacitly accepted by him. Accordingly,
on arriving at Angers, Henry II took measures for confirming
once for all “a bond of perpetual peace” between the three
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
brothers. First, each of them swore to keep his fealty
to his father always and against all men, and always to
render to him due honour and service. Next, they all swore
that they would “always keep peace among themselves
according to the disposition made by their father.”<a id="FNanchor_174" href="#Footnote_174" class="fnanchor">[174]</a> Whatever
may have been the case with regard to Geoffrey and
Britanny, it appears that Richard, at least, was thus far
wholly unaware that the “disposition” which he was thus
pledged to respect implied any arrangements beyond those
which already existed concerning his tenure of Poitou or
of Aquitaine. The elder king now publicly called upon the
younger one to receive Geoffrey’s liege homage for Britanny.
To this neither of the brothers objected, and the homage
was duly rendered and received.<a id="FNanchor_175" href="#Footnote_175" class="fnanchor">[175]</a> Next, the father “used
his utmost endeavours that the young king should grant the
duchy of Aquitaine to his brother Richard, to be held by
Richard and his heirs by an undisputable right.”<a id="FNanchor_176" href="#Footnote_176" class="fnanchor">[176]</a> Richard
at first declared he would do no homage to his brother, who
was no more than his equal either in personal distinction
or in nobility of birth; but afterwards, yielding to his father’s
counsel,<a id="FNanchor_177" href="#Footnote_177" class="fnanchor">[177]</a> he consented. Thereupon, however, the young
king drew back.<a id="FNanchor_178" href="#Footnote_178" class="fnanchor">[178]</a> He seems to have explained more fully
the nature and extent of his entanglement with the malcontent
barons of Aquitaine, and to have urged that he could
not thus desert their cause without a guarantee that his
father would make a settled peace between them and
Richard. The final settlement between the brothers was
therefore postponed till the Aquitanian barons could
meet the king and his sons at Mirebeau. Henry
promised that he would then confirm peace on the
terms settled in the preceding summer, or, if this did not
satisfy the barons, he would judge their cause in his own
court. Geoffrey of Britanny was sent to invite or summon
the barons to the meeting.<a id="FNanchor_179" href="#Footnote_179" class="fnanchor">[179]</a> With these arrangements
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
young Henry professed himself content, and he promised
that he would, at Mirebeau, accept Richard’s homage,
but on one further condition: that Richard should, after
performing the homage, swear fealty to him on some holy
relics. This last requirement, being a plain insinuation
of lack of confidence in Richard’s honour, was an insult to
which Richard could not submit. He “broke out in a white
heat of passion,” and not only again refused to perform the
homage at all, but—so it was said—declared that it was
unmeet for him to acknowledge, by any kind of subjection,
a superior in a brother born of the same parents, and that
as their father’s property was the due heritage of the first-born,
so he himself claimed to be, with equal justice, the
lawful successor of their mother.<a id="FNanchor_180" href="#Footnote_180" class="fnanchor">[180]</a> “Leaving nought but
insults and threats behind him” he quitted the court,
hurried into his own duchy, and prepared for defence.<a id="FNanchor_181" href="#Footnote_181" class="fnanchor">[181]</a>
His vehemence kindled the wrath of his father, who hastily
bade the young king “rise up and subdue Richard’s pride,”
and sent orders to Geoffrey to “stand faithfully by his
eldest brother and liege lord.”<a id="FNanchor_182" href="#Footnote_182" class="fnanchor">[182]</a></p>

<p>Neither young Henry nor Geoffrey needed a second
bidding. Geoffrey, sent into Aquitaine as a messenger of
peace, had carried thither, as a contemporary writer says,
not peace but a sword. He and his eldest brother were
already in collusion, and instead of executing his father’s
commission to the malcontent barons, he had secretly
used the opportunity which that commission gave him to
renew the alliance between them and the young king,
whom they were now eager to set up as duke in Richard’s
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
stead.<a id="FNanchor_183" href="#Footnote_183" class="fnanchor">[183]</a> At the beginning of
February<a id="FNanchor_184" href="#Footnote_184" class="fnanchor">[184]</a> the young king
set out for Limoges; it seems to have been arranged that
his father, with a small force, should travel by another route
and join him there later.<a id="FNanchor_185" href="#Footnote_185" class="fnanchor">[185]</a> Geoffrey was there already; the
viscount, Aimar, at once joined them, and endeavoured
to terrify the burghers of the castle into doing likewise.
His threats were emphasized by the neighbourhood of a
host of Routiers who seem to have been secretly engaged
to be in readiness for a call from Geoffrey.<a id="FNanchor_186" href="#Footnote_186" class="fnanchor">[186]</a> That call
Geoffrey now gave, and one body of these ruffians, with some
of his own vassals, swooped down from Britanny upon
Poitou and began plundering and burning the demesnes
of the count, who retaliated by making similar raids into
Britanny, “and if any man of that troop fell into his clutches,
that man’s head was cut off without respect of persons.”<a id="FNanchor_187" href="#Footnote_187" class="fnanchor">[187]</a>
Another body of Routiers had come up from Gascony under
a certain Raymond “Brunus, or Brenuus” at the call of
Aimar, and were with him engaged on February 12 at Gorre,
some few miles south of Limoges, in besieging a church—probably
fortified by the villagers for use as a place of refuge—when
the duke fell suddenly upon them. From a castle
somewhere beyond Poitiers he had ridden for two days
almost without stopping; his force was small, but the
enemies were caught at unawares; many of them were made
prisoners; a nephew of their commander, Raymond, was
laid low by Richard’s own hand; Aimar and the rest of the
band escaped only because the horses of the Poitevins were
too exhausted for pursuit.<a id="FNanchor_188" href="#Footnote_188" class="fnanchor">[188]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span></p>

<p>The English chronicler who records Richard’s treatment
of the captured invaders may have been shocked at the
indiscriminate ruthlessness which slew mercenaries and
knights all alike; but the Prior of Vigeois evidently saw
nothing more than just retribution in the fate of the sacrilegious
“children of darkness” who were made prisoners
at Gorre. Richard dragged them to Aixe and there “caused
some of them to be drowned in the Vienne, some to be slain
with the sword, and the rest to be blinded.”<a id="FNanchor_189" href="#Footnote_189" class="fnanchor">[189]</a> It was
almost a necessity to get rid of these men. The league
was no longer secret; many of the conspirators were delivering
up their castles to the young king.<a id="FNanchor_190" href="#Footnote_190" class="fnanchor">[190]</a> The danger was
evident enough to make Richard send an urgent message
to his father asking him to come to the rescue at once.<a id="FNanchor_191" href="#Footnote_191" class="fnanchor">[191]</a>
Henry accordingly advanced towards Limoges. A watchman
on the castle wall cried out that the city folk were
bringing up troops to destroy their rivals of the castle;
someone else spread a report that Geoffrey of Britanny was
in great danger outside the walls; the townsfolk rushed out
and began a fierce fight which was with difficulty stopped
when the royal banners were recognized.<a id="FNanchor_192" href="#Footnote_192" class="fnanchor">[192]</a> The king withdrew
to Aixe. At night young Henry—still maintaining
a pretence of loyalty—went to his father and tried to excuse
the blunder of the townsfolk; but his excuses were rejected.
“Then, at the viscount’s command, the people swore fealty
to the young king in the church of S. Peter of Carfax.”<a id="FNanchor_193" href="#Footnote_193" class="fnanchor">[193]</a></p>

<p>All concealment was now flung aside. Walls and ramparts,
turrets and battlements, rose with incredible speed all
round Limoges; the material being of course mostly wood,
derived, it seems, from some half dozen or more churches
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
which castle folk and city folk alike pulled down without
scruple. Another horde of Routiers, hired by the viscounts
of Limoges and Turenne, and commanded by one
Sancho “of Sérannes” and another leader who seems
to have adopted the heathen appellation of Curbaran,<a id="FNanchor_194" href="#Footnote_194" class="fnanchor">[194]</a>
appeared at Terrasson in Périgord, crossed the Limousin
frontier, seized Yssandon, and swept across the viscounty
of Limoges as far north as Pierre-Buffière, which they
wrested from King Henry’s soldiers and restored to its rebel
owner and to the viscount; thence they went south again
and after an unsuccessful attempt on Brive took up their
quarters at Yssandon. Other “Tartarean legions” poured
in from the north, sent by Philip of France to support
the cause of his brother-in-law.<a id="FNanchor_195" href="#Footnote_195" class="fnanchor">[195]</a> If these Routiers could
have been controlled by their employers, Henry and Richard
might probably have been easily surrounded and captured.
Nothing of the kind was, however, attempted. Instead,
“the whole assembly of malignants, gathered together
from divers parts,” were left to take their own way and
spread themselves over the whole of Périgord, the Angoumois
and Saintonge; the country was ravished, shrines were
plundered, altars desecrated, and expelled monks fled with
the relics of their patron saints as in the days of the heathen
Northmen.<a id="FNanchor_196" href="#Footnote_196" class="fnanchor">[196]</a> Meanwhile King Henry had called up the
feudal forces of his other continental dominions<a id="FNanchor_197" href="#Footnote_197" class="fnanchor">[197]</a> to
deal with the rebels in Limoges. On Shrove Tuesday,
March 1, he entered the city, broke down the bridge behind
him, and disposed his forces for a siege of the town. That
siege dragged on till midsummer. Shortly before Easter
(March 17) the young king went to secure Angoulême by
filling it with “a crowd of malignants,” hired with the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
proceeds of a forcible seizure of the treasures of S. Martial’s
Abbey. On account of this sacrilege the town guard of
S. Martial’s castle, when he returned thither, pelted him
ignominiously away;<a id="FNanchor_198" href="#Footnote_198" class="fnanchor">[198]</a> but Aimar and Geoffrey continued
to hold the place.<a id="FNanchor_199" href="#Footnote_199" class="fnanchor">[199]</a></p>

<p>Richard had accompanied his father to the siege,<a id="FNanchor_200" href="#Footnote_200" class="fnanchor">[200]</a> but
soon left it for more active work. He set himself to recover
Saintonge and the Angoumois from the Routiers and the
rebels; and he seems to have not only succeeded in this,
but to have chased the marauders out of Saintonge northward
across western Poitou right over the frontier of
Britanny.<a id="FNanchor_201" href="#Footnote_201" class="fnanchor">[201]</a> This campaign, ignored by the chroniclers,
won for him a striking tribute from his most determined
enemy; Bertrand de Born, composing a <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> in behalf
of the league and actually at the request of the young king,
could not refrain from expressing his admiration for the
courage and persistence of the count of Poitou. “When
this game is played out we shall know which of the king’s
sons is to have the land. The young king would have soon
conquered it if the count were not so well practised at the
game; but he shuts them (his enemies) in so fast and presses
them so hard that he has recovered Saintonge by force,
and delivered the Angoumois as far as the border of Finisterre....
Hunted and wounded wild boar saw we never
more furious than he is, yet he never swerves from his
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
course.”<a id="FNanchor_202" href="#Footnote_202" class="fnanchor">[202]</a> On the other hand, two of the most powerful
feudataries of the French Crown, the duke of Burgundy
and the count of Toulouse, had by this time definitely
pledged themselves to the league. Both of them met young
Henry at Uzerche on May 24 and brought reinforcements
to his cause.<a id="FNanchor_203" href="#Footnote_203" class="fnanchor">[203]</a> Bertrand’s boast that the war begun in the
Limousin should involve France, Normandy and Flanders
before it was ended<a id="FNanchor_204" href="#Footnote_204" class="fnanchor">[204]</a> might yet have been fulfilled, but for
an unexpected catastrophe: early in June young Henry
fell sick, and on the 11th he died.<a id="FNanchor_205" href="#Footnote_205" class="fnanchor">[205]</a></p>

<p>Almost instantly the league fell asunder. The object
which its non-Aquitanian members had in view was to break
the power of Henry II; they had found a priceless tool for
their purpose in his eldest son, who, being like himself a
crowned and anointed king, could be set up as a rival head
of the Angevin house; the Aquitanian revolt had offered
a promising opportunity for using that tool to their advantage.
When young Henry was gone, their purpose in joining
the league was ruined; the internal quarrels of Aquitaine
and its rulers had no interest for them. Accordingly Hugh
of Burgundy and Raymond of Toulouse “hurried away
after their own affairs”;<a id="FNanchor_206" href="#Footnote_206" class="fnanchor">[206]</a> and instead of the great coalition
which was to have ringed in the Angevins from the Pyrenees
to the Channel, Henry and Richard had now only to face
the enfeebled remains of a local revolt. The news came
to Richard when he was besieging Aixe, which young Henry
had seized a few weeks before.<a id="FNanchor_207" href="#Footnote_207" class="fnanchor">[207]</a> The king, when the first
shock of grief was over, resumed the siege of Limoges;
Geoffrey seems to have slipped away to Britanny; once
more, on Midsummer day, Aimar surrendered the town and
renounced all dealings with his brothers of Angoulême “till
they should deserve grace of the king and the duke”; and
once more the new fortifications were levelled to the ground.<a id="FNanchor_208" href="#Footnote_208" class="fnanchor">[208]</a>
For what remained to be done Henry’s presence was needless.
At the end of the month he went back to his northern
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
dominions, while Alfonso of Aragon joined Richard in laying
siege to Hautefort. In a week (June 30-July 6) Bertrand
de Born was forced to surrender it; and a punitive harrying
of Périgord by Richard brought the revolt to an end.<a id="FNanchor_209" href="#Footnote_209" class="fnanchor">[209]</a></p>

<p>Brief as the war had been, it was not without results.
A few at least of the insurgent barons had made their profit
out of the general confusion. It must have been during
this time that the Lusignans gained a hold on La Marche
which they never entirely lost. Richard’s efforts to establish
Maud as countess of Angoulême may have been continued
for a while longer, but they were doomed to fail sooner or
later by reason of Philip’s grant of the city to the rival
claimant. Bertrand de Born, in spite of the warning given
him some months before by the duke himself, had persisted
in his defiance to the uttermost. He was captured with his
castle, brought before his conqueror, and compelled to resign
his claim to its ownership.<a id="FNanchor_210" href="#Footnote_210" class="fnanchor">[210]</a> He implored the duke’s mercy,
and Richard at once granted him his full forgiveness,<a id="FNanchor_211" href="#Footnote_211" class="fnanchor">[211]</a> but
gave back Hautefort to Constantine.<a id="FNanchor_212" href="#Footnote_212" class="fnanchor">[212]</a> This decision, however,
was reversed by King Henry,<a id="FNanchor_213" href="#Footnote_213" class="fnanchor">[213]</a> probably on an appeal
from the troubadour. Richard appears to have acquiesced
without difficulty in his father’s decision on the point;<a id="FNanchor_214" href="#Footnote_214" class="fnanchor">[214]</a>
and Richard, not Henry, was destined to reap its results.
Bertrand had already declared that if the duke would be
gracious and generous to him he should find him as true as
steel,<a id="FNanchor_215" href="#Footnote_215" class="fnanchor">[215]</a> and he kept his word; for he perceived that his
talents for fighting, and for setting others to fight, might
after all be exercised not less actively, and with less danger
of disastrous consequences to himself, on the side of the duke
than on that of the duke’s enemies.</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BI_III">CHAPTER III<br>
<span class="fs70">KING HENRY’S HEIR<br>
1183-1189</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80">Et vos, patres, nolite in iracundiam provocare filios vestros.</p>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></div>

<p>It was into the life of Richard himself that his brother’s
death brought the most important change. He was now
the eldest son of Henry II, heir to the headship of the houses
of Anjou and Normandy and to the crown of England. Some
re-adjustment of his feudal relations both with his father
and with the King of France would seem to be a probable
consequence of this change in his prospects. Henry was
not likely to repeat the mistake which he had made thirteen
years before in crowning his heir; but Richard might
naturally expect that the other measures which had been
taken to secure the Angevin and Norman heritages for young
Henry would be renewed in his own behalf. He was
evidently quite unprepared for the step which his father
actually took. In September or October Henry summoned
him to Normandy, and on his arrival “bade him grant the
duchy of Aquitaine to his brother John and receive John’s
homage for it.”<a id="FNanchor_216" href="#Footnote_216" class="fnanchor">[216]</a></p>

<p>In all Henry’s plans for the future of his dynasty there
was assumed a fundamental principle, implied rather than
expressed, because (to him at least) too self-evident to need
expression: that the territories which he had inherited from
his parents, Anjou, Normandy, and England, must remain
united under the direct control of the head of the family.
Any deviation from this principle would, he saw, endanger
the stability of the Angevin dominion, for it would be a
breaking-up of the foundation on which that dominion was
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
based. The devolution of Aquitaine and of Britanny to
junior branches of the Angevin house, under the overlordship
of its head, would not involve the same danger; and thus
after his agreement with Conan of Britanny in 1166 Henry
had ready to his hand the means of making a fair and
substantial provision for two younger sons; but when a
fourth son was born, he saw so little chance of being able to
provide for the child on anything like the same scale that
he at once called him “John Lackland,” and, it seems,
placed him when little more than a twelvemonth old as an
oblate in the abbey of Fontevraud.<a id="FNanchor_217" href="#Footnote_217" class="fnanchor">[217]</a> At the age of six
years, however, if not sooner, John was brought back to
his father’s court, and in the next ten years scheme after
scheme for his future was planned by Henry, but without
success. Now at last, just when John had reached an age at
which he must have begun to feel keenly the difference
between his prospects and those of Richard and Geoffrey,
the death of the eldest brother opened a possible way—possible
at least in Henry’s eyes—for redressing this inequality.
We cannot tell what was the precise form of the
proposition made by Henry to Richard; but if the report
of it given by a contemporary English chronicler be correct,
it clearly involved a tacit, if not an explicit, recognition of
Richard as heir to the headship of the royal house of England
and Anjou, and, as such, to the overlordship of the whole
of the Angevin dominions, including Aquitaine. The
chronicler’s words do not, on the other hand, necessarily
or even probably imply that Henry contemplated an immediate
transfer of the fief which he desired Richard to “grant”
to John. John was not yet seventeen; he seems to have
been brought up partly in England, partly in Normandy;
it would have been sheer madness to think of setting him to
take the command of affairs in a country which the united
energies of Richard and of Henry himself scarcely sufficed
to keep under control. In all likelihood the settlement
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
which the king desired to make had reference, like that of
1169, wholly to the future, and was designed to confirm
the earlier settlement, only with a change of persons; as
Richard must take the place of the dead Henry, John was
to take the place of Richard.</p>

<p>The execution of this project required the consent of two
persons: Richard and the King of France. Richard’s
consent proved harder to win than Henry seems to have
expected. There was a fundamental though unexpressed
difference between the views taken by the father and the
son of the place actually held by the son in Aquitaine.
Henry’s intention apparently had been from the outset, and
was still, that Aquitaine should during his own lifetime be
governed by his son—whether Richard or John—as his
representative, and after his death should become an underfief
of the Angevin dominion—as Britanny already was—in
the hands of that same son and his heirs. Unluckily he
had allowed one part of this intention to be obscured, and
in practice well-nigh defeated, by his anxiety to secure the
fulfilment of the other part. From Henry’s point of view,
Richard in 1183 was simply his homager for the county of
Poitou, his lieutenant over the rest of the duchy, heir to the
whole of it when he himself should die, and, after young
Henry’s death, heir also to the headship of the royal house
of England, Normandy and Anjou. But Richard could,
and did in effect, claim to be already duke of Aquitaine in
his own right, by virtue of his homage to France and his
investiture at Limoges. Moreover, Eleanor’s duchy held a
different place in the estimation of her son—the son who from
his infancy had been her recognized heir—from that which
it held in the estimation of her husband. Henry looked
upon it as a mere appendage to his ancestral territories;
Richard looked upon it as his own especial possession, and a
possession which ought to rank in the future, as it always
had ranked in the past, on a footing of equality with them.
The same feeling which made Henry shrink from reducing
the heritage of Geoffrey Plantagenet or that of Maud of
Normandy to the position of an underfief would make
Richard shrink from contemplating a like alteration in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
the status of the heritage of his mother. The tragedy
of the last summer and the sudden change in his own
prospects had so far chastened his impetuous temper
that he did not at once refuse his father’s demand, but
asked for two or three days delay that he might consult
with friends before giving a reply. Then he withdrew from
the court; at nightfall he mounted his horse, and rode
southward with all speed, sending word to his father that
“he would never grant Poitou to be held by anyone but
himself.”<a id="FNanchor_218" href="#Footnote_218" class="fnanchor">[218]</a></p>

<p>At the Christmas feast, which he kept at Talmont—a
favourite hunting seat of the Poitevin counts, on the coast
near La Rochelle—Richard “showed himself lavish in the
distribution of gifts.”<a id="FNanchor_219" href="#Footnote_219" class="fnanchor">[219]</a> Some of these were probably rewards
to vassals who had kept their allegiance during the recent
war; others may have purchased the withdrawal from the
country, or the permanent enlistment under the ducal banner,
of some of the mercenary leaders whom it was needful to
dispose of in one way or the other, if the ducal government
was to be carried on at all. The various bands of Routiers,
left suddenly without employers by the submission of Aimar
of Limoges, the death of young Henry, and the collapse of
the league, had scattered in all directions. Raymond “the
Brown” seemingly went into the Angoumois; on August 10
(1183) he was slain at Châteauneuf.<a id="FNanchor_220" href="#Footnote_220" class="fnanchor">[220]</a> One large body under
Curbaran swept across Berry into the Orléanais, only to be
almost destroyed at Châteaudun on July 30 by the “Peace-makers,”
a sworn brotherhood formed among the country
folk to resist the marauders and restore peace to the land.<a id="FNanchor_221" href="#Footnote_221" class="fnanchor">[221]</a>
Curbaran himself was among the prisoners, who were all
hanged.<a id="FNanchor_222" href="#Footnote_222" class="fnanchor">[222]</a> Sancho was still in the Limousin with his followers;
and Curbaran’s place seems to have been taken by a man who
in the “tongue of <em>oc</em>” bore the name of “Lo Bar,”<a id="FNanchor_223" href="#Footnote_223" class="fnanchor">[223]</a> a name
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
which, transmuted by northern speakers into “Louvrekaire”
or “Lupicar,” was in later days to be closely associated with
the last struggle of the Angevins to keep their hold on
Normandy. The privilege of private warfare, which was
<span class="sidenotex">1183-4</span>
the most cherished birthright of the barons of Aquitaine,
enabled Aimar of Limoges to supply Lobar and Sancho and
“a countless host” with occupation which they supplemented
by harrying monasteries from Yssandon to Orleans,
and ravaging “the king of England’s lands” in the Limousin
and La Marche. Richard evidently suspected, perhaps
knew, that in this last matter the hand of Aimar was with
them. It is at this juncture that the most famous of all the
Routiers of the period, Mercadier, first appears in Richard’s
service. “Under the protection of the duke Mercadier
and his troop dashed across Aimar’s territory, and on the
<span class="sidenotex">1184</span>
first day of the second week of Lent (1184) cruelly ravaged
the town of Excideuil and its suburbs” are almost the last
words that have come down to us from the chronicler who
thus far has been our chief authority for the history of
Aquitaine under duke Richard.<a id="FNanchor_224" href="#Footnote_224" class="fnanchor">[224]</a></p>

<p>Henry meanwhile had come to an agreement with the king
of France which was likely to have an important influence
on the future of Richard and of his duchy. On December 6,
<span class="sidenotex">1183</span>
1183, the two kings held a conference, and Henry did a
thing which he had never before consented to do: he did
homage to Philip for “all his territories on the French side
of the sea.”<a id="FNanchor_225" href="#Footnote_225" class="fnanchor">[225]</a> Philip’s acceptance of this homage constituted
a legal recognition on his part, as lord paramount, of Henry
as—among other things—duke of Aquitaine. The kings
then proceeded to make a new settlement about the dowry
of young Henry’s widow. As she was childless, that portion
of it which was in the hands of her father-in-law—Gisors and
the rest of the Norman Vexin—legally reverted to France
on her husband’s death. Philip, however, in consideration
of an annuity to be paid by Henry to Margaret, “quit-claimed
Gisors to the English king, so that he might give it
to whichever of his sons he should choose, with the French
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1183</b></span>
king’s other sister,” Aloysia.<a id="FNanchor_226" href="#Footnote_226" class="fnanchor">[226]</a> Henry evidently hoped to
keep Aloysia and her dowry by substituting John for
Richard as her bridegroom, and thus to facilitate the winning
of Philip’s assent to the further substitution of John for
Richard as heir of Aquitaine. Richard was probably quite
<span class="sidenotex">1183-4</span>
willing to relinquish his personal claim upon Aloysia; there
is no indication that he had ever cared for her; and on the
other hand there are indications that about this time he
formed an attachment to another maiden of royal birth,
Berengaria of Navarre.<a id="FNanchor_227" href="#Footnote_227" class="fnanchor">[227]</a> On the subject of Aquitaine,
however, he was immoveable. In vain Henry alternately
besought and commanded him to grant “if not the
whole of Aquitaine, at least a part of it,” to John.
Richard’s answer was always the same: never, so long
as he lived, would he give any part of the duchy
<span class="sidenotex">1184</span>
to anyone. At last, in a burst of anger, Henry gave
John leave to “lead an army into Richard’s land and get
what he wanted from his brother by fighting him.”<a id="FNanchor_228" href="#Footnote_228" class="fnanchor">[228]</a> The
words were probably uttered without thought of their
consequences, in a fit of ungovernable impatience at Richard’s
obduracy; but John was quite ready to take them literally,
and knew that his next brother, Geoffrey—who had been
formally reconciled to his father and to Richard in July
1183<a id="FNanchor_229" href="#Footnote_229" class="fnanchor">[229]</a>—both could and would supply him with means for
his purpose. No sooner had the king returned to England
in June 1184 than Geoffrey and John collected “a great
host” and marched plundering and burning into Richard’s
land. Henry, when he learned what was going on, peremptorily
summoned all the three to England, brought them
to a public reconciliation in November, and then sought to
dispose for a while of Geoffrey where he could make no
further mischief between the two others, by sending him,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1184</b></span>
not back to Britanny, but to Normandy, as a nominal assistant
to the officers who were in charge of that duchy.<a id="FNanchor_230" href="#Footnote_230" class="fnanchor">[230]</a> It
<span class="sidenotex">1185</span>
was not till after Christmas that Richard received permission
to return to Poitou. He crossed from Dover to
Wissant;<a id="FNanchor_231" href="#Footnote_231" class="fnanchor">[231]</a> whether on his way through Normandy and
Anjou he met Geoffrey—who was certainly the evil genius
of the family—and what may have passed between them if
he did, we know not; we only know that on April 16 Henry
himself went back to Normandy, and straightway “gathered
a great host to subdue his son Richard, who had fortified
Poitou against him and attacked his brother Geoffrey,
contrary to the king’s prohibition.”<a id="FNanchor_232" href="#Footnote_232" class="fnanchor">[232]</a></p>

<p>Henry’s military preparations were in reality only a part
of a new scheme which he had devised for making Richard
<span class="sidenotex">1184</span>
surrender Poitou. In the preceding June (1184) Queen
Eleanor, after eleven years of captivity, had been released
by her husband’s order and permitted to join their eldest
daughter and her husband the duke of Saxony, now for the
<span class="sidenotex">1185</span>
second time driven into exile.<a id="FNanchor_233" href="#Footnote_233" class="fnanchor">[233]</a> At the end of April (1185)
Henry sent for her, and also for their daughter and son-in-law,
to join him in Normandy; “and when they arrived,
he sent instructions to his son Richard that he should without
delay surrender the whole of Poitou with its appurtenances
to his mother Queen Eleanor, because it was her heritage;
and he added that if Richard in any way delayed to fulfil
this command, he was to know for certain that the queen
his mother would make it her own business to ravage the
land with a great host. And Richard, when he had heard
his father’s command, yielded to the wholesome advice of
his friends; and laying down the arms of iniquity, returned
with all meekness to his father, and surrendered all Poitou,
with his castles and fortresses, to his mother.”<a id="FNanchor_234" href="#Footnote_234" class="fnanchor">[234]</a></p>

<p>Henry’s scheme seemed to be on the verge of success.
Richard had at last been induced to surrender, nominally
to his mother, but practically to his father—for Eleanor was
clearly a mere cipher in the matter—the fief for which he
was his father’s homager, and which was the material basis
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1185</b></span>
of the ducal power over all Aquitaine; he had set his father
free to make a new grant of that fief to whomsoever he would.
If a grant of it were made to John, with the sanction of the
lord paramount, Richard would soon be unable to stand his
ground in the duchy, should he even attempt to do so. For
the time being Richard was utterly passive. It was his
nature to do nothing by halves, and his submission seems to
have been as whole-hearted as his defiance had been; “he
remained,” says an English chronicler with evident admiration,
“with his father as an obedient son.”<a id="FNanchor_235" href="#Footnote_235" class="fnanchor">[235]</a> Henry kept
<span class="sidenotex">1186</span>
him in suspense for eleven months. Then, on March 10,
1186, the two kings held another conference, and the treaty
made in December 1183 was confirmed, but with a modification
of one article. In 1184 Henry had either made overtures,
or readily accepted overtures made to him, for a marriage
between Richard and a daughter of the Emperor;<a id="FNanchor_236" href="#Footnote_236" class="fnanchor">[236]</a> but the
maiden had died before the end of the year.<a id="FNanchor_237" href="#Footnote_237" class="fnanchor">[237]</a> This project
had been succeeded by another whose originator is most
likely to have been Richard himself; it can hardly have been
at any other time than during his brief period of freedom from
his engagement to Aloysia that he received a promise of
Berengaria’s hand from her father, King Sancho.<a id="FNanchor_238" href="#Footnote_238" class="fnanchor">[238]</a> His
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1186</b></span>
inclination, however, was overridden by his father’s imperious
will and by the exigencies of the family policy. If
Philip knew or suspected anything of Henry’s projects for
John, he was probably keen-witted enough to perceive their
futility and to prefer running no risk of a family alliance
with a Lackland. On the other hand, the retention of
Aloysia’s dower-lands was a matter of interest to Henry’s
heir as well as to Henry himself. The sequel was to show
that Henry had no real intention of marrying Aloysia to
either of his sons; he may therefore have privately intimated
to Richard that the sacrifice now required of him was only
temporary. At any rate, in the treaty with Philip as ratified
<span class="sidenotex">1186</span>
on March 10, 1186, it was distinctly stated that Aloysia and
her dowry, the Vexin, were to be given to the bridegroom for
whom she had been originally destined, Richard.<a id="FNanchor_239" href="#Footnote_239" class="fnanchor">[239]</a></p>

<p>An agreement with France was at that moment especially
important for Henry because he was anxious to return to
England. He began his preparations for departure over sea
by making some changes in the custody of his various
demesne lands and castles;<a id="FNanchor_240" href="#Footnote_240" class="fnanchor">[240]</a> in particular, he appointed
new castellans of his own choosing to the charge of the
principal fortresses of Aquitaine. It was hardly possible
for Richard not to feel hurt by this measure, “yet his father
met with no complaint from him.”<a id="FNanchor_241" href="#Footnote_241" class="fnanchor">[241]</a> Suddenly the king
again changed his mind, or at least his policy. We cannot
tell whether he was moved by Richard’s unwonted meekness,
or whether some unrecorded occurrence opened his eyes to
a fact which in all likelihood Richard’s southern counsellors,
when they advised the young duke to accede to his father’s
demand, foresaw would be made manifest ere long: the fact
that Richard was the only person who could preserve anything
like administrative order and political security in
Aquitaine when Henry himself was out of reach. We only
know that at the end of April the king “entrusted to his
son Richard an infinite sum of money, bidding him go and
subdue his enemies under him,” and then himself sailed for
England, taking the queen with him.<a id="FNanchor_242" href="#Footnote_242" class="fnanchor">[242]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1186</b></span></p>

<p>Richard’s surrender of Poitou was thus practically annulled.
It may have been merely verbal, so that no formal act was
necessary to reinstate him as count. The particular enemies
whom he was to subdue are not named, but it seems plain
that the chief of them was Raymond of Toulouse; for
Richard “straightway departing (from Normandy) collected
a great multitude of knights and foot-soldiers, with which he
invaded the lands of the count of S. Gilles and not only
ravaged, but conquered, the greater part of them.”<a id="FNanchor_243" href="#Footnote_243" class="fnanchor">[243]</a>
Geography suggests that the part of Raymond’s lands which
Richard “conquered” at this time was probably the
northern part, that is, the Quercy, where Richard as suzerain
had already had to chastise more than one of Raymond’s
subfeudataries; and this inference is strengthened by later
indications. Raymond, helpless before the sudden violence
of the duke’s onset, fled from place to place and despatched
messenger after messenger to their common overlord, King
Philip, imploring succour from France. Philip, however,
was just then in no mind to quarrel openly with the king of
England or his son; it suited him better to plot secretly
with one of the younger sons against the father and the eldest
son, and this was what he was actually doing with Geoffrey
when in August their plotting was cut short by Geoffrey’s
death.<a id="FNanchor_244" href="#Footnote_244" class="fnanchor">[244]</a> A question at once arose whether Henry, the immediate
overlord of Britanny, or Philip, the lord paramount,
should be guardian of Geoffrey’s child. An embassy sent
from England to treat with Philip on this subject met with
a very uncivil reception, and went back accompanied by two
French knights charged with a message to Henry that he
must expect no security from attack in Normandy unless
Count Richard of Poitou ceased to molest the count of S.
Gilles.<a id="FNanchor_245" href="#Footnote_245" class="fnanchor">[245]</a> What Raymond had done to excite the wrath of
both Henry and Richard we are not told, but it is clear that
Henry did not disapprove Richard’s proceedings; he made
no attempt to check them, and did not return to Normandy
<span class="sidenotex">1187</span>
till February of the next year. Richard met him at Aumale,
and accompanied him on Low Sunday, April 5, to a conference
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
with Philip “from which they withdrew without hope of
peace or concord, on account of the intolerable demands
made by the king of France.”<a id="FNanchor_246" href="#Footnote_246" class="fnanchor">[246]</a> These demands were, first,
that he should receive Richard’s homage for the county of
Poitou;<a id="FNanchor_247" href="#Footnote_247" class="fnanchor">[247]</a> and secondly, that Aloysia and her dowry, Gisors,
should be restored to France.<a id="FNanchor_248" href="#Footnote_248" class="fnanchor">[248]</a></p>

<p>However “intolerable” these demands might be to
Henry, they were in themselves not unreasonable. Richard
seems to have been personally not unwilling to comply
with the first condition; he had when a boy been made to
do homage to Louis VII, and probably saw no reason for not
doing the same to Louis’s successor. Henry, however, was
resolved that the homage should not be done, and while
ostensibly leaving the matter in Richard’s hands, made him
put it off from day to day.<a id="FNanchor_249" href="#Footnote_249" class="fnanchor">[249]</a> The second condition was a
natural consequence of the fact that although more than
twelve months had passed since the explicit renewal of
Richard’s engagement to Aloysia, there was still no sign of any
preparations for their marriage. On this point Henry and
Richard were probably at one. At a somewhat later time a
horrible reason was assigned—seemingly by persons whose
testimony had weight enough to carry conviction to both
Richard and Philip—for Henry’s obstinate non-compliance
with Philip’s demands for either Aloysia’s marriage or the
restoration of her person together with her dowry. As yet,
however, Richard at least evidently did not suspect his
father of being actuated by any worse motives than, as
regards the former alternative, consideration for Richard’s
own disinclination to make Aloysia his wife; and as regards
the latter alternative, a reluctance, which Richard himself
could not but share, to loose the Angevin hold on Gisors.</p>

<p>Seeing that he could get no satisfaction by negotiation,
Philip prepared for war. Marching from the French part
of Berry into the Aquitanian part, he seized Issoudun and
Graçay and advanced upon Châteauroux.<a id="FNanchor_250" href="#Footnote_250" class="fnanchor">[250]</a> It is doubtful
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
whether Henry and Richard set out together to check him,
or whether Henry sent forward Richard and John, each at
the head of a body of troops, to defend Châteauroux till he
himself could join them.<a id="FNanchor_251" href="#Footnote_251" class="fnanchor">[251]</a> At any rate, by midsummer the
combined action of father and sons had caused Philip to raise
the siege and decide upon trying his fortune against them in
the open field. On the eve of S. John the two armies were
drawn up facing each other in battle array, ready to engage
next morning. At the last moment, however, the kings made
a truce and withdrew each to his own domains. Two English
authorities assign the most important part in the preliminary
negotiations to Richard. According to Gervase of Canterbury
the first overtures came from the French side, and were
addressed to the count of Poitou; Count Philip of Flanders
contrived to get speech with him and urged upon him the
importance, for his own future interest, of making a friend
of the king of France; after some discussion Richard
followed Flanders back through the French lines to the tent
of Philip Augustus, held a long private colloquy with him,
and “at length returned, with his mind at rest, to his own
comrades in arms.” He had gone without his father’s
knowledge; Henry, when he heard of the incident, “suspected
that it meant treachery, not peace,” and sent a
request to some of the French nobles that they would come
and confer with himself. They complied; he commissioned
them to ask Philip for a truce of two years, on the plea of a
vow of Crusade; Philip consented, but when his consent
was announced Henry declared he had changed his mind—he
would have no truce. Philip on hearing this ordered an
attack at break of day. Henry grew alarmed; the midsummer
daybreak was very near, for it was already past
midnight, when he hurriedly called his son. “What shall
we do? what counsel dost thou give me?” “What counsel
can I give,” said Richard, “when thou hast refused the truce
which yesterday thou desiredst? We cannot ask for it
again now without great shame.” Moved, however, by his
father’s evident distress, he offered to face the shame. He
went; he found Philip already armed for battle; bare-headed
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
he knelt before him, offered him his sword, and
begged him for a truce, promising that if Henry should break
it in any way he, Count Richard, would submit his own
person in Paris to the judgement of the French king. On this
condition Philip gave a reluctant consent to the truce.<a id="FNanchor_252" href="#Footnote_252" class="fnanchor">[252]</a>
Gerald of Wales, on the other hand, represents the first
advances as having been made by Henry in a letter
to Philip proposing peace on the following terms: that
Aloysia should be given in marriage to John, with the
counties of Poitou and Anjou and all the other territories
held by Henry of the French king, except Normandy, which
was to remain united to England as the heritage of the
eldest son. Philip sent the letter to Richard, who, when he
had mastered its contents, was naturally moved to deep
indignation on learning that his father was thus scheming
to deprive him of the larger part of his heritage at a time
when they were actually in camp together and he was loyally
fulfilling his duties as vassal and son. Caring no longer to
fight for his father against Philip, he seized an opportunity
which presented itself at the moment to bring about a
truce.<a id="FNanchor_253" href="#Footnote_253" class="fnanchor">[253]</a></p>

<p>Neither of these two accounts seems to imply that Richard
at Châteauroux acted otherwise than loyally and in good
faith towards his father. In one of them, however, the
father is distinctly charged with plotting behind his son’s
back to deprive him of half his inheritance. The proposal
which Henry is said to have made to Philip is indeed utterly
at variance with the policy implied in all his previous
arrangements for the future of his dynasty; it is a proposal
to disintegrate the foundations of the edifice which he had
been building up all his life, by putting asunder what the
marriage of his parents had joined together, Anjou and
Normandy. We are not told whether it provided that John
should hold his share of the Angevin territories under his
brother’s overlordship, or not. If it did, its fulfilment would
have reduced the original Angevin patrimony to the rank
of a mere underfief; if not, the scheme would seem to imply
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
nothing short of a deliberate intention on Henry’s part of
rending in twain with his own hands the dominion which he
had been for thirty years labouring to weld together into a
solid whole. Yet that Henry would, if he could, willingly
have gone as far as this or even farther, in his infatuated
partiality for John, seems to be the only possible explanation
of his attitude, or rather of his endless shifts and changes of
attitude, towards both Richard and Philip through the six
years which followed the death of the young king. When
the end came, he himself summed up the tragic story of
those years in one significant sentence: “For the sake of
John’s advancement I have brought upon me all these
ills.”<a id="FNanchor_254" href="#Footnote_254" class="fnanchor">[254]</a> His paternal affection had been concentrated mainly
upon two of his sons, the eldest and the youngest; after
young Henry’s death it was concentrated upon John alone;
Richard, though of all the four he was certainly the least
unworthy, seems never to have enjoyed more than a comparatively
small share of it. The story of the letter may have
been a fiction, or the letter may have been a forgery; but
whether the falsehood—if there be one—were Gerald’s or
Philip’s, it was a lie which was half a truth.</p>

<p>The formal terms of the truce—which was to last for two
years<a id="FNanchor_255" href="#Footnote_255" class="fnanchor">[255]</a>—were arranged by the papal legate then resident
in France, and some other men of religion<a id="FNanchor_256" href="#Footnote_256" class="fnanchor">[256]</a> acting “on the
orders of the Pope and the advice of the faithful men of
both kings.”<a id="FNanchor_257" href="#Footnote_257" class="fnanchor">[257]</a> When the agreement was signed, the French
king, “by way of shewing to all men that concord was
attained,” invited Richard to accompany him to Paris.
Richard accepted the invitation;<a id="FNanchor_258" href="#Footnote_258" class="fnanchor">[258]</a> and he stayed so long,
and—so at least it was reported—on terms of such close and
affectionate intimacy with Philip that Henry “marvelled
what this might be,” and delayed his intended journey to
England “till he should know what would be the outcome
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
of this sudden friendship” between his overlord and his
son.<a id="FNanchor_259" href="#Footnote_259" class="fnanchor">[259]</a> He sent messenger after messenger to call Richard
back, promising “to do all that might be justly required
of him.” Richard answered that he was coming, but
instead of doing so he went to Chinon, where the treasure
of Anjou was kept; in spite of the treasurer’s opposition
he carried off “all the treasure that he found there”—which
indeed is not likely to have been much—proceeded with it
into Poitou, and there used it to fortify or revictual his
castles. His contumacy, however, as usual, did not last
long. His father “ceased not to send messengers to him
till they brought him back; and when he came, he submitted
to his father in all things and was penitent for having consented
to the evil counsels of those who strove to sow discord
between them. So they came both together to Angers;
and there the son became his father’s obedient man, and
swore on the holy Gospels, before many witnesses, fealty
to him against all men; and he swore also that he would not
go against his father’s counsel.”<a id="FNanchor_260" href="#Footnote_260" class="fnanchor">[260]</a></p>

<p>Early in November Richard was at, or near, Tours, when
suddenly the tidings of an event which had occurred in
Holy Land four months before changed the whole current
of his aspirations and desires. On July 7 the Saracens under
Saladin had won a great victory at Hattin over the Latin
king of Jerusalem, Guy of Lusignan, and captured not only
Guy himself, but also the most sacred relic in all Christendom,
the relic of the Holy Cross. This news arrived in France
about the end of October or beginning of November.<a id="FNanchor_261" href="#Footnote_261" class="fnanchor">[261]</a> It
came to Richard’s ears—so the story goes—one evening;
his resolve was made at once and with his whole heart;
early next morning he received the Cross from the hand of
Archbishop Bartholomew.<a id="FNanchor_262" href="#Footnote_262" class="fnanchor">[262]</a> When Henry, who seems to
have been in Normandy, was informed of his son’s action,
he appeared exceedingly perturbed, and for several days
would scarcely see anyone.<a id="FNanchor_263" href="#Footnote_263" class="fnanchor">[263]</a> Not a word of comment on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1187</b></span>
the matter, however, passed his lips till Richard rejoined
him. Then, after a few days, he said: “Thou shouldst by
no means have undertaken so weighty a business without
consulting me. Nevertheless, I will not oppose thy pious
design, but will so further it that thou mayest fulfill it right
well.”<a id="FNanchor_264" href="#Footnote_264" class="fnanchor">[264]</a> Philip on the other hand was quick to seize the
opportunity for bringing up again the matter of Gisors and
Aloysia. That Aloysia’s plighted bridegroom should betake
himself to far-off Holy Land while that question was still
unsettled was a thing not to be tolerated; so Philip
“gathered a great host” and threatened that he would harry
all the English king’s lands on the French side of the sea
unless either Gisors were surrendered or Richard married to
Aloysia without more ado. Henry, on hearing this, hurried
back from the Norman coast to the border for a meeting
<span class="sidenotex">1188</span>
with Philip at Hilary-tide (1188).<a id="FNanchor_265" href="#Footnote_265" class="fnanchor">[265]</a> Their conference was
interrupted by the arrival of the Archbishop of Tyre, who
had come to Europe to plead as only one who had personal
knowledge of the state of affairs in Holy Land could plead,
for a Crusade to check the advance of Saladin. Carried
away by his appeal, both kings took the Cross<a id="FNanchor_266" href="#Footnote_266" class="fnanchor">[266]</a> and separated
to prepare for the enterprise on which they agreed to set
out together at the next Easter twelvemonth; that is,
Easter 1190.<a id="FNanchor_267" href="#Footnote_267" class="fnanchor">[267]</a></p>

<p>Whether Richard had been present at the conference does
not appear; he was, however, at Le Mans with his father
a few days afterwards, when Henry issued the ordinance for
the “Saladin tithe” to raise money for the Crusade.<a id="FNanchor_268" href="#Footnote_268" class="fnanchor">[268]</a> The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
kings might require a delay of fifteen months to make their
preparations; but the count of Poitou had no mind to be so
long detained from fulfilling his vow. He now came to his
father with two requests. First, he begged that the king
would either lend him money for his expedition on the security
of the county of Poitou, or would give him leave to raise
the needful sum by pledging that county to some safe and
trustworthy man known to be loyal to both father and son,
and would confirm the transaction by a royal charter.
Secondly, he prayed that “forasmuch as the journey that
lay before him was long and perilous, lest aught should be
maliciously plotted to his disadvantage during such a
lengthy absence” he might be permitted to receive the
fealty of the nobles of England and of Henry’s continental
lands, “saving in all things the fealty due to his father.”
To the former of these requests Henry answered that his
son should go to Palestine with him; they would have in
common all things needful for their journey, and “nought
should separate them but death.” No answer could Richard
get but this, which in regard to his second request was
tantamount to a refusal.<a id="FNanchor_269" href="#Footnote_269" class="fnanchor">[269]</a> Yet he had asked nothing beyond
what was natural and reasonable; nothing, indeed, beyond
what he might have fairly expected to receive without
needing to ask for it. A public confirmation of the rights
of King Henry’s eldest surviving son as heir to the crown of
England and to the headship of the house of Anjou, such as
would safeguard those rights until the son’s return from
Holy Land in case the father should die before the Crusade
was over, was a measure of obvious prudence not merely
for the personal interest of the heir but also for the security
of the Angevin dominion as a whole. Henry’s obstinate
silence when the measure was suggested to him was one
more indication that his sense of right and his care for the
future of his house were both alike obscured by his infatuation
for John. Richard understood it only too well, and
“finding that he could get no other answer, he departed from
his father in heart as well as in body.”<a id="FNanchor_270" href="#Footnote_270" class="fnanchor">[270]</a></p>

<p>No considerations either of policy or of self-interest,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
however, had any influence on his resolve to fulfil his vow
without delay. While his father returned to England,<a id="FNanchor_271" href="#Footnote_271" class="fnanchor">[271]</a>
he hurried back to Poitou, sent messengers to his brother-in-law,
King William of Sicily, to expedite arrangements for
the equipment of the ships needful for his voyage, and
busied himself with preparations for setting out in the coming
summer.<a id="FNanchor_272" href="#Footnote_272" class="fnanchor">[272]</a> But his plans were checked by a new outbreak
of revolt. Geoffrey of Lusignan, it is said, laid an ambush
for one of Richard’s most intimate friends and treacherously
put him to death. Richard of course marched against
Geoffrey, and punished him by taking several of his castles
and slaughtering a number of his men, only those being
spared who purchased their lives by taking the Cross.<a id="FNanchor_273" href="#Footnote_273" class="fnanchor">[273]</a>
Geoffrey’s outrage proved to be part of a concerted rising
which ran what had now become the ordinary course of an
Aquitanian revolt. The rebels, headed as usual by Aimar
of Angoulême and Geoffrey of Rancogne, harried the domains
of the count of Poitou, and the count retaliated by overrunning
their lands, capturing and destroying their castles,
burning and wasting their farms and orchards, till he had
once more subdued them to his will.<a id="FNanchor_274" href="#Footnote_274" class="fnanchor">[274]</a> The leaders took
refuge in Taillebourg, and there they were surrounded by
Richard’s forces. The damage inflicted by him on that
famous stronghold in 1179 had doubtless been long ago
repaired; but this time the siege lasted only a few days,
though the place was occupied by “more than seventy
picked men of might.” They surrendered on the only
condition which Richard would grant—that every one of them
should join him in his Crusade.<a id="FNanchor_275" href="#Footnote_275" class="fnanchor">[275]</a> This was an excellent
practical expedient for increasing the force which he hoped
to lead to Palestine, and at the same time withdrawing from
Aquitaine the men who were most likely to cause a disturbance
if left there during his absence.</p>

<p>But behind the revolt lay graver complications. It was
rumoured that King Henry, in the hope of compelling his son
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
to abandon his project, had not only stirred up Geoffrey of
Lusignan and the other rebels and secretly furnished them
with help and money, but had also instigated Raymond of
Toulouse to join them against Richard.<a id="FNanchor_276" href="#Footnote_276" class="fnanchor">[276]</a> However this may
be, Raymond did, while Richard was busy quelling the revolt
in Saintonge, capture “certain merchants from Richard’s
land” who were travelling through the land of Toulouse;
some of them he imprisoned, some he blinded and mutilated,
some he put to death.<a id="FNanchor_277" href="#Footnote_277" class="fnanchor">[277]</a> On hearing of this Richard, after
again destroying the defences of Taillebourg,<a id="FNanchor_278" href="#Footnote_278" class="fnanchor">[278]</a> marched into
Gascony and there collected a great force of Brabantines
with which he invaded the county of Toulouse.<a id="FNanchor_279" href="#Footnote_279" class="fnanchor">[279]</a> In a short
time he took Moissac and several other castles of Raymond’s,
harried all the northern part of the county with fire and
sword,<a id="FNanchor_280" href="#Footnote_280" class="fnanchor">[280]</a> and captured, among many other prisoners, a
certain intimate friend of Raymond’s, Peter Seilun, who
had long been Richard’s enemy and is said to have instigated
the imprisonment of the Poitevin merchants. Richard
placed this man in close and harsh confinement and refused
all Raymond’s offers of ransom for him. Raymond now
began a system of treacherous warfare against Richard,
laying ambushes for him and his soldiers, and setting men
on the watch, in towns and castles, to seize anybody who
belonged to the following of either Richard or Henry.
By this means two knights of Henry’s household, who had
been on pilgrimage to Compostella and for some reason or
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
other went round by Toulouse on their way home, were
captured and imprisoned. After a while Raymond let one
of them go—seemingly on parole—to Richard with a message
that both should be set free, if Richard would liberate Peter
Seilun in exchange. Richard, however, on learning that
they had been captured when pilgrims, declared that “no
prayers and no price” should make him a party to such a
transaction; “it would be an intolerable offence against
God and His holy Apostle S. James, were he to give a ransom
for men whose character of pilgrims was in itself sufficient
to entitle them to their freedom.”<a id="FNanchor_281" href="#Footnote_281" class="fnanchor">[281]</a> Meanwhile Raymond
had complained to Philip Augustus of Richard’s invasion of
Toulouse, as being a breach of the agreement made between
the two kings when they took the Cross, that no interference
with each other’s lands should take place till after the
Crusade.<a id="FNanchor_282" href="#Footnote_282" class="fnanchor">[282]</a> Philip appears to have gone “into those parts”
in person, hoping to pacify the belligerents; and to him the
captive knights, finding they could get no help from Richard,
told their story. Philip seemingly regarded the matter in
the same light as Richard; he bade Raymond release them
“not for love of the king of England or of Count Richard,
but out of love and reverence for S. James.” Raymond,
however, still insisted on the condition which he had originally
demanded. “Then the French king, seeing he could make
no peace or agreement between the two counts, inflamed
with wrath and mortal hatred against each other, returned
to France.” He, however, so far took Raymond’s part as
to send messengers over sea to Henry, complaining of
Richard’s doings in Toulouse, and asking the English king
to make amends for them; to which Henry merely answered
“that it was not by his counsel or desire that his son had
done any of these things, and that he could not justify
him.”<a id="FNanchor_283" href="#Footnote_283" class="fnanchor">[283]</a></p>

<p>Whatever may have been Henry’s real share—if indeed he
had any real share at all—in the origin of the quarrel,
matters had by this time reached a pass at which his personal
sympathies could hardly fail to be on the side of his son.
Richard had taken no less than seventeen castles in the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
territory of Toulouse,<a id="FNanchor_284" href="#Footnote_284" class="fnanchor">[284]</a> and was almost at the gates of its
capital city—that famous city which both he and his father
had always longed to call their own, and of which he still
considered himself the rightful owner as being through his
mother the legal representative of Count William IV—and
was actually preparing to lay siege to it.<a id="FNanchor_285" href="#Footnote_285" class="fnanchor">[285]</a> Both Raymond
and Philip were so much alarmed that Philip, at Raymond’s
entreaty, sent envoys to the invader to tell him that if he
would desist, “he should receive his rights and be justly
compensated for his wrongs in the Court of France.” The
French king’s distrust of Henry’s attitude in the affair
was shown by his despatch at the same time of another
mission, to the seneschals of Normandy and Anjou, warning
them that they must either “recall count Richard” at once,
or consider themselves no longer protected by the truce
between the two kings. Henry, no doubt urged by the
terrified seneschals, sent to admonish his son; but his
admonitions and Philip’s threats were alike unheeded.<a id="FNanchor_286" href="#Footnote_286" class="fnanchor">[286]</a> To
Henry, indeed, Richard’s answer was that “he had done no
ill in the lands of the count of S. Gilles except by leave of the
king of France, forasmuch as the count refused to be in the
truce and peace which the two kings had made.”<a id="FNanchor_287" href="#Footnote_287" class="fnanchor">[287]</a></p>

<p>The king of France, however, was now gathering his host
for an invasion of the Angevin lands. Directing his attack
against the unprotected north-eastern frontier of Aquitaine,
after seizing some of the border castles of Touraine,<a id="FNanchor_288" href="#Footnote_288" class="fnanchor">[288]</a> he
advanced into Berry, and by the middle of June was master
of its northern part as far as Châteauroux, which he captured
on June 16.<a id="FNanchor_289" href="#Footnote_289" class="fnanchor">[289]</a> On that day Henry, perplexed and terrified
alike by what he heard of Philip’s doings and of Richard’s,
despatched four envoys to the former “to entreat for peace
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
in some form or other.”<a id="FNanchor_290" href="#Footnote_290" class="fnanchor">[290]</a> If they ever reached the French
king, their mission was fruitless; he continued his conquests
till he was master of everything that Henry possessed or
claimed in Berry and Auvergne as far as Montluçon.<a id="FNanchor_291" href="#Footnote_291" class="fnanchor">[291]</a></p>

<p>On July 11 Henry returned to Normandy with an armed
force of English and Welshmen, and at once summoned the
Norman host to a muster at Alençon.<a id="FNanchor_292" href="#Footnote_292" class="fnanchor">[292]</a> Richard meanwhile
had abandoned his attack on the lesser foe to march against
the greater one, and was advancing northward with fresh
forces towards Berry. Philip, probably fearing to be caught
between two fires, hereupon retired into France, leaving
Châteauroux in the custody of William des Barres.<a id="FNanchor_293" href="#Footnote_293" class="fnanchor">[293]</a>
Richard, “by way of doing something,”<a id="FNanchor_294" href="#Footnote_294" class="fnanchor">[294]</a> began to devise
schemes for regaining the place. One day some of its
garrison who had been out on a foraging expedition found
on their return the gate blocked by him and his troops.
They, however, cut their way through and stirred up their
comrades within the castle to make a sally in force. The
Poitevins, taken by surprise, were repulsed with heavy loss;
the count himself was in such danger that he fled for his
life. Thrown from his horse, he was rescued by a sturdy
butcher,<a id="FNanchor_295" href="#Footnote_295" class="fnanchor">[295]</a> and with the remnant of his troops rejoined his
father, seemingly somewhere in Touraine. The defence of
Henry’s frontiers was clearly the matter most in need of
attention now; father and son accordingly led their combined
forces back to the Norman border. At Trou, in the
south-eastern corner of Maine, they were all but overtaken
by Philip “with a great host”; they escaped, however,
and the loss of forty knights and the burning of Trou (which
Philip fired because he could not take it<a id="FNanchor_296" href="#Footnote_296" class="fnanchor">[296]</a>) were compensated
by Richard’s capture of a neighbouring fortress, Les Roches,
with its garrison of twenty-five knights and forty men-at-arms.
This place was in the dominions of Count Burchard
of Vendôme, who was an adherent of the king of France.<a id="FNanchor_297" href="#Footnote_297" class="fnanchor">[297]</a>
Philip dropped the pursuit, and on August 16 met Henry in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
conference at Gisors, but they came to no agreement.<a id="FNanchor_298" href="#Footnote_298" class="fnanchor">[298]</a>
Among other proposals there seems to have been one for a
settlement of the disputes between the two kings by a
combat of four champions on either side. Four names on
the English (or Angevin) side were suggested to Henry by
William the Marshal; Richard was offended because his
own name was not among them. “You have done me
grievous wrong; of all the men of my father’s lands I was
deemed one of the best to defend him; but you give him
to understand otherwise.” The Marshal protested that
Richard misinterpreted his motive: “You are our lord the
king’s most direct heir; it would be an outrage and crime
to risk your life in such a business.” “It is true, Richard,”
interposed Henry, “what he has said is but right”; and
therewith it seems the whole project fell to the ground.<a id="FNanchor_299" href="#Footnote_299" class="fnanchor">[299]</a>
At the end of the month Richard, hearing that Philip was
at Mantes, proposed to attack that place. The expedition,
however, resulted merely in a skirmish between Richard
himself, Earl William de Mandeville, and some of Henry’s
followers on the one side and a few French knights on the
other, in which William des Barres, who had been commandant
of Châteauroux for Philip at the time of Richard’s
recent adventure there, was made prisoner by Richard, but
broke his parole and escaped.<a id="FNanchor_300" href="#Footnote_300" class="fnanchor">[300]</a> Next day Richard took
leave of his father, “promising that he would serve him
well and faithfully,” and set out again for Berry.<a id="FNanchor_301" href="#Footnote_301" class="fnanchor">[301]</a> What
he did there we are not told; but he seems to have recovered
at least one—Palluau—of the castles which Philip had
captured in the spring.<a id="FNanchor_302" href="#Footnote_302" class="fnanchor">[302]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span></p>

<p>The war languished partly because the counts of Flanders
and Blois and some other chief nobles of France refused to
fight against princes who, like themselves, wore the Cross;
and in October Philip asked Henry for another conference.
It took place on October 7 at Châtillon, on the border of
Touraine and Berry. A proposition that all conquests made
by Philip from Henry and by Richard from Raymond of
Toulouse since the beginning of the truce should be restored
came to nothing through Philip’s demand for a security
which Henry would not grant. Then, it seems, Richard
offered to do what Philip had in vain required of him a few
months before—to go to the French king’s court and stand
to its judgement on all that had taken place between himself
and the count of S. Gilles, “in order that peace might be
made between his father and the king of France.”<a id="FNanchor_303" href="#Footnote_303" class="fnanchor">[303]</a> The
action of the French magnates may have opened Richard’s
eyes to the unseemliness of all this strife between fellow-soldiers
of the Cross and led him to see that peace, at almost
any price, was absolutely necessary for the purpose which
he had most at heart, the fulfilment of his vow of Crusade.
His proposal, however, “greatly displeased” his father,<a id="FNanchor_304" href="#Footnote_304" class="fnanchor">[304]</a>
and Philip seems to have deemed the moment a favourable
one for seeking to impose upon Richard some other requirements
whose nature we are not told, but which led to
“high and bad words” and finally resulted in the count of
Poitou giving his lord paramount the lie direct and calling
him a “vile recreant,” whereupon the conference broke up
with a mutual defiance.<a id="FNanchor_305" href="#Footnote_305" class="fnanchor">[305]</a> Philip went into Berry, re-took
Palluau, and proceeded to Châteauroux, but only to withdraw
the mercenaries whom he had left there and lead them
back to Bourges, where he dismissed them.<a id="FNanchor_306" href="#Footnote_306" class="fnanchor">[306]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span></p>

<p>For military and political reasons alike Philip did not
want to fight with Richard. He knew that Richard would
be compelled ere long to make a friend of him, for nothing
but his friendship could enable Richard to secure his rights
as Henry’s heir; and Richard himself now saw that until
those rights were secured it was impossible for him to
venture on leaving Europe. He therefore resolved on
bringing matters to a crisis. At his suggestion the two
kings arranged to meet again on November 18 at Bonmoulins.<a id="FNanchor_307" href="#Footnote_307" class="fnanchor">[307]</a>
Meanwhile, as an English writer says, he “was
reconciled to” Philip—which probably means that he made,
and Philip accepted, an apology for what had occurred at
Châtillon—and “endeavoured to soften the mind of the
French king, that in him he might find at least some solace
if his own father should altogether fail him.”<a id="FNanchor_308" href="#Footnote_308" class="fnanchor">[308]</a> Accordingly
he had a private interview with Philip before the formal
conference, and went to the place of meeting in his company,
“for the sake,” so he told his father, “of concord and
peace.”<a id="FNanchor_309" href="#Footnote_309" class="fnanchor">[309]</a> Philip opened the colloquy with a proposal that
all the results of the fighting since a certain event—which is
stated as “the taking of the Cross,” but seems to have
been really the agreement at Gisors on March 10, 1186—should
be wiped out, he himself setting the example of
restitution, “and after this, all things should continue as
they were before” the specified date. This Richard
opposed; “it seemed to him unmeet that he should by the
acceptance of these terms be compelled to restore Cahors
and its whole county, and many other places forming part
of his domain, which were worth a thousand marks a year
or more, in exchange for Châteauroux and Issoudun and
Graçay which were not ducal domains, but merely underfiefs.”<a id="FNanchor_310" href="#Footnote_310" class="fnanchor">[310]</a>
Philip’s proposal and Richard’s answer may have
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
been arranged between them beforehand, and may have
been merely intended to prepare the way for the introduction
of the crucial question which Richard was determined to
bring, with Philip’s help, to a decisive issue once for all.
He now asked his father for an explicit recognition, to be
confirmed by an oath, of his rights as heir. Furthermore,
as such a recognition would, so far as Henry’s continental
territories were concerned, be ineffectual without Philip’s
sanction as overlord, and as it was now clearly understood
that Philip’s sanction depended on the marriage of Aloysia,
her hitherto reluctant bridegroom at last made up his mind
to the sacrifice and asked his father to give him at once the
bride who was lawfully his, “and the kingdom”—that is,
the assurance of succession to the Crown. In these requests
he was supported by Philip.<a id="FNanchor_311" href="#Footnote_311" class="fnanchor">[311]</a> Henry answered “that he
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
would on no account do this in existing circumstances,
since he would appear to be acting under constraint rather
than of his own free will.”<a id="FNanchor_312" href="#Footnote_312" class="fnanchor">[312]</a> Richard persisted in his
entreaties, but in vain. At last he exclaimed: “Now what
I hitherto could not believe looks to me like truth.”
Ungirding his sword, he turned to the French king and,
“imploring his aid that he might not be deprived of his
due rights,” did homage to him<a id="FNanchor_313" href="#Footnote_313" class="fnanchor">[313]</a> as his “man” for the
whole continental dominions of the Angevin house and
swore fealty to him against all men, saving Henry’s right of
tenure for life and the fidelity due from son to father.<a id="FNanchor_314" href="#Footnote_314" class="fnanchor">[314]</a>
Philip responded by promising that Châteauroux, Issoudun,
and all the other castles, lands, and fiefs which he had
taken from Henry in former wars should be restored to
Richard.<a id="FNanchor_315" href="#Footnote_315" class="fnanchor">[315]</a> Henry was, it seems, too thunderstruck to say
or do anything except consent without more ado to a truce
with Philip till S. Hilary’s day.<a id="FNanchor_316" href="#Footnote_316" class="fnanchor">[316]</a></p>

<p>“Thus began the quarrel that never was fought out,”<a id="FNanchor_317" href="#Footnote_317" class="fnanchor">[317]</a>
says a contemporary poet of the fateful conference at
Bonmoulins. The meeting had been held, according to
custom, in the open air and in public, the two kings and
Richard, with the Archbishop of Reims, standing in the
middle of a wide and dense circle of their followers and
other spectators. To some of these the symbolical action
which accompanied homage must have been visible; and
when the central group broke up and father, son, and lord
paramount were seen to move away, each in a different
direction, “all men marvelled.”<a id="FNanchor_318" href="#Footnote_318" class="fnanchor">[318]</a> Richard’s homage to
Philip was an act of filial undutifulness, since it was done in
opposition to the known wishes of his father; but it involved
no further breach of duty, if he really intended—and there
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1188</b></span>
is nothing to show that he did not, at that time, intend—to
abide by the saving clause which reserved his father’s rights.
Fairly interpreted with that clause, the homage would be
merely prospective in its effect; and some prospective
measure of this kind had been made almost necessary as a
matter of self-protection on Richard’s part, by the conduct
of both Henry and Philip. We cannot tell precisely to
what it was that Richard alluded in the words which he
spoke immediately before the homage; but it can only
have been one, or both, of two things: the sinister rumours
about Henry and Aloysia, and the suggestion that Henry
aimed at making John his heir instead of Richard. As to
the truth or falsehood of the former charge against Henry
we have no means of judging; but of the truth of the latter
charge it is impossible to doubt. The anathema said to
have been pronounced by the Legate Henry of Albano
against Richard as a disturber of the peace which the pope
was anxious to secure for the furtherance of the Crusade<a id="FNanchor_319" href="#Footnote_319" class="fnanchor">[319]</a>
might have fallen more justly upon Richard’s father;
perhaps, too, not less justly upon their overlord.</p>

<p>Richard had no sooner set out for Poitou than his father
sent messengers to recall him; but it was too late.<a id="FNanchor_320" href="#Footnote_320" class="fnanchor">[320]</a> Either
for the same purpose, or to secure, if possible, some of the
fortresses of Aquitaine,<a id="FNanchor_321" href="#Footnote_321" class="fnanchor">[321]</a> Henry himself went as far south as
Le Dorat in La Marche; there, however, he “did nothing”;<a id="FNanchor_322" href="#Footnote_322" class="fnanchor">[322]</a>
and indeed nothing could be done till the truce expired. It
had been agreed at Bonmoulins that the two kings should
<span class="sidenotex">1189</span>
then, on January 13 (1189) meet again to discuss terms for
a lasting peace. When the time came, Henry on the plea
of illness postponed the meeting, first till Candlemas, and
then till after Easter.<a id="FNanchor_323" href="#Footnote_323" class="fnanchor">[323]</a> This was too much for the patience
of either Philip or Richard. Philip, it is said, had already
promised that he would assist Richard in any attempt to
gain possession of Henry’s continental dominions.<a id="FNanchor_324" href="#Footnote_324" class="fnanchor">[324]</a> Accordingly,
after the expiration of the truce he and Richard
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
made a joint raid across Henry’s borders.<a id="FNanchor_325" href="#Footnote_325" class="fnanchor">[325]</a> Henry in alarm
sent the Archbishop of Canterbury to confer with Richard;
but Richard had now come to regard with distrust every
messenger and every message from his father, and curtly
refused to give Baldwin an audience.<a id="FNanchor_326" href="#Footnote_326" class="fnanchor">[326]</a> His confidence in
Philip was—justly enough—not much greater; when Henry
sought to renew negotiations with France, his envoys found
Richard’s chancellor, William of Longchamp, at the French
king’s side, placed there on purpose to prevent any betrayal
by Philip of the interests of the count of Poitou; and
William’s diplomacy proved more than a match for theirs.<a id="FNanchor_327" href="#Footnote_327" class="fnanchor">[327]</a>
After Easter the long delayed meeting of the kings took
place at La Ferté-Bernard;<a id="FNanchor_328" href="#Footnote_328" class="fnanchor">[328]</a> this was followed during the
next five or six weeks by several conferences between Henry
and Richard, “but it was all lost labour.”<a id="FNanchor_329" href="#Footnote_329" class="fnanchor">[329]</a> Another legate,
John of Anagni, was now endeavouring to reconcile the
kings,<a id="FNanchor_330" href="#Footnote_330" class="fnanchor">[330]</a> and had succeeded in obtaining from both of them
an undertaking to stand to his judgement and that of four
archbishops, two from Philip’s realm and two from Henry’s.<a id="FNanchor_331" href="#Footnote_331" class="fnanchor">[331]</a>
Accordingly, in Whitsun week Henry, Philip, Richard, the
legate, and the four assistant arbitrators all met together
near La Ferté-Bernard.<a id="FNanchor_332" href="#Footnote_332" class="fnanchor">[332]</a> Philip set forth his demands for
himself and for Richard: that Aloysia should be given to
Richard to wife, that some security should be granted to
Richard for his succession to the kingdom of England after
his father’s death, and that John should take the Cross and
join the Crusade;<a id="FNanchor_333" href="#Footnote_333" class="fnanchor">[333]</a> if these conditions were granted, Philip
offered to restore all that he had taken from Henry during
the current year and the preceding one.<a id="FNanchor_334" href="#Footnote_334" class="fnanchor">[334]</a> Richard made
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
the same demands in his own behalf, “saying that he
himself would in no wise go to Jerusalem unless John went
with him.”<a id="FNanchor_335" href="#Footnote_335" class="fnanchor">[335]</a> The suspicion which had evidently prompted
these demands was amply justified by Henry’s reply. He
“said that he would never do this; but he offered, if the
French king would consent, to give Aloysia with all the
things aforesaid, more fully and completely than Philip
asked”—not to Richard, but to John.<a id="FNanchor_336" href="#Footnote_336" class="fnanchor">[336]</a> The writer who
reports this offer of Henry’s does not explicitly mention
security for Richard’s succession to the English Crown as
one of the conditions demanded by Philip and Richard; he
says they asked Henry to “cause the men of his lands to
swear fealty to Richard.”<a id="FNanchor_337" href="#Footnote_337" class="fnanchor">[337]</a> Even if the lands here meant
were only the English king’s continental territories, Henry
in refusing to do any of the things asked of him for Richard
and proposing to do all and more than all of them for John
was clearly proposing nothing less than a complete disinheritance,
so far at least as those territories were concerned,
of the elder brother in favour of the younger one.
What Richard had suspected and feared, what Philip had,
to some extent at least, known to be in Henry’s mind ever
since the truce of Châteauroux, if not earlier still, was thus
confirmed by Henry’s own lips. Philip had doubtless
indirectly encouraged Henry in this insane project, so long
as it suited his own interest to play off the father and the
elder son one against the other; but he was far too practical
to have ever intended giving it his serious support; and he
now at once refused to sanction it.<a id="FNanchor_338" href="#Footnote_338" class="fnanchor">[338]</a> He seems to have
expected, reasonably enough, that the legate would uphold
him in his refusal; but instead of this, John of Anagni
threatened to lay all France under Interdict if its king did
not come to a full agreement with the king of England.
Philip retorted that he did not fear, and would not heed, a
sentence without basis in either equity or law, and that the
legate had been bribed with English gold. The meeting
broke up in hopeless discord.<a id="FNanchor_339" href="#Footnote_339" class="fnanchor">[339]</a></p>

<p>If ever a father set at nought the precept “Provoke not
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
your children to wrath,” Henry had done so by his conduct
towards Richard, not merely on one or two isolated occasions,
but persistently through a course of years. And if
any circumstances are conceivable in which a son might be,
not indeed justified, but in some degree excused for taking
forcible measures against his father, in such a case Richard
stood now. Neither he nor Philip could possibly acquiesce
in the scheme which Henry had just proposed; and it was
clear that Henry would not be induced to renounce that
scheme by any persuasion, nor even by intimidation unless
it were something more than verbal. Both parties had come
to the conference “with horses and arms,”<a id="FNanchor_340" href="#Footnote_340" class="fnanchor">[340]</a> and the main
body of Henry’s available forces was quartered in and
around Le Mans. While he rode slowly back towards that
city, Philip attacked the castle of La Ferté; its constable
made a brave defence, but was obliged to surrender. Philip
then advanced to Ballon, which he reached just after Henry
had quitted it, and at once “took it, no man gainsaying
him.”<a id="FNanchor_341" href="#Footnote_341" class="fnanchor">[341]</a> In a few days most of the castles around Le Mans
on the north and east—Bonnétable, Beaumont, Montfort—were
likewise occupied by his troops. But it was not to
him that they had surrendered. Richard was with him;
and the castellans “all round about” showed their disapproval
of Henry’s scheme for altering the Angevin succession
by voluntarily delivering up their castles to the
count of Poitou.<a id="FNanchor_342" href="#Footnote_342" class="fnanchor">[342]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span></p>

<p>On June 12 the allies surprised Le Mans; their troops
forced an entrance into the lower town, the fire kindled to
keep them out of the city set it ablaze, and Henry fled.<a id="FNanchor_343" href="#Footnote_343" class="fnanchor">[343]</a>
There was a hot pursuit; Richard was among the foremost,
but it seems that he had taken no part in the assault, and
now only wished to prevent by his presence any personal
violence to his father, for he was clad only in a doublet and
an iron headpiece and carried no arms at all. Some of his
men, however, outstripped him, and before he could overtake
them were skirmishing with Henry’s rearguard, one of whom,
William des Roches, had just unhorsed a knight of Richard’s
household when the count came spurring up and shouted:
“William! you waste time in folly; mend your speed, ride
on!” At the sound of that voice another of the little
band covering the king’s retreat turned round and spurred
his horse straight at Richard, and the heir of the Angevin
empire suddenly found his life at the mercy of one who was
already known as the most accomplished warrior of his day,
William the Marshal. So close was the encounter that
Richard caught hold of his assailant’s lance and by sheer
strength of arm turned it aside, shouting: “By God’s
Feet, Marshal, slay me not! it were an ill deed, for I am
wholly unarmed.” But the thrust had not been meant for
him, and its aim was only momentarily diverted. “Nay!
may the devil slay you, for so will not I,” answered the
Marshal as he recovered control of his weapon and plunged
it into the body of Richard’s horse.<a id="FNanchor_344" href="#Footnote_344" class="fnanchor">[344]</a> The animal instantly
fell dead, dragging its rider with it to the ground; knights
and men-at-arms crowded anxiously to the spot, and when
Richard had struggled to his feet he bade them proceed no
further—“You have spoiled everything; you are a set of
distracted fools!”<a id="FNanchor_345" href="#Footnote_345" class="fnanchor">[345]</a></p>

<p>Three weeks later father and son met once more, and for
the last time. From Le Mans the allies moved eastward
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
along the borders of Maine and the Vendômois, and thence
into Touraine as far as Amboise; castle after castle surrendering
to them without resistance. Henry had at first gone
northward, but changed his course, and while they were
thus occupied he made his way back, with a very small
escort, to Chinon.<a id="FNanchor_346" href="#Footnote_346" class="fnanchor">[346]</a> Negotiations were resumed; but the
French king now saw his opportunity for an unparalleled
display of his sovereign authority as lord paramount, and
he resolved to be satisfied with nothing less than a surrender
of the whole continental possessions of the Angevin house
into his hands, to be restored or re-distributed at his own
pleasure.<a id="FNanchor_347" href="#Footnote_347" class="fnanchor">[347]</a> On July 1 he laid siege to Tours; on July 3 he
took it by assault. Next day (July 4), at Colombières,
Henry made the required surrender.<a id="FNanchor_348" href="#Footnote_348" class="fnanchor">[348]</a> This done, Philip
formally made him a new grant of the surrendered lands
and received his homage for them on new conditions. One
of these conditions was for the sole benefit of Philip; it was
a fine of twenty thousand marks to be paid to him by
Henry. The others concerned Richard. One related to
Aloysia; another bound Henry to make all his barons,
insular and continental, swear fealty to his rightful heir.
No baron or knight who in this war had withdrawn from
Henry’s service and joined Richard was to return to the
former within a month of Mid-Lent next, at which date the
two kings and Richard were to set out all together on the
Crusade. All Henry’s barons were to swear that if he
broke his plighted word with regard to anything in the
agreement they would support Philip and Richard against
him; and it seems that Philip and Richard, while restoring
all their other conquests, were to retain either Tours, Le
Mans, and the castles of Château-du-Loir and Trou, or
Gisors, Pacy, and Nonancourt, “until all the things above
determined by the king of France should be fulfilled.”<a id="FNanchor_349" href="#Footnote_349" class="fnanchor">[349]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span></p>

<p>The meeting between the two kings at which this extraordinary
arrangement took place was held in the open air.
So far as we can gather, Richard was either a silent spectator
or was not actually present, though he was certainly close
at hand. After its conclusion he went to his father’s lodging
in the house of the Knights Templars at Ballan, hard by
Colombières,<a id="FNanchor_350" href="#Footnote_350" class="fnanchor">[350]</a> to receive, according to agreement, the kiss of
peace. He did receive it, but as he turned to depart he
heard his father mutter: “The Lord grant that I may not
die till I have had my revenge of thee!”<a id="FNanchor_351" href="#Footnote_351" class="fnanchor">[351]</a> The words were
the half delirious utterance of a sick man whose brain was
on fire with fever and, still more, with shame at the public
degradation he had just gone through, and with disappointment
at the failure of his most cherished scheme; although
the worst detail connected with that failure did not become
known to him till some hours later, when he received the
list of the followers who had deserted him. Then he learned
that John had anticipated the issue of the struggle and
secured for himself the protection of the party whose success
he saw to be a foregone conclusion, by pledging his allegiance
to Richard.<a id="FNanchor_352" href="#Footnote_352" class="fnanchor">[352]</a></p>

<p>The triumph of Philip Augustus was for the moment
complete. He had successfully asserted and exercised his
sovereign authority over the greatest of his vassals, the
vassal who was, no less than himself, a crowned and anointed
king, and whose lands comprised, besides the island realm,
more than two-thirds of the realm of France. The succession
to all those lands, including England, had been, or
seemed to have been, determined at Philip’s bidding. He
was, or seemed to be, master of both Henry and Richard.
But his triumph was only momentary. Within three days
the convention of Colombières was a mere piece of waste
parchment, for Henry of England was dead.</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span></p>

<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="BOOK_II">BOOK II<br>

<span class="fs80">RICHARD’S CRUSADE<br>

1189-1192</span></h2>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
<div class="verse indent0">Ma fu di pensier nostri ultimo segno</div>
<div class="verse indent0">Espugnar de Sion le nobil mura.</div>
</div>
</div>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_I">CHAPTER I<br>
<span class="fs70">THE YEAR OF PREPARATION<br>
1189-1190</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80"><span lang="la">Surgite, et ascendamus in Sion.</span></p>

<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>

<p>The headquarters of Philip and Richard had been at
Tours since their capture of that city on July 3;<a id="FNanchor_353" href="#Footnote_353" class="fnanchor">[353]</a> it was
probably there that Richard received, from a messenger
despatched by William the Marshal,<a id="FNanchor_354" href="#Footnote_354" class="fnanchor">[354]</a> the tidings of his
father’s death at Chinon on the 6th and the intended burial
at Fontevraud. The night-watch round the open coffin
was beginning in the great abbey church when he reached
it next evening.<a id="FNanchor_355" href="#Footnote_355" class="fnanchor">[355]</a> All endeavours to guess at his feelings
were baffled by the rigid stillness of his aspect and demeanour,<a id="FNanchor_356" href="#Footnote_356" class="fnanchor">[356]</a>
broken only by a momentary shudder when he
saw the uncovered face.<a id="FNanchor_357" href="#Footnote_357" class="fnanchor">[357]</a> For a long while he stood gazing
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
at it in silence;<a id="FNanchor_358" href="#Footnote_358" class="fnanchor">[358]</a> for a briefer space he knelt in silent
prayer.<a id="FNanchor_359" href="#Footnote_359" class="fnanchor">[359]</a>
When at last he spoke, it was to call for two of his father’s
most loyal adherents, William the Marshal and Maurice of
<span class="sidenotex">1189<br><em>July 7</em></span>
Craon. <ins class="corr" id="tn-92" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'They came foward'">
They came forward</ins>, and at his command, followed
him, with some others, out of the church. “So, fair Sir
Marshal,” he began, “you were minded to slay me the
other day! and slain I should have been of a surety had I
not turned your lance aside by the strength of my arm.
That would have been a bad day’s work!” The Marshal
answered that his own strength of arm was great enough to
drive a lance-thrust home to its aim in spite of interference,
and the issue of the encounter was sufficient proof that he
had sought only the life of the horse, not the rider.
“Marshal, I will bear you no malice; you are forgiven,”
was Richard’s reply.<a id="FNanchor_360" href="#Footnote_360" class="fnanchor">[360]</a> The burial took place next morning.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 8</em></span>
As soon as it was over Richard despatched the Marshal and
another envoy<a id="FNanchor_361" href="#Footnote_361" class="fnanchor">[361]</a> to England with orders for the release of
his mother, and with a commission to her authorizing her
to act as his representative until he could himself go over
sea.<a id="FNanchor_362" href="#Footnote_362" class="fnanchor">[362]</a> His choice of the Marshal for this errand was an
indication of the spirit in which he took up the rights and
duties of his new position. He showed himself gracious to
all persons who had been faithful to Henry, and expressed
his intention of confirming them in their several offices and
rewarding their fidelity to the late king. He was asked to
ratify a number of grants which Geoffrey the chancellor
assured him Henry had recently made or promised to make,
and he consented in every case save one, a grant of Châteauroux
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
and its heiress to Baldwin of Béthune, which he said
must be cancelled because he had himself, as duke of
Aquitaine, granted the damsel and her fief to Andrew of
Chauvigny; but he promised to compensate Baldwin.<a id="FNanchor_363" href="#Footnote_363" class="fnanchor">[363]</a> One
man only who had held high office under Henry fell under
Richard’s displeasure: Stephen the seneschal of Anjou,
who was not only deprived of the castles and the royal
treasury which he had in custody for the late king, but was
also chained hand and foot and put in prison. The cause
of Stephen’s disgrace is unknown; his previous history is
obscure;<a id="FNanchor_364" href="#Footnote_364" class="fnanchor">[364]</a> but the disgrace was only temporary; within a
few months he was once more free, and reinstated in the
king’s confidence and favour. On the other hand, when
three of the men who had deserted Henry and transferred
their allegiance to Richard asked for restitution of their
lands of which Henry had disseised them, Richard gave it,
but disseised them again immediately, “saying that such
was the due reward of traitors who in time of need forsake
their lords and help others against them”; and he treated
with coldness and aversion all, save one, who had thus
acted. The exception was John, who when he presented
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
himself before his brother was “received with honour”<a id="FNanchor_365" href="#Footnote_365" class="fnanchor">[365]</a>
and “kindly comforted.”<a id="FNanchor_366" href="#Footnote_366" class="fnanchor">[366]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>July 8-20</em></div>

<p>Richard next proceeded into Normandy. At Séez the
archbishops of Rouen and Canterbury met him, and (acting
doubtless under a commission from the legate) absolved
him from excommunication.<a id="FNanchor_367" href="#Footnote_367" class="fnanchor">[367]</a> On July 20 he received the
ducal sword and banner of Normandy at the high altar of
Rouen cathedral, and immediately afterwards the fealty of
the Norman clergy and people.<a id="FNanchor_368" href="#Footnote_368" class="fnanchor">[368]</a> He then went to Gisors
for a conference with the king of France. The French
historiographer-royal notes that as “the count of Poitou”
set foot in the great border-fortress about which he and his
father had wrangled so long with Philip, fire broke out
within it, and that next day as he rode forth the wooden
bridge broke down under him and he and his horse fell into
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 22</em></span>
the ditch.<a id="FNanchor_369" href="#Footnote_369" class="fnanchor">[369]</a> The conference took place on the 22nd, between
Chaumont and Trie.<a id="FNanchor_370" href="#Footnote_370" class="fnanchor">[370]</a> Philip began by renewing his original
claim to Gisors, but waived it on receiving an intimation
that Richard still purposed to marry Aloysia.<a id="FNanchor_371" href="#Footnote_371" class="fnanchor">[371]</a> The French
king seems to have further claimed a large share of the
castles and towns which he had taken from Henry, including
Châteauroux, Le Mans, and Tours. Submission to such a
demand would unquestionably have brought upon Richard,
as an English chronicler says, “shame and everlasting
contempt”; indeed, he would have been within his feudal
right in refusing it entirely, on the ground that no forfeiture
on his father’s part could invalidate the grant of all these
fiefs which had been made to himself by Philip in November
1188. He consented, however, to resign once for all his
rights in Auvergne, and two little fiefs in Aquitanian Berry
that lay close to the French Royal Domain—Graçay and
Issoudun; and he bought off Philip’s other demands by a
promise of four thousand marks in addition to the twenty
thousand due from Henry under the convention of Colombières.<a id="FNanchor_372" href="#Footnote_372" class="fnanchor">[372]</a>
These terms Philip accepted. Richard renewed
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
his homage to his overlord, and they agreed to set out on
the Crusade together in Lent of the next year.<a id="FNanchor_373" href="#Footnote_373" class="fnanchor">[373]</a></p>

<p>For three weeks longer Richard stayed in Normandy,
winning all hearts by his gracious and affable demeanour.<a id="FNanchor_374" href="#Footnote_374" class="fnanchor">[374]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 12</em></span>
On August 12 he went to England.<a id="FNanchor_375" href="#Footnote_375" class="fnanchor">[375]</a> Landing at Southampton
or Portsmouth,<a id="FNanchor_376" href="#Footnote_376" class="fnanchor">[376]</a> he was received two or three days later
with a solemn procession at Winchester by his mother and
the chief nobles and prelates of the land.<a id="FNanchor_377" href="#Footnote_377" class="fnanchor">[377]</a> As the archbishop
of Canterbury had previously returned from Normandy,<a id="FNanchor_378" href="#Footnote_378" class="fnanchor">[378]</a>
the coronation might have taken place immediately,
had the new king desired it. But, unlike every other king
of England since the Norman conquest, Richard was in no
haste to be crowned. There was no need for haste; he had
no rival; he had, in England, no enemies; and he had
made for himself a host of friends by a proclamation which
during the last five weeks “honourable men” sent out by
Eleanor according to instructions from him had been
publishing and carrying into effect in every county. All
persons under arrest for offences against Forest Law were
to be discharged; those who were outlawed for a like cause
were permitted to return in peace. Other persons imprisoned
“by the will of the king or his justiciar,” not “by
the common law of their county or hundred, or on appeal,”
were also to be discharged. Persons outlawed “by common
law without appeal by the justices” were to be re-admitted
to peace provided they could find sureties that they would
come up for trial if required; prisoners detained on appeal
for any shameful cause were to be released on the same
terms. All persons detained “on appeal by those who
acknowledged themselves to be malefactors” were to be set
free unconditionally. Malefactors to whom “life and
limbs” had been granted as approvers were to abjure and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
depart from the king’s land; those who without the concession
of life and limbs had of their own free will accused
others were to be kept in custody till further counsel should
be taken. The ordinance concluded by requiring every free
man of the realm to swear fealty and liege homage to the
new lord of England, “and that they will submit to his
jurisdiction and lend him their aid for the maintenance of
his peace and justice in all things.”<a id="FNanchor_379" href="#Footnote_379" class="fnanchor">[379]</a> We cannot ascertain
how far Richard was justified in the insinuation conveyed
in this ordinance, that the administration of criminal law
in Henry’s latter days had been marked not only by
undue severity, but also by arbitrary interference on the
part of the Crown or its officers with the rights and liberties
of Englishmen. The most philosophic historian of the
time, William of Newburgh, evidently thought that however
Henry might have erred on the side of rigour, Richard
at the outset of his reign erred no less in the opposite
direction. “At that time,” says William, “the gaols were
crowded with criminals awaiting trial or punishment, but
through Richard’s clemency these pests came forth from
prison, perhaps to become bolder thieves in the future.”<a id="FNanchor_380" href="#Footnote_380" class="fnanchor">[380]</a>
But the people in general were delighted to welcome a
ruler who seemed to them bent upon outdoing all that was
good and undoing all that they considered evil in the
government of his predecessor.<a id="FNanchor_381" href="#Footnote_381" class="fnanchor">[381]</a></p>

<p>From Winchester Richard was moving on by leisurely
stages towards London when a report of a Welsh raid
made him suddenly turn towards the border, with the
intention of punishing the raiders; but Eleanor, who
perhaps better understood the danger of plunging unnecessarily
and unwarily into a Welsh war, called him
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 1, 2</em></span>
back, and as usual he obeyed her.<a id="FNanchor_382" href="#Footnote_382" class="fnanchor">[382]</a> On September 1 or 2
he was welcomed with a great procession in London;<a id="FNanchor_383" href="#Footnote_383" class="fnanchor">[383]</a> on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
the 3rd he was crowned at Westminster.<a id="FNanchor_384" href="#Footnote_384" class="fnanchor">[384]</a> Three contemporary
writers, one of whom actually assisted in the most
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 3</em></span>
sacred detail of the ceremony,<a id="FNanchor_385" href="#Footnote_385" class="fnanchor">[385]</a> tell us how at its outset
Duke Richard was “solemnly and duly” elected by clergy
and people; how he took the threefold oath, to maintain
the peace of the Church, to suppress injustice, and to promote
equity and mercy.<a id="FNanchor_386" href="#Footnote_386" class="fnanchor">[386]</a> After receiving the threefold
anointing and being clothed with the symbolical vestments
of the kingly office, he was adjured by the Primate not
to assume it unless he were fully minded to keep his vow;
he answered that by God’s help he did intend so to do.
He then took the crown from the altar and handed it to
the archbishop, and the archbishop set it on his head.<a id="FNanchor_387" href="#Footnote_387" class="fnanchor">[387]</a>
Richard’s coronation is in one way the most memorable
in all English history, for it is the occasion on which the
form and manner of crowning a king of England were, in
every essential point and in most of the lesser particulars,
fixed for all after-time.</p>

<p>The court festivities lasted three days,<a id="FNanchor_388" href="#Footnote_388" class="fnanchor">[388]</a> and the manner
in which they were conducted presented a marked contrast
to the rough, careless, unceremonious ways of the court of
Henry II. The banquet each day was as stately and
decorous as it was lavish and splendid. Clergy and laity
were seated apart, and the former had the place of honour,
being at the king’s own table.<a id="FNanchor_389" href="#Footnote_389" class="fnanchor">[389]</a> Richard had further
emphasized the solemnity of the occasion by a proclamation
ordering that no Jew and no woman should be admitted
to the palace. Notwithstanding this, certain Jews did
present themselves at the doors on the evening of the
coronation-day with gifts for the king. The courtiers of
lower rank and the people who crowded round robbed
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
them, beat them, and drove them away; some were
mortally injured, some slain on the spot.<a id="FNanchor_390" href="#Footnote_390" class="fnanchor">[390]</a> The tumult
reached the ears of the king in the banqueting-hall, and he
sent the justiciar and some of the nobles to suppress it;
but it was already beyond their control.<a id="FNanchor_391" href="#Footnote_391" class="fnanchor">[391]</a> A great wave of
anti-Jewish feeling swept through the city; before morning
most of the Jews’ houses were sacked; and the number of
persons concerned in the riot was so large and public feeling
so strongly on their side that although some of them
were arrested by Richard’s orders and brought before
him, he found it impossible to do justice in the matter,<a id="FNanchor_392" href="#Footnote_392" class="fnanchor">[392]</a>
and only ventured to send three men to the gallows—one
who in the confusion had robbed a Christian, and two who
had kindled a fire which burned down a Christian’s house.<a id="FNanchor_393" href="#Footnote_393" class="fnanchor">[393]</a>
For the rest he had to “condone what he could not avenge.”<a id="FNanchor_394" href="#Footnote_394" class="fnanchor">[394]</a>
He tried, however, to prevent further disturbances of the
same kind by sending into every shire letters commanding
that the Jews should be left in peace and no one should
do them wrong;<a id="FNanchor_395" href="#Footnote_395" class="fnanchor">[395]</a> and so long as he remained in England
these orders were obeyed.</p>

<p>The new king had now to make provision for his Crusade,
and for the carrying on of the government of England after
his departure. There was no reason to anticipate any
difficulty in the latter half of his task; but the other half
of it presented a very serious cause for anxiety—the want
of money. The Angevin treasury was empty;<a id="FNanchor_396" href="#Footnote_396" class="fnanchor">[396]</a> the ducal
revenues of Normandy and Aquitaine were not large enough,
at the best of times, to furnish more than a very insignificant
surplus for purposes external to the two duchies. Richard’s
first act on reaching Winchester had been to cause an
exact account to be taken of the contents of the royal
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
treasury.<a id="FNanchor_397" href="#Footnote_397" class="fnanchor">[397]</a> We have no trustworthy statement of the
result;<a id="FNanchor_398" href="#Footnote_398" class="fnanchor">[398]</a> but it evidently proved quite inadequate to supply
his needs. The twenty-four thousand marks due to Philip,
the cost of equipping and maintaining his own followers
and of fitting out a transport fleet, were only a part of
those needs; there was another part which from Richard’s
point of view was incalculable and almost unlimited. A
great effort for the deliverance of Holy Land had been
in contemplation throughout western Europe for nearly
five years; the form in which it had been originally projected
was that of an expedition to be led by the Angevin
king of England as head of the elder branch of the royal
house of Jerusalem, and composed chiefly of his subjects,
although since then circumstances had so altered and the
scheme had so widened out and developed that he was
now only one of several monarchs who were to lead their
respective contingents as portions of one great army.
From 1184 onwards crowds of Englishmen of all ranks had
taken the Cross; most of them—very likely including the
English-born count of Poitou—without counting the cost,
in any sense of that word. Theoretically, the undertaking
being not a national but a personal and voluntary one,
each Crusader was responsible for his own equipment and
expenses and those of his tenants or other followers. The
king, however, seems to have at once recognized that if
the English (or Angevin) contingent was to take such a
share in the Holy War as befitted its leader’s rank among
the sovereigns and his kingdom’s rank among the powers
of Christendom, he must carry with him a large reserve
fund for the maintenance of the whole force under his
command in a state of efficiency on a service of which no
one could forecast the requirements, the difficulties, or the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
duration. As we read the after-story, indeed, we are
almost led to credit him with a presentiment that his war-chest
was destined to become the war-chest of the whole
crusading host. At any rate, his most pressing anxiety
was to fill the chest, and—since he expected to leave Europe
in the spring—to fill it as quickly as possible. He might
impose a special tax, or more than one; a tallage, or
“donum,” or both at once. But these would take many
months to collect, and would bring in, probably, scarcely
enough to be worth collecting, from his point of view;
while his subjects, who were, or considered themselves,
already hard pressed by the financial administration of
Henry, would have felt or at least resented such taxes as
an additional and oppressive burden. Richard adopted
quicker and easier methods.</p>

<p>Among the crowds who had taken the Cross in a moment
of enthusiasm there were many whose zeal had cooled
during the months or years of waiting, and who would
now gladly be relieved of the obligation to fulfil their vow.
There was also among them a much larger number of
officers of the English court and government, and of other
men belonging to the classes from which such officers were
usually taken, than could well be spared from the work of
administration at home. Accordingly, Richard had asked
and obtained from Pope Clement letters patent granting
release from their vow to all persons whom the king should
appoint to take part in the safe-keeping of the realm during
his absence.<a id="FNanchor_399" href="#Footnote_399" class="fnanchor">[399]</a> Naturally such release was conditional on
compensation being made to the crusading cause by all
who were thus transferred from the service of the Cross
to that of the Crown, since they had taken the former upon
themselves and the latter was not compulsory; and this
compensation necessarily took the form of the payment
to the king of a sum which could only be fixed in each
case by a bargain between him and the payer. From this
it was not a difficult step for the king to make similar
bargains with men who had not taken the Cross, but were
suitable for and ambitious of office in England, and able
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
to pay for it. Neither the sale of public offices nor the yet
more general practice of requiring payment for royal grants
of land, privileges, and benefits of any kind—including
confirmations by a new king of grants made by his predecessors—was
condemned, in principle at least, by the
ordinary code of political morality in Richard’s day. He
might fairly argue that men who desired any of these
things, and had means to pay for them, ought to be made
to contribute as largely as possible to the Treasury for
the furtherance of the Crusade; and he accordingly set
himself to drain, as it seemed, to the uttermost all these
sources of revenue. “He deposed from their bailiwicks
nearly all the sheriffs and their deputies, and held them
to ransom to the uttermost farthing. Those who could
not pay were imprisoned.”<a id="FNanchor_400" href="#Footnote_400" class="fnanchor">[400]</a> He “induced many persons
to vie with each other in spending money to purchase
dignities or public offices, or even royal manors.”<a id="FNanchor_401" href="#Footnote_401" class="fnanchor">[401]</a> “All
who were overburdened with money the king promptly
relieved of it, giving them powers and possessions at their
choice.”<a id="FNanchor_402" href="#Footnote_402" class="fnanchor">[402]</a> “Whosoever would, bought of the king his
own rights as well as those of other men.” “All things
were for sale with him—powers, lordships, earldoms, sheriffdoms,
castles, towns, manors, and suchlike”;<a id="FNanchor_403" href="#Footnote_403" class="fnanchor">[403]</a> or as Roger
of Howden sums it all up, “the king put up to sale everything
that he had.”<a id="FNanchor_404" href="#Footnote_404" class="fnanchor">[404]</a></p>

<p>The part of these proceedings which chiefly perturbed
Richard’s counsellors, it seems, was his reckless alienation
of Crown demesne; in his passionate eagerness to pile up
treasure for the Crusade he was, they considered, stripping
himself of his proper means of living as a king should live
at home; it was as if he did not intend, or did not expect,
ever to come home again at all; and when some of them
ventured on a remonstrance he answered, “I would sell
London if I could find a buyer for it.”<a id="FNanchor_405" href="#Footnote_405" class="fnanchor">[405]</a> He was in fact
in a mood to, almost literally, sell all that he had and give
it to the Crusade. The means which he employed to raise
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
money undoubtedly served their purpose; and they seem
to have neither provoked any general discontent nor
inflicted any hardship on the people, or even upon more
than a very few individuals. The chronicler who speaks
of a wholesale “deposition” and “ransoming” of the
sheriffs has considerably exaggerated the king’s treatment
of those officers. In the first place, all sheriffs were always
liable to be “deposed” at any moment, since they were
always appointed to hold their office “during the king’s
pleasure.” At Richard’s accession there were in England
twenty-eight sheriffs; two of these had each three counties
under his charge, seven had two counties each. When
Richard’s redistribution of offices was completed, six
shires were by a special grant to John withdrawn from
the royal administration altogether; seven or eight shires
remained or were replaced under their former sheriffs;
five sheriffs were transferred to shires other than those
which they had previously administered; four—perhaps
more—went on the Crusade; all the rest seem to have
been employed in some other capacity under the Crown.
In all likelihood most, if not all, of these men had taken
the Cross and their “ransom” was no more than they
were justly bound and could well afford to pay. One
case does indeed present a different aspect. Ranulf de
Glanville, at this time sheriff of Yorkshire and Westmorland,
was also, and had been for nine years, Chief Justiciar of
England. He had taken the Cross in 1185.<a id="FNanchor_406" href="#Footnote_406" class="fnanchor">[406]</a> One chronicler
asserts that Ranulf was now “stripped of his power,” put
in ward, and set free only on payment of fifteen thousand
pounds to the king.<a id="FNanchor_407" href="#Footnote_407" class="fnanchor">[407]</a> According to other authorities, however,
he asked to be relieved of his functions that he might
fulfil his vow.<a id="FNanchor_408" href="#Footnote_408" class="fnanchor">[408]</a> He is said to have had also another motive
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
for his resignation: “he was of great age, and saw that
the new king, being a novice in government, was wont to
do many things without due deliberation and forethought.”<a id="FNanchor_409" href="#Footnote_409" class="fnanchor">[409]</a>
Behind these words there may lurk a partial explanation
of Richard’s seemingly harsh and extortionate treatment
of the Justiciar. It is possible that the king really wished
to retain Ranulf’s services as his vicegerent in England,
and persuaded or coerced him into commuting his vow
for that purpose, but that Ranulf, when he had seen a little
more of his new sovereign’s ways—which were indeed not
likely to meet with the approval of statesmen who had
grown old under Henry II—preferred to sacrifice the money
as the price of Richard’s consent to his departure. That
the sacrifice was, after all, not a ruinous one may be
inferred from the fact that it left him still able to make
his expedition independently of the king, for he died at
Acre seven months or more before Richard’s arrival there.<a id="FNanchor_410" href="#Footnote_410" class="fnanchor">[410]</a>
Two Chief Justiciars were appointed in his stead, of whom
one, William de Mandeville, was a trusted and faithful
friend of King Henry, and the other, Bishop Hugh of
Durham, was a kinsman of the royal house and a man
of long experience in politics, untiring energy and ambition,
and great wealth, with the surplus of which he was quite
willing to purchase release from his vow of Crusade and
as many other benefits as Richard cared to bestow on
him.<a id="FNanchor_411" href="#Footnote_411" class="fnanchor">[411]</a></p>

<p>Several other high offices, both in Church and State,
had to be filled anew, some from causes altogether beyond
the king’s control, some in fulfilment of his promise to
carry into effect the grants which his father had left uncompleted.
There were five vacant bishoprics, besides the
metropolitan see of York. This last Henry had destined
for his son Geoffrey the Chancellor; to Geoffrey Richard
gave it,<a id="FNanchor_412" href="#Footnote_412" class="fnanchor">[412]</a> and thereby the chancellorship was vacated. Two
men vied with each other as candidates for this important
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
post; both offered large sums for it; Richard in this instance
showed that his choice of men was not governed by his
thirst for money, by accepting the lower bid of the two,
because it was made by a man whom he knew and trusted;<a id="FNanchor_413" href="#Footnote_413" class="fnanchor">[413]</a>
and the person who received the largest share of grants
out of the royal domain received them absolutely free.
That person was John. Henry had (or was said to have)
expressed the intention of endowing John with the Norman
county of Mortain and four thousand pounds’ worth of
land in England. As soon as Richard was by investiture
as duke of Normandy legally able to make grants in that
duchy, he put John in possession of Mortain.<a id="FNanchor_414" href="#Footnote_414" class="fnanchor">[414]</a> The heritage
of the late Earl of Gloucester had been promised, with the
hand of his heiress, to John ever since 1176; Richard
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 29</em></span>
secured it for him by causing the marriage to take place
a fortnight after the brothers reached England.<a id="FNanchor_415" href="#Footnote_415" class="fnanchor">[415]</a> Within
the next month the king further bestowed upon John
a number of escheated honours and other lands to the
gross annual value of some five or six hundred pounds.
Within three more months he added the gift of six whole
counties, with the entire revenues and profits of every
kind which they were wont to render to the Crown, and
the control of all administration and justice within their
limits.<a id="FNanchor_416" href="#Footnote_416" class="fnanchor">[416]</a></p>

<p>Of all Richard’s administrative arrangements this was
unquestionably the most imprudent and dangerous; it is
indeed almost the only one which can be clearly seen to
have produced disastrous results. When its motive is
realized, however, criticism is almost disarmed; for
Richard’s act was not the spontaneous throwing away of
an extravagant fraternal benefaction, or of a wholly needless
bribe to a brother to whom he owed nothing and from
whom, had he let him remain “Lackland,” he could have
had nothing to fear. It was simply a literal and exact
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
fulfilment of Henry’s latest design for completing his provision
for John by endowing him with lands in England
to the value of four thousand pounds a year.<a id="FNanchor_417" href="#Footnote_417" class="fnanchor">[417]</a> This ill-advised
project of Henry’s might perhaps have been less
unwisely carried out in some other way, such as the
bestowal of a number of small estates scattered in various
parts of the realm, instead of this solid block of territories
with so much political influence and power attached to
their possession; but the only safe mode of dealing with
it would have been to ignore it altogether. Richard’s
share of responsibility in the matter amounts simply to
this, that he—in his father’s lifetime a disobedient son—carried
loyalty to his dead father’s wishes beyond the
limits of worldly wisdom and sound policy.</p>

<p>Some of Richard’s administrative arrangements and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
appointments were made in a great council held in the
middle of September at Pipewell<a id="FNanchor_418" href="#Footnote_418" class="fnanchor">[418]</a> in Northamptonshire,
others at various times within the next three months.
Early in October the king spent a week in London; thence
he went to Arundel and afterwards to Winchester.<a id="FNanchor_419" href="#Footnote_419" class="fnanchor">[419]</a> He
had meanwhile sent John with an armed force—which
the Welsh called “the host of all England”—against
Rees of South Wales, who had laid siege to Caermarthen
castle. It was to John’s interest that there should be
peace with Rees, since the honour of Gloucester included
a large piece of Welsh territory. Accordingly John and
Rees made an agreement between themselves,<a id="FNanchor_420" href="#Footnote_420" class="fnanchor">[420]</a> and Rees,
with an escort furnished him by John, came to Oxford in
the hope of a meeting with the king; but Richard “would
not go to meet him.”<a id="FNanchor_421" href="#Footnote_421" class="fnanchor">[421]</a> For Richard the chief gain from
this expedition against Rees was that it enabled him to
collect from those tenants in chivalry who did not personally
take part in it a “Scutage of Wales” which helped to
finance the expedition to Holy Land.</p>

<p>Early in November envoys from France brought letters
from Philip setting forth that he and his barons had sworn
on the Gospels to be at Vézelay ready to start on the
Crusade at the close of Easter (April 1, 1190), and begging
that Richard would take an oath to the same effect.
Richard exacted from the envoys an oath “on the King
of France’s soul” that this pledge should be fulfilled on
the French side; then he called a great council in London
and there caused one of his chief counsellors to take a like
oath on his behalf in presence of the Frenchmen.<a id="FNanchor_422" href="#Footnote_422" class="fnanchor">[422]</a> After
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
this the king went on pilgrimage to S. Edmund’s on the
festival of its patron saint.<a id="FNanchor_423" href="#Footnote_423" class="fnanchor">[423]</a> Soon afterwards he was at
Canterbury,<a id="FNanchor_424" href="#Footnote_424" class="fnanchor">[424]</a> making peace between the archbishop and
the monks, who had long been at strife.<a id="FNanchor_425" href="#Footnote_425" class="fnanchor">[425]</a> The settlement
was destined to be only temporary, but for the moment it
was a triumph both of Richard’s kingly power and of his
personal tact; the dispute had been a scandal which had
baffled Henry II, and a legate sent by the Pope to deal
with it had landed at Dover on November 20 (when Richard
was at S. Edmund’s), but had been by Eleanor’s order
forbidden to proceed inland, his mission having no sanction
from the king.<a id="FNanchor_426" href="#Footnote_426" class="fnanchor">[426]</a> Richard, however, wanted to make use
of him for two other purposes: the confirmation of
Geoffrey’s election to the see of York, and the raising of
an Interdict laid by Archbishop Baldwin on John’s lands
in consequence of the marriage of John and Isabel of
Gloucester, who were cousins within the prohibited degrees.
Accordingly the legate was entertained at Canterbury
for two nights; he did what the king desired of him and
then departed out of the realm.<a id="FNanchor_427" href="#Footnote_427" class="fnanchor">[427]</a></p>

<p>A weightier matter was settled in that same council
at Canterbury. Shortly after the accession of Henry II
to the English crown the Scot king Malcolm had done
homage to him “in the same manner as his grandfather
had been the man of King Henry the First.”<a id="FNanchor_428" href="#Footnote_428" class="fnanchor">[428]</a> What
were the precise grounds and conditions of the homage due
to the sovereign of England from the rulers of the composite
realm which was generally known as Scotland, but
would have been more correctly termed North Britain—whether
that homage was due for the whole realm, consisting
of the Highlands (or “Scotland” properly so called),
the Lowlands, and Galloway, as well as for the lands which
the Scot kings held in England, or only for the last three,
or even for the English lands alone—was a question which
both parties had for many generations found it prudent
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
to evade by the use of some such formula as the one adopted
in 1157. But in 1175 Malcolm’s brother and successor,
William the Lion, having invaded England and been made
prisoner, purchased his release by definitely becoming
Henry’s liegeman “for Scotland and all his other lands,”
promising that all his barons should likewise do liege
homage to Henry, and that his own heirs and the heirs of
his barons should do the same to Henry’s successors, and
giving up to the English king the castles of Roxburgh,
Berwick, Jedburgh, Edinburgh, and Stirling, with an
annual payment from the Scottish Crown revenue for their
maintenance.<a id="FNanchor_429" href="#Footnote_429" class="fnanchor">[429]</a> Edinburgh was given back to William in
1186 to form part of the dower of his wife, Henry’s cousin
Ermengard of Beaumont.<a id="FNanchor_430" href="#Footnote_430" class="fnanchor">[430]</a> In the summer of 1188 some
abortive negotiations concerning the restoration of the
other castles to the Scot king took place between him and
Henry. According to one account, Henry attempted to
levy the Saladin tithe for the Crusade in Scotland as well
as in his own dominions; William refused to permit this,
but offered to give five thousand marks instead of the
tithe if his castles were restored to him; this, however,
Henry “would not do.”<a id="FNanchor_431" href="#Footnote_431" class="fnanchor">[431]</a> Another version of the story is
that William spontaneously began negotiations by offering
four thousand marks for the castles; that Henry answered
“the thing should be done if William would give a tithe
of his land” for the Crusade and that the Scot king was
willing to do this if he could obtain the consent of his
barons, but they refused emphatically, so the project
came to nothing.<a id="FNanchor_432" href="#Footnote_432" class="fnanchor">[432]</a> It is not likely that Henry imagined
himself to have by the settlement made in 1175 finally
disposed of the question about the homage. A settlement
which had been forced upon William the Lion when he was
powerless in the English king’s hands could not possibly
be final on such a matter; he, or the Scot kings after him,
would be certain to repudiate it at the first opportunity;
and the opportunity came in autumn 1189 when he was
summoned to the English court to do homage to Henry’s
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
successor. It was imperatively necessary for Richard to
secure William’s homage before setting out on the Crusade.
To go without having done so would have been to leave
northern England without any safeguard against invasion
and ravage during his absence. He himself had neither
time nor means to spare for an expedition against Scotland.
Had William chosen to delay indefinitely—as more than
one of his predecessors had done—his appearance at the
English court, he could easily, and probably with impunity,
have put Richard in a very awkward position. Most likely
he would have done so but for Richard’s tact in turning
the difficulty. Overlord and vassal agreed upon a bargain
which was in all likelihood more profitable to both parties
than the one proposed a year before could ever have been
to either of them. William covenanted to give Richard a
lump sum of ten thousand marks;<a id="FNanchor_433" href="#Footnote_433" class="fnanchor">[433]</a> Richard quit-claimed
“all customs and agreements which King Henry extorted
from William by reason of his capture, so that he shall
fully and completely do to us what his brother Malcolm
King of Scots rightly did to our predecessors and what
he ought rightly to do”; he renounced the liege homage
of William’s men and restored all the charters given to Henry
by William when he was Henry’s prisoner; and he undertook
to do to William “whatsoever our predecessors rightly
did and ought to have done to Malcolm according to a
recognition to be made by four English nobles chosen by
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 5</em></span>
William and four Scottish nobles chosen by ourself”; to
make good any encroachments which had taken place on
the Scottish Marches since William’s capture; to confirm
any grants made to William by Henry; and finally, that
William and his heirs for ever should possess his English
lands as fully and freely as Malcolm had possessed or ought
to have possessed them.<a id="FNanchor_434" href="#Footnote_434" class="fnanchor">[434]</a></p>

<p>Richard’s phrase about the conditions of release which
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
Henry had “extorted”<a id="FNanchor_435" href="#Footnote_435" class="fnanchor">[435]</a> from the king of Scots seems to
indicate a consciousness that his father had, in forcing
upon the caged Lion of Scotland terms of such abject submission,
taken a somewhat dishonourable advantage of the
lucky combination of accidents—for it was really nothing
more—which had placed William at his mercy.<a id="FNanchor_436" href="#Footnote_436" class="fnanchor">[436]</a> But
policy, as well as chivalry, had a share in Richard’s agreement
with his royal vassal. Ten thousand marks, paid
down in a lump and almost immediately, was probably
a much larger contribution than could have been obtained
from a country so poor as Scotland without some very
substantial concession in return. The retention of the
castles was quite unnecessary to the security of England;
it must inevitably be a source of constant irritation to
the Scots, and thus tend to endanger rather than to safeguard
the tranquillity of the border; and the restitution
of them was the only real sacrifice which the treaty involved.
Richard’s charter is most cautiously worded; he renounces
nothing except the direct homage of the Scot king’s subvassals
and the explicit mention of “Scotland” by name
in William’s own act of homage on this occasion. The
former would have been extremely difficult to enforce at
the moment, and of very little practical value. As to the
latter point, the form of words chosen by Richard involved
no recognition of the Scottish claim to a partial independence,
and no renunciation or abatement of the English
claim to the overlordship of all North Britain. It left
Richard and his successors quite free to re-assert that
claim explicitly at any future time, and to re-assert it as
based not on a concession wrung from a helpless prisoner
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
in 1175, but on their acknowledged right to “all” that
William’s predecessors “had done and ought to have done”
to the predecessors of Richard in virtue of a series of agreements
going back from Henry II and Malcolm III to Eadward
the Elder and Donald IV; for the English theory on the
subject was that those ancient agreements included, or
involved, the homage of the Scot kings to the kings of
England for the whole realm of Scotland. The Scottish
view was, of course, different; but these divergent views
were of little practical consequence so long as no necessity
arose for expressing them in words or carrying them out
in action; no such necessity had yet arisen, and none was
destined to arise for another hundred years. A formula
capable of this double interpretation was thus the only
kind of formula on which the two parties could agree;
and the point of immediate importance was that they
should agree so that the Scot’s homage should be done
and done quickly, not delayed indefinitely or altogether
refused at the eleventh hour. It was done at Canterbury
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 5</em></span>
on December 5.<a id="FNanchor_437" href="#Footnote_437" class="fnanchor">[437]</a></p>

<p>On the same day Richard proceeded to Dover;<a id="FNanchor_438" href="#Footnote_438" class="fnanchor">[438]</a> about
a week later he went to Normandy.<a id="FNanchor_439" href="#Footnote_439" class="fnanchor">[439]</a> He kept
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 11, 14</em></span>
Christmas<a id="FNanchor_440" href="#Footnote_440" class="fnanchor">[440]</a>
in great state, “but,” adds a poet-chronicler, “there was
little singing of <cite lang="fro">gestes</cite>”; Richard, who usually revelled in
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 25</em></span>
that kind of entertainment, was now too busy and in too
grave a mood for minstrelsy.<a id="FNanchor_441" href="#Footnote_441" class="fnanchor">[441]</a> On December 30 he and
Philip, after holding a conference at the Gué St. Rémi,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 30</em></span>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
issued a joint proclamation setting forth their arrangements
for going together on the Crusade and for the safety and
mutual protection of each other’s subjects and dominions
during their absence, and bidding all their Crusader subjects
either to precede them or be ready to set out with them from
Vézelay within the octave of Easter (March 25-April 1).<a id="FNanchor_442" href="#Footnote_442" class="fnanchor">[442]</a>
<span class="sidenotex">1190<br><em>Jan.</em></span>
By the middle of January, however, both kings had discovered
that they could not be ready by April. The date
of departure was again postponed, to S. John the Baptist’s
day; and at a third conference held in the middle of March
the delay was further prolonged to the octave of that
festival.<a id="FNanchor_443" href="#Footnote_443" class="fnanchor">[443]</a> Richard meanwhile had made a visit to Aquitaine;
on February 2-4 he was at La Réole,<a id="FNanchor_444" href="#Footnote_444" class="fnanchor">[444]</a> on February 12
at Londigny on the border of the Angoumois and Poitou,<a id="FNanchor_445" href="#Footnote_445" class="fnanchor">[445]</a>
moving back towards Normandy to meet certain persons
whom he had summoned thither from England soon after
Candlemas. One of the two men whom he had appointed
as joint chief justiciars, William de Mandeville, had died
on November 14.<a id="FNanchor_446" href="#Footnote_446" class="fnanchor">[446]</a> For a time, it seems, the king put no
one formally into Mandeville’s place, and thus left Hugh
of Durham legally sole chief justiciar; but he gave the
custody of the Tower of London, which usually appertained
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
to that officer, to the chancellor, Bishop William of Ely,
whom he also, before leaving England, intrusted with one
of the royal seals “to carry out the king’s orders in the
realm,” thus making him virtually independent of Hugh.<a id="FNanchor_447" href="#Footnote_447" class="fnanchor">[447]</a>
In February, however, the king summoned his mother,
his betrothed, his brothers John and Geoffrey (the archbishop-elect
of York), Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury,
and seven bishops, among whom were Hugh of Durham
and William of Ely, to join him in Normandy. “And
when he had taken counsel with them, he appointed his
chancellor, Bishop William of Ely, chief justiciar of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb.</em></span>
England, and granted to Bishop Hugh of Durham the
justiciarship from the river Humber to the Scot king’s
border.”<a id="FNanchor_448" href="#Footnote_448" class="fnanchor">[448]</a> He also made both his brothers swear that
they would not enter England for three years “from that
hour” except by leave from him.<a id="FNanchor_449" href="#Footnote_449" class="fnanchor">[449]</a> At the end of March
or early in April<a id="FNanchor_450" href="#Footnote_450" class="fnanchor">[450]</a> he sent the new chief justiciar, William
of Ely, back to England “to prepare things necessary for
him”—that is, for the king—“and for his journey.”<a id="FNanchor_451" href="#Footnote_451" class="fnanchor">[451]</a></p>

<p>The chief item in this commission was the requisitioning
of a supply of horses; William “took for the king’s use
from every city in England two palfreys and two additional
sumpter horses, and from every manor of the king’s own
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March<br>&#160; to April</em></span>
one palfrey and one sumpter horse.”<a id="FNanchor_452" href="#Footnote_452" class="fnanchor">[452]</a> These horses were
doubtless shipped across to Normandy, being, it seems,
for the use of the king and his immediate companions,
who, together with his continental followers, were going
overland with Philip to meet the English fleet at Marseille.
<span class="sidenotex">1189</span>
Immediately on reaching England Richard had set about
collecting a transport fleet, by sending his bailiffs to “all
the sea-ports of England, Normandy, Poitou, and his other
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
lands” to choose for him the largest and best of all the
ships they found there and the fittest to carry heavy
burdens. Some of these he gave to certain of his familiar
friends who were bound on Crusade; some he retained for
his own use, and had them loaded with arms and victuals.<a id="FNanchor_453" href="#Footnote_453" class="fnanchor">[453]</a>
The terms on which these ships were acquired seem to have
varied considerably; in some cases the Crown paid half
their value, in others the whole; a few were gifts from
wealthy individuals.<a id="FNanchor_454" href="#Footnote_454" class="fnanchor">[454]</a> In addition to all these the king
already had some “smacks” (<i lang="la">esneccae</i>) in ordinary use
for the transport of himself and his treasure between
England and Normandy; these were now put in repair to
fit them for a longer and more dangerous voyage. The
crews and captains of the other ships were of course taken
over together with the vessels, and were paid by the king
<span class="sidenotex">1190</span>
from Michaelmas 1189.<a id="FNanchor_455" href="#Footnote_455" class="fnanchor">[455]</a> Some time in March or early in
April (1190) Richard held a council at Chinon and thence
issued an ordinance for the maintenance of discipline in
the fleet, in the form of a charter which he delivered into
the hands of the archbishop of Auch, the bishop of
Bayonne, Robert de Sabloil, Richard de Camville, and
William de Fors of Oléron, appointing them justiciars over
“his whole navy of England, Normandy, Poitou, and
Britanny, about to sail for Holy Land.” The regulations
which they had to administer were drastic. Any man
who slew another on board ship was to be tied to the corpse
and cast with it into the sea; one who slew a man ashore
to be tied to the corpse and buried with it. A man convicted
of drawing knife on another or striking him so that
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
blood flowed was to lose his hand. If he only struck with
his palm, so that no blood flowed, he was to be ducked
three times in the sea. Anyone who insulted or cursed
a comrade was to forfeit an ounce of silver for every such
offence. A convicted thief was to be “shorn like a professional
champion, then tarred and feathered so as to be
known,” and cast ashore on the first land at which the ship
touched.<a id="FNanchor_456" href="#Footnote_456" class="fnanchor">[456]</a> Another writ from the king bade all those of
his subjects who were going to Jerusalem by sea, as they
valued their lives “and their return home,” swear to
keep these “assizes” and obey the justiciars of the fleet,
who were further bidden to set out on the voyage as soon
as possible; which they did shortly after Easter.<a id="FNanchor_457" href="#Footnote_457" class="fnanchor">[457]</a></p>

<p>The next step in Richard’s preparations for departure
was of a very different kind. Of all the country seats
belonging to the counts of Poitou the one in which for
many generations they seem to have most delighted was
Talmont. The lordship of which this castle was the head
included a territory known as “the Land of the Countess,”
because it had formed part of the dower of the successive
countesses of Poitou ever since the middle of the eleventh
century. Here, “on the sea-shore, in the wood of La
Roche, and not far from the mouth of the Jard”—a little
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
stream which falls into the sea some few miles south-east
of the castle of Talmont—Richard now founded a house of
Augustinian canons. Its dedication was to “our Lord and
the glorious Virgin Mary His Mother”; its name was to
be “God’s Place,” <i lang="la">Locus Dei</i>, <i lang="fro">Lieu-Dieu</i>; and its endowment
consisted of the whole “Land of the Countess” with all
its appurtenances, “including everything that his mother,
as well as himself, had or might have in that place,” with
the addition of other gifts and privileges.<a id="FNanchor_458" href="#Footnote_458" class="fnanchor">[458]</a> Eleanor had no
need of “the Countess’s Land,” for Richard before leaving
England had granted to her, in addition to the dowry
given her by his father, the whole of that which Henry I
had given to his queen and that which Stephen had given
to Maud of Boulogne.<a id="FNanchor_459" href="#Footnote_459" class="fnanchor">[459]</a> Evidently it was with his mother’s
sanction that the king now dedicated to higher uses this
large share of a cherished possession of her forefathers
which was also a favourite pleasure-resort of his own. In
God’s Place at Talmont we may surely see an offering
made with special intention by the offerer and his mother
for his safety and welfare in his great adventure and for
the success of the enterprise on which his heart was set.</p>

<p>On May 6 Richard issued, at Fontenay, a charter for the
foundation of another religious house, a small minster
dedicated to S. Andrew, at Gourfaille, in the same neighbourhood.<a id="FNanchor_460" href="#Footnote_460" class="fnanchor">[460]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 8</em></span>
Two days later he was at Cognac;<a id="FNanchor_461" href="#Footnote_461" class="fnanchor">[461]</a> a month
later, at Bayonne,<a id="FNanchor_462" href="#Footnote_462" class="fnanchor">[462]</a> and it seems to have been about this
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 6</em></span>
time that he besieged and took the castle of Chis in the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
county of Bigorre and hanged its lord for the crime of
having robbed pilgrims to S. James and other persons
who passed through his lands.<a id="FNanchor_463" href="#Footnote_463" class="fnanchor">[463]</a> By June 20 Richard was
again at Chinon;<a id="FNanchor_464" href="#Footnote_464" class="fnanchor">[464]</a> thence he went to Tours, where he held
a final conference with Philip,<a id="FNanchor_465" href="#Footnote_465" class="fnanchor">[465]</a> and received his pilgrim’s
scrip and staff from the hands of Archbishop Bartholomew.<a id="FNanchor_466" href="#Footnote_466" class="fnanchor">[466]</a>
He seems to have characteristically proved the staff by
leaning on it with all his gigantic strength, for a chronicler
adds: “When the king leaned on the staff, it broke.”<a id="FNanchor_467" href="#Footnote_467" class="fnanchor">[467]</a>
Never before, probably never again, was there seen at
Tours such a muster as that of the Crusaders who followed
the banner of Richard the Lion Heart. City and suburbs
were overcrowded; “there were many good knights and
famous crossbowmen; and dames and damsels were sorrowful
and heavy-hearted for their friends who were going
away, and all the people were in sadness because of their
valiant lord’s departure” when he and his host set out
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 27</em></span>
“with a good courage”<a id="FNanchor_468" href="#Footnote_468" class="fnanchor">[468]</a> on June 27 for Vézelay. Whether
the two kings actually kept their tryst on the appointed
day, July 1, is doubtful. Richard was certainly at the
meeting-place on the 3rd, but according to one account
Philip did not arrive till the 4th.<a id="FNanchor_469" href="#Footnote_469" class="fnanchor">[469]</a> When they did meet,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
they took a reciprocal oath that they would loyally divide
between them whatever conquests they should make
together, and that whichever of them reached Messina
first should wait there for the other.<a id="FNanchor_470" href="#Footnote_470" class="fnanchor">[470]</a> They spent two
days at Vézelay together,<a id="FNanchor_471" href="#Footnote_471" class="fnanchor">[471]</a> and then at last the united host
began its march towards the Holy Land, “the two kings
riding in front and discoursing of their great journey.”<a id="FNanchor_472" href="#Footnote_472" class="fnanchor">[472]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_II">CHAPTER II<br>
<span class="fs70">THE OUTWARD VOYAGE<br>
1190</span></h3>

<div class="blockquot">

<p><span lang="la">Initia Regis Ricardi, qui nondum elapso triennio regni sui probitatis
suae radios longe lateque dispersit; nam Messanas civitatem Siciliae uno
die viriliter subjecit, et terram Cypri in quindecim diebus potenter subjugavit.—<cite>Chron.
Edw. II</cite>, auct. monacho Malmesburiensi,</span> ii. 191.</p>
</div>


<div class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></div>

<p>A march of eight days brought the Crusaders to Lyons on
July 10 or 13.<a id="FNanchor_473" href="#Footnote_473" class="fnanchor">[473]</a> Here they were to cross the Rhône and then
proceed down its left bank to the coast. The two kings
with their personal followers crossed at once and encamped
on the further side of the river (seemingly on a height whence
their tents were visible from the hither side) to wait till the
stragglers and late comers should overtake the main body
of pilgrims, who lodged as they could in and around the city.<a id="FNanchor_474" href="#Footnote_474" class="fnanchor">[474]</a>
When the muster seemed to be complete, the kings gave the
signal for departure by causing their tents to be struck.<a id="FNanchor_475" href="#Footnote_475" class="fnanchor">[475]</a>
The main body of the host on the other bank<a id="FNanchor_476" href="#Footnote_476" class="fnanchor">[476]</a> thronged to
the narrow wooden bridge; when a small number had crossed
one of the arches broke down.<a id="FNanchor_477" href="#Footnote_477" class="fnanchor">[477]</a> Only two persons were
drowned, but the multitude left behind were sorely puzzled
how to get across the “crested waters” of the Rhône in
flood.<a id="FNanchor_478" href="#Footnote_478" class="fnanchor">[478]</a> According to one account they in three days achieved
the passage “as best they could, in little boats, with great
difficulty.”<a id="FNanchor_479" href="#Footnote_479" class="fnanchor">[479]</a> Another version, however, tells us that it was
only Philip who had actually set out before the bridge gave
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
way,<a id="FNanchor_480" href="#Footnote_480" class="fnanchor">[480]</a> and Richard, having merely escorted him out of the
camp, was still at hand when the catastrophe occurred;
whereupon he, “whose constancy never failed in action,”
quickly caused a bridge to be made of boats lashed together,
and waited three days while by this means the whole host
made its passage in safety.<a id="FNanchor_481" href="#Footnote_481" class="fnanchor">[481]</a> Then, while the French king’s
subjects followed their sovereign to Genoa or went by whatever
route they chose to meet him at Messina,<a id="FNanchor_482" href="#Footnote_482" class="fnanchor">[482]</a> the English
king at the head of his own contingent set out<a id="FNanchor_483" href="#Footnote_483" class="fnanchor">[483]</a> for Marseille,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 31</em></span>
where he arrived on the last day of July.<a id="FNanchor_484" href="#Footnote_484" class="fnanchor">[484]</a></p>

<p>“From Marseille to Acre,” says a contemporary writer,
“is a sail of only fifteen days. But,” he adds, “then you
go through the Great Sea, so that after the mountains round
about Marseille cease to be visible you will, if you keep the
direct course, see no land either to right or left till you see
the land of Syria.”<a id="FNanchor_485" href="#Footnote_485" class="fnanchor">[485]</a> Some of the Crusaders who accompanied
Richard—among them Archbishop Baldwin of Canterbury
and Ranulf de Glanville—faced the mysterious terrors
of the “Great Sea” and took this route<a id="FNanchor_486" href="#Footnote_486" class="fnanchor">[486]</a> to Tyre, which they
reached on September 16.<a id="FNanchor_487" href="#Footnote_487" class="fnanchor">[487]</a> The two kings had chosen
Messina as the final starting-point of their voyage at a time
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
when they deemed themselves sure of finding there every
possible facility for refitting and revictualling their ships,
and substantial help of every kind for their enterprise;
King William of Sicily being married to a sister of Richard,
and having long ago promised every assistance in his power
to the Crusade.<a id="FNanchor_488" href="#Footnote_488" class="fnanchor">[488]</a> In March, however, they had learned that
William had died in the preceding November.<a id="FNanchor_489" href="#Footnote_489" class="fnanchor">[489]</a> The original
scheme nevertheless had obvious advantages both for
Richard, who knew that William had made some testamentary
dispositions for his benefit, and for Philip, who “dreaded
the sea.”<a id="FNanchor_490" href="#Footnote_490" class="fnanchor">[490]</a> As the difficulties and dangers of the real overland
route from northern France to Apulia and Sicily through
the Alpine passes and Italy were apparently still considered
even more formidable than those of the Mediterranean sea,
Philip had arranged to be conveyed by the practised mariners
of Genoa from their city to Messina, not exactly as an English
chronicler says “by land,” but by the shortest and easiest
coasting route. Richard on the contrary was minded to go
by water as much as he could, and had ordered his fleet to
meet him at the nearest Mediterranean port—Marseille.<a id="FNanchor_491" href="#Footnote_491" class="fnanchor">[491]</a>
When a week had passed and no fleet appeared, he grew
weary of waiting; so he hired “two large busses and twenty
well armed galleys,” in which he set sail with his household
troops on August 7.<a id="FNanchor_492" href="#Footnote_492" class="fnanchor">[492]</a> He was “grieved and confounded at
the delay of his navy,”<a id="FNanchor_493" href="#Footnote_493" class="fnanchor">[493]</a> and seems to have coasted along
very slowly in the hope of its overtaking him, for it was not
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 13</em></span>
till the 13th that he reached Genoa, where he went ashore to
visit Philip, who was lying there sick. Next day, at Portofino,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 14</em></span>
he received a message from Philip asking for the loan
of five galleys; Richard offered three, but this Philip declined.
On the 23rd Richard relieved the tediousness of the slow
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 23</em></span>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
coasting voyage by landing with a small escort at Baratto
and hiring horses on which the party rode to Piombino;
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 24</em></span>
there they rejoined their ships. “Then the king went on
board the galley of Fulco Rustac” (or “Rustancri”) instead
of the one in which he had been sailing (the “Pumbone”),
and they proceeded to Porto Ercole, which was reckoned
to be half way between Marseille and Messina. “But that
day the sail of the galley in which the king was got torn;
so he went back to the Pumbone.” On the same day,
August 25, he landed at Ostia,<a id="FNanchor_494" href="#Footnote_494" class="fnanchor">[494]</a> where he was met by the
cardinal bishop and some other persons sent by the Pope
to receive him and invite him to visit Rome; this he declined
to do,<a id="FNanchor_495" href="#Footnote_495" class="fnanchor">[495]</a> preferring, it seems, to spend a day in what a modern
traveller might call seeing the sights of the neighbourhood.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 28<br>&#160; to Sept. 8</em></span>
He spent nearly a fortnight in the same way at Naples,
making excursions round about (August 28-September 8);
thence he went on horseback to Salerno,<a id="FNanchor_496" href="#Footnote_496" class="fnanchor">[496]</a> and stayed there
till on September 13 he heard that his fleet had arrived at
Messina, and at once set out to rejoin it.<a id="FNanchor_497" href="#Footnote_497" class="fnanchor">[497]</a> The report was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 14</em></span>
premature; but the fleet did in fact reach Messina next day.
The story of its voyage illustrates the spirit of adventure
in which the men of the more remote western lands set out
upon their Crusade. The “justiciars of the navy” appointed
in the spring had apparently taken each the command of a
little squadron, and these squadrons had sailed in April,
according to the king’s order, from various ports of England,
Normandy, Britanny, and Poitou. Ten ships of the English
division set out from Dartmouth; some of them touched at
Silvia in Portugal, others at Lisbon, and all stopped to help
the Christian Portuguese in their war against the Moors.
Other ships of Richard’s—perhaps from more distant ports—came
into Lisbon harbour at the close of the war; the
whole fleet sailed thence on July 26, passed the Straits of
Gibraltar on August 1, and sailing along the coasts of Spain
and Provence reached Marseille on August 22. Finding that
the king was gone, they stayed a week for necessary refitting,
set out again on the 30th, and came to Messina on Holy
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
Cross day.<a id="FNanchor_498" href="#Footnote_498" class="fnanchor">[498]</a> According to English accounts Philip of France
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 14</em></span>
arrived there two days later;<a id="FNanchor_499" href="#Footnote_499" class="fnanchor">[499]</a> his own biographer, however,
says he came in August.<a id="FNanchor_500" href="#Footnote_500" class="fnanchor">[500]</a> As he had no ships of his own, the
greater part of his host had either gone before him to Messina
or proceeded towards Syria by other routes; and to the disappointment
of the townsfolk and the pilgrims assembled at
Messina, who all hoped to see a king arrive with great pomp
and majesty, only the ship which bore Philip himself came
into the harbour, and landing at the steps of the royal palace<a id="FNanchor_501" href="#Footnote_501" class="fnanchor">[501]</a>
he slipped out of sight as quickly and quietly as possible.<a id="FNanchor_502" href="#Footnote_502" class="fnanchor">[502]</a></p>

<p>The disappointed spectators of Philip’s landing were to be
more than compensated ere long by the arrival of another
royal guest. By September 21 Richard, travelling leisurely
along the coast from Salerno, had reached Mileto in Calabria.
Here a characteristic adventure nearly brought to an
untimely end both his enterprise and his life. He was riding
forth next day, accompanied only by one knight, “and
as they passed through a little township the king turned
aside towards a house where he heard the voice of a falcon,
and he went into the house and took the bird; and when he
would not let it go, a number of villagers came running up
and attacked him with stones and sticks. One of them drew
his knife upon the king, and the king beat the man with the
flat of his sword till the sword broke. The other assailants
he overcame with stones, and narrowly escaping from their
hands made his way to the Priory of La Bagnara.” There,
finding himself close to what an English chronicler describes
as “the great river which is called the Far of Messina,” he
took boat and crossed it immediately, and “lay that night in
a tent hard by the great stone tower which stands by the
entrance to the Far on the Sicilian side”—that is, the pharos,
lighthouse, or beacon-tower which gave the strait its
medieval name.<a id="FNanchor_503" href="#Footnote_503" class="fnanchor">[503]</a> He probably crossed in a vessel of his own
fleet, the whole of which seems to have been assembled at
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
the northern end of the strait in readiness to meet him.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 23</em></span>
Next day (September 23) he sailed at its head into the harbour
of Messina. “The galleys filled the Strait; they were
crowded with hardy looking warriors, and decked with
pennons and banners. So came the king to the shore,”<a id="FNanchor_504" href="#Footnote_504" class="fnanchor">[504]</a>
amid such blowing of horns and trumpets that “all the city
was alarmed at the sound.” Philip and the governors and
people of Messina went down to the beach and stood there
“marvelling at that which they saw and heard of the king of
England and of his power.”<a id="FNanchor_505" href="#Footnote_505" class="fnanchor">[505]</a> Richard “leaped ashore,” and
went immediately to speak with Philip.<a id="FNanchor_506" href="#Footnote_506" class="fnanchor">[506]</a> Meanwhile those
of his barons who had reached Messina before him brought
“the fine destriers which had come over in the transport
ships; and he and his people all mounted on horseback,”<a id="FNanchor_507" href="#Footnote_507" class="fnanchor">[507]</a>
and rode to their lodging, which—the royal palace being, by
permission of the new sovereign of Sicily, occupied by Philip—was
being prepared for them in the house of one of the
Sicilian king’s officers, “in the suburb outside the city wall,
among the vineyards.”<a id="FNanchor_508" href="#Footnote_508" class="fnanchor">[508]</a></p>

<p>The next of kin to the late king of Sicily and the person
whom he had designated as his successor was his father’s
sister Constance; but she was far away in Germany—being
married to the Emperor’s son—and a cousin, Tancred, had
without much difficulty become master of the kingdom, or at
least of its insular half. Tancred had, as has been seen,
provided lodgings for his two royal guests at Messina; he
himself was at Palermo, and so was the widowed Queen
Joan, Richard’s sister. Richard knew that a very liberal
dowry in land had been settled upon Joan by King William
at their marriage,<a id="FNanchor_509" href="#Footnote_509" class="fnanchor">[509]</a> and also that William had made a will
containing a bequest to his father-in-law, Henry II, of “a
golden table twelve feet long and a foot and a half wide,
three golden tripods for sitting at the table, a silken tent large
enough for two hundred knights to eat in it together, a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
hundred first-rate galleys with all necessary gear and food for
the crews, sixty thousand seams of wheat, the same number
of barley and of wine, and twenty-four cups and twenty-four
dishes” of either silver or gold.<a id="FNanchor_510" href="#Footnote_510" class="fnanchor">[510]</a> This bequest was
evidently intended by William, who seems to have been long
in ill-health and expecting an early death, as his contribution
to the Crusade. Richard, as Henry’s heir, now claimed it
from Tancred, and he also demanded that Joan should be
sent to him immediately with her dowry and a golden chair<a id="FNanchor_511" href="#Footnote_511" class="fnanchor">[511]</a>
for her use “according to the custom of the queens of that
land.”<a id="FNanchor_512" href="#Footnote_512" class="fnanchor">[512]</a> Tancred sent Joan off at once by sea “with just
her bedroom furniture” and a million <i lang="la">terrini</i> for her expenses.<a id="FNanchor_513" href="#Footnote_513" class="fnanchor">[513]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 28</em></span>
She reached Messina on Michaelmas Eve, and was conducted
by her brother to a lodging prepared for her in the Hospital;<a id="FNanchor_514" href="#Footnote_514" class="fnanchor">[514]</a>
but he speedily took steps for removing her to a safer place;
for trouble, possibly with Philip, certainly with the townsfolk
of Messina and with their king, was now evidently close
at hand.</p>

<p>The English king’s subjects who had reached Messina
before him on the fleet had been refused admittance into the
city; they were obliged to encamp on the shore, and suffered
much annoyance and persecution from a section of the
townsfolk whom one of them describes as “a parcel of
Griffons and low fellows of Saracen extraction.” These
people not only insulted the Crusaders in the vilest ways, but
even killed some of them and outraged the corpses.<a id="FNanchor_515" href="#Footnote_515" class="fnanchor">[515]</a> All
“Ultramontanes,” or men from beyond the Alps, were hated
by the two races with which Sicily was mainly peopled—the
“Griffons” or Greek-speaking folk, and the Italian-speaking
whom the western writers call Lombards. In the minds of
the last-named especially the memory of the Norman conquest
of Sicily and Apulia still rankled; “they always had
a grudge against us,” says the Norman poet-historian of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
Richard’s Crusade, “because their fathers had told them that
our ancestors had conquered them; so they could not love
us.”<a id="FNanchor_516" href="#Footnote_516" class="fnanchor">[516]</a> It seems not unlikely that Tancred had gained the
support of both Griffons and Lombards by posing as the
champion of a sort of national government in opposition to
the representatives of the foreign royal line, and that they
looked with suspicion upon the crusading host as possibly
designed to be the instrument of a new Norman conquest;
more especially when they discovered, as they very soon did,
that although it had nominally two crowned leaders, its real
and sole commander-in-chief was the Anglo-Norman king.
On the morrow of his arrival Richard set up outside the
camp a gallows for thieves and robbers. “His judges
delegate spared neither sex nor age; and there was one
punishment for a stranger and for one born in the land.”
The French king took no notice of any ill-doing on the part
of his own men, nor of any evil done to them; but Richard
cared not whose subject the criminal might be; “considering
every man as his own,” he left no wrong unpunished;
“wherefore the Griffons called him the Lion and Philip the
Lamb.”<a id="FNanchor_517" href="#Footnote_517" class="fnanchor">[517]</a></p>

<p>Both Griffons and Lombards did their utmost to make the
position of the “tailed Englishmen”—as they called Richard
and all his followers indiscriminately—absolutely intolerable.
They tried to starve them by refusing to let them
buy food in the city; they fell upon and slew any whom they
caught in small parties and unarmed; they even began to
raise the town walls, as if challenging the strangers to besiege
them.<a id="FNanchor_518" href="#Footnote_518" class="fnanchor">[518]</a> By the time of Joan’s arrival matters had come to
such a pass that two days later (September 30) Richard with
a small armed force re-crossed the strait into Calabria,
turned the Griffons out of a fortress called La Bagnara,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 1</em></span>
and next day established his sister in it with a guard of his
own men.<a id="FNanchor_519" href="#Footnote_519" class="fnanchor">[519]</a> He next seized a very strong fort or tower,
which went by the name of “the Griffons’ Minster,” on an
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
island in the Far, midway between La Bagnara and Messina,<a id="FNanchor_520" href="#Footnote_520" class="fnanchor">[520]</a>
put its garrison to death, and made it a storehouse for the
provisions which had been brought by his fleet from England
and his other dominions.<a id="FNanchor_521" href="#Footnote_521" class="fnanchor">[521]</a> Scarcely was this done when on
October 3 a dispute between a pilgrim and a townswoman
about the price of some bread which the woman brought
into the camp for sale led to an outbreak of hostilities.
Richard, hearing the noise, sprang on horseback and strove
to recall his men, riding in and out among them and striking
with his staff all whom he could reach, to check the attack
which they were threatening on the city gate. His efforts
and those of the “elders” of the city at length quieted the
tumult.<a id="FNanchor_522" href="#Footnote_522" class="fnanchor">[522]</a> Both parties, however, felt that the matter was not
ended. Before nightfall Richard went by boat to the palace
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 4</em></span>
and held a consultation with Philip.<a id="FNanchor_523" href="#Footnote_523" class="fnanchor">[523]</a> Next morning the archbishops
of Messina, Monreale, and Reggio, with the “justices
of Sicily”—that is, the governors whom Tancred had put in
charge of Messina, Margarit and Jordan du Pin<a id="FNanchor_524" href="#Footnote_524" class="fnanchor">[524]</a>—and some
others of Tancred’s chief counsellors came to Richard’s
lodging, bringing with them the French king and some of
his nobles, and also some of the chief nobles of Richard’s
dominions, to discuss terms of peace.<a id="FNanchor_525" href="#Footnote_525" class="fnanchor">[525]</a> Three times the colloquy
was interrupted by tidings, first that the English were
being attacked, next that they were getting worsted, and
finally that they were being killed “both within and without
the city.” The Sicilian members of the conference hurried
away, ostensibly for the purpose of checking their own people,
“but they lied,” says Richard’s Norman chronicler.<a id="FNanchor_526" href="#Footnote_526" class="fnanchor">[526]</a> Richard
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
hastened forth to control his troops, learned that the quarters
of one of his Aquitanian followers, Hugh the Brown of
Lusignan, had been attacked by a party of the townsfolk,
and that another party was lying in wait for himself, the city
wall bristling with armed men, and another strong body of
citizens posted on the hills at the back of the town.<a id="FNanchor_527" href="#Footnote_527" class="fnanchor">[527]</a> He
hurried back for his armour and instantly gave orders to
“assault the city all round by land and by sea.”<a id="FNanchor_528" href="#Footnote_528" class="fnanchor">[528]</a> He
himself began by driving out the assailants from the camp.
With scarce twenty men at his back, he made for the
quarters of Hugh the Brown; the Lombards turned and
fled from him “like sheep from a wolf,” says one who saw
the scene, and he drove them “as oxen are driven under
the yoke” all the way to “the postern gate which is towards
Palermo,” the west gate of the city.<a id="FNanchor_529" href="#Footnote_529" class="fnanchor">[529]</a> Meanwhile the whole
English host was in motion. The fleet could do nothing,
because Philip, who had returned to the palace under a
promise from the governor that he should not be molested,
intercepted the galleys as they approached and forbade
them to proceed.<a id="FNanchor_530" href="#Footnote_530" class="fnanchor">[530]</a> The land attack met with a fierce resistance;
part of the host endeavoured to storm the walls and
the gates; Richard himself led a small party up a hill “so
high and steep that no one would have thought they could
by any means climb it,” drove down in headlong flight the
Sicilians who occupied its summit,<a id="FNanchor_531" href="#Footnote_531" class="fnanchor">[531]</a> and rejoined his main
force in time to be one of the first to enter the city. “A
good ten thousand went in after him,” says one of the
number.<a id="FNanchor_532" href="#Footnote_532" class="fnanchor">[532]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span></p>

<p>The suddenness and rapidity with which the city was
captured, and the contemporary French form of its name,
“Messines,” or in the Norman dialect “Meschines,” appear
to have suggested to some Norman or Angevin rimester in
the host a jingle which from the camp has found its way
into history:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indentq">“Our king and his men have taken Messines</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">More quickly than priest can say his matines.”<a id="FNanchor_533" href="#Footnote_533" class="fnanchor">[533]</a></div>
</div>
</div>

<p class="noindent">The whole fight had lasted less than five hours.<a id="FNanchor_534" href="#Footnote_534" class="fnanchor">[534]</a> The town
was plundered, “and there would have been more people
slain, but that the king took pity” and restrained his men.
The Sicilian galleys in the harbour were set on fire and
destroyed.<a id="FNanchor_535" href="#Footnote_535" class="fnanchor">[535]</a> Philip and his followers meanwhile had sat at
their ease within the palace and the city, doing nothing to
help their fellow-Crusaders, and totally unmolested by the
Sicilians, among whom they seemed quite at home. But
when Philip learned that the victorious host had set up their
royal leader’s banners on the walls, he angrily declared that
this act was an insult to himself as Richard’s feudal superior,
and demanded that the banners should be taken down and
replaced by his own. Richard at first ignored the demand;
but some of the prelates and nobles brought about a compromise;
the banners of both kings were placed on the
towers together, and the custody of the fortifications was
given to the Templars and Hospitaliers till it should be seen
how matters would go between Richard and Tancred.<a id="FNanchor_536" href="#Footnote_536" class="fnanchor">[536]</a> The
compromise was a fair one on Richard’s part; as his poet-chronicler
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
says, “Sirs, I ask your judgement—which of the
two had the best right to set his banners over the city, the
one who would take no part in its assault, or the one who
dared the enterprize?”<a id="FNanchor_537" href="#Footnote_537" class="fnanchor">[537]</a> “But,” he remarks no less truly,
“the king of France’s envy on that subject was like to be
lifelong; that was the origin of the war whereby Normandy
was ruined.”<a id="FNanchor_538" href="#Footnote_538" class="fnanchor">[538]</a> According to one account, Philip next, on
the strength of the agreement made at Vézelay, demanded
his share of the spoils of the city, and grew so insolent and
quarrelsome that Richard prepared to load up his ships and
depart on his pilgrimage alone with his own people rather
than be tied any longer to so disagreeable a comrade. Hereupon,
however, Philip made overtures for reconciliation, and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 8</em></span>
they renewed their alliance,<a id="FNanchor_539" href="#Footnote_539" class="fnanchor">[539]</a> swearing and making their
respective barons swear to keep good faith with each other
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 6</em></span>
throughout the expedition.<a id="FNanchor_540" href="#Footnote_540" class="fnanchor">[540]</a> Two days earlier, on October 6,
the governors of Messina had given hostages to Richard,
pledging themselves to keep peace towards him and his
men and to let him have free possession of the city unless
Tancred speedily satisfied all his demands.<a id="FNanchor_541" href="#Footnote_541" class="fnanchor">[541]</a></p>

<p>Those demands, for the whole of Joan’s dowry and
William’s legacy to Henry, were now again transmitted to
Palermo, by envoys who represented both the Crusader
kings, for one of them was no less a personage than the
duke of Burgundy.<a id="FNanchor_542" href="#Footnote_542" class="fnanchor">[542]</a> In the Anglo-Norman camp it seems
to have been reported that the French envoys returned
loaded with gifts because they had carried a private message
from Philip to Tancred encouraging him to resist Richard’s
demands and promising that in any strife which might
ensue the French would remain neutral.<a id="FNanchor_543" href="#Footnote_543" class="fnanchor">[543]</a> However this may
have been, the envoys of the English king brought back a
very unsatisfactory reply to their master. “I gave to your
sister Joan,” said Tancred, “a million terrins for quit-claim
of her dower before she went away from me. Concerning
your other demands I shall do whatever I ought to do according
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
to the custom of this realm.”<a id="FNanchor_544" href="#Footnote_544" class="fnanchor">[544]</a> During the absence of the
envoys a very suspicious event took place at Messina. One
night the two governors of the city, Jordan du Pin and
Margarit, stole away with their respective households,
taking with them all the gold and silver they possessed.
Richard at once seized their houses, their galleys, and whatever
other property they had left behind them. His own
treasure was already stored in the “Griffons’ Minster,”
which he further strengthened by digging a deep and wide
ditch across the island on which the fort stood.<a id="FNanchor_545" href="#Footnote_545" class="fnanchor">[545]</a> When his
envoys returned from Palermo they found him busy with
another piece of work “which gave him pleasure,”<a id="FNanchor_546" href="#Footnote_546" class="fnanchor">[546]</a> the
erection, on the top of a hill overlooking the city, of a strong
wooden fortress to which he gave the name of Mategriffon,
“Check” or “Kill-Greek.”<a id="FNanchor_547" href="#Footnote_547" class="fnanchor">[547]</a> All these precautions did in
fact check the Griffons effectually; but when Richard on
hearing Tancred’s reply straightway retorted that he would
enter upon no pleadings at law and would get what he
wanted in his own way,<a id="FNanchor_548" href="#Footnote_548" class="fnanchor">[548]</a> the Lombards again began to give
trouble. They refused to sell even necessary food to the
host, “and but for God and the navy, many would have led
a poor life”; the ships, however, had ample stores. Philip
was accused of being secretly in league with the Lombards.
The city and the camp were guarded day and night.
Mediators went to and fro between the palace and
Mategriffon, but could not bring the two kings back to
friendship.<a id="FNanchor_549" href="#Footnote_549" class="fnanchor">[549]</a></p>

<p>At last Tancred intervened. “He was,” says Ambrose
the poet-Crusader, “very wise; he had heard tell of many
happenings; he was a good scholar; he knew his business.”<a id="FNanchor_550" href="#Footnote_550" class="fnanchor">[550]</a>
Through all these months he had played a waiting game till
he could feel sure which of the two kings would be most
useful to him as an ally. At first he had inclined to Philip,
and “would have given him untold gold” for the marriage
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
of one of his daughters to either the French king himself or
to his infant son Louis; but Philip declined this proposal
because he did not wish to quarrel with Tancred’s rival,
Constance’s husband, who was now king of the Germans
and Emperor elect,<a id="FNanchor_551" href="#Footnote_551" class="fnanchor">[551]</a> and whose friendship he doubtless foresaw
might be useful to him in future struggles with Richard.
By the end of October, however, Tancred not only knew that
the townsfolk of Messina had gone too far; he also perceived
that he had himself gone too far in his haughtiness towards
the English Lion. He therefore despatched two messengers
to Richard with an offer of alliance. He proposed to give
twenty thousand ounces of gold to Joan instead of her
dower-lands, and to Richard, in place of King William’s
legacy, the same amount as the dowry of one of his
(Tancred’s) daughters on condition of her marriage with
Richard’s nephew, Arthur of Britanny.<a id="FNanchor_552" href="#Footnote_552" class="fnanchor">[552]</a> Richard saw at once
that this offer must be accepted. The necessity of coming
to a settlement of some kind with Tancred, and the outrageous
conduct of Tancred’s subjects, had already detained
him in Sicily much longer than he had originally contemplated.
Now it was quite clear that he would be obliged
to remain there for several more months, as the season of
the year had begun when the “inclemency of winds and
waves and weather”<a id="FNanchor_553" href="#Footnote_553" class="fnanchor">[553]</a> made navigation so difficult and
dangerous that no fleet could attempt a voyage to Palestine
till the return of spring. The same cause must of course
detain Philip also; and to reject Tancred’s offer would have
been to throw Tancred and Philip into each other’s arms.
Nor was the offer itself a bad one. Whatever might be the
intrinsic value of Joan’s dower-lands and of William’s legacy,
there was obviously very little chance of ever gaining
either the one or the other; while forty thousand ounces of
gold would be a very convenient addition to the treasury
of the Crusade. A treaty on these terms was therefore
drawn up and executed forthwith. Richard promised that
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
all questions about his sister’s dowry and his own claims
should be henceforth at rest; that he and his men would
faithfully keep peace by sea and by land with Tancred and
all his subjects, and if the Sicilian realm should be invaded
or attacked while they were in it, they would help the king
against his assailants; that Arthur—“our dear nephew, and
our heir if we should die without issue”—should be contracted
to Tancred’s daughter; and that the bride should
have a dower of lands within her husband’s duchy “befitting
a lady so illustrious and the daughter of so magnificent a
king.” If Arthur succeeded to the Crown, his wife was to
have the customary dower of a queen of England. If, on the
other hand, from any cause dependent on Richard or
Arthur, the marriage should not take place “in due time”
(that is, when the children should be old enough; Arthur
was in his fourth year), the dowry given by the bride’s
father was to be returned.<a id="FNanchor_554" href="#Footnote_554" class="fnanchor">[554]</a> Tancred on his part promised
that he and his subjects would keep peace with Richard and
his men,<a id="FNanchor_555" href="#Footnote_555" class="fnanchor">[555]</a> and he paid over the covenanted sum without
delay.<a id="FNanchor_556" href="#Footnote_556" class="fnanchor">[556]</a> Richard was in a pacific mood; although none of
the gold which he had just received could fairly come under
his agreement with Philip as to the division of conquests, he
at once made Philip a peace-offering of part of it.<a id="FNanchor_557" href="#Footnote_557" class="fnanchor">[557]</a> He next
insisted on his men restoring to the townsfolk the plunder
which they had taken from them, and Archbishop Walter of
Rouen enforced this order by threatening to excommunicate
those who failed to obey it. Finally, a set of ordinances
for the regulation of intercourse and trade between the
pilgrims and the townsfolk was issued in the joint names
of all the three kings.<a id="FNanchor_558" href="#Footnote_558" class="fnanchor">[558]</a> Thenceforth town and camp were on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1190</b></span>
friendly terms, and so were—for a while—the two pilgrim
kings. There was, however, some grumbling in the host,
especially among the knights who had reached Messina before
Richard, at their long detention there and the expense which
it entailed on them, and at being forced to give back the
plunder with which they had recouped themselves. Richard
“was not avaricious or stingy”; he silenced the grumblers
by a distribution of costly gifts, of which all ranks, down
to the lowest foot-soldiers, received such a share that every
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb. 1191</em></span>
man was fully satisfied.<a id="FNanchor_559" href="#Footnote_559" class="fnanchor">[559]</a> Early in the next year he made a
present to the French king of several of the ships which had
come from England, and to his own troops, of all ranks,
a further distribution of “more treasures than any of his
predecessors had ever given away in a whole year.”<a id="FNanchor_560" href="#Footnote_560" class="fnanchor">[560]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex">1190</span>

<p>Before Christmas Richard’s growing sense of the weightiness
of his enterprise showed itself in another step in his
preparations. One day he called together in the chapel of
the house where he was lodging all the bishops in his host,
came before them as a penitent, with three scourges in his
hands, fell at their feet and openly confessed to them a
vice in which he had lived and which he now solemnly
abjured; he received his penance at their hands, “and
thenceforth returned to his iniquity no more.”<a id="FNanchor_561" href="#Footnote_561" class="fnanchor">[561]</a> At Christmas
he entertained Philip and the French nobles at a great
feast in Mategriffon.<a id="FNanchor_562" href="#Footnote_562" class="fnanchor">[562]</a> The festivities were disturbed by a
quarrel between the Genoese and Pisan sailors and some
of the men belonging to Richard’s galleys, and not till some
lives were lost did the two kings in person succeed in quelling
<span class="sidenotex">1191<br><em>Feb. 2</em></span>
the strife.<a id="FNanchor_563" href="#Footnote_563" class="fnanchor">[563]</a> An incident on Candlemas Day (1191) throws a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
curious side-light on one phase of Richard’s character of
which there is little trace elsewhere, and also on his relations
with the other crusading chiefs during this dreary time of
waiting. He and some English and French knights, on
their way back from a ride, met a countryman with a load
of reeds or bulrushes and bought some for a game such as
boys played, tilting with the rushes for spears. The king
challenged William des Barres, with whom he had had at
least two encounters in real warfare, and who (according
to one account) on the second of these occasions,<a id="FNanchor_564" href="#Footnote_564" class="fnanchor">[564]</a> being
made prisoner, had committed a breach of the rules of
chivalry which Richard was not a man to condone easily:
he had regained his liberty by breaking his parole. When
William’s first thrust broke the head of Richard’s bulrush,
Richard was seized with one of those fits of unaccountable,
irrational fury before which all persons accustomed to
associate with the Angevin counts quailed as before a direct
manifestation of the powers of darkness whence the house of
Anjou was said to have sprung. He set his horse furiously
at his opponent; the shock of the encounter failed to unseat
William, but caused Richard’s own saddle to slip; he leapt
from it, mounted another horse, and renewed the attack,
but with no better success; nor did his angry threats disturb
the coolness of the Frenchman. The Earl of Leicester,
trying to intervene, was roughly bidden by his sovereign,
“Leave me to deal with him alone!” and finally, after a
long struggle and much bandying of words, the king burst
out to William, “Get thee hence, and take heed that I see
thee no more, for henceforth I will be an enemy to thee and
thine for ever.” William, now thoroughly alarmed, went
and besought counsel and help of his own sovereign. Philip
in person interceded for his unlucky vassal; some of the
highest nobles of France actually went down on their knees
to Richard for the same purpose; but Richard would hear
none of them; and on the third day William des Barres had
to leave Messina “because the king of France would not
keep him against the will of the king of England.”<a id="FNanchor_565" href="#Footnote_565" class="fnanchor">[565]</a></p>

<p>The time was now approaching when the seas would
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
again be navigable, and Philip presently asked Richard to
get ready to accompany him on what was called “the March
passage” to Holy Land. Richard is said by a French
chronicler to have answered that he could not go before
August.<a id="FNanchor_566" href="#Footnote_566" class="fnanchor">[566]</a> It seems that either August here must be a
mistake for April, or Richard cannot have been serious in
answering thus, unless indeed he entertained some vague
project of going back for a short visit to his island realm
before proceeding further eastward. Such a project is not
impossible; for the reports which had been coming to
him through the winter about the state of affairs in England
were at once so disquieting and so contradictory that he
may well have longed to see for himself how matters really
stood and settle by his personal authority the quarrels which
had arisen between his justiciars and his brother. In the
end he committed the solution of these very puzzling difficulties
to Archbishop Walter of Rouen. He had, however,
another reason for delaying at least for a few weeks his own
departure for Acre. Early in the year King Sancho of
Navarre had placed his daughter Berengaria in Queen
Eleanor’s charge to take her to Richard to become his wife.<a id="FNanchor_567" href="#Footnote_567" class="fnanchor">[567]</a>
Before the end of February the two ladies reached Naples,
and Richard sent some galleys to meet them there; but
“on account of the multitude of men who accompanied
them” Tancred’s people refused them leave to go to Messina—which
indeed must have been already overwhelmed with
foreign visitors—and they had to spend a month in his continental
dominions.<a id="FNanchor_568" href="#Footnote_568" class="fnanchor">[568]</a> Their coming was a clear intimation that
Richard was now fully determined to shake off the bonds of
his engagement to Aloysia. Philip peremptorily bade him,
as his vassal, choose between two alternatives: either to go
with his overlord across the sea, in which case he should be at
liberty to marry Berengaria, or, if he would not go, to keep
his promise of marriage with Aloysia. Richard bluntly
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
refused both.<a id="FNanchor_569" href="#Footnote_569" class="fnanchor">[569]</a> Meanwhile Tancred had invited him<a id="FNanchor_570" href="#Footnote_570" class="fnanchor">[570]</a> to a
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 3</em></span>
meeting at Catania. A splendid welcome was given him
there on March 3, and for three days he was Tancred’s guest
in the palace. Tancred offered him “gifts many and great”
in gold and silver, cloth of silk, and horses, but Richard,
“needing none of such things,” would accept only one small
ring as a token of friendship; in return for this he presented
Tancred with a sword which he seems to have asserted to
be the famous Excalibur of King Arthur. Finally Tancred
offered a substantial gift which Richard did not decline: a
contribution of four large ships “which they call ussers”
and fifteen galleys to the crusading fleet.<a id="FNanchor_571" href="#Footnote_571" class="fnanchor">[571]</a> The Sicilian king
escorted his guest on the way back as far as Taormina, where
Philip was to meet them on March 8. There Tancred is said
to have put into Richard’s hands a letter which he declared
had been brought to him by the duke of Burgundy from the
French king, containing an assertion that Richard had no
intention of keeping faith with Tancred, and a promise that
if Tancred were disposed to attack Richard, the French
troops and their sovereign would give their help in effecting
Richard’s destruction. Richard on this left Taormina
before Philip reached it and returned to Messina by another
way so as to avoid meeting him. When he did meet him
again, he at first studiously avoided him or ignored his
presence; when asked the reason, he showed the letter.
Philip accused him of having invented the whole affair as
an excuse for “casting off” the daughter of France whom he
had promised to wed. Thus driven to extremity, Richard
said plainly that a marriage between him and Aloysia was
impossible, and gave a reason which, as he produced several
witnesses who declared themselves ready to swear to its
truth, fully justified his refusal.<a id="FNanchor_572" href="#Footnote_572" class="fnanchor">[572]</a> The result was that Philip
formally released him from his engagement and declared
him free to marry whomsoever he would. On the basis of
this and certain other conditions which were to take effect
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
only at a later time, a “firm peace” was once again made
between the king of France and his “friend and faithful
liegeman, the illustrious king of England.”</p>

<p>The treaty was made before March 25;<a id="FNanchor_573" href="#Footnote_573" class="fnanchor">[573]</a> shortly afterwards
Philip and his “company” sailed, in the galleys which
Richard had given him, for Acre.<a id="FNanchor_574" href="#Footnote_574" class="fnanchor">[574]</a> Before starting he again
besought Richard to pardon William des Barres, and Richard
after some demur promised to keep the peace towards William
so long as they were both engaged in the cause of the Cross.<a id="FNanchor_575" href="#Footnote_575" class="fnanchor">[575]</a>
He convoyed Philip through the Far, and then himself went to
Reggio, having just heard that Eleanor and Berengaria had
arrived there. He took them on board and brought his mother
back with him to Messina, after, it seems, placing Berengaria
at La Bagnara with Joan; the men of the queen’s suite
seem to have been left at Reggio, and possibly even Eleanor
and her ladies may not have landed at Messina at all, for she
stayed with her son only four days and then departed for
England.<a id="FNanchor_576" href="#Footnote_576" class="fnanchor">[576]</a> He had nothing more to wait for. With all speed
the fleet was made ready, and on April 10, the Wednesday
before Easter, it put to sea.<a id="FNanchor_577" href="#Footnote_577" class="fnanchor">[577]</a></p>

<p>The ships which Richard had found awaiting him in the
harbour of Messina when he arrived there are said to have
numbered one hundred and fourteen.<a id="FNanchor_578" href="#Footnote_578" class="fnanchor">[578]</a> Stragglers that had
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
come in later, Tancred’s gift, and other vessels bought or
hired by Richard had now raised the total to about two
hundred.<a id="FNanchor_579" href="#Footnote_579" class="fnanchor">[579]</a> Of these, some forty or fifty were galleys
or battleships, built after the pattern of the old Roman
<i lang="la">liburnae</i> or the “long keels” of Richard’s Norse forefathers,
long, slender, with armed prows, and propelled by two tiers
of oarsmen.<a id="FNanchor_580" href="#Footnote_580" class="fnanchor">[580]</a> The rest were transport vessels; those of the
largest size, of which there seem to have been now twenty-four,
were called “busses” by the northerners and “dromonds”
in the Mediterranean and the Levant. Of these
vessels, fourteen which had formed part of the original
English fleet had each of them three spare rudders, thirteen
anchors, thirty oars, two sails, triple ropes of every kind,
and a double set of everything else that a ship could need,
except the mast and the boat; the lading of each consisted
of forty war-horses, forty knights with all their arms and
accoutrements, forty foot-soldiers, and fifteen sailors, with
food enough for all these men and horses for a whole year.
The other ships of burden, called “huissiers,” “ushers,”
“enekes” or “smacks” (<i lang="la">esneccae</i>) were round-shaped
vessels, seemingly dependent on sails alone; their carrying
capacity was half that of the busses. The king had taken
the precaution to distribute his treasure among all the
transport ships, “so that if part were lost, another part
should be saved.”<a id="FNanchor_581" href="#Footnote_581" class="fnanchor">[581]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>April 10</em></div>

<p>If the fleet’s arrival had been a great sight for the people
of Messina, its departure must have been a much more
imposing spectacle. Three dromonds, one of which carried
Queen Joan and the Damsel of Navarre, went in advance of
all the rest. Thirteen ships formed the second line or
squadron; in the third were fourteen, in the fourth twenty,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
in the fifth thirty, in the sixth forty, in the seventh sixty;
the last consisted of the galleys, on one of which was the king
himself. Throughout the fleet the order of its going was so
carefully arranged that a trumpet’s sound could be heard
from squadron to squadron, and a man’s voice from ship to
ship.<a id="FNanchor_582" href="#Footnote_582" class="fnanchor">[582]</a> When all had passed, with a fair wind, through the
Far into the open sea, the galleys sped forward to overtake
the slower vessels<a id="FNanchor_583" href="#Footnote_583" class="fnanchor">[583]</a> and took their place as the advanced
guard of the whole fleet, Richard’s own ship leading.<a id="FNanchor_584" href="#Footnote_584" class="fnanchor">[584]</a>
“The king had arranged, as far as possible, that the ships
should never be separated unless indeed a storm should
disperse them. So the galleys moderated their speed and
endeavoured to keep pace with the transports, for the
protection of the multitude and the comfort of the weak.”<a id="FNanchor_585" href="#Footnote_585" class="fnanchor">[585]</a>
Suddenly the wind dropped, and the whole fleet had to
anchor for the night. Next morning, Maunday Thursday,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 11</em></span>
“He Who took the wind from us,” as one of the pilgrims
says, “gave it us back again”; but the breeze was so faint
that they made very little progress, and at night they were
again becalmed. On the following morning (Good Friday,
April 12) they were met by “a contrary wind on the left,”<a id="FNanchor_586" href="#Footnote_586" class="fnanchor">[586]</a>
and all that day they had to struggle with a heavy gale and
storm. As good pilgrims they endured their sufferings
“right willingly, as a fitting discipline for the holy day.”<a id="FNanchor_587" href="#Footnote_587" class="fnanchor">[587]</a>
On their leader wind and weather had no effect; he was
“just as healthy and hearty, brave and strong, on sea as on
land”;<a id="FNanchor_588" href="#Footnote_588" class="fnanchor">[588]</a> throughout this first experience of Mediterranean
storms and all those that followed, he “remained perfectly
calm, and ceased not to comfort the others and encourage
them to endure with confidence, hoping for better things.”<a id="FNanchor_589" href="#Footnote_589" class="fnanchor">[589]</a>
Every evening he had “a large candle in the lantern”
lighted on his galley, to show the way to the other ships; they
all followed the light, and if one got out of the course he
waited for it to get back. “Thus as a hen leads her
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
chickens out to feed he led his mighty fleet,” sailing day and
night till late on the Wednesday in Easter Week (April 17)
they anchored off Crete.<a id="FNanchor_590" href="#Footnote_590" class="fnanchor">[590]</a> Next morning, it seems, Richard
counted up the ships, and found to his “great wrath” that
despite all his precautions no less than twenty-five were
missing.<a id="FNanchor_591" href="#Footnote_591" class="fnanchor">[591]</a> He then directed his course to Rhodes, reached
its capital city on the following Monday (April 22), and stayed
there three days, partly because he was unwell, partly in
the hope of hearing some tidings of the missing vessels, and
also to make inquiries about Cyprus and its “tyrant.”<a id="FNanchor_592" href="#Footnote_592" class="fnanchor">[592]</a></p>

<p>This “tyrant” was Isaac Comnenos, who, sent to Cyprus
as governor for the Byzantine Emperor in 1185, had made
himself master of the island and ruled it as an independent
sovereign for six years. His “tyranny,” or usurpation,
was not one of the least of the hindrances to the deliverance
of Holy Land; the Franks in that land had in former times
depended largely on the fertile and wealthy Greek island
for its supplies, but now they could get nothing thence, for
Isaac was in close alliance with Saladin, and “never ceased
doing as much ill to Christians as he could.”<a id="FNanchor_593" href="#Footnote_593" class="fnanchor">[593]</a> Whether
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April</em></span>
Richard’s detour to Rhodes had any special motive or was
caused merely by circumstances and stress of weather we
do not know; but it seems quite clear that he went out of
his direct way from Rhodes to Acre in consequence of
information received at Rhodes as to what was going on in
Cyprus. Probably, too, he thought Cyprus a likely place
in which to obtain news of his strayed ships; and so it
proved to be. Among the ships dispersed in the great storm
of Good Friday were the three dromonds which carried the
ladies and their escort. These three and some others had
drifted southward, and while Richard was sailing by the
north coast of Crete to Rhodes, they were passing through
the open sea between Crete and Libya. On April 24, two
or three days after Richard’s arrival at Rhodes, they were
trying to put into the harbour of Limisso, or as the Crusade
writers call it Limasol, the ancient Amathus, on the south
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 24</em></span>
coast of Cyprus, when a storm arose and dashed two of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
them to pieces against the rocks;<a id="FNanchor_594" href="#Footnote_594" class="fnanchor">[594]</a> a third ship put back
into the open sea in time to save itself<a id="FNanchor_595" href="#Footnote_595" class="fnanchor">[595]</a> and its precious
freight—it was the ship which carried not only a considerable
part of the king’s treasure (under the charge of
Stephen of Turnham, now restored to the king’s favour and
acting as his marshal and treasurer), but also Joan and
Berengaria. The “Griffons” of Cyprus took the men who
struggled ashore from the wrecks to a fort hard by, promising
them food and shelter, but stripped them of their arms on
the plea that this was necessary till the pleasure of the
“Emperor” (Isaac) concerning them should be known;
and they also seized the clothes and other necessaries which
the knights on the remaining ships sent to their distressed
comrades. These latter, finding themselves prisoners and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 2</em></span>
almost starved, at the end of a week made a determined
effort to escape. With three bows which they had either
secreted or found in the fort they did such execution that
the whole party was able to make its way to the harbour,
where their friends in the ships, seeing what was going on,
had meanwhile landed and were fighting hard with the
Griffons; finally the Griffons were worsted, and the queen’s
ship was brought into the harbour.<a id="FNanchor_596" href="#Footnote_596" class="fnanchor">[596]</a> That evening Isaac
came to Limasol; the pilgrims appealed to him, and he
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 3</em></span>
promised them redress for their wrongs. Next day he sent
the queen and her future sister-in-law a courteous invitation
to land; this being prudently declined, he followed it up
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 4</em></span>
on the morrow with hospitable gifts of bread, meat, and the
famous wine of Cyprus. On the Sunday he again tried
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 5</em></span>
to persuade the ladies to come ashore; after anxious consultation
they, fearing that longer resistance might lead to
their being taken captives by force—for Isaac meanwhile
was assembling his troops on the shore—promised to commit
themselves to his protection on the morrow. But on that
same Sunday Richard’s fleet came in sight.<a id="FNanchor_597" href="#Footnote_597" class="fnanchor">[597]</a> It had left
Rhodes on May 1; the galleys, headed as usual by Richard’s
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
own ship, had been driven by the wind into the dangerous
gulf of Satalia (or Atalia) on the coast of Pamphylia, and
narrowly escaped destruction, but were extricated and
brought in safety to Cyprus, seemingly by the fine seamanship
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 6</em></span>
of their royal leader.<a id="FNanchor_598" href="#Footnote_598" class="fnanchor">[598]</a> On the morning of Monday
they reached the entrance to the harbour of Limasol.
As soon as Richard learned what had been taking place there
he sent a messenger ashore with a civilly worded remonstrance
to Isaac and a request that he would make amends
for his people’s ill-treatment of Crusaders. Isaac was on
the shore with all the troops that he had been able to collect
from every part of his island “empire.” He cut the messenger
short with an insulting word—“Tproupt, sir!”; the
messenger went straight back and repeated it to the king.
Richard’s retort was equally brief; it was a command to
his own men—“To arms!”<a id="FNanchor_599" href="#Footnote_599" class="fnanchor">[599]</a></p>

<p>Between the fleet and the shore five armed galleys lay in
the harbour. On the shore Isaac’s troops were drawn up
behind a barricade composed of every bit of wood that the
town could supply, doors and window-frames or shutters,
barrels and casks, shields and bucklers, pieces of old ships
and boats, planks, steps, benches, boxes, all piled up along
the water’s edge.<a id="FNanchor_600" href="#Footnote_600" class="fnanchor">[600]</a> At the back of the troops was the
fortified town, overtopped by a lofty castle or citadel built
on the rock.<a id="FNanchor_601" href="#Footnote_601" class="fnanchor">[601]</a> The Crusaders could land only by means of
their boats. Knights and crossbowmen hurriedly obeyed
the king’s order, and all weary and worn with long tossing on
the sea and laden with their heavy armour and cumbrous
weapons, crowded into the tiny cockle-shells<a id="FNanchor_602" href="#Footnote_602" class="fnanchor">[602]</a> to join battle
as foot-soldiers with an army of which part at least was well
provided with good horses and mules, and which, moreover,
was on its own soil; “but,” as one of the pilgrims says, “we
knew the most about war.” Richard’s crossbowmen opened
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
the fight by shooting at the enemy’s galleys; “there were
some who did not miss their aim,” says the same eye-witness;
the Greek sailors in a panic leaped into the water,
and while they were struggling there their ships were
captured and taken outside the harbour to be guarded by
the English fleet. Meanwhile the king, when he saw his
comrades struggling to land from the boats under a storm
of arrows, “leaped from his boat into the sea and made for
the Greeks, and assailed them.” His men followed his
example and drove the Greeks back, some into the town,
more into the fields. Isaac took to flight; Richard,
running after him, caught a horse “with a sack attached to
its saddle, and stirrups of cord,” sprang on its back, and
shouted “Emperor! come and joust!” But Isaac “had
no mind to joust,” and continued his flight.<a id="FNanchor_603" href="#Footnote_603" class="fnanchor">[603]</a> The town of
Limasol now submitted to Richard, and he brought his sister
and his bride ashore.<a id="FNanchor_604" href="#Footnote_604" class="fnanchor">[604]</a> That same night the horses were
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 7</em></span>
landed and exercised; and next morning Richard with a
small force set out in search of the enemy. A party of
them was soon found in an olive garden, dislodged, and
chased till the main body suddenly came into view. Then
Richard, having with him at the moment only fifty knights,
called a halt. Meanwhile the shouts of the Greeks whom he
had been chasing reached the ears of Isaac, half a league in
advance, where he had stopped to dine and sleep, for he had
no idea that the Franks possessed any horses. He and his
escort climbed a hill “to see what their folk would do.”
All they did was to keep turning about and shooting and
shouting back at the little band of Franks, who stood
motionless. One Hugh de la Mare, who though he bore
arms was a clerk, said to the king, “Come away, sire, their
numbers are too overwhelming.” “Get you to your own
writing-business, sir clerk, and leave matters of chivalry to
us,” retorted Richard. He knew that reinforcements were
not far behind him; even before they came up, the suddenness
and vehemence of his onset threw the Greeks into
confusion; and the victory was soon complete. Isaac
fled to the mountains; his standard-bearer was struck
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
down and the standard taken by Richard’s own hand.
After chasing the enemy for a couple of leagues the king
called off his troops from the pursuit and leisurely returned,
the men-at-arms stopping on the way back to collect countless
spoils left by the Emperor in the place where he had
camped. On reaching the town the king caused a proclamation
to be made that “all people of the land who did not
desire war might come and go in safety; but such as did
seek war should have no peace or truce from him.”<a id="FNanchor_605" href="#Footnote_605" class="fnanchor">[605]</a></p>

<p>On the way from Rhodes to Cyprus Richard
had spoken a ship westward bound from Acre and heard of Philip’s
arrival there.<a id="FNanchor_606" href="#Footnote_606" class="fnanchor">[606]</a> Some vessel sailing from Rhodes or Cyprus
to Acre seems to have carried thither news of Richard’s
whereabouts. On May 11 three galleys were seen approaching
Limasol. Richard characteristically<a id="FNanchor_607" href="#Footnote_607" class="fnanchor">[607]</a> set off in a little
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 11</em></span>
boat to ascertain for himself what they were,<a id="FNanchor_608" href="#Footnote_608" class="fnanchor">[608]</a> and found that
they carried King Guy of Jerusalem and some of his chief
nobles, who had come in search of the king of England to
secure his alliance and support against a scheme which had
been set on foot at Acre under Philip’s auspices for deposing
Guy and making Conrad of Montferrat, the lord of Tyre,
king in his stead. Richard welcomed them cordially and
royally. His marriage and the coronation of his queen took
place next day (May 12). A few more days were spent in
festivities and in waiting for some belated ships to come into
port.<a id="FNanchor_609" href="#Footnote_609" class="fnanchor">[609]</a> Among those irretrievably lost in the great storm
there seem to have been several galleys, but some at least
of these were now replaced by the Cypriote ones which
had been captured.<a id="FNanchor_610" href="#Footnote_610" class="fnanchor">[610]</a> When at last the tale of vessels was
complete, Richard prepared to resume his pursuit of Isaac.
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
Isaac, however, who had retired inland to the capital of
Cyprus, Nicosia, anticipated him by sending proposals for
a parley. It took place “in a garden of fig trees between
the shore and the Limasol road.”<a id="FNanchor_611" href="#Footnote_611" class="fnanchor">[611]</a> The king went in regal
state, attired in a tunic of rose-coloured samite and a mantle
“bedight with small half-moons of solid silver set in rows,
interspersed with shining orbs like suns”; his head was
covered with a scarlet cap; he was girt with a well-proved
sword “with a golden hilt, a silken belt, and a finely chased
scabbard edged with silver”; his spurs were golden (or
gilt), and he was mounted on a Spanish horse of great
beauty as well as of a size befitting a rider of such lofty
stature; “his saddle was red, studded with little golden and
bright-coloured stars, and having on its hinder part two
golden lion-cubs rampant, and as if snarling at each other.”<a id="FNanchor_612" href="#Footnote_612" class="fnanchor">[612]</a>
Isaac swore fealty to Richard, promising to accompany
him to Holy Land and serve under him there with five
hundred knights; meanwhile Richard was to hold the
castles and imperial domains of Cyprus in pledge and to
receive an indemnity of three thousand five hundred marks.
On these terms they exchanged the kiss of peace.<a id="FNanchor_613" href="#Footnote_613" class="fnanchor">[613]</a> That
night, however, Isaac mounted his fleetest horse, a wonderful
animal called Fauvel, and fled to Famagosta (the ancient
Ammochontos, on the east coast). His flight was discovered
immediately, but Fauvel seems to have had a reputation
which was already known to Richard, for the king forbade
all direct pursuit as useless. Instead, he took stronger
measures; he put to sea at the head of his galleys and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 15-30</em></span>
sailed round to Famagosta while his land-forces were, at
his request, led by Guy along the coast-road to meet him
there. When they reached the place, however, they
found it deserted. Richard sent some ships round to the
other coast-towns to guard against Isaac’s escape by sea;
he himself stayed three days at Famagosta, and there gave
an audience to some envoys from Philip, charged with
a pressing request that he would proceed to Acre without
further delay. Their urgency was so vehement and so
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
insulting that “the king grew angry, and raised his eyebrows,
and there were words spoken which it is not meet to write.”
“Not for half the wealth of Russia” would he leave Cyprus
till he had conquered it and made sure that the supplies
of food of which it was the storehouse should be available
for the Crusade. So he marched upon Nicosia, whither
Isaac had again retired. This time Richard, fearing an
<span class="sidenotex">c. <em>May 18</em></span>
attack from behind, took the command of the rearguard.
Isaac was lying in wait with his household troops; after an
unsuccessful attempt to check the advance of the Frankish
vanguard, he “like a Turcople” harassed the flanks of the
host till he came near enough to Richard to shoot at him two
arrows. Richard dashed forward and would have taken
summary vengeance, but the Cypriote Emperor was mounted
on Fauvel, and the matchless steed carried him away, at a
pace which defied pursuit, to the strong castle of Candaria
or Kantara. His troops retired in confusion. Next morning
the citizens of Nicosia made their submission to Richard,
and he “had their beards shaved off in token of the transfer of
their allegiance to a new lord.” He then divided his army
into three parts, probably intending himself to take the
command of one of them; but he fell sick and was obliged
to remain at Nicosia and leave the direction of the campaign
to the king of Jerusalem. Guy, who seems to have known
the country, besieged and took the castle of Cherina,<a id="FNanchor_614" href="#Footnote_614" class="fnanchor">[614]</a> on
the north coast, and found within its walls the emperor’s
only child, a young girl. Her father was so dismayed at her
capture that he ordered the immediate surrender of the
next fortress, “Didemus,”<a id="FNanchor_615" href="#Footnote_615" class="fnanchor">[615]</a> to which Guy laid siege.
Richard, as soon as he recovered, went to attack a third
stronghold, “Bufevent.”<a id="FNanchor_616" href="#Footnote_616" class="fnanchor">[616]</a> Scarcely had he reached it
when Isaac offered complete surrender of his castles, lands,
“everything,” begging only to be spared the indignity of
“irons or bonds.” Isaac followed close on his messenger
and threw himself at the king’s feet. Richard raised him up
graciously, seated him at his side, and relieved his anxiety
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
about his daughter by bringing her to meet him. As for
the fetters, Isaac’s request evidently ran counter to the
king’s inclination or to his fears of a possible escape; but,
“lest folk should make an outcry,” he granted it after a
fashion: he put the fallen tyrant in chains of silver.<a id="FNanchor_617" href="#Footnote_617" class="fnanchor">[617]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>May 18-<br>June 1</em></div>

<p>Thus in fifteen days—the last fortnight of May<a id="FNanchor_618" href="#Footnote_618" class="fnanchor">[618]</a>—Richard,
with Guy’s help, had “won the mastery of Cyprus
for the service of God.” For the same purpose he took
possession of a mass of treasures of all kinds which he found
in the castles.<a id="FNanchor_619" href="#Footnote_619" class="fnanchor">[619]</a> Moreover, the people of the land, to whom
Isaac had been a “tyrant” in every sense of the word,<a id="FNanchor_620" href="#Footnote_620" class="fnanchor">[620]</a>
gave to their new ruler “the half of all they possessed”
“for the restoration of the laws and institutes which they
had had under the Emperors of Constantinople” and which
Richard confirmed to them by charter.<a id="FNanchor_621" href="#Footnote_621" class="fnanchor">[621]</a> He further secured
his conquest by turning out all the Greek garrisons,<a id="FNanchor_622" href="#Footnote_622" class="fnanchor">[622]</a> replacing
them with Franks, and appointing two Englishmen, Richard
de Camville and Robert of Turnham, governors or “keepers”
of the island,<a id="FNanchor_623" href="#Footnote_623" class="fnanchor">[623]</a> who were charged to send regular supplies of
the victuals—barley, wheat, sheep, bullocks—which Cyprus
produced in abundance, to the Franks in Syria, “where,”
adds the poet-pilgrim, “they were of great use.”<a id="FNanchor_624" href="#Footnote_624" class="fnanchor">[624]</a> Meanwhile
he had sent Isaac, under the charge of Guy,<a id="FNanchor_625" href="#Footnote_625" class="fnanchor">[625]</a> straight
across the sea to the nearest point on the Syrian coast, the
fortress of Markab in Tripoli. The Damsel of Cyprus, who
seems to have been almost a child, was placed under the
care of the two queens and remained with them throughout
the Crusade.<a id="FNanchor_626" href="#Footnote_626" class="fnanchor">[626]</a> On June 5, the Wednesday in Whitsun week,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
the fleet sailed for Palestine.<a id="FNanchor_627" href="#Footnote_627" class="fnanchor">[627]</a> The various losses which it
had sustained in the Mediterranean Sea were compensated
by the acquisition of the Cypriote navy; the total of ships
was now a hundred and sixty-three, of which thirteen were
three-masted busses and fifty were triremes.<a id="FNanchor_628" href="#Footnote_628" class="fnanchor">[628]</a></p>

<p>One more adventure at sea awaited the king before he
reached the Holy Land. “Full of health, and light as a
feather,” he led the way “as fast as a stag could run” in a
direct line across the water till Markab was sighted. Thence
the fleet sailed down the coast past Tortosa, Tripoli, and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June</em><br>6 or 7</span>
Beyrout.<a id="FNanchor_629" href="#Footnote_629" class="fnanchor">[629]</a> Suddenly, between Beyrout and Sidon, Richard
and his companions in the leading galley saw ahead of them
a ship of such size “that we read of no larger one ever
existing save the ark of Noah.”<a id="FNanchor_630" href="#Footnote_630" class="fnanchor">[630]</a> On a nearer view they
perceived that it had three tall masts; one side of it was
covered with green felt or tarpaulin, the other with yellow;<a id="FNanchor_631" href="#Footnote_631" class="fnanchor">[631]</a>
and its whole appearance, to western eyes, was unnatural
and uncanny.<a id="FNanchor_632" href="#Footnote_632" class="fnanchor">[632]</a> Richard’s men hailed it and demanded
whence it came and where it belonged. “We are Genoese,
for Tyre,” was the answer. But one of Richard’s oarsmen
said: “Hang me, sire, if that ship be not Turkish!” At
his suggestion another galley was ordered to go close up to
the ship without hailing her; this was done, and her crew
immediately opened fire on the galley with arbalests and
Damascus bows. Richard’s galley came swiftly up; his
men tried to board the ship, but in vain. The king swore he
would hang them all if they let the Turks escape. Again
and again they renewed the attack; at last they fairly
stormed the ship, but were driven back again into their own
vessels. Then Richard bade them make a breach in the
enemy ship’s side or keel; in this they succeeded, and she
sank. Some thirty-five of her officers and engineers were
saved and kept as prisoners by Richard’s orders; the rest
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
of the men on board her were either slain or drowned.<a id="FNanchor_633" href="#Footnote_633" class="fnanchor">[633]</a>
When the victors reached their destination they learned that
the ship had been specially built by order of Saladin’s brother
Safadin and despatched from Beyrout to carry reinforcements
and supplies to the besieged Saracens in Acre, but
had been unable to enter the harbour and was, when the
Franks overtook her, cruising about, waiting for an opportunity
to return thither;<a id="FNanchor_634" href="#Footnote_634" class="fnanchor">[634]</a> she carried, besides her crew,
at least six hundred and fifty picked soldiers;<a id="FNanchor_635" href="#Footnote_635" class="fnanchor">[635]</a> a man,
doubtless one of the prisoners, who had seen her loaded at
Beyrout, said eight hundred, and further asserted that she
contained a hundred camel-loads of arms of all kinds,
victuals and other stores “beyond reckoning,” bottles filled
with Greek fire, and two hundred “ugly grey serpents”
which, according to one account, he had himself helped to
stow in her, and which were destined to be let loose against
the Christian host;<a id="FNanchor_636" href="#Footnote_636" class="fnanchor">[636]</a> probably these were some kind of
serpent-like contrivances for throwing the fire. In the
Saracen camp the story of the catastrophe was somewhat
differently told by a Moslem who represented himself as its
sole survivor, rescued and sent by the Christians to inform
his people of the disaster which had befallen their cause.
He seems to have stated that the dromond had been sunk
by its own captain to save it from capture. Saladin’s
biographer, however, frankly admits that the issue of
Richard’s first encounter with Turks was a severe blow to
the defenders of Acre.<a id="FNanchor_637" href="#Footnote_637" class="fnanchor">[637]</a> To Richard and his followers it
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
must have seemed a good omen; and it was immediately
followed by another. At the opening of the fight they had
had the wind in their faces;<a id="FNanchor_638" href="#Footnote_638" class="fnanchor">[638]</a> suddenly it dropped<a id="FNanchor_639" href="#Footnote_639" class="fnanchor">[639]</a> and
then shifted to the north and carried them before nightfall
to Tyre.<a id="FNanchor_640" href="#Footnote_640" class="fnanchor">[640]</a> Here Richard landed, intending to spend the
night in the city, but its keepers refused to admit him,
asserting that their lord, Conrad of Montferrat, and the king
of France had forbidden them to do so.<a id="FNanchor_641" href="#Footnote_641" class="fnanchor">[641]</a> Next day the wind
still favoured him and his fleet, and bore them past Scandalion
and Casal Imbert straight to the haven where they would
be.<a id="FNanchor_642" href="#Footnote_642" class="fnanchor">[642]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_III">CHAPTER III<br>
<span class="fs70">THE FALL OF ACRE<br>
1191.</span></h3>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent0">What brave chief shall head the forces</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Where the Red Cross Legions gather?</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>From Mount Taurus to the Gulf of Aden, from the river
Tigris to the Mediterranean sea, and from the Arabian to the
Libyan desert, Saladin was now master of everything except
some fragments of territory in the north-west of Syria and
one sea-port in Galilee. The first of these exceptions consisted
of a small portion of the Latin principality of Antioch,
including its capital city; south of this, a few fortified
coast-towns—Markab, Tortosa, Tripoli; and east of these
latter, the little settlement of Ismaïlite warriors who in their
stronghold under the shelter of Mount Lebanon defied
Franks and Turks alike, and acknowledged no ruler save
their own chieftain, called by western chroniclers “the
Old Man of the Mountain.” The one unconquered city in
the Holy Land itself was Tyre.</p>

<p>The goal of the Crusade was, of course, Jerusalem.
Ninety years before, when Islam was split up into a number
of separate and rival states, all weakened and well-nigh
exhausted by constant strife with each other, the First
Crusaders had attained that goal by a victorious land march
all the way from Antioch; but now all was changed, and it
would have been sheer madness for their successors to dream
of following in their steps. Now that the resources of
Aleppo, Damascus, Bagdad, and Cairo were all at the
command of one ruler, the acquisition of a base on the
sea-coast in such a position that troops and supplies could
be poured through it from the West direct into the Holy
Land in safety and on a large scale (or what in the twelfth
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span>
century was accounted such) was an almost indispensable
preliminary to any practical attempt at the re-conquest of
Jerusalem. Tyre, with its peninsular citadel facing the
valley which leads round the foot of Lebanon into Coele-Syria,
was somewhat too isolated as well as too far north
for this purpose. But some twenty-five miles south of
Tyre there was a fortified sea-port whose character and
importance were summed up by an Arab writer, a few years
before it fell into Saladin’s power, in one significant sentence:
“Acre is the column on which the Frankish towns of Syria
rest.”<a id="FNanchor_643" href="#Footnote_643" class="fnanchor">[643]</a> Acre stood on the site of the ancient Ptolemaïs, at
the northern extremity of the wide semicircular bay whose
southern extremity is the point of Carmel, and which forms
the only real break in the long straight coast-line of the Holy
Land. Its harbour was the best—indeed, the only good one
except Tyre and, perhaps, Ascalon—in the whole length of
that coast-line. Under the Franks it was the chief
landing-place for both pilgrims and traders from Europe;
for it was the converging-point of all the main lines
of communication between the West and Jerusalem,
Mecca, Egypt, and Damascus. For the trade of Damascus
it was practically the only available sea-port, being
the only one to and from which access on the land side
was not blocked by Mount Lebanon. “There,” says the
Arab visitor quoted above, “put in the tall ships which
float like mountains over the sea; it is the meeting-place
of crafts and caravans, the place whither Mussulman and
Christian merchants congregate from all quarters.”<a id="FNanchor_644" href="#Footnote_644" class="fnanchor">[644]</a> To
the natural advantages of the site were added fortifications
which ranked among the mightiest of the many mighty
productions of military architecture reared by the Frank
settlers in Syria. The mouth of the harbour was guarded
by a chain; a great tower rose on a tongue of land which
ran out into the sea and sheltered the harbour to westward;
the city lay partly on this peninsula and partly on the
mainland, and was protected on the land side, to north and
east, by strong walls and towers, and beyond these by a wide
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1189</b></span>
and deep fosse.<a id="FNanchor_645" href="#Footnote_645" class="fnanchor">[645]</a> Saladin had taken the place in July 1187;
he was fully alive to its importance, and it was strongly
garrisoned and well provisioned when at the end of August
1189 King Guy of Jerusalem, having made his way down
from Antioch, collecting forces as he went from among the
natives of the land and the newly enlisted Crusaders who
during the last year had been arriving in small parties at
the few northern sea-ports still in Christian hands, set to
<span class="sidenotex">1189<br><em>Aug.</em></span>
work to begin the re-conquest of his kingdom by laying siege
to Acre with about ten thousand men.<a id="FNanchor_646" href="#Footnote_646" class="fnanchor">[646]</a></p>

<p>It was a great venture of faith; and the faith was justified.
Acre at once became the rallying-point for all the remaining
forces of the realm and for the Crusaders who came pouring
in from Europe during the next few months. Saladin on
his part had immediately despatched a large army to occupy
the hills which bordered the plain, some eight to ten miles
wide, at the back of the town. The besiegers, in their
entrenched camp outside the walls and fosse, found themselves
practically besieged in their turn; and this double
siege lasted, with many vicissitudes and very little real
<span class="sidenotex">1191</span>
progress on either side, till the spring of 1191. By the middle
of April, when Philip Augustus arrived, the Christian host
was sufficiently numerous to maintain a complete blockade
of the city by land and entire control over the harbour, and
thus to prevent the entrance of men and provisions, either
by land or by sea. They had, however, little prospect of
winning the place except by starvation; for they could not
venture on attempting to capture it by a general assault,
because their own encampment was in constant danger from
a great host of fresh troops which Saladin had brought up
to occupy the surrounding country as soon as the winter
was over. Thus on the evening of Saturday, June 8,<a id="FNanchor_647" href="#Footnote_647" class="fnanchor">[647]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
“the valiant king, the Lion-heart,<a id="FNanchor_648" href="#Footnote_648" class="fnanchor">[648]</a> saw before him Acre
with its towers, and the flower of the world’s people seated
round about it, and beyond them the hill-peaks and the
mountains and the valleys and the plains, covered with the
tents of Saladin and Safadin and their troops, pressing hard
on our Christian host.”<a id="FNanchor_649" href="#Footnote_649" class="fnanchor">[649]</a></p>

<p>Not the least of the disadvantages under which that host
laboured was the lack of a commander-in-chief. Neither
the character nor the circumstances of Guy were such as
could enable him to retain that position after the influx from
Europe had begun; and the supreme command of the siege
therefore passed from one to another of the more influential
leaders of the western contingents by a succession of
temporary arrangements, intended only as makeshifts till
the three sovereigns who were expected to take the joint
leadership of the whole expedition should arrive. The greatest
of these three, however, the Emperor Frederic Barbarossa,
never arrived at all, having been accidentally drowned on
the way in June 1190. After the main body of the French
Crusaders reached Acre in July 1190, the chief command
devolved upon their leader, Count Henry of Champagne,
whose mother was half-sister to both Philip Augustus and
Richard, and who was thus in some sense a representative
of both the kings. Philip on his arrival devoted himself
to setting up his military engines, of which he had brought
a goodly store, in whatever places he deemed most advantageous,
and according to one English chronicler, building
a stone house for himself; but he declined to take any
further action without his brother-sovereign.<a id="FNanchor_650" href="#Footnote_650" class="fnanchor">[650]</a> Richard
had no sooner passed from the clamorous welcome given
him by the whole host as he landed, and the exchange of
courteous greetings with Philip, than he plunged at once
into practical matters.<a id="FNanchor_651" href="#Footnote_651" class="fnanchor">[651]</a> Having learned that Philip was
paying his followers three gold bezants apiece every month,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 8</em></span>
he—seemingly that very night—issued a proclamation
throughout the host offering four bezants a month to any
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
knight, of any country, who would take service under him.<a id="FNanchor_652" href="#Footnote_652" class="fnanchor">[652]</a>
The consequence was that nearly all those who were free
to dispose of themselves and their services “took him for
their leader and their lord.”<a id="FNanchor_653" href="#Footnote_653" class="fnanchor">[653]</a> Among the first to come
forward for this purpose were the Genoese and the Pisans.
He declined, however, the homage and fealty of the Genoese,
because it was already pledged to Philip. The Pisans
became his liegemen, and “he confirmed to them by his
charter the customs which they were wont to have in the
land of Jerusalem.”<a id="FNanchor_654" href="#Footnote_654" class="fnanchor">[654]</a> It is highly significant that Richard
could already, and seemingly without calling forth a protest
or even a remark from anyone, make an assumption of
authority in a realm of which he was neither ruler nor
overlord. Scarcely less significant was the action of Henry
of Champagne. Henry—so at least says an English
chronicler—having come to the end of his own resources,
had asked his uncle of France for a subsidy; Philip offered
him a loan of a hundred marks, if he would pledge his county
for their repayment. Henry then applied to his uncle of
England, who at once gave him four thousand pounds and
a supply of food for his men and his horses. Thenceforth
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June</em></span>
the troops of Champagne and their count served under
Richard’s standard, and their own sovereign remained in
command only of the strictly “French” followers who had
come to Acre in his train.<a id="FNanchor_655" href="#Footnote_655" class="fnanchor">[655]</a></p>

<p>The wind which had brought Richard’s galleys swiftly
to Acre on June 8 changed again before the slower vessels
of his fleet could follow him, and until they arrived he had
no engines of war.<a id="FNanchor_656" href="#Footnote_656" class="fnanchor">[656]</a> But “Mategriffon” had been packed
on one of the galleys; on the 10th it was set up, and by
daybreak on the 11th his archers were looking down into
Acre from the tall wooden tower, and “Kill-Greek” was
ready to become “Kill-Turk.” Philip renewed his attacks
on the “Accursed Tower,” the chief defence of the city on its
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 11-14</em></span>
eastern side; and all along the line of the walls stone-casters
and miners set vigorously to work. Richard meanwhile
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
“went about among the groups, instructing some,
criticizing others, encouraging others; he seemed to be
everywhere and at every man’s side, so that to him might
fairly be ascribed whatsoever each man was doing.”<a id="FNanchor_657" href="#Footnote_657" class="fnanchor">[657]</a>
Within a day or two, however, he was prostrated by a strange
illness, a kind of malarial fever which among other effects
caused alopecia or loss of hair.<a id="FNanchor_658" href="#Footnote_658" class="fnanchor">[658]</a> Much against his wishes,
a general assault was nevertheless made under Philip’s
orders on June 14. It failed, and so did another three or
four days later.<a id="FNanchor_659" href="#Footnote_659" class="fnanchor">[659]</a> Presently Philip was attacked by the same
malady which had struck down Richard.<a id="FNanchor_660" href="#Footnote_660" class="fnanchor">[660]</a> In Richard’s
case it seems to have been complicated by his chronic
trouble, ague;<a id="FNanchor_661" href="#Footnote_661" class="fnanchor">[661]</a> and thus Philip was the first to recover.
Richard occupied part of his time of enforced inactivity in
an exchange of courtesies with Saladin. Each party was
anxious for information as to the strength, or weakness, of
the other; and the courtesies of chivalry, which were quite
as familiar to the Moslem as to the Christian prince, were
utilized by both for this purpose. Saladin appears to have
opened communications by sending a gift of fruit to the two
royal invalids. Richard was eager for a personal interview
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 19-<br>July 21</em></span>
with his courteous adversary; this Saladin refused,
on the ground that “kings should not have speech with
each other till terms of peace between them have been
arranged”; he consented, however, to a meeting between
his brother Safadin and the king, but when the time for it
came Richard was still too ill to leave his tent. Richard
next despatched to the Saracen camp a negro slave as a gift
to the Sultan.<a id="FNanchor_662" href="#Footnote_662" class="fnanchor">[662]</a> On the king’s part these proceedings were
unwise, not in themselves, but because they were liable to be
misconstrued by his fellow-Crusaders and to bring upon him
the suspicions of the other princes in the host, and especially
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
of Philip Augustus, with whom he was already at variance
about a much more serious matter which practically depended
upon their joint decision. This was nothing less
than the disposal of the Crown of Jerusalem.</p>

<p>King Amalric, who died in 1174, had by his first wife a
son, Baldwin, and a daughter, Sibyl; and by his second wife
an infant daughter, Isabel. The first marriage had been
dissolved on the ground of consanguinity; in strict law,
therefore, Baldwin and Sibyl were illegitimate; Baldwin,
however, became king without opposition, because he was
the only male survivor of the royal house. But he was not
yet fourteen, and he was a leper. In 1176, therefore, an
attempt was made to provide for the succession by marrying
his elder sister to a member of a distinguished family of
Italian Crusaders, William of Montferrat. Within a year
Sibyl was a widow; but she was also the mother of a son,
and in 1183 this child was solemnly crowned and anointed
king in his uncle’s lifetime. This precaution staved off the
impending crisis for nearly three years, though the imminent
prospect of a long royal minority in the existing political
and military circumstances of Palestine was felt to be so
alarming that the very Patriarch who had crowned the child
became, only a few months later, eager to undo his own work
and tried, but without success, to bring from Europe to the
dying king and the distracted realm an adoptive male heir
of full age in the person of one of the descendants of the first
marriage of the Angevin Count Fulk V, whose second marriage
had brought the crown of Jerusalem into the house of
Anjou. Baldwin IV died before Heraclius returned from
Europe, in the winter of 1184-5; in September 1186
little Baldwin V died also. Sibyl then claimed the crown in
her own right, as the natural heiress at once of her child, her
brother, and her father; the Templars, the Patriarch, and
some of the nobles rallied round her at Jerusalem; the
people acclaimed her as queen, and she was crowned in the
Church of the Holy Sepulchre together with her second
husband, Guy of Lusignan. Sibyl’s half-sister, Isabel, was
now fifteen years old, and had been married three years. A
party among the nobles had ever since King Amalric’s death
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
been biding their time to bring Isabel forward as his only
legitimate representative and heir. They tried to do so
now; they failed, however, because her young husband,
Humphry of Toron, and his step-father and guardian, Reginald
of Châtillon, both adhered to Sibyl. But when the sickness
which raged in the Christian camp before Acre in 1190
carried off first the two little daughters of Sibyl and Guy
and then Sibyl herself, Isabel and her partisans found their
opportunity. On the pretext that Isabel had been wedded
to Humphry without her consent, the Patriarch declared her
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 24</em> 1190</span>
marriage void. Immediately afterwards she married the
man who had long been Guy’s most implacable rival, Conrad
of Montferrat, a younger brother of Sibyl’s first husband.</p>

<p>In four words the Norman poet-historian of the third
Crusade has at once pronounced a rare and splendid panegyric
on Guy of Lusignan as a man, and given us the clue to Guy’s
failure as a statesman. “No king was endowed with better
qualities save for one characteristic which he had: that
he knew no evil. That,” adds the poet with a charming
touch of perhaps unconscious irony, “is what men call
simpleness.”<a id="FNanchor_663" href="#Footnote_663" class="fnanchor">[663]</a> “Simpleness,” whether as a virtue or a
failing, can certainly never have been laid to the credit or the
charge of Conrad of Montferrat. He had in 1187 landed
with a handful of followers at Tyre when it was literally on
the eve of surrendering to Saladin, and had taken upon
himself the command and defence of the place with such
vigour that Saladin was compelled to raise the siege. An
Arab historian called him “the mightiest devil of all the
Franks”;<a id="FNanchor_664" href="#Footnote_664" class="fnanchor">[664]</a> an English writer called him “a son of the
piercing and crooked serpent.”<a id="FNanchor_665" href="#Footnote_665" class="fnanchor">[665]</a> His valour and capability,
together with the possession of Tyre, soon made him a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
personage of much greater importance than the titular king.
In birth Conrad was much more than Guy’s equal; the
marquisate of Montferrat, to which he succeeded in 1188,
ranked among the chief principalities of the kingdom of
Italy, and his mother was granddaughter to one emperor,
sister to another, and aunt to a third; while Guy was merely
the youngest of the five brothers of that Geoffrey of Lusignan
who had been a ringleader in almost every Aquitanian
revolt from 1167 onward, and who had finally, some months
after Conrad’s arrival at Tyre, gone to expiate in Palestine
the last and worst of his offences against Duke Richard.
To avert civil strife, both parties agreed to submit the whole
question of the Crown to the arbitration of the two western
kings. Guy now laid before them a complaint that Conrad
had “forcibly and unjustly taken from him” (probably
during his absence in Cyprus) “the rights and revenues of
the kingdom.” His brother Geoffrey appealed the marquis
of disloyalty, perjury, and treason against the king of
Jerusalem and the whole Christian host. Conrad for the
moment avoided answering the appeal by slipping away to
Tyre;<a id="FNanchor_666" href="#Footnote_666" class="fnanchor">[666]</a> its prosecution was postponed, and with it the trial
of the rival claims to the Crown; pending a decision, the
royal dues and revenues of the market and port of Acre
were sequestrated and entrusted to the Templars and
Hospitaliers.<a id="FNanchor_667" href="#Footnote_667" class="fnanchor">[667]</a></p>

<p>The two arbitrators inclined opposite ways. Guy’s
“simpleness” had led him aright when it pointed him,
notwithstanding the previous hostile relations between his
family and their overlord in Aquitaine, to Richard as his
natural protector against the Italian claimant to his Crown.
On the other hand, Conrad’s family connexions and his
talents had secured for him the support of most of the other
princes in the crusading host; the ceremony of marriage
between him and Isabel had been performed by a French
bishop, a near kinsman of King Philip.<a id="FNanchor_668" href="#Footnote_668" class="fnanchor">[668]</a> Thus supported,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
he had, as we have seen, already ventured to set Richard
at defiance by preventing him from entering Tyre; and he
was now speedily<a id="FNanchor_669" href="#Footnote_669" class="fnanchor">[669]</a> recalled to the camp by Philip, who at
once openly “took him into familiarity and counsel.”
According to one account it was at Conrad’s instigation
that Philip laid claim to half the island of Cyprus and of
the spoils which Richard had acquired there; the pretext
for the claim being the agreement made at Messina. Richard
answered that the said agreement related only to whatever
he and Philip might acquire in the Holy Land; he offered,
however, to satisfy Philip’s demand if Philip would in
exchange grant him half the county of Flanders and of
everything that had escheated to the French Crown by the
recent death of the Flemish count. On this Philip dropped
his claim and consented to a new arrangement whereby both
kings explicitly promised to share equally whatever they
should acquire in Palestine. This convention was confirmed
by oaths and charters, and its fulfilment was safeguarded
by a provision that all conquests and acquisitions
made by either party should be placed under the charge
of the two great Military Orders for safe custody and
division.<a id="FNanchor_670" href="#Footnote_670" class="fnanchor">[670]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile Richard’s fleet had arrived, bringing the rest
of his followers<a id="FNanchor_671" href="#Footnote_671" class="fnanchor">[671]</a> and his engines of war. These seem to
have been mostly stone-casters and other missile engines
worked at long range. Philip’s machines were chiefly
engines of assault and battery, which had to be advanced
close up to the walls, and were thus more exposed to damage
and destruction by fire from the enemy. The most effectual
work of all was that of the miners who had long been making
their way under the walls and especially under the “Accursed
Tower.”<a id="FNanchor_672" href="#Footnote_672" class="fnanchor">[672]</a> The defences of Acre were now crumbling fast,
and the fall of a long piece of wall close to that tower, on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
July 3,<a id="FNanchor_673" href="#Footnote_673" class="fnanchor">[673]</a> coinciding with the failure of an attack made by
Saladin and his brother on the Christian trenches,<a id="FNanchor_674" href="#Footnote_674" class="fnanchor">[674]</a> was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 4</em></span>
followed next morning by an offer from the garrison to
surrender the place and all its contents if their own lives
and liberty were spared.<a id="FNanchor_675" href="#Footnote_675" class="fnanchor">[675]</a> The two kings, knowing that the
garrison comprised—as a Moslem writer says—“the best
emirs of the Sultan’s host and the bravest champions of
Islam,”<a id="FNanchor_676" href="#Footnote_676" class="fnanchor">[676]</a> refused the condition.<a id="FNanchor_677" href="#Footnote_677" class="fnanchor">[677]</a> That night another attack
on the Christians’ outer trench was successfully beaten off.<a id="FNanchor_678" href="#Footnote_678" class="fnanchor">[678]</a>
Then Richard, sick though he was, determined to try the
effect of an assault on the city under his own personal
direction. He caused a kind of moveable hurdle-shed, called
by the French writers <i lang="fro">cercloie</i> or <i lang="fro">circleie</i>, to be brought up
to the edge of the fosse; under cover of this shelter his
crossbowmen could shoot at the tower; he himself, wrapped
in a rich silken quilt, was carried forth and placed among
them, “and many a bolt was shot by that skilful hand,”
the Turks shooting back all the time.<a id="FNanchor_679" href="#Footnote_679" class="fnanchor">[679]</a> All day long his
stone-casters worked incessantly; so did his miners; at
night the mine was fired, and their efforts were rewarded
by the fall of some turrets and a great breach in the curtain
wall.<a id="FNanchor_680" href="#Footnote_680" class="fnanchor">[680]</a> Hereupon Richard sent a crier through the host
to proclaim a reward for any man who would pull out a
stone from a certain piece of wall close to the great tower.
The offer met with a quick response from his own troops
and the Pisans, and before the rest of the host had finished
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 6</em></span>
breakfast next morning they had nearly made an entrance
into the city,<a id="FNanchor_681" href="#Footnote_681" class="fnanchor">[681]</a> when the besieged again signified their desire
to treat for peace.<a id="FNanchor_682" href="#Footnote_682" class="fnanchor">[682]</a> Again the two emirs in command, Karakoush
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
and Seiffeddin-el-Meshtoub,<a id="FNanchor_683" href="#Footnote_683" class="fnanchor">[683]</a> came to speak with the
kings, and again their offers were refused, seemingly on the
understanding that the matter was to be referred to Saladin.<a id="FNanchor_684" href="#Footnote_684" class="fnanchor">[684]</a></p>

<p>Saladin’s headquarters were at Tell-Ayadiyeh, at the foot
of the hills, some seven or eight miles east of Acre, on the
direct road to Damascus. Twice within the last two days
the besieged had warned the Sultan that unless he relieved
them at once, they must surrender, with his consent or
without it.<a id="FNanchor_685" href="#Footnote_685" class="fnanchor">[685]</a> The two kings, knowing that his forces were
unequal to coping with the united Christian host, were at
the same time negotiating with him in the hope that the
city might meanwhile fall into their hands; and he could
only endeavour to stave off its surrender by spinning out
the negotiations till the reinforcements which he was expecting
should arrive.<a id="FNanchor_686" href="#Footnote_686" class="fnanchor">[686]</a> No sooner, however, had these begun
to come up than on July 8-10 he took the significant step
of cutting down the vineyards and orchards around Acre
and levelling most of the towns and smaller fortresses in the
neighbourhood;<a id="FNanchor_687" href="#Footnote_687" class="fnanchor">[687]</a> and on the 11th the besieged intimated
their readiness to make peace “at the will of the Christian
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 12</em></span>
kings.” Next morning (12th), in a great assembly at the
Templars’ quarters, the kings “by the counsel of the whole
host” made an agreement with the two emirs.<a id="FNanchor_688" href="#Footnote_688" class="fnanchor">[688]</a> Acre was
to be surrendered immediately, and its garrison were to be
kept by the Franks as hostages for the fulfilment of three
conditions to which the emirs pledged themselves in Saladin’s
name: the restoration of the Holy Cross, the release of
sixteen hundred Christians who were prisoners in the Sultan’s
hands, and the payment of two hundred thousand bezants
(or, according to another account, dinars) to the kings and
fourteen (or forty) thousand to Conrad “because the treaty
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
had been made by his mediation.”<a id="FNanchor_689" href="#Footnote_689" class="fnanchor">[689]</a> The emirs returned
to the city; a herald proclaimed throughout the host that
all molestation, injury, or insult to the Turks must cease
at once; the gates were opened, the garrison, unarmed,
were brought out<a id="FNanchor_690" href="#Footnote_690" class="fnanchor">[690]</a> and placed under guard in the Christian
camp,<a id="FNanchor_691" href="#Footnote_691" class="fnanchor">[691]</a> and the kings sent representatives to take formal
possession of Acre for them by planting their banners on its
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 13</em></span>
walls and towers.<a id="FNanchor_692" href="#Footnote_692" class="fnanchor">[692]</a> Next day (July 13) they made an equal
division of the city and all its contents, and also of the
prisoners (or hostages), and then, seemingly, cast lots for
the two halves. The royal palace fell to Richard’s share,
the Templars’ house to Philip’s; but neither king appears
to have taken up his abode in the city for several days. The
prisoners were sent back into lodgings assigned to them
within the walls, and the greater part of the host also found
quarters there.<a id="FNanchor_693" href="#Footnote_693" class="fnanchor">[693]</a></p>

<p>These prisoners—the late garrison of Acre—were, by the
terms of capitulation, to be detained till the relic of the
Cross, the stipulated number of Christian captives, and the
indemnity, should all be delivered up by Saladin; then
they were to depart free with their personal property and
their wives and children.<a id="FNanchor_694" href="#Footnote_694" class="fnanchor">[694]</a> The fulfilment of the conditions
on which their release depended was obviously beyond the
control of the officers who had made the agreement. Those
officers were understood by the Christians to be acting with
Saladin’s authorization, but it appears that this was not
the fact; according to Saladin’s friend and biographer
Bohadin, they communicated the terms to the Sultan and
then acted upon them without waiting for his reply, and he
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
was about to send back a flat refusal of his sanction to them
when he saw the Frank banners on the walls.<a id="FNanchor_695" href="#Footnote_695" class="fnanchor">[695]</a> After
waiting two days in the hope of some movement which
might give him a chance of successfully attacking the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 14</em></span>
Christian camp, he on the 14th removed his headquarters
from Ayadiyeh to Shefr’ Amm, a village in the plain, ten
miles south-east of Acre.<a id="FNanchor_696" href="#Footnote_696" class="fnanchor">[696]</a> Thence he sent a messenger
to inquire what were the terms on which the surrender had
been made, and the date fixed for their fulfilment. On the
same day three envoys came from Acre to speak with him
about the Christian prisoners to be released and the money
to be paid; he gave them an honourable reception, and
sent them on to Damascus, that they might inspect the
prisoners there.<a id="FNanchor_697" href="#Footnote_697" class="fnanchor">[697]</a> Thus he, implicitly if not explicitly,
committed himself to the conditions which had been accepted
in his name.</p>

<p>Friendly embassies continued to pass between the two
camps;<a id="FNanchor_698" href="#Footnote_698" class="fnanchor">[698]</a> but within the Christian camp there were dissensions.
First the Crusaders who had been at the siege
before the kings arrived—some of them ever since its
beginning—claimed a share of the spoil, and threatened
to desert if it were not given to them. The kings put them
off with a promise. Then Richard proposed that he, the king
of France, and all the men of their respective armies should
bind themselves by oath not to leave the Holy Land for
three years unless the whole of it should before the end of
that time be surrendered by Saladin. Philip, however,
refused to take such an oath.<a id="FNanchor_699" href="#Footnote_699" class="fnanchor">[699]</a> Next day (July 21) Richard
with his wife and his sister took up his abode in the palace.<a id="FNanchor_700" href="#Footnote_700" class="fnanchor">[700]</a>
It may have been either on his entry into the city on this
occasion or on an earlier visit of inspection that in passing
through the streets he noticed on one of the towers a banner
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
which he did not recognize, and asked to whom it belonged.
It was that of Duke Leopold of Austria, by whom the tower
had been taken. The king ordered the banner to be pulled
down and trodden in the mire, and further vented his wrath
in insulting words addressed to Leopold himself.<a id="FNanchor_701" href="#Footnote_701" class="fnanchor">[701]</a> He
seems to have acted under the impulsion of one of those
fits of unreasonable fury which were part of his Angevin
heritage and by which every member of the Angevin house
was liable to be occasionally goaded into blunders as well
as into crimes. Blunder and wrong were united in this case,
and were to be dearly paid for at a later time; for the
moment, Leopold was only one of a number of crusading
princes and nobles who chafed under Richard’s control.
In spite of all the arrangements for an equal division of
authority between the kings it was inevitable that the
supreme command should fall to Richard, not only because
he had the greatest number of troops, but also because
Philip made no attempt to assert himself openly with regard
to anything except the division of the spoils.<a id="FNanchor_702" href="#Footnote_702" class="fnanchor">[702]</a> This last
was in fact the only matter connected with the Crusade
which had any real interest for Philip. His one aim was
to get back to his own realm, that he might, first, secure for
himself the heritage of the lately deceased count of Flanders,
and next, make whatever profit could possibly be made out
of the absence of the duke of Normandy and Aquitaine.
His difficulty was to abandon the expedition without
disgracing himself in the eyes of all Christendom. Four of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 22</em></span>
his barons went to the palace on the day after Richard took
up his abode there, with a message of which they seem to
have been so ashamed that they could not utter it for tears
till Richard helped them by anticipating its tenour—the king
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
of France wanted his counsel and assent for returning home.
Philip, according to these envoys, said that unless he speedily
left Syria he would die. “If he leaves undone the work
for which he came hither,” answered Richard, “he will bring
shame and everlasting contempt upon himself and upon
France; so he will not go by my counsel. But if he must
needs either go or die, let him do what best pleases him and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 23</em></span>
his folk.” Next day Philip repeated his demand for half
of Cyprus; which Richard again refused. Three days later
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 26</em></span>
Conrad of Montferrat, on Philip’s advice, came and threw
himself at Richard’s feet and “asked his pardon” (seemingly
for the insult to which the <ins class="corr" id="tn-167" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'king had deen'">
king had been</ins> subjected at Tyre);
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 27</em></span>
Richard granted it.<a id="FNanchor_703" href="#Footnote_703" class="fnanchor">[703]</a> On the following day the plea of
Conrad against Guy was tried in the presence of both the
western kings. Conrad claimed the kingdom in right of
his so-called wife, Isabel; Guy, as having been made king,
and done nothing to forfeit his crown. Both put themselves
on the judgement of the two western sovereigns and the
prelates and nobles of the host. Judgement was given on
the morrow (July 28) in the palace of Richard. Guy was
to be king for life; if he died before Conrad and Isabel they
were to succeed him,<a id="FNanchor_704" href="#Footnote_704" class="fnanchor">[704]</a> and according to one account the
crown was to remain with their heirs;<a id="FNanchor_705" href="#Footnote_705" class="fnanchor">[705]</a> according to another
account, if Guy, Conrad, and Isabel should all die while
Richard was in Holy Land, Richard—evidently as being
head of the house of which the Angevin kings of Jerusalem
were a younger branch—was to dispose of the realm at his
will.<a id="FNanchor_706" href="#Footnote_706" class="fnanchor">[706]</a> Meanwhile, the royal revenues were to be divided
equally between Conrad and Guy.<a id="FNanchor_707" href="#Footnote_707" class="fnanchor">[707]</a> Geoffrey de Lusignan
and Conrad were both confirmed in the fiefs which they
actually held.<a id="FNanchor_708" href="#Footnote_708" class="fnanchor">[708]</a> On the morrow Philip made over all that
he had acquired in Acre to Conrad, and again asked Richard’s
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
leave to go home.<a id="FNanchor_709" href="#Footnote_709" class="fnanchor">[709]</a> Richard is said to have been so dismayed
that he offered Philip a half share of everything he had
gathered together for the Crusade—gold, silver, provisions,
arms, horses, ships—if he would abandon his project; but
it was in vain.<a id="FNanchor_710" href="#Footnote_710" class="fnanchor">[710]</a> All that the English king could do was to
insist on the French one taking a solemn oath not to invade
the Angevin lands or work any mischief against their owner
while the latter was on pilgrimage, nor without forty days’
notice after his return. The oath was sworn, and the duke
of Burgundy, the count of Champagne, and some other
French nobles stood surety for its fulfilment.<a id="FNanchor_711" href="#Footnote_711" class="fnanchor">[711]</a> Each of
the kings then detached from his troops a hundred knights
and five hundred men-at-arms and sent them to Bohemond
of Antioch for the defence of his city and principality;
Richard furnished his share of this contingent with money
enough to pay its expenses up to the following Easter, and
added a gift of five “large ships” laden with horses, arms
and food. Finally, the French king’s share of the prisoners
was separated from Richard’s<a id="FNanchor_712" href="#Footnote_712" class="fnanchor">[712]</a> and placed, together with
the French troops who were to remain in Syria, under the
command of the duke of Burgundy.<a id="FNanchor_713" href="#Footnote_713" class="fnanchor">[713]</a> On July 31 or August
1 Philip and Conrad went, in two galleys lent to them by
Richard, to Tyre.<a id="FNanchor_714" href="#Footnote_714" class="fnanchor">[714]</a> There Philip procured three Genoese
galleys, and with these, on August 3, he sailed for Europe.<a id="FNanchor_715" href="#Footnote_715" class="fnanchor">[715]</a></p>

<p>However much the lesser chieftains and their followers
might resent the supremacy of Richard—and if we may
believe a German report, the Germans and some of the
Italians did resent it so fiercely that they would have set
upon him openly with their weapons had not the Templars
intervened<a id="FNanchor_716" href="#Footnote_716" class="fnanchor">[716]</a>—it was now evident that he must be henceforth
commander-in-chief of the whole Crusade. He at
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
once, after holding a council with the other princes, had all
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 1-3</em></span>
his ships loaded up with provisions for man and beast and
with his military engines, and issued an order that all the
Crusaders should make ready to follow him, with their
arms and horses, to Ascalon. He also “made all the archers
of the host come before him and gave them good wages.”<a id="FNanchor_717" href="#Footnote_717" class="fnanchor">[717]</a>
It was of course impossible to leave Acre till the treaty with
Saladin was carried into effect; and this was becoming a
matter of considerable anxiety. From July 14 to August 2
frequent communications had passed between Saladin and
the kings.<a id="FNanchor_718" href="#Footnote_718" class="fnanchor">[718]</a> An English writer of the time says that Saladin
offered them the whole kingdom of Jerusalem except one
fortress (Krak of Moab, or Montreal) if they would lend
him <ins class="corr" id="tn-169" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'two thousand kinghts'">
two thousand knights</ins> and five thousand men-at-arms
for a twelvemonth to help him against the Mussulman
enemies in his rear, the sons of Nureddin the lord of Mosul.<a id="FNanchor_719" href="#Footnote_719" class="fnanchor">[719]</a>
Such a proposal, if made at all, could hardly be taken or
expected to be taken seriously, and can only have been a
device for spinning out negotiations and gaining time. A
modification of one detail of the treaty was, however,
granted to the Sultan. The period originally allowed him
for the delivery of the Cross, the Christian captives, and the
money seems to have been one month from the day of the
surrender of Acre;<a id="FNanchor_720" href="#Footnote_720" class="fnanchor">[720]</a> but this was soon perceived to be
impracticable. On July 24 the Frank envoys who had
gone to inspect their imprisoned fellow-Christians at Damascus
returned with four whom they had picked out for
release;<a id="FNanchor_721" href="#Footnote_721" class="fnanchor">[721]</a> and on the same evening a list of the Saracen
prisoners in Acre was brought to the Sultan. <ins class="corr" id="tn-169a" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'An August 2'">
On August 2</ins> envoys from Acre came to him to ascertain whether the Cross
was still in his camp or had been sent away to Bagdad.
When satisfied on this point by ocular demonstration, they
told him that the kings accepted his proposal to deliver
all that was specified in the treaty by three monthly instalments.
The first instalment was to comprise more than
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
two-thirds of the total; it was to consist of the Cross, the
whole stipulated number of Christian captives, and half
the money payment. The term for its delivery was to be
August 11<a id="FNanchor_722" href="#Footnote_722" class="fnanchor">[722]</a>—an ingeniously equitable arrangement for
both parties, since, the duration of the Mohammedan
calendar month differing from that of the western peoples,
the period from the surrender of Acre would be a month
and a day<a id="FNanchor_723" href="#Footnote_723" class="fnanchor">[723]</a> according to the reckoning of the Moslems whose
part in the treaty must be the most difficult and lengthy
of accomplishment, and one day less than a month according
to the reckoning of the Franks, who had most to gain by
a speedy fulfilment of the conditions.<a id="FNanchor_724" href="#Footnote_724" class="fnanchor">[724]</a> Richard presently
grew uneasy as to the possibility of fulfilling the Franks’
side of the compact on the appointed day; for Philip, after
formally giving the charge of his share of the prisoners to
the duke of Burgundy,<a id="FNanchor_725" href="#Footnote_725" class="fnanchor">[725]</a> had carried them, or at least the
most important and valuable of them, away with him to
Tyre and left them there in the custody of Conrad.<a id="FNanchor_726" href="#Footnote_726" class="fnanchor">[726]</a> On
August 5 Richard despatched envoys to Tyre to request
that Conrad would at once return to Acre and bring these
prisoners with him. Conrad flatly refused. Richard’s
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 6</em></span>
first impulse, when his envoys came back next day, was to
go and bring the marquis to submission by force. But
Conrad was a dangerous person to quarrel with, owing to
his position as heir to the Crown, and still more because,
as master of Tyre, he could stop the coming of provisions
for the host; he was in fact already doing this again, as he
had done in the earlier days of the siege. Hugh of Burgundy
therefore undertook the task of inducing Conrad to give up
the prisoners to him as the representative of their proper
owner, Philip.<a id="FNanchor_727" href="#Footnote_727" class="fnanchor">[727]</a> He set out for Tyre on August 8, but did
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
not get back with the prisoners till the 12th.<a id="FNanchor_728" href="#Footnote_728" class="fnanchor">[728]</a> According to
the letter of the treaty, however—at least, according to the
Franks’ understanding of it—the presence of all the Saracen
prisoners on the 11th was not really necessary; for their
release was to be conditional on, and should therefore have
been preceded by, Saladin’s fulfilment of his part of the
bargain. On the 11th therefore Richard called upon
Saladin to do what he had promised for that day. Saladin
replied that he would do so only on one of two conditions:
either that the Franks should at once release the captive
garrison of Acre, in which case he would give other hostages
for the completion of his payments; or that the Franks should
give him hostages to keep till the garrison were set free.
The Franks rejected both these propositions, offering instead,
in return for what was now due from the Sultan, to give
a solemn oath that the prisoners should be restored to him;
but this he, having no confidence in their good faith, would
not accept.<a id="FNanchor_729" href="#Footnote_729" class="fnanchor">[729]</a> The discussion seems to have ended for the
time in a postponement of the “first term” (as Bohadin
calls it) till August 20.<a id="FNanchor_730" href="#Footnote_730" class="fnanchor">[730]</a></p>

<p>On the 14th Richard led his own troops out of the city
and pitched his tents near the enemy’s lines. A western
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 15</em></span>
writer tells us that next day Saladin begged for a further
prolongation of the term, which Richard sternly refused;
Saladin then asked for a colloquy with Richard on the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 16</em></span>
morrow, but failed to keep the tryst, and excused his failure
by declaring, “I did not come, because I could not fulfill
the agreement which my people had made with him.”<a id="FNanchor_731" href="#Footnote_731" class="fnanchor">[731]</a>
The next two days seem to have been occupied in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
skirmishes in which the king took his full share.<a id="FNanchor_732" href="#Footnote_732" class="fnanchor">[732]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 20</em></span>
Saladin’s advanced guard had now been withdrawn from
Ayadiyeh to another height, Keisan, some two miles further
south. On the morning of the 20th—the day finally fixed
for the expiration of the “first term”—Richard sent his
tents to the pits at the foot of the hill which the Saracens
had quitted. Noon passed without a word or sign from
Saladin. After mid-day the watchers on Keisan saw Richard
come out on horseback with what to them looked like “the
whole Frankish host” into the middle of the plain between
Keisan and Ayadiyeh. They at once sent word to the
Sultan, and were anxiously awaiting instructions and
reinforcements from him when they saw the Moslem
prisoners, bound with cords, led forth into the midst of
the host and instantly slaughtered with swords and spears.
Saladin’s reinforcements came too late to do anything except
unite with the troops at Keisan in a futile, though gallant,
effort to avenge the massacre by an attack so fierce and
persistent that it was not beaten off till nightfall.<a id="FNanchor_733" href="#Footnote_733" class="fnanchor">[733]</a></p>

<p>The victims of this wholesale execution comprised the
entire Moslem garrison of Acre except a few persons of
distinction who were specially reserved for ransom. Richard
himself stated the number of the slain to be about two
thousand six hundred.<a id="FNanchor_734" href="#Footnote_734" class="fnanchor">[734]</a> Bohadin, whose computation is
doubtless that of the Moslem troops who visited the place of
slaughter next morning, says “more than three thousand.”<a id="FNanchor_735" href="#Footnote_735" class="fnanchor">[735]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
This writer, whose narrative we have been following, and
who was Saladin’s confidential secretary and constant
companion, says that in this matter “the English king,
seeing all the delays interposed by the Sultan to the execution
of the treaty, acted perfidiously with regard to his Mussulman
prisoners.” This charge of perfidy is based upon a clause
which occurs only in the same writer’s account of the terms
of the capitulation of Acre; according to him, the garrison
were thereby promised that in any case their lives should
be spared; if the Sultan failed to do his part of the agreement,
their fate was to be slavery.<a id="FNanchor_736" href="#Footnote_736" class="fnanchor">[736]</a> The Frank writers
know nothing of this stipulation. Two of them distinctly
assert that the promise of life to the garrison was made
conditional on Saladin’s fulfilment of the bargain.<a id="FNanchor_737" href="#Footnote_737" class="fnanchor">[737]</a> Another
says they were to go out free and unharmed if the agreement
were carried out within the term, but if not, they were to be
at the mercy of the kings for their limbs and lives.<a id="FNanchor_738" href="#Footnote_738" class="fnanchor">[738]</a> The
others simply speak of them as hostages. If the Frankish
version of this matter be the correct one, then the persistent
“delays interposed by the Sultan to the execution of the
treaty” had unquestionably, on the principles universally
recognised by both Franks and Saracens, rendered the lives
of these hostages legally forfeit at mid-day on August 20.
Bohadin’s admission about the “delays” is practically
an acknowledgement that they would have been so but for
the special promise which he alleges to have been made to
these men. Even if that promise were given, indeed, a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
feudal lawyer might have made out a case for Richard and
his colleagues in the war-council, on the plea that the moment
the garrison became legally slaves, they became, as such,
the absolute property of their masters, to be kept alive or
slain at their masters’ will; and a Mussulman lawyer might
have had even more difficulty than a Christian one in
finding an answer to such a plea. It is, however, quite
possible that the treaty—drawn up as it was, in haste, in
two different languages, between parties who could only
hold communication through interpreters<a id="FNanchor_739" href="#Footnote_739" class="fnanchor">[739]</a>—may have been
honestly understood by the Moslems in one sense and by
the Christians in another. As for Richard’s personal
responsibility in the matter, Bohadin certainly exaggerates
it. The other princes of the Crusade clearly concurred in
the determination of the hostages’ fate.<a id="FNanchor_740" href="#Footnote_740" class="fnanchor">[740]</a> The cruelty of
such wholesale slaughter shocked neither their moral sense
nor that of their contemporaries; the chroniclers of the
time all record the massacre without a word or a hint of
reprobation; one at least who was himself in the host openly
rejoices over it as a just vengeance for the Crusaders slain
during the siege by the crossbows of the garrison.<a id="FNanchor_741" href="#Footnote_741" class="fnanchor">[741]</a> With
the leaders every other consideration would probably be
outweighed by a military one. Until these prisoners were
disposed of in some safe way, the Crusade must be at a
standstill. They could not be left in Acre or anywhere
else without a guard far more numerous than it was possible
to spare from the main enterprise. Saladin’s conduct
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
had extinguished the hope of disposing of them by exchange.
The only sure way was to follow an example set by him,
though on a much smaller scale, four years before, when he
put to death all the Templars and Hospitaliers who had been
captured in the battle of Hattin.<a id="FNanchor_742" href="#Footnote_742" class="fnanchor">[742]</a> So the deed was done;
and that same night a herald proclaimed throughout the
host that on the morrow all must be ready to set out for
Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_743" href="#Footnote_743" class="fnanchor">[743]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_IV">CHAPTER IV<br>
<span class="fs70">FROM ACRE TO JOPPA<br>
1191</span></h3>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent0">Lignum Crucis, Signum Ducis,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Sequitur exercitus,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Quod non cessit, sed praecessit</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">In vi Sancti Spiritus.</div>
    <div class="verse indent14"><cite lang="en">Berter of Orleans.</cite></div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></div>

<p>Two main roads led southward from Acre. One crossed
the river Kishon at a point which on the map is about half
way between Nazareth and the sea, passed over the middle
of Mount Carmel, and then along the eastern side of the
plain which lies between the coast and the mountain-range
of Samaria and Judea. Cross-paths through the defiles of
this range led from the road to the Holy Places of southern
Palestine—Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Hebron—and connected
it with the great lines of communication running through
these places southward to Egypt and Mecca and northward
up the Jordan valley to Damascus; paths across the plain
connected it with the other great main road, which followed
the coast-line all the way to the mouth of the Nile. The
inland route was the more direct way to Jerusalem; but
for the Crusaders the coast route was the safer, indeed
the only safe one. The re-conquest of the land must begin
with the re-conquest of the seaboard towns. Acre might
serve as principal base for the whole expedition; but this
was not enough; before the Crusaders could venture into
the interior of the land they must make sure of being able
to communicate with Cyprus and with Europe through
other ports besides Acre, and with Acre itself by sea as well
as by land. They must also endeavour to block at least
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
one of the enemy’s lines of communication with Egypt;
and of these the most frequented and important was the
coast route, to which the entrance from Egypt, both by
land and sea, was commanded by the great fortress of
Ascalon. Thus the plan of campaign implied in the order
issued on the night of August 20 was to regain, first and
foremost, the whole seaboard of the Holy Land.</p>

<p>The fortifications of Acre had been carefully repaired
under Richard’s personal superintendence;<a id="FNanchor_744" href="#Footnote_744" class="fnanchor">[744]</a> and the other
preparations for departure were so far advanced that one
day sufficed to complete them. The two queens and the
damsel of Cyprus were left in the palace, with the king’s
treasure, under suitable guard. Bertram de Verdon and
Stephen de Longchamp were appointed constables of the
city.<a id="FNanchor_745" href="#Footnote_745" class="fnanchor">[745]</a> Every man in the host was bidden to take with
him food for ten days; the ships were already loaded up
with the rest of the stores, and their skippers were instructed
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 21</em></span>
to sail close along the shore, ready to put in at intervals
and supply the host with whatever it might need. “Thus
they were to go,” says one of the pilgrims, “in two bodies,
one by sea and one by land; for Syria could be reconquered
from the Turks in no other manner.”<a id="FNanchor_746" href="#Footnote_746" class="fnanchor">[746]</a> The total number
of the Frank forces is reckoned by the same authority at
three hundred thousand.<a id="FNanchor_747" href="#Footnote_747" class="fnanchor">[747]</a> On Thursday August 22 they
began to cross the “river of Acre” (the Belus, or Nahr el
Namein, which falls into the sea just below the city) and
pitch their tents between it and the sea.<a id="FNanchor_748" href="#Footnote_748" class="fnanchor">[748]</a> A large proportion
of them, however, had become already so demoralised by
their stay in the city, now once more filled with all the
luxuries and temptations of Eastern life, that they were
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Friday<br>Aug. 23</em></span>
very reluctant to leave it; and it was not till the next day
that Richard succeeded in getting the greater part of the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
host together in its new encampment, and himself followed
it thither, having taken his position in the rear to guard
against possible attack from the Moslems.<a id="FNanchor_749" href="#Footnote_749" class="fnanchor">[749]</a> The detachment
at Keisan was, however, too small to venture upon anything
more than a harmless demonstration at a safe distance;<a id="FNanchor_750" href="#Footnote_750" class="fnanchor">[750]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sat.<br>Aug. 24</em></span>
and it was altogether withdrawn next day, when Saladin,
being now assured of the route which the Franks intended
to take, disposed his army on the hills above Shefr’ Amm,
ready to attack them on their march along the shore.<a id="FNanchor_751" href="#Footnote_751" class="fnanchor">[751]</a>
They seem not to have started till Sunday, August 25.<a id="FNanchor_752" href="#Footnote_752" class="fnanchor">[752]</a>
Richard led the vanguard; his English and Norman followers
had charge of the great Standard which was surmounted
by his royal banner and was to serve as guide and rallying-point
for the whole host. The Frenchmen under the duke
of Burgundy formed the rearguard. They soon found
themselves in difficulties. The roads of Palestine had been
originally good Roman ones; but by the closing years of
the twelfth century even the highroads had become in many
places little more than trackways. The transport corps,
struggling through an awkward passage, fell into confusion;
at the critical moment the Saracens swooped down, cut
them off from the rearguard, and drove them towards the
sea. One John FitzLuke spurred forward and told Richard
what had occurred; “and the king with his meinie galloped
back at a great pace; he fell upon the Turks like a thunderbolt—I
know not how many he slew”;<a id="FNanchor_753" href="#Footnote_753" class="fnanchor">[753]</a> “and they fled
before him like the Philistines of old from the face of the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
Maccabee.”<a id="FNanchor_754" href="#Footnote_754" class="fnanchor">[754]</a> The Franks re-formed in order, and proceeded
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 25</em></span>
without further interruption till they found a convenient
camping-ground, seemingly near the mouth of the Kishon,
whence a short day’s march brought them to Cayphas,
the modern Haïfa. Here they encamped for two days
between the castle, which they found deserted, and the sea.
This first brief stage of their journey from Acre—it is only
about ten miles—had taught them at least one practical
lesson: that on a march along the burning sand of the
Syrian coast in August superfluous baggage was to be
avoided. They therefore discarded everything that was not
strictly necessary. The fight on the way had also another
good result; it had healed Richard’s feud with William
des Barres. William had fought with such valour that the
king’s admiration had overcome his anger, and the gallant
Frenchman was received back into favour by the Lion-Heart.<a id="FNanchor_755" href="#Footnote_755" class="fnanchor">[755]</a></p>

<p>On Tuesday August 27 the Crusaders set out again, and
wound their way unmolested round the point of Carmel to
Capharnaum, a distance of about eight miles; finding this
place also deserted, they stopped there to dine; and thence
another march of four miles brought them to a spot where
in later days the Templars were to rear a famous fortress
known as Athlit, or Pilgrims’ Castle, but which the earlier
pilgrims called the Casal (village) of the Straits—why, it is
hard to guess, for the distance from the shore to the foot
of the Carmel range increases all the way from Capharnaum
southward, so that even from the north the approach to
Athlit is much less of a “strait” than the pass which the
host had just come through round the promontory.<a id="FNanchor_756" href="#Footnote_756" class="fnanchor">[756]</a> The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
site indeed afforded an ample and convenient camping-ground,
and also a place where the ships could put in. This
they had been ordered to do, so the host waited there two
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 27</em></span>
days to receive from them a fresh store of provisions.<a id="FNanchor_757" href="#Footnote_757" class="fnanchor">[757]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 24</em></div>

<p>Meanwhile Saladin had on the night of the 24th removed
his headquarters from Shefr’ Amm to Kaimoun (the ancient
Jokneam of Carmel), where the inland road from Acre to
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 25</em></span>
the south crosses the Kishon. Next day he rode over
Carmel on a reconnoitring expedition to Mallâha, “the
Salt-pit,” called by the Franks Merle. Returning on the
26th to Kaimoun, he there reviewed his army, and on the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 28</em></span>
morrow led it across the mountains to “the head of the river
which runs by Caesarea.”<a id="FNanchor_758" href="#Footnote_758" class="fnanchor">[758]</a> Caesarea lies, fifteen miles
south of the Casal of the Straits, midway between the
mouths of two rivers which are five miles apart. The
northern one was called by the Crusaders “the River of
Crocodiles”;<a id="FNanchor_759" href="#Footnote_759" class="fnanchor">[759]</a> between its two principal springs passes
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 28-30</em></span>
the main road leading south from Kaimoun. In the next
three days Saladin shifted his camp three times among the
hills above these springs.<a id="FNanchor_760" href="#Footnote_760" class="fnanchor">[760]</a> From these hills, or from the
last spur of Carmel, a little further south, he would see his
first opportunity of checking or hindering his enemy’s
advance. The slopes of the Carmel range were too steep
to be practicable for his cavalry; it was doubtless for this
reason that Cayphas and Capharnaum had been evacuated,
and also that the fortifications of Caesarea had been dismantled.<a id="FNanchor_761" href="#Footnote_761" class="fnanchor">[761]</a>
When the Crusaders should reach Caesarea,
however, they would be on the verge of Sharon, “the
Level,” on whose eastern border the comparatively low
mountains of Samaria rise by a gradual ascent, in terrace-like
ridges, broken by many easy passes leading into the
valleys and level spaces among the hills; while the distance
between mountains and sea, which round the promontory
of Carmel is only two hundred yards, is at the lower end of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
the Carmel range six miles. On August 28 Richard advanced
from Casal of the Straits to Merle and spent the night on
the ground where Saladin had been three nights before.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 29</em></span>
Next day the whole host followed, and with the king at its
head and the Knights of the Temple and Hospital forming
the rearguard proceeded towards Caesarea. By Richard’s
orders all the sick had been transferred to the ships; but
even for the able-bodied the day’s march—some fifteen
miles—was a long, slow, and painful one over the burning
sand in the heat of an August day in Syria; not a few died
by the way; and the outskirts of the host were attacked
by some skirmishing parties of Turks, who were, however,
driven off by Richard. The weary pilgrims camped that
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 30</em></span>
night on the bank of the River of Crocodiles, and next day
entered the ruins of Caesarea, which were evacuated at
their approach. Here on that evening or the next the ships
came into port, bringing further supplies and also some of
the “lazy folk” from Acre, who in response to an urgent
summons sent to them by Richard had thus at length come
to rejoin their comrades in arms.<a id="FNanchor_762" href="#Footnote_762" class="fnanchor">[762]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 1</em></span>

<p>With these reinforcements the march was resumed on
Sunday, September 1. On the preceding day Saladin had
taken up a position on the hills whence he could, as soon as
the Franks issued from Caesarea, make it impossible for
them to avoid an encounter. They had scarcely set out
when they were well-nigh surrounded by his light cavalry,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
and a shower of arrows fell upon them from all directions.<a id="FNanchor_763" href="#Footnote_763" class="fnanchor">[763]</a>
But his attack proved less effective than he had hoped,
owing to the order of march which the Crusaders had now
adopted. The princes, knights, and mounted men-at-arms
advanced between two columns of infantry, of which one,
marching on their left—the side nearest to the hills and
the enemy—“protected them,” says an eye-witness, “as
with a wall.” These foot-soldiers in their thick felt jerkins
and mailcoats recked little of the Turkish arrows, while
the heavier missiles which they hurled at their assailants
in return wrought execution on both horses and riders.
On the other side of the cavalry, along the sea-shore, marched
another body of foot-soldiers who carried the baggage, and,
being safe from attack, were always comparatively fresh,
and ready to change places with their comrades on the
exposed side when the latter were worn out with fatigue
or wounds. Of the cavalry thus enclosed, the van consisted
of the knights of the kingdom of Jerusalem under King Guy;
the rearguard was composed of the mounted troops of
Galilee and others, including no doubt the Military Orders;
in the centre were the king of England, the duke of Burgundy,
and their followers, with the Standard in their midst.
Thus, slowly and cautiously, the host moved along; on
this first day it advanced only about two or three miles,
to the “river of Caesarea.”<a id="FNanchor_764" href="#Footnote_764" class="fnanchor">[764]</a> This seems to be what is
now called the Nahr el Mefjir; the Crusaders called it the
Dead River, perhaps because the Turks—such at least is
the pilgrims’ account of the matter—had done their utmost
to choke it up and conceal its existence, so as to make it a
trap for the strangers to fall into; but the trap may have
been the work of nature, for the stream appears to be the
same to which Bohadin gives the name of Nahr el Casseb,
river of reeds or rushes. The host reached this stream at
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 1</em></span>
mid-day, crossed it in safety, and pitched their tents on its
southern bank: whereupon the Turks retired, “for,” says
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
Bohadin, “whenever they were in camp, there was no hope
of doing anything with them.” That afternoon Saladin
shifted his headquarters to a place a little higher up on
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 1-3</em></span>
the same river;<a id="FNanchor_765" href="#Footnote_765" class="fnanchor">[765]</a> and for two nights both parties remained
in their respective encampments, close to each other, but
quiescent.</p>

<p>Thus far the pilgrims had been journeying along the edge
of a plain consisting chiefly of moors, marshes, and sand.
Before them lay a tract of more wooded country, and also,
it seems, a part of the coast-road so neglected and overgrown
with brushwood as to be impassable for their heavy
cavalry. It appears that in consequence they made their
way up the left bank of the Dead River till they struck
the inland road.<a id="FNanchor_766" href="#Footnote_766" class="fnanchor">[766]</a> Here they were much nearer to the
hills and to the enemy. But Saladin had no mind to risk
a general engagement till he had collected all his forces on
a battle-ground of his own choosing; and on that same
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 3</em></span>
day he again removed his camp further south, into the
midst of a great forest where he hoped to intercept the
Christians on their way to the city which must be their
next objective, Arsuf. His cavalry continued to hang about
the Christian host<a id="FNanchor_767" href="#Footnote_767" class="fnanchor">[767]</a> and harassed it incessantly on its
march; yet the pilgrims plodded on, keeping in the same
order as before, never breaking it except when the enemy’s
attacks became so intolerable that the infantry had to
open its ranks to let the cavalry pass through for a charge.
On one of these occasions Richard was wounded in the left
side by a Turkish javelin, but so slightly that the wound
only inflamed his eagerness for the fight, and all day he
was constantly driving off the assailants.<a id="FNanchor_768" href="#Footnote_768" class="fnanchor">[768]</a> At nightfall
they retired, and the host encamped near the “Salt River”—now
the Nahr Iskanderuneh—which runs down to the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
plain from Shechem and falls into the sea seven or eight
miles south of Caesarea. Here, again, they stayed two
nights (September 3-5). The horses had suffered more
severely than the men from the Turkish missiles; the
badly wounded ones were now killed and sold by their
owners to the men of lower rank for food; owing to the
rush for them and the high prices charged there was much
strife over this matter, till Richard checked it by proclaiming
that he would give a live horse to any man who would
make a present of a dead one to his poorer comrades in
arms.<a id="FNanchor_769" href="#Footnote_769" class="fnanchor">[769]</a></p>

<p>From the Salt River a tract of wild wooded country
called the Forest of Arsuf stretched southward for twelve
miles or more. Saladin had taken up his position on a hill
almost in the middle of it; here his foot-soldiers had rejoined
him on the morning of September 4; and here, on the same
day, he received a message from the Christian princes
asking for a parley about terms of peace between him and
the native Franks of the kingdom, “such as might enable
those from over-sea to return to their homes.” They were
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 5</em></span>
evidently becoming awake to the extreme difficulty of
their enterprise; and the Sultan’s apparent reluctance to
engage in a pitched battle may have raised hopes of a
peaceful settlement with him. He, on his part, was glad
of anything to delay their further advance till the Turcoman
reinforcements which he was expecting had arrived;
so a meeting took place between Richard and Safadin,
with Humphry of Toron as interpreter, early on Thursday,
September 5. Richard spoke first; at the mention of peace
Safadin asked, “What conditions am I to propose to the
Sultan in your name?” “One condition only,” answered
Richard, “that you restore the whole land to us, and go
back to your own country.” This brought the conference
to an abrupt end; Safadin returned to his brother,<a id="FNanchor_770" href="#Footnote_770" class="fnanchor">[770]</a> and
the Christians set forward on their march through the
Forest. They seem to have traversed it in a south-westerly
direction which brought them back to the coast-road. A
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
report had reached them that the enemy intended to set
fire to the Forest “and make of it such a blaze that they
would all be roasted”; but nothing of the kind took place;
“no host ever had a better day’s march; they met with
no hindrance at all”; they passed the “Hill of Arsuf”—seemingly
the hill which Saladin was occupying—and
came safely out on the plain, where they found a good
camping-ground beside what they called “the River of
the Cleft Rock” (Rochetaillie).<a id="FNanchor_771" href="#Footnote_771" class="fnanchor">[771]</a> They soon learned why
they had been thus left unmolested through the day’s
march; Saladin was disposing his whole force—estimated
by a scout at three hundred thousand men, while the Christians
were only about a third of that number<a id="FNanchor_772" href="#Footnote_772" class="fnanchor">[772]</a>—to give
them battle as soon as they should emerge from the cover
of the Forest into the open fields and cultivated land around
Arsuf. It was therefore in very carefully planned array
that they set forth again on Saturday, September 7.<a id="FNanchor_773" href="#Footnote_773" class="fnanchor">[773]</a> The
host was divided into five battalions; the vanguard consisted
of the Templars; next came the Bretons and
Angevins; then the Poitevins, who were placed under
the command of King Guy; after these the Normans and
English with the Standard; in the rear the troops of the
Hospital. Every battalion was subdivided into two squadrons,
one of horse, one of foot, which advanced parallel to
each other; the duke of Burgundy and some picked followers
rode up and down and round about the host to regulate
and direct its movements according to what they saw of
those of the Turks; and Count Henry of Champagne acted
as special “side-guard” on the flank nearest to the hills,
where he rode continually alongside of the foot-soldiers.<a id="FNanchor_774" href="#Footnote_774" class="fnanchor">[774]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span></p>

<p>Saladin, meanwhile, had rapidly disposed his forces so
as to occupy the hills parallel with the Crusaders’ line of
march from the River of the Cleft Rock to Arsuf. By the
coast-road the distance between these two places is little
more than four miles. Setting out probably at dawn, the
Christian vanguard reached the outskirts of Arsuf before
nine o’clock, and some of the footmen began to pitch the
tents among the fields and gardens.<a id="FNanchor_775" href="#Footnote_775" class="fnanchor">[775]</a> Then the Saracen
archers swarmed down upon the flank of the advancing
host, pouring on it an overwhelming shower of arrows.<a id="FNanchor_776" href="#Footnote_776" class="fnanchor">[776]</a>
It was, however, in the rear that Saladin hoped to deliver
his most effectual blow. Here his line curved round from
the hills towards the mouth of the river, so that, as a Frank
writer says, the Christian rearguard, “packed together so
closely that you could not have thrown an apple at it without
hitting either a man or a horse,” filled the whole space
between the sea-shore and the enemies.<a id="FNanchor_777" href="#Footnote_777" class="fnanchor">[777]</a> Thus surrounded,
the crossbowmen and archers in the rearguard struggled on
for hours, constantly compelled to turn round and sometimes
to march backwards, returning as best they could
the continuous fire of missiles in their rear. At length it
ceased, only to be succeeded by an attack at close quarters
from another body of Turks with maces and swords, who
fell upon the foot-soldiers of the Hospital in overwhelming
force. Once already the Knights had sent a message to
Richard, begging for leave to disperse their assailants by
a charge, but it had been refused. Now the Grand Master
himself spurred forward and urged the same request. “Be
patient, good Master; one cannot be everywhere,” was the
reply. Richard was determined not to risk a charge till
he saw the fitting moment for a general one all along the
line. It had been pre-arranged that when the charge was
to take place, two trumpets should be sounded in the van,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
two in the centre, and two in the rear, so as to be heard
above and distinguished from the din of the innumerable
Turkish brass drums and other noisy instruments, and to
let the three divisions of the host know their relative positions.
At last the leaders decided that the moment had
come, and the signal was about to be given, when the
Marshal of the Hospital and a Norman knight, Baldwin le
Caron,<a id="FNanchor_778" href="#Footnote_778" class="fnanchor">[778]</a> burst through the ranks without waiting for it,
and shouting “Saint George!” dashed into the midst of
the enemy. The other knights at once turned their horses
and followed the rash example. For a moment the whole
rearguard was in confusion, and a great disaster seemed
imminent; but Richard’s promptitude retrieved the day.<a id="FNanchor_779" href="#Footnote_779" class="fnanchor">[779]</a>
The trumpets were sounded so instantaneously that the
Turks seem never to have discovered what had really
precipitated the charge.<a id="FNanchor_780" href="#Footnote_780" class="fnanchor">[780]</a> While Richard himself, “quicker
than quarrel from crossbow,” spurred at the head of his
picked followers to what had now become the van instead
of the rear, and drove off its assailants—the Turkish right
wing—with great slaughter,<a id="FNanchor_781" href="#Footnote_781" class="fnanchor">[781]</a> the rest of the Frank cavalry
charged the Turkish centre and left wing and put them
both to headlong flight, also with heavy loss of life. Saladin’s
secretary and friend, Bohadin, escaping from the rout
of the centre, tried to rejoin first the left wing and then
the right, but found each division in worse plight than the
one he had quitted; and when he reached the reserve he
found there only seventeen men remaining to guard the
Standard, all the rest having been called up by the Sultan
to support their comrades, and shared their fate. Saladin
tried hard to rally the fugitives, and when the Franks,
having also rallied to their Standard, re-formed their ranks
and sought to continue their march, they were impeded by
repeated attacks which they had to turn and repel. At
last another charge, led by William des Barres and Richard
on the famous Fauvel, which he had brought with him from
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
Cyprus, drove the assailants and carried the pursuers right
up into the hills. There the dangers of the unknown and
difficult ground were too great for the Franks to venture
on an engagement; they therefore withdrew from the
pursuit, and proceeded along the lower ground till the
whole host was encamped outside Arsuf,<a id="FNanchor_782" href="#Footnote_782" class="fnanchor">[782]</a> Saladin making
no further attempt to molest them. He had succeeded in
collecting all that was left of his army; but his losses were
very heavy, and they included several emirs, while among
the Christian slain was only one man of distinction, James
of Avesnes.<a id="FNanchor_783" href="#Footnote_783" class="fnanchor">[783]</a> Richard’s assertion that the battle of Arsuf
had cost Saladin more lives of noble Saracens than he had
lost in any one day for the last forty years<a id="FNanchor_784" href="#Footnote_784" class="fnanchor">[784]</a> may not be
literally exact; but Bohadin does not attempt to minimize
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 7</em></span>
the disaster or to disguise its effect on the survivors and on
Saladin himself. “God alone knows what intense grief
filled his heart. All our men were wounded, if not in their
bodies, in their hearts.”<a id="FNanchor_785" href="#Footnote_785" class="fnanchor">[785]</a></p>

<p>That night Saladin pushed on as far as the Nahr el
Aoudjeh, crossed it, and encamped on its southern bank.<a id="FNanchor_786" href="#Footnote_786" class="fnanchor">[786]</a>
This river is called by the Frank writers “the River of
Arsuf,” but might have more fittingly taken its name from
Joppa, for its mouth is seven miles south of the former
place and only three miles north of the latter. It is formed
by the union of three streams, one of which rises at the
foot of the hills of Samaria, another in the valley which
divides Mount Ephraim from the Judean range, and the
third flows through the northernmost of the passes leading
from the plain into the hill-country of Judah. The inland
road through the plain crosses these three streams some
three miles above their meeting-point, and a road branching
off from the crossing-place runs alongside of the southernmost
stream up the pass, and thence over the plateau to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
Jerusalem. Saladin appears to have thought that the Franks
might march across the plain and attempt an advance
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sun.,<br>Sept. 8</em></span>
upon the Holy City by this route; next day he re-crossed
the river and took up a position nearer to Arsuf, ready to
intercept them.<a id="FNanchor_787" href="#Footnote_787" class="fnanchor">[787]</a> They, however, had no such intention.
They spent that Sunday at Arsuf, keeping the feast of our
Lady’s Nativity, and burying their dead hero, James of
Avesnes. On Monday the 9th they resumed their southward
march,<a id="FNanchor_788" href="#Footnote_788" class="fnanchor">[788]</a> pursued it steadily despite the provocations
of the Saracen bowmen, and encamped that night on both
sides of the river near its mouth. Hereupon Saladin,
perceiving that their immediate objective was Joppa and
that he could not prevent them from reaching it, let
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Tues.,<br>Sept. 10</em></span>
them proceed thither unmolested and encamp next day
outside its ruined walls (for, like Arsuf and the more northerly
coast-towns, it had been evacuated and dismantled some
time before),<a id="FNanchor_789" href="#Footnote_789" class="fnanchor">[789]</a> while he with all his forces hurried to take up
his position at Ramlah,<a id="FNanchor_790" href="#Footnote_790" class="fnanchor">[790]</a> whence he could easily watch all
the three possible routes of the Christians’ next advance.
Two of these routes led—one through Ramlah itself—to
Jerusalem; the third led coastwise to Egypt. Either of the
two former Saladin might hope either to block or defend;
but with the third it was otherwise. The plain south of
the Nahr el Aoudjeh is much wider than further north:
Joppa is ten miles from the foot of the hills; between
Joppa and Ascalon the width of the plain varies from ten
to eighteen miles. The character of the country, too, is
different; instead of sand-dunes, marshland, moorland, and
forest, the way lies through cornfields, palm-groves, villages
and towns. It was thus not a place where the Saracen
mode of warfare could be made effective against that of
the Franks in a pitched battle; yet if the Franks decided
to continue their march down the coast, nothing but defeat
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
in a pitched battle could prevent them from laying siege
to Ascalon.</p>

<p>Ascalon was a post of far greater importance than any
other on the whole coast south of Acre. It was the key to
Egypt, the only sea-port of any consequence between Joppa
and Alexandria, the only fortified city, now that Caesarea
was destroyed, on the whole length of the coast between
Acre and the Egyptian frontier. To the Arabs Ascalon
was “Syria’s Summit,” “Syria’s Bride.” Strong as were
her walls, Saladin knew that the garrison within them was
wholly inadequate for their defence, and that an attempt
to reinforce it might lead to trouble with his army, owing
to the unwillingness of men who had seen the fate of their
brethren at Acre to incur the risk of a like destiny by
shutting themselves up in another great fortress;<a id="FNanchor_791" href="#Footnote_791" class="fnanchor">[791]</a> and he
knew, too, that if the Franks did besiege the place, his
troops would be unable to harass them from the hills as
they had done at Acre, the hills opposite Ascalon being
more than fifteen miles distant. He saw, in short, only one
means of preventing Ascalon from falling into the hands
of the Franks and becoming thenceforth as formidable a
danger as it had been hitherto a valuable protection to his
communications with Egypt. Giving out that he intended
to concentrate all his forces on the preservation of Jerusalem,
and commissioning his brother Safadin to keep watch
on the movements of the enemy, he on Wednesday, September
11, left the main body of his troops at Ramlah
under Safadin, and himself set out for Ascalon. He spent
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Thurs.,<br>Sept. 12</em></span>
a sleepless night outside its walls, and declared next morning
to Bohadin that he would rather lose all his sons—one of
whom, El Afdal, was present—than pull out one stone of the
place, but there was no alternative. Under his personal
superintendence the town was cleared of its inhabitants, and
the troops which he had brought with him, with every
other available man, were set to destroy its fortifications.
Ten days of incessant work, picking, digging, and burning,
reduced “the Summit of Syria” to a heap of ruins.<a id="FNanchor_792" href="#Footnote_792" class="fnanchor">[792]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span></p>

<p>These operations were just beginning when Safadin, who
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept.<br>12-13</em></span>
had transferred his headquarters to Jafna (called by the
Arabs Yebnah and by the Franks Ibelin), on the coast-road,
about thirteen miles south of Joppa, received from
the Frank leaders some new overtures for a treaty.<a id="FNanchor_793" href="#Footnote_793" class="fnanchor">[793]</a> Their
object probably was to ascertain, if possible, something as
to the plans and movements of their adversaries; and
Safadin did his utmost to spin out the negotiations, his
brother having charged him to detain the enemy at Joppa
by every means he could devise till the Sultan’s work at
Ascalon, which he was most anxious to keep secret from
them, should be done.<a id="FNanchor_794" href="#Footnote_794" class="fnanchor">[794]</a> The Franks were in no great haste
to move; the rich orchards and vineyards and olive-yards
round Joppa formed a delightful camping-ground; moreover,
they must in any case wait till their fleet came into
the harbour. Soon after its arrival some of the poor folk
who had been turned out of Ascalon wandered into Joppa
<span class="sidenotex">c. <em>Sept.<br>20-22</em>?</span>
and astonished the Crusaders by telling them what Saladin
was doing. The tale seemed so incredible that Richard
despatched Geoffrey de Lusignan and some others by sea
to reconnoitre Ascalon and find out the truth. When these
scouts confirmed the report of the refugees, a council was
held to decide what should be done. Richard’s military
instinct told him that the plan with which they had set
out from Acre—the securing of the whole coast before they
risked any attempt on the interior—was the only sound
one. “The Turks are razing Ascalon; they dare not
fight us. Let us go and recover it. All the world ought to
hasten thither!” he pleaded. But the duke of Burgundy
and the French party urged that the shortest route to the
goal of their pilgrimage was the route which started not
from Ascalon but from the place where they now were, and
that Joppa should be rebuilt and made the base for an
advance upon Jerusalem. Richard, feeling that anything
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
was better than dissension within the host, yielded to their
urgency. A tax was levied for the expense of the restoration
of Joppa;<a id="FNanchor_795" href="#Footnote_795" class="fnanchor">[795]</a> and on October 1 Richard wrote home:
“Know ye that by God’s grace we hope to recover the Holy
City within twenty days after Christmas, and then we will
return to our own land.”<a id="FNanchor_796" href="#Footnote_796" class="fnanchor">[796]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_V">CHAPTER V<br>
<span class="fs70">THE ADVANCE ON JERUSALEM<br>
1191-1192.</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80"><span lang="la">Ambulantes et flentes properabunt.... In Sion interrogabunt viam,
huc facies eorum.</span></p>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></div>

<p>While Richard was building, Saladin was pulling down.
Having razed Ascalon, he on September 23 rejoined his
main force at Jafna, thence returned with it next day to
Ramlah, and set his men to raze the citadel of this latter
place and the great fortified church of S. George at the
neighbouring town of Lydda. On the 25th he left his army
at Ramlah under Safadin to complete this work and watch
the enemy, while he went to see with his own eyes the state
of the defences of Jerusalem and take measures for securing
their efficiency. On the 30th he returned to Ramlah.<a id="FNanchor_797" href="#Footnote_797" class="fnanchor">[797]</a> To
Richard this abandonment of all attempt to hold the country
seemed like the conduct of “a man bereft of all counsel,
and of all hope of succour”;<a id="FNanchor_798" href="#Footnote_798" class="fnanchor">[798]</a> but Richard himself was not
without secret misgivings as to the ultimate success of the
Crusade. On the same day on which he wrote—probably
to one of his ministers, for communication to his subjects in
general<a id="FNanchor_799" href="#Footnote_799" class="fnanchor">[799]</a>—the letter declaring his hope that Jerusalem would
be won by the middle of January, he wrote also a letter to
the abbot of Clairvaux which reveals more clearly the
actual condition of affairs and the king’s real expectations
as to their future course. He thought there was good hope
that the whole “heritage of the Lord” would be speedily
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
recovered; indeed, part of it was recovered already. But
in the recovering of that part he had, as he truly said,
borne the burden and heat of the day and exhausted not
only his money but also his health and strength, so that he
felt he could not stay in Syria beyond Easter; and the
other western leaders, having spent all they had, would
return to their homes unless fresh supplies of men, money,
and other necessaries were sent out from Europe to enable
them to remain. He therefore besought the abbot to stir
up princes and peoples by his preaching, and induce them
to make provision for the safety and defence, after Easter,
of the Lord’s heritage, “which,” he said, “by God’s grace
we shall have fully won by that time.”<a id="FNanchor_800" href="#Footnote_800" class="fnanchor">[800]</a></p>

<p>A nearer future than Easter had a share in Richard’s
secret anxieties. All these weeks ships had been plying to
and fro between Joppa and Acre, too many of them bringing
from the northern city visitors who were not merely useless
but undesirable, and carrying back thither lukewarm
Crusaders who preferred its pleasures and indulgences to
the hard work of the Holy War; whereby the host was
considerably diminished in numbers.<a id="FNanchor_801" href="#Footnote_801" class="fnanchor">[801]</a> The extent of the
leakage seems to have been made fully apparent to the
princes when at the end of September they removed their
troops from the gardens to a new encampment somewhat
further out, near the Casal of S. Habakkuk.<a id="FNanchor_802" href="#Footnote_802" class="fnanchor">[802]</a> King Guy
was commissioned to go to Acre and bring the truants
back;<a id="FNanchor_803" href="#Footnote_803" class="fnanchor">[803]</a> and while awaiting their return Richard, probably
to keep the enemy inactive, sent on October 3 a messenger
to Safadin to propose a renewal of the suspended negotiations.
A few days earlier, Saladin had received from Conrad
of Montferrat overtures for an alliance; Conrad offered to
make peace with the Moslems, break openly with the Franks,
and recover Acre for the former, if they would give him
Sidon and Beyrout. Saladin was quite willing to agree to
these terms—“for,” says Bohadin, “the marquis was a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
most terrible adversary to us”—but not to grant Conrad’s
demand that the Sultan should pledge himself by oath to the
cession of the two sea-ports, till Conrad should first have
proved his sincerity by attacking his fellow-Christians at
Acre and releasing his Moslem prisoners at Tyre.<a id="FNanchor_804" href="#Footnote_804" class="fnanchor">[804]</a></p>

<p>On October 4 Saladin, finding that at Ramlah he could
not get enough fodder for his horses and camels, owing to
his foragers being too much exposed to attacks from the
enemy, removed his army some eight or nine miles south-eastward
into the hills, close to a place whose character is
expressed in one form of its name, Natroun, “post of
observation.”<a id="FNanchor_805" href="#Footnote_805" class="fnanchor">[805]</a> The Franks called the place Toron of the
Knights; “toron” meaning height or mount, and the
knights being those of the Temple, who had built on its
summit a tower of great strength overlooking two of the
roads to Jerusalem. This tower Saladin at once began to
pull down; like the other strongholds which he had
demolished, it was useless to him for present purposes, and
could be of value only to his enemies, should the site fall
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 8</em></span>
into their hands. Four days later Safadin, whom he had
left at Ramlah in command of the advanced guard, sent him
word that Richard, having discovered Conrad’s dealings
with the Sultan, had sailed for Acre in order to put a stop
to them by making friends with the marquis.<a id="FNanchor_806" href="#Footnote_806" class="fnanchor">[806]</a> There was,
however, another reason for the king’s visit to Acre. The
loiterers there were so slow to move at the bidding of Guy
that it was clearly necessary to bring a stronger influence to
bear upon them. Richard’s exhortations took such effect
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 13</em></span>
that within a fortnight<a id="FNanchor_807" href="#Footnote_807" class="fnanchor">[807]</a> he was back at Joppa accompanied
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
not only by the two queens, whom he established there
with their attendants, but also by so “much people” that
the host seemed to have become more numerous than ever.<a id="FNanchor_808" href="#Footnote_808" class="fnanchor">[808]</a>
It took another fortnight to clear out of Acre and convey
by sea to the new base the remaining stragglers and the
stores needed for a fresh advance.<a id="FNanchor_809" href="#Footnote_809" class="fnanchor">[809]</a> During this enforced
delay the host was once at least very near losing its commander-in-chief.
Richard, having ridden out with a very
small escort partly to exercise his hawks,<a id="FNanchor_810" href="#Footnote_810" class="fnanchor">[810]</a> partly to look
out for an opportunity of surprising the Turks, was himself
surprised by some of them when he had stopped to rest and
fallen asleep. Awaking just in time, he sprang to horse
and drove them off, but they led him into an ambush, and
he was only saved from capture by the devotion of William
des Préaux, who concentrated the attention of the enemies
on himself by shouting, “Saracens, I am Melec”—that is,
the king—and was seized and hurried away accordingly,
while the real king escaped. The whole host was aghast
when the adventure became known, and some of Richard’s
friends upbraided him for his rashness and implored him,
for the sake of the cause to which his safety was so important,
never again to expose himself thus without sufficient
escort; but it was all in vain. “In every conflict he
delighted in being the first to attack and the last to
return.”<a id="FNanchor_811" href="#Footnote_811" class="fnanchor">[811]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile Richard had, immediately on his return to
Joppa, renewed his friendly intercourse with Safadin by
sending him a beautiful horse as a present. A few days
later an envoy from Safadin came, by the king’s desire, to
meet him at Yazour, some four miles, from Joppa on the
road to Ramlah, to receive his proposals for a treaty. Of
these proposals the Moslem envoy carried back two sets,
one for direct transmission to the Sultan, the other intended
primarily for Safadin’s personal consideration. To Saladin
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
the king wrote that, with Franks and Moslems alike perishing
and the country ruined, the war had gone far enough;
the only matters in dispute were the Holy City, the Cross,
and the limits of the two realms, Christian and Mussulman.
Their claim to Jerusalem, as the most sacred seat of their
Faith, the Christians could not renounce so long as there
was one man of them left alive. Of the country they
claimed restitution up to the western bank of the Jordan.
As for the Cross, “seeing that to the Moslems it is but a
piece of wood,” Saladin might well give it back to those
who accounted it a sacred treasure; and thus should there
be for both parties peace and rest from their labours.
Saladin at once decisively refused all three conditions.<a id="FNanchor_812" href="#Footnote_812" class="fnanchor">[812]</a> To
Safadin the king had proposed another scheme: that
Safadin should take Queen Joan of Sicily to wife, and reign
over the land jointly with her, she holding Jerusalem as her
royal seat, Richard endowing her with Acre, Joppa, and
Ascalon (which he accounted his own conquests), the Sultan
<span class="sidenotex">c. <em>Oct. 18</em></span>
giving the Holy Cross to the Christians, and all the places
which he held in the Sahel or Maritime Plain to his brother
and declaring him king of the land. With these terms
Safadin appeared well pleased, and Saladin, when they were
laid before him, answered immediately and emphatically,
“Yes! yes! yes!”—“being,” says Bohadin who was
present and who knew him well enough to read his thoughts,
“persuaded that the king would never really sanction such
a thing, and proposed it only in trickery and play.” His
persuasion was justified; when on October 23 an envoy
from the Sultan and his brother again came to the Christian
camp, he was sent back with a message that when the king
had told his sister of the marriage proposed for her, she had
become “furious with indignation and wrath,” and sworn
by all she held sacred that she would never submit to it;
whereupon her brother had promised to bring, if he could,
Safadin to accept Christianity. All this was of course mere
diplomacy to wile away the time till the host was ready
for a further advance; and on the 27th Saladin received
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 28</em></span>
tidings that the enemy was preparing to leave Joppa. Next
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
day the Sultan returned to Ramlah. On the 29th he sent
some troops to surprise the Christian camp, but they were
driven off and put to flight.<a id="FNanchor_813" href="#Footnote_813" class="fnanchor">[813]</a> On the 30th Richard, “wandering
about in the plain towards Ramlah,” espied a reconnoitring
party of Saracens, attacked them without hesitation,
slew several of them and scattered the rest.<a id="FNanchor_814" href="#Footnote_814" class="fnanchor">[814]</a> On the 31st,
having completed his arrangements for the security of Joppa,
he led the host on the first stage of its advance towards
Jerusalem.</p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 31</em></div>

<p>The stage was a very short one—only two miles, to Yazour,
or as the Franks called it, the Casal of the Plains. This
place and Casal Maen, which seems to have been the Frankish
name for Beit Dejan, about two miles further to the south-east,
had been Frankish strongholds, recently dismantled
by the Saracens; it was important that they should be
restored in order to secure the command of the road leading
from Joppa into the hills. Richard undertook the restoration
of Casal Maen, and the Templars that of Casal des
Plains; the host lay encamped between the two places for
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 1-15</em></span>
a fortnight while the work was in progress. The Turks did
their utmost to hinder it by sending out skirmishing parties.
One of these, having been put to flight, was pursued by
Richard so far that before he turned back he actually saw
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 6</em></span>
Ramlah and the Sultan’s army there.<a id="FNanchor_815" href="#Footnote_815" class="fnanchor">[815]</a> Another day a
foraging party protected by a small escort of Templars was
suddenly surrounded by a numerous body of Turks at
“Bombrac,” properly Ibn Ibrak or Beni Berak, about two
miles from Casal Maen. On learning their peril Richard,
who was busy superintending the works at Casal Maen, sent
some knights to the rescue and quickly followed in person.
When he reached the spot the position of the little band
looked so hopeless and the enemy’s numbers so overwhelming
that his companions besought him to retire, “for,” said they,
“if mischief should befall you, there would be an end of
Christendom!”<a id="FNanchor_816" href="#Footnote_816" class="fnanchor">[816]</a> “I sent those men here; if they die
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
without me, may I never again be called king,” was his reply.
Setting spurs to his horse and giving him the rein, he burst
“like lightning” into the enemy’s ranks, and laid about him
so furiously that they all either fled “like beasts,” or were
slain or made prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_817" href="#Footnote_817" class="fnanchor">[817]</a> Such is the Frankish version of
this encounter; Bohadin, however, describes it as a success
for the Saracens,<a id="FNanchor_818" href="#Footnote_818" class="fnanchor">[818]</a> and makes no mention of Richard’s
presence.</p>

<p>That evening Richard sent a messenger to Safadin, complaining
of these attacks as breaches of their friendly relations,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 3</em></span>
and again asking him for a personal interview.<a id="FNanchor_819" href="#Footnote_819" class="fnanchor">[819]</a> Three
days before, Reginald of Sidon had come to Saladin from
Tyre with a renewal of Conrad’s proposal of an alliance
against the Crusaders. As before, Saladin gave equal
encouragement to both parties. On the 8th Safadin and
Richard met in a large tent set up for the purpose<a id="FNanchor_820" href="#Footnote_820" class="fnanchor">[820]</a> “between
the Casal of the Temple and that of Josaphat”;<a id="FNanchor_821" href="#Footnote_821" class="fnanchor">[821]</a> each
brought with him “all such gifts as princes are wont to give
to one another,” and the special delicacies in food and drink
most esteemed among his own people, for the delectation of
the other.<a id="FNanchor_822" href="#Footnote_822" class="fnanchor">[822]</a> Safadin crowned the entertainment by introducing
a singing girl, and Richard professed himself greatly
pleased with the Saracen mode of singing.<a id="FNanchor_823" href="#Footnote_823" class="fnanchor">[823]</a> The rest of the
day was spent in talk, and they parted with a mutual promise
of fast friendship and a renewed request from Richard that
Safadin would procure for him an interview with the Sultan.
Saladin refused to meet him, giving the same reason as on
a previous occasion.<a id="FNanchor_824" href="#Footnote_824" class="fnanchor">[824]</a> Meanwhile Reginald was in the
Sultan’s camp, splendidly lodged in a tent filled with every
oriental luxury, treated with marked courtesy, and sometimes
accompanying Safadin when that prince rode out to
reconnoitre the Christian host. Saladin himself inclined to
accept the offers of Conrad. “If we make peace with the
western Franks,” he said privately to Bohadin, “it will never
be a secure one; if I were to die, it would be very difficult to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
get our army together again, and before this could be done
all the forces of our foes would have united. It were wiser
to fight on till we have either expelled them from our coasts
or died in the attempt.” Richard, however, anxious to
prevent an alliance between Saladin and Conrad which would
undoubtedly have been fraught with grave peril to the
Christian cause, twice renewed his proposals in a modified
form, each time lowering his demands and offering fresh
concessions; so when on November 11<a id="FNanchor_825" href="#Footnote_825" class="fnanchor">[825]</a> Saladin laid the
propositions of the marquis and those of the king before a
council of his emirs, they declared in favour of the latter.
Saladin yielded to their opinion. But Richard had reserved
for himself a way of escape. “The whole Christian community,”
he said, “is blaming me for proposing to wed my
sister to a Mussulman without leave from the Pope. I will
therefore send an envoy to him, and in six months I shall
have his answer. If he consents, well; if not, I will give you
my brother’s daughter, in which case the Pope’s sanction
will not be needed.” To this Saladin replied: “If the
alliance is to be made, let it be made on the original terms;
I will not go back from my word; but if that marriage fail,
we want no other.”<a id="FNanchor_826" href="#Footnote_826" class="fnanchor">[826]</a> Thus the matter remained in abeyance
for several months. On the day (November 15) on which
he sent this last rejoinder Saladin again retired from Ramlah
to the neighbourhood of Natroun<a id="FNanchor_827" href="#Footnote_827" class="fnanchor">[827]</a>; and shortly afterwards
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
the Christian host advanced from its encampment between
the two restored Casals into the plain between Ramlah and
Lydda. Here they pitched their tents and waited for
reinforcements and supplies.<a id="FNanchor_828" href="#Footnote_828" class="fnanchor">[828]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 15-22</em></div>

<p>The rank and file were naturally puzzled and scandalized
by Richard’s diplomatic dealings with the Infidels, which
seemed to them unlawful, and of which they neither understood
the purpose nor knew the real character. The Frank
chroniclers excuse him as a simple-minded Christian duped
by the cunning of the Saracens. He cleared himself in the
eyes of his accusers in a fashion of his own. “Right and
left the enemies came swarming about the camp; and the
king met them and gave practical proof of his loyalty to God
and Christendom, for several times he shewed in the host the
many Turks’ heads that he had cut off.”<a id="FNanchor_829" href="#Footnote_829" class="fnanchor">[829]</a></p>

<p>Besides the enemy, the Crusaders had now another obstacle
to contend with—the climate. The “former rains,” or
heavy showers which open the agricultural year in Palestine,
would begin about the time when the host left Joppa, at
the end of October, and continue through November; these
would be followed by a season of constantly increasing rainfall
lasting throughout the next three months. This great
rain “pursued the soldiers of the Cross,” as one of them
says, till it drove them to take what shelter they could find
within the ruins of Ramlah and Lydda.<a id="FNanchor_830" href="#Footnote_830" class="fnanchor">[830]</a> Here they remained
“in great discomfort and difficulties”<a id="FNanchor_831" href="#Footnote_831" class="fnanchor">[831]</a> till the end of
December or beginning of January. Saladin held them in
check by remaining in his camp near Natroun till December
12; then he withdrew to Jerusalem and disbanded his army<a id="FNanchor_832" href="#Footnote_832" class="fnanchor">[832]</a>
for the rest of the winter, trusting for the defence of Judea
to the guerilla troops who still remained among the hills,
to the weather, and above all, to the physical character of
the country. The Christian host was now on the edge of
the Shephelah, or Lowlands of Judea, so called in distinction
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
from the “Hills” proper, the loftier central range, or ridge,
which forms the backbone of the land, and on whose eastern
side lie Jerusalem and Bethlehem. The low, soft chalk-hills
of the Shephelah are not a range; they lie in groups and
clusters interspersed with level spaces and valleys opening
into the plain on the west, and falling on the east into the
long, deep trench which runs between the “Lowlands” and
the “Highlands” like—as a modern writer says—“a great
fosse planted along the ramparts of Judea.” At the
mouth of the northernmost of these cross-valleys—Joshua’s
Valley of Ajalon—Lydda and Ramlah were frontier towns
of the Shephelah and the maritime plain. Along this vale
or over the low hills on each side of it, and through the
narrow defiles which at its other end penetrate the central
range, ran the most direct lines of communication between
the Holy City and the coast. One of these was the old
“way that goeth to Beth-horon” from Gibeon on the
plateau above Jerusalem. This road led to Joppa through
Lydda; so did another which crossed the fosse some three
miles south of the first. The two were linked together by a
cross-road which ran on south-westward to the ancient
Nicopolis—called Amwas by the Arabs and Emmaus by the
Franks—and then divided into two branches, one going
southward by Natroun, the other to Joppa through Ramlah.
This latter way seems to have been in general use since the
eighth century, when the first Moslem conquerors overthrew
Lydda and founded Ramlah to supersede it.<a id="FNanchor_833" href="#Footnote_833" class="fnanchor">[833]</a> The First
Crusaders had marched by the road from Ramlah to
Emmaus and thence to Beth-horon, Gibeon, and Jerusalem,
without opposition. Richard resolved to try how far he
could follow in their steps; but he knew he could not expect
such good fortune as theirs, for the Shephelah was still full
of what one Frank writer calls “the outside Turkish army,”<a id="FNanchor_834" href="#Footnote_834" class="fnanchor">[834]</a>
that is, the troops whom Saladin had left to keep guard and
to prowl about among the hills, in contradistinction to the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
“inner” force which was with him at Jerusalem. In this
district of tumbled hill and dale, moorland, glen, and torrent-bed,
of chalky slopes and limestone boulders covered with
thick scrub and brushwood that sheltered caves and hiding-places
innumerable, these light-armed Saracen horsemen
were at home, and had every advantage for the guerilla
warfare in which they excelled; and the ease and rapidity
with which they could move about through the intricacies
of the hills enabled them to swoop down suddenly from the
most unexpected quarters, with fatal effect, upon foraging
or reconnoitring parties and convoys.<a id="FNanchor_835" href="#Footnote_835" class="fnanchor">[835]</a> One chronicler
says that when the bulk of the host sought shelter in Lydda
and Ramlah, the count of Saint-Pol betook himself to “the
Casal of the Baths”; which seems to represent a place
now called Umm-el-Hummum, about twelve miles north-east
of Lydda.<a id="FNanchor_836" href="#Footnote_836" class="fnanchor">[836]</a> If this statement be correct, the count’s object
may perhaps have been to act as an advanced guard on that
side of the host and keep watch against a possible gathering
of the Saracens in force on the lower slopes of the hills of
Samaria—especially at Mirabel, or as the Saracens called it
Mejdel Yaba, which was close to Umm-el-Hummum and one
of the few castles which Saladin had not caused to be
evacuated—and their descent thence on the Christians at
Lydda. It is at any rate probable that Richard’s purpose
was to render some such service as this in another direction,
towards the south and south-east of Ramlah, when on
December 22 or 23 he removed his own headquarters to the
“Post of Observation,” Natroun, which Saladin had quitted
ten days before.<a id="FNanchor_837" href="#Footnote_837" class="fnanchor">[837]</a> On that day, however, a convoy from
Joppa was intercepted by the enemy; and similar mishaps
occurred several times in the ensuing week.<a id="FNanchor_838" href="#Footnote_838" class="fnanchor">[838]</a> To this unsatisfactory
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec.</em></span>
state of affairs the leaders, having now fully ascertained
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1191</b></span>
that Saladin and his main army had really “taken
to the Mountains” properly so called—the mountain-wall
which shelters Jerusalem from the world—“and left the
champaign to us,” boldly decided to put an end by advancing
to the foot of the said mountains, where they told their
followers they would find a resting-place and be able to get
food for themselves.<a id="FNanchor_839" href="#Footnote_839" class="fnanchor">[839]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex">1192</span>

<p>The advance was ordered for January 3. Some of the
Saracen guerilla bands which were constantly scouring the
country between Joppa and the hills had apparently discovered
that a movement was in contemplation, but
were uncertain as to its object; they spent the night of the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan. 3</em></span>
2nd lying hid near Casal des Plains and at daybreak
dashed forward in the direction which the host was about to
take; probably they hoped to lie hidden while it passed, and
fall at unawares on the rearguard or the slow-moving
baggage-train. Richard, however, knew of their lying in
wait, and had himself, with Geoffrey de Lusignan, been lying
in wait for them all the preceding night at the Casal of the
Baths; a locality where, seeing that it was quite as far (in a
different direction) from Lydda as their own lurking-place
and double that distance from his known headquarters at
Natroun, they were not likely to suspect his presence. While
they were hurrying up from the west, he was spurring to meet
them from the north, the very opposite quarter to that
where they doubtless supposed him to be; and scarcely
had they pounced upon and slain two men-at-arms who
went forth alone in advance of the host, when the unexpected
apparition of a banner which they well knew to be the king’s,
and a figure whose bearing and headlong onset were equally
unmistakeable,<a id="FNanchor_840" href="#Footnote_840" class="fnanchor">[840]</a> threw them into utter confusion. Most of
them fled in the very direction whence Richard had come,
towards Mirabel; probably hoping to escape pursuit among
the hills. Richard, who was mounted on Fauvel, dashed
after them and unhorsed two before any of his own followers
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
could rejoin him; some twenty others were slain or brought
back prisoners to the Christian camp.<a id="FNanchor_841" href="#Footnote_841" class="fnanchor">[841]</a></p>

<p>A march of ten miles brought the host to Beit Nuba, on a
level space of high ground close to the northern end of the
natural fosse which lies between the Shephelah and the
mountain range. The hearts of the pilgrims “were glad
with the hope that they were going to the Sepulchre”; but
“their bodies were ill at ease,” for the Syrian winter was
now at its worst, and in their present exposed encampment
there was no shelter from its ravages. Stormy wind and
tempest, torrential rain and hail, beat down or tore up the
tents; armour rusted, clothes rotted, biscuits and bacon
were so soaked that they became putrid; horses died, men
sickened; and in less than a week “the wise Templars, the
brave Hospitaliers, and the men of the land” came to the
conclusion that under the existing circumstances an attempt
to besiege Jerusalem could lead to nothing but disaster.
They told Richard that if the city were invested its besiegers
would be between two fires, Saladin breaking forth upon
them from within and the “outside” Turkish army cutting
them off from communication with the coast and depriving
them of supplies.<a id="FNanchor_842" href="#Footnote_842" class="fnanchor">[842]</a> The men who spoke thus knew well
that it was vain to dream of existing by foraging on the
barren, rocky tableland which forms the summit of the
Judean mountain-range, and that the host, if it got there
at all, would probably starve long before the defenders of
the city, which Saladin was sure to have victualled for a
siege, and which it would hardly be possible to blockade
so completely as to cut it off from all means of obtaining
further provisions. Nor was this all. Supposing—these
counsellors urged—that the city were taken, its capture
would be useless unless it could be at once filled with troops
capable of holding it permanently; and this would be no
easy matter, for the western pilgrims, who formed the bulk
of the host, would return to their home-lands as soon as their
pilgrimage was accomplished, and thus when they were gone
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
all that had been won would be lost again.<a id="FNanchor_843" href="#Footnote_843" class="fnanchor">[843]</a> Hereupon the
western leaders called a council of war at Natroun;<a id="FNanchor_844" href="#Footnote_844" class="fnanchor">[844]</a> they
may have retired there on purpose to be well away from the
rest of the army while discussing the matter. However
this may be, they asked “the wise folk who were born in
the land” what course they would recommend under
existing circumstances. The Templars and Hospitaliers
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan. 6-13</em></span>
at once answered that what they would advise was not to
proceed towards Jerusalem at present, but to re-fortify and
occupy Ascalon, so as to obtain some control over the transit
of provisions from the great Saracen storehouse, Cairo, to
the Holy City.<a id="FNanchor_845" href="#Footnote_845" class="fnanchor">[845]</a> An Arab historian gives, very likely from
the report of some spy who overheard the proceedings of
the council, a curious account of the way in which the final
decision was reached. Richard, he says, asked to see a
plan of Jerusalem, that he might judge for himself of the
force of the arguments put forward by the Knights. They
drew a plan for him; and when he thoroughly understood
the character of the site and surroundings of the city, he
pronounced them such as to make the city, in his opinion,
virtually impregnable “so long”—thus the Arab reports the
words of the western king—“as Saladin lives and the Moslems
are united.”<a id="FNanchor_846" href="#Footnote_846" class="fnanchor">[846]</a> Before the middle of January the host was
back at Ramlah.<a id="FNanchor_847" href="#Footnote_847" class="fnanchor">[847]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span></p>

<p>Whether Richard’s verdict on the prospects of the Crusade
was really quite so pessimistic as Ibn Alathyr represents may
be doubted. The scheme now proposed by the Military
Orders and accepted by the king was simply a reversion to
the original plan of campaign with which they had all set
out from Acre, and from which Saladin’s seeming panic
after Arsuf had tempted them to diverge; and there can be
little doubt that the divergence was unwise. The Frank
pilgrim-chroniclers, sharing and voicing the disappointment
of the rank and file, declare indeed that the retirement from
Beit Nuba was a blunder, and that if their leaders had but
known the evil plight—due, like their own, to the weather—of
Saladin and his men at Jerusalem, the city might, “without
doubt,” have been taken easily.<a id="FNanchor_848" href="#Footnote_848" class="fnanchor">[848]</a> But those who spoke
thus could have no real knowledge as to the state of affairs
in Jerusalem, and their version of it finds no countenance
in the pages of Bohadin, who was there, and who may fairly
be trusted on the subject, since he makes no mystery about
the Sultan’s perils and alarms on other occasions. The
picture drawn by the very same Frankish chroniclers of the
condition in which the host, “doleful and down-hearted,”
marched back to Ramlah shows that it was quite unfit to
attempt an invasion of the hill-country. Men and beasts
were alike worn out with weakness and fever, caused by the
wet and cold, and many of the “lesser folk,” sick and helpless,
would have been left behind but for King Richard, who
caused them to be sought out and brought away in safety.<a id="FNanchor_849" href="#Footnote_849" class="fnanchor">[849]</a>
Among the French Crusaders discontent took the form of
wholesale desertion. Some went to Joppa; of these, some
stayed there, and others sailed back to Acre, “where living
was not dear,” sarcastically observes the Norman poet;
some joined the marquis at Tyre, whither he had long been
trying to entice them; the duke of Burgundy himself went
off in dudgeon with his followers to Casal of the Plains.
Extremely angry, but nothing daunted, Richard and the
faithful remnant of the host set out on January 19 by a road
which, crossing the plain from Ramlah, brought them back
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
at Ibelin<a id="FNanchor_850" href="#Footnote_850" class="fnanchor">[850]</a> to the main road along the coast. The ten miles’
march through mud and mire to Ibelin was a sufficiently
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan. 20</em></span>
hard day’s work; but “that day was nothing compared to
the next,” when nearly double that distance had to be
covered, on a road where men and horses were constantly
sinking into swamps, and beneath a ceaseless downpour of
rain, hail and snow; and when at length they arrived before
Ascalon, they could only make their way into the place by
clambering over heaps of broken wall, and find a partial
shelter among the ruins within.<a id="FNanchor_851" href="#Footnote_851" class="fnanchor">[851]</a></p>

<p>Ascalon stood amid what the poet-pilgrim Ambrose
emphatically calls “a very good country”; but the stormy
season, and the uncertainty as to how many armed enemies
might be still lurking around, made this practically useless
for foraging purposes; and the harbour was a dangerous
one, the sea being often so rough that no ship could ride
in it. This was the case for a week after the arrival of the
Crusaders, who were thus limited to what little food they
had brought with them—much of the stores with which
they started from Ramlah having been lost in the swamps
on the way—till by a change in the weather the transports
coming from Joppa to meet them were enabled to land their
supplies. Scarcely was this done, however, when the storms
rose again, and barges and galleys and “all our beautiful
smacks” were dashed to pieces and some of the sailors
drowned. Richard caused all the wood that drifted ashore
to be collected and employed for the construction of some
galleys, which he destined for his own use; “but,” adds
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
Ambrose, “it was not to be.” Towards Candlemas he
sent a message to the French, exhorting them to restore the
unity of the host by coming to rejoin their brethren and take
counsel with them as to what should be done next. They
answered that they would come, and would continue with
him till Easter (April 5), on condition that if they then
wished to depart, he would give them safe-conduct by land
to Acre or Tyre. To this he agreed; whereupon they came,
and—the worst of the winter’s rages having now subsided—the
reunited host by common consent set to work to rebuild
Ascalon. The task was no light one; it was said that the
fortifications had originally included no less than fifty-three
great towers, all now almost levelled with the ground.
Most of the nobles were by this time too short of money to
be able to hire workmen; so knights, men-at-arms, squires,
clerks, and laymen of all ranks set themselves to make a
clearance of the ruins, with such a will that soon they were
astonished at their own success. As the rebuilding, however,
required more skilled labour than theirs, Richard took the
direction of it upon himself, and not only caused the greater
part of it to be performed at his expense, but also made good
whatever was lacking of labour and of the money to pay for
it in the parts assigned to the charge of others.<a id="FNanchor_852" href="#Footnote_852" class="fnanchor">[852]</a> The English
chronicler of the Crusade says the king wrought at the building
with his own hands,<a id="FNanchor_853" href="#Footnote_853" class="fnanchor">[853]</a> and we can well believe the story.
Saladin was about this time doing the same thing at
Jerusalem.<a id="FNanchor_854" href="#Footnote_854" class="fnanchor">[854]</a></p>

<p>Another small point of resemblance between the two
sovereigns was a preference for doing their own scouting.
One morning Richard, with a handful of picked knights,
rode out from Ascalon to reconnoitre Darum. This castle,
built by the late King Amalric on the site of an earlier
fortification, had been the extreme south-western outpost
of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem; it lay three or four
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
miles south of the point where the coast-road crosses a
watercourse which the historians of the Crusade called the
Torrent or River of Egypt, because above that point it was
in fact, in Amalric’s and Richard’s days and long afterwards,
the boundary between Syria and Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_855" href="#Footnote_855" class="fnanchor">[855]</a> Now
that both these countries were under Moslem rule, Darum
was the first halting-place in Syria for the caravans which
brought supplies from “Babylon”—that is, Cairo—to
Jerusalem. It chanced that when Richard drew near the
place, a thousand Christian prisoners whom the Sultan was
sending to Cairo under the charge of some of his household
guards had just arrived there. At the sight of the king’s
banner the escort, doubtless thinking the whole host from
Ascalon was upon them, left the prisoners and sought shelter
for themselves in the castle; but before they could reach it
some were slain and twenty captured by Richard and his
men. Thus, says Ambrose, “God delivered His people who
were appointed to death, by sending King Richard to take
the place of Saint Leonard, the liberator of captives.”<a id="FNanchor_856" href="#Footnote_856" class="fnanchor">[856]</a></p>

<p>Some of the Christians, Frank and Syrian, thus rescued
made, no doubt, a welcome addition to the diminished
numbers of the host. Richard had several times already
sent letters or messages to the marquis, calling on him to
come and rejoin the Crusade and render the military service
due to the Crown of Jerusalem for the fiefs which he held
of it. Conrad at first took no notice of these appeals; to
another and more urgent summons he finally answered that
he would not set foot in the camp till he had had a personal
interview elsewhere with the king of England.<a id="FNanchor_857" href="#Footnote_857" class="fnanchor">[857]</a> Richard
seemingly felt it necessary to overlook his insolence and
consent to a meeting at Casal Imbert, half way between
Acre and Tyre. But meanwhile a new trouble arose.
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
Philip of France had gone home in August 1191 without
leaving his lieutenant in Palestine, the duke of Burgundy,
any money for the pay of the French soldiers, counting
for that purpose on the share due to him of the bezants
which the two kings then expected to receive in a few weeks
from Saladin. When this expectation had become hopeless,
Hugh asked Richard for a loan, and Richard, to avoid losing
the French troops altogether, lent him five thousand marks.<a id="FNanchor_858" href="#Footnote_858" class="fnanchor">[858]</a>
This sum was exhausted long before February 1192; the
French troops clamoured for their dues; Hugh asked Richard
for another loan. This Richard refused. High words
passed, and the duke, with the greater part of the Frenchmen,
straightway departed to Acre.<a id="FNanchor_859" href="#Footnote_859" class="fnanchor">[859]</a> There they found the
Pisans and Genoese at strife. Pending the recovery of
Jerusalem, Acre served as temporary capital of the kingdom,
and there accordingly King Guy seems to have remained
since his return thither in September. His authority was
upheld by the Pisans, who from the outset of the Crusade had
attached themselves to Richard; the Genoese, having done
homage to Philip Augustus, favoured the marquis, and were
intriguing to put him in possession of the city. A skirmish
between these two parties seems to have been going on
when the French arrived; they took to their arms, whereupon
the Pisans set themselves to bar their way; the duke’s
horse was killed under him; then the Pisans rushed back
into the city and shut the gates against him and his men.
At this juncture Conrad, in response to the invitation of
the Genoese, arrived by sea with his forces. The Pisans
“took to the mangonels and stone-casters” and thus kept
him off for three days while they sent to call Richard to
the rescue. Their messenger found the king at Caesarea,
on his way to the projected meeting with Conrad. A hasty
ride brought him to Acre at dead of night, and “when the
marquis knew that the king had come, nothing could hold
him there, but he went with all speed back to Tyre,”
whither Burgundy and the French were gone already.<a id="FNanchor_860" href="#Footnote_860" class="fnanchor">[860]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span></p>

<p>On the morrow Richard called together the people of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb. 20</em></span>
the city and made peace among them.<a id="FNanchor_861" href="#Footnote_861" class="fnanchor">[861]</a> Soon afterwards
the meeting with Conrad at Casal Imbert took place, but
without any practical result.<a id="FNanchor_862" href="#Footnote_862" class="fnanchor">[862]</a> Next, Richard demanded
repayment of the loan which he had made to the duke of
Burgundy six months before. Hugh acquitted himself
of the debt by assigning to the king the most valuable of
Philip’s Saracen prisoners, who were still in Conrad’s custody
at Tyre; but he made no sign of rejoining the Crusade.
Such a state of affairs threatened ruin to the whole enterprise,
and after long and anxious deliberation in his own
mind Richard took private counsel with the “elders and
wise men of the land” as to what had best be done. They
gave their judgement that the marquis had forfeited
his rights under the settlement of July 1191, and should
be deprived of the revenues then assigned to him in the
kingdom.<a id="FNanchor_863" href="#Footnote_863" class="fnanchor">[863]</a></p>

<p>It was doubtless to keep some sort of watch upon Conrad
that Richard remained at Acre till the end of March.<a id="FNanchor_864" href="#Footnote_864" class="fnanchor">[864]</a>
During the latter part of his stay there he was again engaged
in negotiations with Saladin. When a messenger arrived
at Jerusalem with a request that Safadin might be sent
to confer with the king, nothing was known there of the
Crusaders’ advance to Ascalon; Richard was believed by
the Sultan to have placed his troops in winter quarters at
Joppa and gone back thence straight to Acre.<a id="FNanchor_865" href="#Footnote_865" class="fnanchor">[865]</a> Saladin
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb.-Mar.</em></span>
bade his brother go by way of the Jordan valley and Mount
Tabor, collect the troops of those parts in readiness for a
renewal of hostilities, and then—as usual—go and hear
Richard’s proposals, and if they were not acceptable, drag
out negotiations till the whole Saracen army had had time
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
to re-assemble. A note was given him containing the utmost
concessions that Saladin was willing to make. They were
these: an equal division of the land; the Cross to be given
back; the Christians to have priests in the church of the
Holy Sepulchre, and pilgrims to have access to it, provided
they went unarmed. “He was,” says Bohadin, “driven
to offer these terms, by the general weariness of long-continued
warfare, by a load of debt, and by the long absence
of his followers from their homes; for there were many who
never left him, and who dared not ask for leave.”<a id="FNanchor_866" href="#Footnote_866" class="fnanchor">[866]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 20</em></span>

<p>Safadin set out on March 20. At Keisan he was met by
Humphry of Toron with a message to this effect: “The
division of the land is agreed upon already; but we must
have the whole of the Holy City except the Temple of the
Rock,” otherwise called the Mosque of Omar. This message
Safadin transmitted to his brother, and the Sultan’s council—so
Bohadin says—actually thought its terms near enough
to their own to be “quite acceptable.” Safadin’s first
messenger, however, was followed by another who
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 27</em></span>
reached Jerusalem on the 27th with tidings that Richard
had gone back to Joppa.<a id="FNanchor_867" href="#Footnote_867" class="fnanchor">[867]</a> If it be true that Richard
knighted Safadin’s son on Palm Sunday, March 29, at Acre,<a id="FNanchor_868" href="#Footnote_868" class="fnanchor">[868]</a>
the announcement must have been slightly premature;
but by the time that Safadin himself returned to Jerusalem,
on April 1,<a id="FNanchor_869" href="#Footnote_869" class="fnanchor">[869]</a> Richard was certainly back at
Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_870" href="#Footnote_870" class="fnanchor">[870]</a></p>

<p>The king was “much chafed and troubled in mind”;
for Holy Week was begun, and he knew that Conrad and
Hugh had been urging the French who were still at Ascalon
to join them at Tyre, and that his promise of a safe-conduct
to those who wished to depart at Easter for home would
in all likelihood be immediately claimed by every one of
them; and so it was, on Wednesday, April 1.<a id="FNanchor_871" href="#Footnote_871" class="fnanchor">[871]</a> He gave
them an escort,<a id="FNanchor_872" href="#Footnote_872" class="fnanchor">[872]</a> and when they set out next day himself
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
rode a little way with them, “weeping, and beseeching them
to stay with him at his expense, and so keep together;
but they would not.” Finding his efforts useless, he returned
to Ascalon and sent off a messenger in haste to Acre bidding
his officers in charge of that city not to admit the French
within its walls.<a id="FNanchor_873" href="#Footnote_873" class="fnanchor">[873]</a> This desertion of more than seven hundred
of the finest chivalry of Christendom was a grievous loss
to the host. Richard did what he could to comfort and
encourage the faithful remnant by holding on Easter Day
(April 5) a great court outside Ascalon; his tents were thrown
open to all comers, and furnished with abundance of meat
and drink and everything that could be procured to enhance
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 6</em></span>
the magnificence of the feast. Next day he set everybody
to work again on the fortifications, taking upon himself
the responsibility and the expense of completing the portions
which the French had left unfinished.<a id="FNanchor_874" href="#Footnote_874" class="fnanchor">[874]</a></p>

<p>The season of the “latter rains” was now almost over,
and both Christians and Saracens had to lay their plans
for a new campaign. The former had already, while Richard
was at Acre, profited by the improvement in the weather
to make two brilliant raids, one on March 27 from Joppa
across the plain to Mirabel, where they seem to have intercepted
a rich caravan, for they slew thirty Turks and brought
back fifty prisoners besides a number of cattle and booty
said to have been worth two thousand eight hundred
bezants; the other from Ascalon next day, when “all men
who had horses” rode out by the southern road to capture
a “prey” of which the scouts had told them; “and they
did well this time, for those who were there reported that they
went right into Egypt, four leagues beyond Darum, and they
brought back great troops of horses, asses, camels, oxen, and
sheep, besides near two hundred prisoners, men, women, and
children.”<a id="FNanchor_875" href="#Footnote_875" class="fnanchor">[875]</a> Saladin heard of it, and promptly despatched
some troops to intercept the raiders on their way back,
but they were too quick for him.<a id="FNanchor_876" href="#Footnote_876" class="fnanchor">[876]</a> Saladin’s wisest policy
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
clearly was to collect his forces and remain with them in
his present position till he saw what his enemies would do.
Richard as usual began by reconnoitring in person. His
first attempt to ascertain the defences of Darum had been
cut short by the necessity of bringing to the camp, or
despatching in safety to their homes, the Christians towards
whom he had acted the part of S. Leonard. On Easter
Tuesday (April 7) he set out again in the same direction;
that day he viewed Gaza, where also there seems to have
been a Moslem garrison, and on the Wednesday went on
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 8</em></span>
and perambulated Darum to see on which side it could be
most easily assaulted. Its garrison vainly hurled at him
missiles which failed to reach their aim and insults in a
tongue which he did not understand.<a id="FNanchor_877" href="#Footnote_877" class="fnanchor">[877]</a></p>

<p>A few days later<a id="FNanchor_878" href="#Footnote_878" class="fnanchor">[878]</a> there came to Ascalon a messenger
from England with tidings which filled the whole host with
dismay. He brought letters from the justiciars beseeching
the king to return at once, as John was trying, with a considerable
prospect of success, to make himself master of
the realm. Richard called the barons together and set
forth the matter fully to them. He added that if he should
be, as he feared, obliged to depart from Syria, he would
leave three hundred knights and two thousand men-at-arms
to continue serving there at his expense; and he asked his
own followers to let him know who among them wished to
go with him, and who wished to stay, for he would put no
constraint upon any man. The barons, after holding a
consultation among themselves, came back and told him
frankly that unless he appointed as lord over the land someone
who had a knowledge of war, and to whom all, no matter
whence they came, could adhere, every one of them would
leave the country and set out for home. Richard at once
asked them which they would have of the only two possible
kings—Guy or Conrad. “And all of them, great and small,
knelt down before him and prayed that he would make the
marquis their lord, for this was the most helpful and useful
thing for the realm.” Some of them had hitherto been
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
bitter against the marquis, and these Richard upbraided
for their sudden change of front; but when fully assured
all were now unanimous in their choice he gave it his assent,
and ordered that an honourable escort should go to fetch
the king-elect and the French, and thus all should be reunited.<a id="FNanchor_879" href="#Footnote_879" class="fnanchor">[879]</a></p>

<p>As head of the royal house of Jerusalem, guardian of the
realm, and commander-in-chief of the crusading host,
Richard would not have been justified in withholding his
assent from the course of action thus unanimously recommended
by both the native and the western Crusaders.
Their decision was probably the wisest possible under the
circumstances. Although Conrad had done more than any
other man (except possibly Philip Augustus) to sow dissension
among the Christian forces, he was nevertheless the leader
who, when Richard was gone, would divide them the least;
for when once he was acknowledged as their chief, it would be
his own interest to keep them together and to further the
object of their enterprise to the utmost of his power; he
was, unquestionably, by far the most capable and energetic,
next to Richard, of all the princes of the Crusade; and his
so-called wife and their infant daughter were the sole surviving
representatives of the royal house of Jerusalem.
The crowned king, Guy, had no following of his own, and it
seems quite clear that he had, tacitly at least, resigned all
claim to authority in the realm as well as in the host; so
that no disloyalty to him was involved in Richard’s assent
to the election of a new sovereign. Count Henry of Champagne
and three other envoys of rank carried the great news
to Tyre; Conrad and all the folk there were delighted, and
began to prepare for immediate return to the host at Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_880" href="#Footnote_880" class="fnanchor">[880]</a>
But before any of them had set out, the situation was suddenly
changed again; on April 28 the marquis was assassinated.<a id="FNanchor_881" href="#Footnote_881" class="fnanchor">[881]</a>
The murderers were caught red-handed, and,
of course, promptly put to death. At Saladin’s court they
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
were reported to have declared that they had been hired
by Richard to commit the crime.<a id="FNanchor_882" href="#Footnote_882" class="fnanchor">[882]</a> Saladin, with whom
Conrad had been in negotiation for several weeks past,
had at the time an agent in Tyre from whom this report
was derived;<a id="FNanchor_883" href="#Footnote_883" class="fnanchor">[883]</a> and if it did not actually originate with
Conrad’s friends and allies at Tyre, its circulation among
Richard’s enemies and rivals and its transmission to Europe
were certainly encouraged by them.<a id="FNanchor_884" href="#Footnote_884" class="fnanchor">[884]</a> A few years later,
however, one Moslem historian gave a very different account
of the matter: Ibn Alathyr says the men were hired by
Saladin to kill Richard if they could, or, failing him, Conrad,
and that they chose the latter alternative as the easier
of the two.<a id="FNanchor_885" href="#Footnote_885" class="fnanchor">[885]</a> This story is probably worthless except as an
illustration of the importance of both king and marquis
in Saracen eyes. The best confutation of the other tale
lies in the simple fact that Conrad’s death could not be of
the slightest profit to Richard, but, on the contrary, upset all
his plans for his own return to Europe. The Norman
pilgrim-poet of the Crusade tells us that the men who
stabbed Conrad were “Assassins” not only in the modern
conventional sense of the word, but also in its original and
etymological sense; by their own confession, they were
Hashashîn, that is, followers of the “Old Man of the Mountain,”
and acted under his orders.<a id="FNanchor_886" href="#Footnote_886" class="fnanchor">[886]</a> This is confirmed by
two of our best English authorities,<a id="FNanchor_887" href="#Footnote_887" class="fnanchor">[887]</a> and by the French
historians who lived and wrote in the Holy Land; one of
the earliest of these latter says that “some people” reported
the murderers to have been hired by Richard, “but,” he
adds, “this was not a bit true”;<a id="FNanchor_888" href="#Footnote_888" class="fnanchor">[888]</a> while another states that
the deed was done to avenge certain other Ismaïlites whom
the marquis had caused to be first robbed and then drowned.<a id="FNanchor_889" href="#Footnote_889" class="fnanchor">[889]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
This story is at any rate more intrinsically probable than
either Ibn Alathyr’s or that which was accepted at Saladin’s
court and sent to Europe by Conrad’s friends; indeed, the
relations between these latter and Richard during the rest
of their stay in the Holy Land seem hardly compatible
with a real belief on their part in Richard’s guilt.</p>

<p>There were now some ten thousand Frenchmen, under
Hugh of Burgundy and other barons, lodging in tents outside
Tyre. As soon as Conrad was buried these barons
called upon Isabel to surrender the city to them to hold in
trust for the king of France. She boldly answered that
“when the king returned, she would willingly surrender it
to him, unless before that time it had another lord.”<a id="FNanchor_890" href="#Footnote_890" class="fnanchor">[890]</a> The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
closing words of this answer were a scarcely veiled announcement
of her resolve to assert her independence as queen by
right of inheritance and bring in a new claimant to the
lordship of the land by taking another consort; and it is
scarcely possible to avoid a suspicion that she had already
made her choice. Count Henry had gone back from Tyre
as far as Acre;<a id="FNanchor_891" href="#Footnote_891" class="fnanchor">[891]</a> there he received the news of Conrad’s
death. He at once returned to Tyre; “and when the
people saw him, they straightway elected him as sent by
God to be their ruler and lord, and prayed him to accept the
crown and wed its heiress, the widow of the marquis.” He
answered that he must first ascertain how his uncle King
Richard would regard the project. When Richard heard
the whole of the strange story, he brooded over it for a
long while; at last he said to Henry’s messengers: “Sirs,
I should greatly wish that my nephew might be king, if it
please God, when the land shall be conquered; but not
that he wed the marchioness, whom the marquis took from
her rightful lord and lived with in such wise that if Count
Henry trusts my counsel he will not take her in marriage.
But let him accept the kingship, and I will give him in
demesne Acre and its port-dues, Tyre, Joppa, and jurisdiction
over all the conquered land. And then tell him to come
back to the host and bring the Frenchmen with him, as
quickly as he can, for I want to go and take Darum—if the
Turks dare wait there for me!”<a id="FNanchor_892" href="#Footnote_892" class="fnanchor">[892]</a></p>

<p>It is strange that Richard did not see how impracticable
was his advice. The first half of the scheme proposed by
the barons at Tyre was futile without the other half. The
kingdom of Jerusalem was sold, beyond redemption, into
the hand of a woman. Isabel’s hour had come; she was
now, beyond all question, the “right heir” of all the land.
Henry of Champagne, nephew to both Richard and Philip,
constant companion and faithful follower of the one, yet
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
loyal homager of the other, was exceptionally qualified to
become a sovereign round whom all parties could rally, and
a healer of their divisions; but these qualifications must
prove useless if Isabel should give him a rival by choosing
another consort. His election would be of no avail for himself
or for the realm unless he took the queen with the
crown. The barons at Tyre were urgent that he should
do so; he hesitated from fear of Richard’s displeasure, but
his personal inclination seconded their arguments. Finally
Isabel herself brought him the keys of the city; a priest was
hurriedly fetched, and there and then, on May 5, the couple
were wedded. The king-elect sent representatives to Acre,
Joppa, and elsewhere, to take seisin of the royal rights,
and summoned his men to join him for an expedition against
Darum.<a id="FNanchor_893" href="#Footnote_893" class="fnanchor">[893]</a></p>

<p>During Henry’s absence from the host Richard had been
scorning the country round Ascalon in a series of bold
excursions, made sometimes almost alone, and from which he
always returned “bringing ten or a dozen, or a score, or
may be thirty, Saracens’ heads, and some live Saracens
besides.”<a id="FNanchor_894" href="#Footnote_894" class="fnanchor">[894]</a> Another object of these expeditions probably
was to reconnoitre the inner border of the plain, and
endeavour to find out what were the possibilities of penetrating
by some way, other than the vale of Ajalon and its
ramifications, through the Shephelah and across the trench
and the mountain-rampart of Judea. The most direct way
up from the plain to Jerusalem was by the next valley south
of Ajalon, the Wady es Surar (Valley of Sorek); but if this
were to be attempted, the base for the attempt must be
some place further north than Ascalon. The entrance to
the third main inlet into the Shephelah, the Vale of Elah
or Wady es Sunt, was guarded by a great castle set on a
height called by the Arabs Tell es Safiyeh, “the Bright
Hill,” and by the Franks (who in earlier days had built
the castle) Blanchegarde; both names being derived from
the nature of the site, a solitary chalk-hill whose gleaming
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
sides were plainly visible from Ascalon, seventeen miles
away, while the tower on its summit commanded a wide
view over the surrounding plain, as well as of Ascalon itself,
and also of the roads leading northward to Natroun and
southward to Ibelin of the Hospital and Hebron. Once
already—in December, from Ramlah—Richard had set out
to explore the neighbourhood of Blanchegarde,<a id="FNanchor_895" href="#Footnote_895" class="fnanchor">[895]</a> but had
turned back again without reaching the place. When on
April 22 he led his troops to attack it, he found it deserted;
the Turkish garrison had fled at his approach. He seems
to have left there in their stead the whole force that he had
taken with him, and returned to Ascalon quite alone, for on
the way back he nearly lost his life in an encounter with a
wild boar in which he was evidently single-handed.<a id="FNanchor_896" href="#Footnote_896" class="fnanchor">[896]</a> Six
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Apr. 28</em></span>
days later—the day of Conrad’s death—Roger de Glanville,
whom Richard had left in command of the newly won
fortress, made a daring reconnaissance through the Vale of
Elah, up the steep mountain-pass which meets it on the
other side of the central valley, across the plateau, and past
the very gates of Jerusalem, and returned in triumph with
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Apr. 29</em></span>
a few stray Saracens whom he had captured. On the following
day the king, riding somewhere “between Blanchegarde
and Gaza,” came upon eight Saracens of whom he slew three
and captured the other five. On the night of May 1 he
was at Furbia, near the coast, between Ascalon and Gaza;
here some Turks tried to surprise him asleep at early morn,
but he was the first of his little band to awake and went
forth straight from bed, stopping for nothing but his sword
and shield, to meet the assailants; four were slain, seven
made prisoners; “the rest fled before his face.”<a id="FNanchor_897" href="#Footnote_897" class="fnanchor">[897]</a> It must
have been either between these two exploits or directly
after the latter of them that Count Henry’s messengers met
the king “in the plains of Ramlah, spurring across the open
country in pursuit of a band of Turks who were fleeing before
him.”<a id="FNanchor_898" href="#Footnote_898" class="fnanchor">[898]</a> His restlessness was probably increased by the
disturbed state of his mind. Envoys from his own dominions
were arriving one after another with contradictory letters
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
and messages, some giving alarming accounts of the state of
affairs there, some assuring him that all was well; some
beseeching him to come home, some exhorting him to continue
the sacred task in which he was engaged; all deepening
his perplexities till he knew not which to believe or how
to act.<a id="FNanchor_899" href="#Footnote_899" class="fnanchor">[899]</a> One point alone stood out clear before him. Now
that Ascalon was lost to the Moslems, its place as the key
of Egypt, the base and storehouse which sheltered troops
and supplies from the Nile valley for transmission to
Jerusalem and the other fortresses still held by the Moslems
in Syria, had been taken by Darum. Before Richard could
bring himself to quit the country, and also before Saladin’s
army reassembled, Darum must be won for Christendom.</p>

<p>There was no time to lose. The rains were quite over;
summer was beginning; and Saladin’s host would have been
at its full strength again ere now but for some troubles in
the northern part of his dominions. His nephew Taki-ed-Din,
the lord of Hamath and Edessa, had died in October
1191 leaving a son, El Mansour, who was inclined to rebel
against Saladin’s supremacy. On May 14 or 15 the Sultan
despatched his own son El Afdal to seize El Mansour’s lands;
but the diplomatist of the family, Safadin, fearing that this
quarrel would imperil the “Holy” War, was pleading hard
for a pacific settlement.<a id="FNanchor_900" href="#Footnote_900" class="fnanchor">[900]</a> Knowing all this, Richard determined
not to wait for Henry. He had his stone-casters
packed on shipboard and sent them down towards Darum
by sea; he hired men-at-arms to increase the forces at
Ascalon; some he distributed in the strong places round
about to guard the roads; then he set out with only the
troops of his own domains,<a id="FNanchor_901" href="#Footnote_901" class="fnanchor">[901]</a> and on Sunday, May 17,<a id="FNanchor_902" href="#Footnote_902" class="fnanchor">[902]</a> this
little band pitched their tents before Darum, a fortress with
seventeen “fine strong towers and turrets,” besides a keep
of great height and strength built against a solid rock which
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
formed one side of it, while the other sides were of squared
stone and surrounded by a deep fosse. Being too few to
encircle such a place, the adventurers encamped all together
a little way off to wait for their machines and consider
on which side they could use them to the best advantage.
The Turkish garrison thought scorn of such an insignificant
looking force, and rode forth and made a feint of provoking
them to fight, but failing to move them, withdrew into the
castle and shut the gates. That night or next day the ships
arrived with the engines of war; “and,” says an eye-witness,
“we saw the valiant king of England himself, and
the nobles who were his companions, all sweating under the
burden of the various parts of the stone-casters, which they,
like packhorses, carried on their shoulders near a mile
across the sand.” The pieces were soon put together and
the machines at work, one manned by the Normans of the
party, another by the Poitevins, a third probably by the
Englishmen; this last the king took under his own special
command, and he directed its discharge solely against the
keep; a mangonel set up there by the Turks was speedily
destroyed by it. All three machines were kept in ceaseless
action day and night. Meanwhile the walls were being
undermined;<a id="FNanchor_903" href="#Footnote_903" class="fnanchor">[903]</a> and wherever they began to fall they were
set on fire by some men of Aleppo skilled in wall-breaking,
whom Richard had hired during the siege of Acre and now
brought with him to Darum.<a id="FNanchor_904" href="#Footnote_904" class="fnanchor">[904]</a> On the fourth day of the
siege (Friday, May 22), when the castle gate had been shattered
by Richard’s stone-caster and set on fire, the garrison
offered to surrender on condition that their lives and those
of their families should be spared.<a id="FNanchor_905" href="#Footnote_905" class="fnanchor">[905]</a> Richard refused the condition
and bade them defend themselves as best they could.
The stone-casters worked more vigorously than ever;
presently one of the undermined towers fell with a crash.
The assailants rushed through the breach; some sixty
Turks were slain; the rest fled into the keep, and when
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
they saw the Christian banners waving all over the outer
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 22</em></span>
bailey and the Frank knights and men-at-arms beginning
to scale the keep itself, they “gave themselves up to King
Richard as his captives and slaves.” He kept them securely
guarded in the tower for the night; next morning they were
brought out, “and their hands tied behind their backs so
tightly that they roared with pain.” There were three
hundred men; and there were also some women and children
in the place, and, moreover, forty Christian prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_906" href="#Footnote_906" class="fnanchor">[906]</a></p>

<p>The conquest of the seaboard was complete; the last
fortress on the coast<a id="FNanchor_907" href="#Footnote_907" class="fnanchor">[907]</a> was in Christian hands; and Richard
and his men were the more delighted with their success
because they had won it unaided, before their French comrades
rejoined them. Count Henry and his followers had
ridden at full speed, but they came spurring up just too
late. Uncle and nephew met with joyful greetings and
mutual congratulations, and Richard publicly made over
his prize to Henry as a kind of first-fruits of the realm. It
was Whitsun Eve; so all rested where they were on the
festival day.<a id="FNanchor_908" href="#Footnote_908" class="fnanchor">[908]</a> On the Monday the castle was given in charge
to constables appointed by Henry,<a id="FNanchor_909" href="#Footnote_909" class="fnanchor">[909]</a> and the rest of the party
set out northward. Henry and his men went straight on
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 25</em></span>
to Ascalon; Richard and his company stopped at Furbia,<a id="FNanchor_910" href="#Footnote_910" class="fnanchor">[910]</a>
where it seems the king expected to receive the report of
a scout whom he had sent to reconnoitre the approach to
the southernmost of the cross-valleys leading from the plain
to the mountains—the Wady el Hesy, “valley of the wells,”
which opens from the Shephelah about twelve miles east
of Furbia and meets the central trench about eight miles
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
west of Hebron. The scout came and reported that Caysac,
the emir whom Saladin had placed in charge of that district,
was at the “Castle of Figtrees” with more than a thousand
men, making the castle ready for defence against the
Christians. Richard at once called out the host from
Ascalon to follow him; they set out from Furbia on May 27
and advanced up the Wady el Hesy to a place which they
called the Canebrake of Starlings; its Arabic name was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 28</em></span>
Cassaba, meaning “the Reeds.”<a id="FNanchor_911" href="#Footnote_911" class="fnanchor">[911]</a> On the morrow they set
out at sunrise and proceeded to the Castle of Figtrees, but
found in it only two Turks; the rest had fled in haste at
tidings of their approach. The Christians therefore returned
to Cassaba.<a id="FNanchor_912" href="#Footnote_912" class="fnanchor">[912]</a> They were less fortunate in an expedition which
they seem to have made next day, against another fortress
in the same neighbourhood; one Moslem historian says
the garrison came out and worsted them in fight; another,
that they were surprised within the castle; and both assert
that one of their chief captains or nobles was slain.<a id="FNanchor_913" href="#Footnote_913" class="fnanchor">[913]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span></p>

<p>While the host lay thus at the Canebrake of Starlings
there came to the king another messenger from England,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 29-31</em></span>
his vice-chancellor, John of Alençon, with such an alarming
account of the state of affairs in both England and
Normandy that after much anxious thought he told the other
princes and barons that he really must and would go home.
They hereupon held a council among themselves, and
promptly answered this announcement by another: whatever
he might do or say, wherever he might go, they all
would proceed forthwith to Jerusalem. Someone who was
present at their council carried a report of its outcome to the
pilgrims of lower rank, “and they danced for joy till past
midnight”; “there was no man high or low, young or
old, who was not wild with delight, except the king himself;
but he went to bed in a feverish state of perturbation
and perplexity”;<a id="FNanchor_914" href="#Footnote_914" class="fnanchor">[914]</a> for he knew that unless he went home he
was like to lose his lands,<a id="FNanchor_915" href="#Footnote_915" class="fnanchor">[915]</a> yet it was virtually impossible
for him to withdraw from the Crusade in the face of this
unanimous resolve. How the resolve should be carried into
effect, was the next question. The Christians had now
secured the entrances to three of the five natural openings
from the plain into the hill-country. There was clearly
nothing to be gained by proceeding further up the Wady el
Hesy. From their present encampment they could easily
reach one of the two openings which they had not yet
approached, the Wady el Afranj. At the western end of this
valley, on the border-line of the Shephelah and the plain—“at
the foot of the hills, where the fields begin,” as William of
Tyre<a id="FNanchor_916" href="#Footnote_916" class="fnanchor">[916]</a> describes it—stood a fortress with a town or village
clustering round it, called by the Arabs Beit Djibrin and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
by the Franks Ibelin of the Hospital; the latter title, derived
from its owners the Knights of Saint John, being added to
distinguish it from the other Ibelin, on the coast further north.
Its site was probably that of the ancient Eleutheropolis, and
it was a central point whence roads radiated in all directions,
to Gaza, to Hebron, to Blanchegarde and Toron of the
Knights (Natroun), to Bethlehem and Jerusalem. When—probably
on June 1—the host left the Canebrake of Starlings,
its destination was apparently understood to be
Ibelin. The pilgrims seem to have proceeded along the
border of the plain to a point—probably Galatia—whence
a road ran eastward to Ibelin and westward to Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_917" href="#Footnote_917" class="fnanchor">[917]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June</em></span>
Here they halted and spent two or three days, “suffering a
fierce persecution and strange martyrdom” from swarms of
minute flies which stung them in every exposed part with
such poisonous effect that “they all looked like lepers,” but
buoyed up above all troubles by their confident hope of
reaching Jerusalem at last. One alone sat gloomily in his
tent apart, absorbed in ceaseless thought; and that one
was the king.<a id="FNanchor_918" href="#Footnote_918" class="fnanchor">[918]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 3</em></span>

<p>As Richard sat thus one day he saw a chaplain from his
own land, William of Poitiers, walking up and down before
the open door of the tent, and weeping bitterly. This man
longed to remonstrate with his sovereign for proposing to
desert the Holy Land in its present perilous condition; but
he lacked a fitting opportunity, and was afraid to use one
when it came. Richard called him in and said: “For what
are you weeping? By the fealty that you owe me, tell me
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
the truth at once.” “Sire,” answered the priest through his
tears, “I will not tell you till you have promised not to be
wroth with me.” Richard gave his word on oath that he
would bear him no grudge. Then William spoke with the
impassioned and abundant eloquence of the south. He
bade the king call to mind how all his past career had been a
series of exploits and successes so remarkable as to be
manifestly due to the special grace and protection of Heaven;
his early triumphs, when only count of Poitou, over hostile
neighbours and Brabantine hordes far outnumbering his
little forces; his peaceful and undisputed succession to the
throne; his almost instantaneous victory over the Griffons
at Messina; his rapid conquest of Cyprus; his providential
encounter with the Saracen ship whose freight, had it reached
Acre, might have saved that city for Islam; his timely
arrival at Acre, and the prominent share which he had had
in effecting its surrender; his recovery from the sickness
of which so many other Crusaders had died; the deliverance
of the prisoners at Darum, and the speedy capture of that
fortress, whereof he had been the chosen instrument; and
his own deliverance from the Turks who had nearly captured
him in his sleep. “Remember how God has given thee such
great honour that no king of thy age ever had so few mishaps—how
often He has helped thee, and how He helps thee still.
He has done such great things for thee that thou needest fear
neither king nor baron. Remember all this, O king, and
guard this land whereof He has made thee protector! for
He placed it wholly in thy keeping when the other king
turned back; and all men, great and small, to whom thy
honour is dear, say that if thou, who wert wont to be a
father and brother to the Christian cause, shouldst forsake
it now, thou wilt have betrayed it to death.”<a id="FNanchor_919" href="#Footnote_919" class="fnanchor">[919]</a></p>

<p>To all this Richard listened without speaking a word,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
and when the priest’s discourse was ended he made no
comment or reply. But he pondered over it; “and his
thoughts were enlightened.” Next day (June 4) the host
was led westward, and by the hour of nones found itself
once more in the fields around Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_920" href="#Footnote_920" class="fnanchor">[920]</a> Everybody took
this to mean that the king intended to set out for Europe
at once. Instead, he told his nephew and the other nobles
that “for no other concern or need, no messenger and no
tidings, nor for any earthly quarrel, would he depart from
them or quit the land before next Easter.” Then he called
for his herald Philip, and bade him proclaim throughout
Ascalon, in God’s Name, that the king had with his own
lips promised to stay in the land till Easter, and that all men
were to make themselves ready with whatsoever means
God had given them, for they were going to Jerusalem to
besiege it straightway.<a id="FNanchor_921" href="#Footnote_921" class="fnanchor">[921]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BII_VI">CHAPTER VI<br>
<span class="fs70">RICHARD AND SALADIN<br>
1192</span></h3>

<p class="pfs80"><span lang="la">Circumdate Sion et complectimini eam ... et distribuite domos ejus,
ut enarratis in progenie altera.</span></p>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></div>

<p>The abandonment of the projected expedition to Ibelin
was due to more causes than one. On the day of the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 22</em></span>
surrender of Darum Saladin had yielded to the necessity
strongly urged upon him by his emirs, of restoring peace and
unity within the borders of Islam as the essential preliminary
to a renewal of the “Holy” war, and had despatched
Safadin with full powers to make whatever terms he might
think good with his rebel great-nephew El Mansour.<a id="FNanchor_922" href="#Footnote_922" class="fnanchor">[922]</a> The
settlement thus made enabled the Sultan to call out all his
forces again for action against the Franks; and so prompt
was the response to his call that two important contingents,
under the Emirs Bedr-ed-Din and Ezz-ed-Din, reached
Jerusalem on the last day of May, just as the Christian host
was on its march northward from Cassaba. Hearing that
it was at the “parting of the roads” between Ascalon and
Ibelin, he despatched Ezz-ed-Din with the newly arrived
forces to intercept it, and an encounter in circumstances
which would have been highly unfavourable to the Franks
was only averted by the promptitude with which their
leaders, on discovering Ezz-ed-Din’s approach, changed their
plans and retired to Ascalon.<a id="FNanchor_923" href="#Footnote_923" class="fnanchor">[923]</a> Ibelin was a place worth
securing; but its capture was not essential to their present
object; for the purpose of leading an army to Jerusalem
the Wady el Afranj was as valueless as the Wady el Hesy.
When once a new advance on Jerusalem was decided on,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
the matter of most urgent necessity was the restoration of
the host to its fullest possible strength. Some of the
French contingent were still at Acre. Thither Count Henry
once more proceeded from Ascalon to call these recalcitrants
back to their duty,<a id="FNanchor_924" href="#Footnote_924" class="fnanchor">[924]</a> and also to collect any reinforcements
that could be obtained from Tyre, Tripoli, or elsewhere.<a id="FNanchor_925" href="#Footnote_925" class="fnanchor">[925]</a>
Beit Nuba was appointed as the place where he and they
were to rejoin the main body.<a id="FNanchor_926" href="#Footnote_926" class="fnanchor">[926]</a> With the latter Richard on
June 6 set out early in the morning, and in a few hours was
encamped before Blanchegarde.<a id="FNanchor_927" href="#Footnote_927" class="fnanchor">[927]</a></p>

<p>From Blanchegarde three ways into the hill-country lay
open. One was the valley of Elah (Wady es Sunt), which
runs almost due east from the place where the Crusaders
now were. This way was not attractive to invaders,
because its continuation on the further side of the central
trench was very difficult for troops. North-eastward from
Blanchegarde a road ran along the border of the plain past
the mouth of the valley of Sorek (Wady es Surar) to
Natroun, and thence across the Shephelah to Beit Nuba.
The valley of Sorek is the most direct and the easiest of all
the natural ways that lead up from the plain to the
mountains of Judah; but it had a great disadvantage. For
an army advancing through it there was no possible base on
the coast nearer than Ascalon or Joppa, both of them more
than twenty miles distant from its western end. The only
place within easy reach of it that could be called a coast-town
was Ibelin-Yebna, and this was not a coast-town in
the proper sense; it was four miles from the sea and had no
harbour. Of all the roads that led to Jerusalem the best for
the Crusaders was unquestionably the one which they had
chosen for their first attempt—the Beit Nuba road, where
they would have in their rear a safe double line of communication
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
through Ramlah and Lydda with their original base
at Joppa and thence, by land and sea, with Acre. On
June 9 they advanced to Natroun,<a id="FNanchor_928" href="#Footnote_928" class="fnanchor">[928]</a> and that night they
intercepted a score of Turks returning from a plundering
raid on Joppa; six escaped, the other fourteen were made
prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_929" href="#Footnote_929" class="fnanchor">[929]</a> Next day Richard with the men of his own
domains moved on to Castle Arnold,<a id="FNanchor_930" href="#Footnote_930" class="fnanchor">[930]</a> a place whose character
is expressed in its modern Arabic name, Khurbet-el-Burj,
“ruins of the Bourg,” <cite lang="fro">burh</cite> or fortress; it had been built by
his great-grandfather, King Fulk, on one of the highest hills
in the Shephelah, about three and a half miles north-west
of Beit Nuba, and commanded both the “way that goeth
to Beth-horon” and the lower road along the foot of the
hills, from Lydda by Beit Nuba to Jerusalem. Probably
the Turks had dismantled it; Richard pitched his tents “on
a high place to the right.” He was joined by the rest of the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 10</em></span>
army next day, when all together proceeded to Beit Nuba
and encamped there to wait for Count Henry and his
recruits.<a id="FNanchor_931" href="#Footnote_931" class="fnanchor">[931]</a></p>

<p>On that same day Saladin, whose scouts kept him well
informed of all the enemy’s movements, held a council to
decide what course should be taken in view of their apparent
intention to attempt the siege of Jerusalem. It was settled
that the defence of the walls should be divided among the
emirs, a certain portion being assigned to each of them, and
that the Sultan himself with the rest of his army should take
the field against the invaders.<a id="FNanchor_932" href="#Footnote_932" class="fnanchor">[932]</a> The latter part of this
arrangement was, however, not carried into effect: throughout
the three weeks which the Franks spent at Beit Nuba
they never encountered Saladin, and no general engagement
took place, though there were, as Ambrose says, many
“adventures and skirmishes and discomfitures,” in several
of which Richard was personally engaged. One of these
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
counterbalanced, within twenty-four hours, an evil omen
for the Franks with which, according to Bohadin, their stay
at Beit Nuba began—the falling of a convoy from Joppa
into a Turkish ambush on June 12.<a id="FNanchor_933" href="#Footnote_933" class="fnanchor">[933]</a> That night a scout sent
out by Richard returned from the hill of Gibeon—called by
the Franks Montjoie, because it was the place whence the
earliest Crusaders had first seen the Holy City—with tidings
of another ambush which, he seems to have learned, was
posted near “the Fountain of Emmaus,” or Amwas, half way
between Natroun and Beit Nuba, and close to the point
where the roads from Natroun and Ramlah meet. Before
dawn Richard was in the saddle; at daybreak he was at the
Fountain; the Turks were caught at unawares, twenty were
slain, one was captured and his life spared because he was
Saladin’s herald; three camels, several fine Turcoman
horses, and two good mules laden with silk stuffs, aloes, and
spicery, were the prize of the victor. The rest of the party
he chased over the hills till he overtook and slew one of
them, seemingly on the “Mount of Joy” itself, for according
to Ambrose—who says he had the story of the adventure
from one who took part in it—he “saw Jerusalem plainly”
before he turned back.<a id="FNanchor_934" href="#Footnote_934" class="fnanchor">[934]</a> During his absence from the camp
it had been assailed by a band of Turks, but they were driven
back into the hills.<a id="FNanchor_935" href="#Footnote_935" class="fnanchor">[935]</a> An attempt of the enemies to intercept
another caravan three or four days later was equally unsuccessful,
though the Turks killed a few Christians and
took some prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_936" href="#Footnote_936" class="fnanchor">[936]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile the lesser folk were growing tired of waiting
for Henry, and impatiently asking whether they were or
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 16-20</em></span>
were not really going to Jerusalem this time. Some of the
French nobles urged Richard to lead the host at once to
Jerusalem and begin the siege. He refused. He pointed
out the risks which such a step would involve; he reminded
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
them how easy it would be for Saladin, who always knew
all their movements, to swoop down with his army into the
plain in their rear and cut off their supplies and their communication
with the sea, the circuit of the walls being too
extensive to admit of the division of so small a force as theirs
into two bodies, one to form the siege and the other to protect
the besiegers and keep the ways clear for convoys. He
would not, he said, be the leader of such an undertaking,
because he had no mind to incur the blame for the disaster
in which he believed it would result. He knew well, he
added, that both in Holy Land and in France there were
some persons who wished that he might wreck his reputation
in some such way, but he was not minded to satisfy their
desire. Moreover, he and the French were alike strangers
in the land; it was not for them to take the responsibility,
but for the Military Orders and the feudataries of the realm.
“Let them decide whether we are to attempt the siege, or
to go and take Babylon, or Beyrout, or Damascus. So shall
there be no discord amongst us.”<a id="FNanchor_937" href="#Footnote_937" class="fnanchor">[937]</a> The decision was
committed to twenty umpires representing every division
of the host except the subjects of Richard: five Templars,
five Hospitaliers, five knights of Syria, and five barons of
France. The first fifteen gave their award for an expedition
against “Babylon”; but the French would not agree to
this; they declared they would go to Jerusalem and nowhere
else. Richard did his utmost to restore unity. He
held out every possible inducement to the French to accept
the Cairo project: “See, my fleet lies at Acre, ready to
carry all the baggage, equipments, and accoutrements,
biscuits and flour; the host would go all along by the shore
and I would lead from here at my own charges seven hundred
knights and two thousand men-at-arms; no man of mine
should be lacking. But if they [that is, the French] will
not do this, I am quite ready to go to the siege of Jerusalem;
only be it known that I will not be the leader of the host;
I will go in the company, as leader of my own men, but of
no others.” And forthwith he bade all his men assemble
in the quarters of the Hospitaliers, “and arrange what
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
help they would give to the siege when they got to
Jerusalem.”<a id="FNanchor_938" href="#Footnote_938" class="fnanchor">[938]</a></p>

<p>Before this last order was fully carried out an unexpected
and most welcome diversion occurred. Saladin was now in
daily expectation of some troops from Egypt, for whose
despatch he had given orders some time before with a warning
that they must be specially cautious when they
approached the territory occupied by the Franks. These
troops waited at Belbeis for the assembling of a great
caravan, in company with which they finally set out for
Jerusalem. All this was known to Richard through his
scouts, who were fully equal in efficiency to those of Saladin;
some of them were renegade Arabs<a id="FNanchor_939" href="#Footnote_939" class="fnanchor">[939]</a>; others were Syrian
Christians, so well disguised and speaking the “Saracen”
tongue so perfectly as to be indistinguishable from real
Saracens. Three of these Syrian spies came into the camp—seemingly
on Sunday June 21<a id="FNanchor_940" href="#Footnote_940" class="fnanchor">[940]</a>—and bade the king mount
and ride with his men, and they would lead him to the great
caravan that was coming up from Egypt. Richard, in his
joy, asked Hugh of Burgundy and the other Frenchmen to
join the expedition, and they did so, on condition of receiving
a third part of the spoil. With five hundred knights and
men-at-arms the king rode by moonlight to Blanchegarde
and thence to Galatia, a town in the plain, half way between
Ascalon and Ibelin of the Hospital; there he was within
easy reach of both the coast-road and the inland road, and
could also procure from Ascalon whatever supplies he
needed, whether of fresh horses or provisions.<a id="FNanchor_941" href="#Footnote_941" class="fnanchor">[941]</a> Saladin, as
soon as he was informed of these movements, despatched
five hundred picked Turkish soldiers under the emir Aslam
to meet the force from Egypt and warn it of its danger.<a id="FNanchor_942" href="#Footnote_942" class="fnanchor">[942]</a>
He evidently expected that the Egyptians, knowing the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
coast to be practically in the hands of the Franks, would
come by the inner or eastern road which after crossing the
Wady Ghuzzeh divided into two branches, one passing over
the mountains by Hebron and Bethlehem, the other through
the Shephelah across the Wady el Hesy and thence by Beit Djibrin
(Ibelin) to the valleys of Elah and Sorek. This
latter route, being the easier and shorter, was the one which
the Egyptians would naturally take and which Aslam took
to meet them. His mission was to reach them, if possible, in
the desert, and guide them by the safer though more toilsome
and lengthy way over the mountain-range. Riding as only
Arabs (and possibly Richard on Fauvel) could ride, he and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 22</em></span>
his party did meet them, late in the evening, at what the
Arabs called “the Waters of Kuweilfeh” and the Franks
“the Round Cistern.” This was no doubt a well-known
stage on the road from Egypt and Mecca; its site is at the
southern foot of the Shephelah, close to the opening from
the central fosse into the desert, and it would thus be the
first watering-place for their beasts of burden after passing
the Wady Ghuzzeh and before entering the hill-country.
Aslam was urgent that the ascent to Hebron should be made
that night; but the Egyptian commander, Felek-ed-Din,
fearing lest the caravan should fail to keep together in the
darkness, decided to wait till morning.<a id="FNanchor_943" href="#Footnote_943" class="fnanchor">[943]</a> Meanwhile a
native Syrian scout had come to Richard at Galatia and told
him that if he made haste he might capture the caravan at
the Round Cistern. Richard, conscious that there was no
real need to hurry—since he and his horsemen could easily
overtake the slow movements of a caravan—determined to
verify the report before acting on it. He accordingly sent
out three more scouts,<a id="FNanchor_944" href="#Footnote_944" class="fnanchor">[944]</a> one a real Bedouin, the others native
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
Turcoples disguised in Bedouin attire, to make a further
reconnaissance in the evening. Meanwhile he and his
troops seem to have advanced to the head of the Wady el
Hesy, which Aslam had crossed shortly before them.<a id="FNanchor_945" href="#Footnote_945" class="fnanchor">[945]</a> Here
the returning scouts met them with the news that not only
the caravan, but also the army from Egypt, was encamped at
the Round Cistern for the night. The king gave orders for
all to mount and ride, and, as they valued their honour, not
to think of gain, but devote all their energy to routing the
Turkish soldiers. He took his usual post in the van; the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 23</em></span>
French formed the rearguard. By daybreak they were all
close to their destination, and were forming up for attack
when another scout came to warn them that their approach
had been discovered and the caravan was on the alert.
Richard sent forward some archers, Turcoples, and crossbowmen,
to harass the enemies and impede their movements
till he could come up with his other troops. The caravan
remained stationary; the Moslem troops took up a sheltered
position close to the hills and greeted their assailants with a
thick cloud of missiles “which fell on the ground like dew,”<a id="FNanchor_946" href="#Footnote_946" class="fnanchor">[946]</a>
but it was all in vain. “Those of our men who were reputed
bravest,” confesses Bohadin, “were glad to save their lives
by the fleetness of their horses. It was long since Islam
had had such a disgraceful defeat.”<a id="FNanchor_947" href="#Footnote_947" class="fnanchor">[947]</a> Aslam, to the neglect
of whose counsel the disaster was due, had before the fight
began withdrawn with his troops into the mountains.
Thither the others fled, chased by the Frank cavalry, while
the infantry turned to secure the caravan. Aslam, seeing
the Christian forces thus divided, seized his opportunity to
send down by a side path a party of horsemen who attacked
the Christian foot; but the attack was beaten off, and the
caravan surrendered.<a id="FNanchor_948" href="#Footnote_948" class="fnanchor">[948]</a> The booty was immense; there
were more than four thousand camels laden with precious
stores of the most varied kind, gold and silver, silks and
purple cloth, grain and flour, sugar and spices, tents, hides,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
arms of all sorts; the horses and mules were “altogether
beyond counting”; and besides all this, the Egyptian contingent
so eagerly awaited by Saladin had lost nearly two
thousand men<a id="FNanchor_949" href="#Footnote_949" class="fnanchor">[949]</a> and suffered a most ignominious defeat.
“No tidings,” says Bohadin, “ever dealt a more grievous
wound to the heart of the Sultan than those which were
brought to him at the close of that day.”<a id="FNanchor_950" href="#Footnote_950" class="fnanchor">[950]</a></p>

<p>Saladin at once prepared for the siege which he now felt
to be imminent. He ordered his captains to take up their
appointed positions round the walls and make all ready for
their defence, and he caused the brooks and pools round
about the city to be polluted, the wells filled up, and the
cisterns destroyed, so as to leave the assailants no means of
obtaining water, for it would be impossible for them to dig
new wells in that rocky soil. When all these precautions
were taken, however, he was still very anxious; for he knew
that among the Moslems, no less than among the Christians,
there was dissension as to the conduct of the war, and
jealousy and mutual distrust between the various nationalities
of which his host was composed; for although the
Sultan’s subjects were all lumped together indiscriminately
by the Frank writers as “Turks” or “Saracens,” some of
them were in reality much less closely akin and much less
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
alike in origin, character, and habits, than were the men of
England and France and Italy and Germany. On the night
of Wednesday July 1 he called his emirs to a solemn council.
By his desire Bohadin opened it with an impassioned exhortation
to all present to persevere in the war, and proposed
that they should all take an oath on the Sacred Stone of the
Temple to hold together till death. Saladin himself appealed
to them as “the only fighting force and sole stay of Islam,”
on whom depended the safety of all Mussulmans everywhere.
They all pledged themselves to stand by him till death.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Thurs.,<br>July 2</em></span>
Next day, however, they held a meeting among themselves,
and some of them there expressed their disapproval of the
Sultan’s strategy in shutting up “the only fighting force and
stay of Islam” at Jerusalem; they believed it would result
in the capture of the city and the destruction of the army
by a fate such as that of the garrison of Acre, and thus bring
the Mussulman dominion in Palestine to ruin, and that the
wiser course would be to risk a pitched battle, which if they
were victorious would shatter the enemy’s power and enable
the Moslems to recover all that they had lost, while if they
were defeated, they would indeed lose Jerusalem, but the
army of Islam would remain, and might hope to regain the
city hereafter. These criticisms were reported to Saladin,
with a further warning that if he persisted in his plan of
defence, he must either himself remain in the city or leave one
of his family to take the command there, as the Kurdish
troops would not obey a Turkish emir nor the Turks a Kurdish
one. Personally he was willing to stay, but his friends would
not sanction a course which they felt might bring upon Islam
a double disaster in the loss of the city and the Sultan both
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 2</em></span>
at once. He and his devoted secretary spent the whole night
in deliberating and praying over the problems suggested by
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 3</em></span>
this communication; on the Friday morning Bohadin
advised his master to give up all attempts at finding a
solution of them and simply commit the direction of all his
affairs to a higher Power. The counsel was followed. That
evening the officer in command of the Moslem advanced
guard sent word that “the whole army of the enemies”
had—seemingly on the preceding day—ridden out to the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
top of a hill, stationed itself there a while, and then ridden
back to its camp; he had sent out scouts to ascertain what
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sat.,<br>July 4</em></span>
was going on. At daybreak next morning this announcement
was followed by another; the scouts had come in and
reported that a great discussion, lasting all night, had taken
place among the Christian leaders, and had ended at dawn
in a decision to retreat.<a id="FNanchor_951" href="#Footnote_951" class="fnanchor">[951]</a></p>

<p>The victors of Kuweilfeh seem to have reached Beit
Nuba on June 30; they had returned by easy stages by
way of Ramlah, where they found Count Henry with the
troops which he had collected at Acre.<a id="FNanchor_952" href="#Footnote_952" class="fnanchor">[952]</a> At first the camp
was filled with rejoicing over the spoil, which Richard took
care to distribute fairly among all ranks of the host; but
in a day or two the lesser folk began to clamour for an
immediate advance on Jerusalem. The native umpires
who a fortnight before had given their award against the
siege repeated the arguments which they had then used,
laying special stress on the impossibility of procuring
water, now that all the artificial stores of it for two miles
round the city were known to have been destroyed by the
enemy, and at a season when every drop of moisture,
except the little fountain of Siloam, would be dried up by
the heat of the Syrian midsummer.<a id="FNanchor_953" href="#Footnote_953" class="fnanchor">[953]</a> There were also other
difficulties. One which Richard had urged in January—the
numerical insufficiency of the host—does not seem to
have been appreciably lessened by the results of Count
Henry’s recruiting expedition. The worst difficulty of all
was internal disunion. Hugh of Burgundy’s self-will and
his jealousy of Richard were shown more openly than
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
ever now that his share of the caravan spoils had made him
independent of Richard’s bounty. He and his men had
long been in the habit, wherever the host went, of camping
apart from their fellow-Crusaders at night as if desirous to
avoid their company; by day, when they and the men of
other nations had to associate together, there were constant
bickerings and altercations; and the duke crowned all this
mischief by “causing a song full of all vileness to be made
about the king, and this song was sung amid the host.
Was the king blameworthy,” asks the Norman poet-chronicler,
“when he in return made a song upon these
people who were always thwarting and insulting him?
and truly no good song could be sung about such outrageous
folk.”<a id="FNanchor_954" href="#Footnote_954" class="fnanchor">[954]</a> According to one English writer, Hugh
even entered into a secret negotiation with Saladin, which
the vigilance of a scout enabled Richard to unmask, to the
utter confusion of the duke; but the details of the story
are somewhat doubtful.<a id="FNanchor_955" href="#Footnote_955" class="fnanchor">[955]</a> Clearly, however, there was no
exaggeration in the report transmitted to Saladin from his
advanced guard as to dissensions in the Christian camp;
and there is no reason to doubt the correctness of Bohadin’s
account—derived likewise from the statements of a scout
who was secretly present—of the final council held on the
night of Thursday-Friday, July 2-3. After much debate,
three hundred arbitrators were appointed from among the
nobles and knights; these three hundred delegated their
powers to twelve others, and these twelve chose three
umpires, from whose decision there was to be no appeal.<a id="FNanchor_956" href="#Footnote_956" class="fnanchor">[956]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
In the morning the pilgrims were, for the second time
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 3</em></span>
when at a distance of little more than four hours’ march
from their goal, told that they must prepare for a retreat.<a id="FNanchor_957" href="#Footnote_957" class="fnanchor">[957]</a></p>

<p>The disappointment was perhaps all the more keenly
felt because it followed closely not only upon the victory
over the Egyptians, but also upon two incidents which had
heightened the religious fervour and thus encouraged the
hopes of the Christian soldiers. Several relics of the Holy
Cross besides the famous one which had been lost at Hattin
were preserved in various places in Palestine, and had
been hidden at the time of the Saracen conquest to save
them from falling into Infidel hands. A Syrian bishop
who had held the see of Lydda is said to have come with
a great company of men and women of his flock and presented
one of these fragments to Richard shortly after the
host reached Beit Nuba.<a id="FNanchor_958" href="#Footnote_958" class="fnanchor">[958]</a> A little later—seemingly just
before Richard heard of the coming of the Egyptian caravan—the
abbot of Saint Elias, a monastery situated on the
road from Jerusalem to Bethlehem,<a id="FNanchor_959" href="#Footnote_959" class="fnanchor">[959]</a> came and told the
king that he had a piece of the Cross hidden in a place
known only to himself, which Saladin, who knew the relic
had been secreted, had vainly tried to bribe him into
revealing. Richard rode with him to the place and brought
the sacred treasure back, to the great joy of the host.<a id="FNanchor_960" href="#Footnote_960" class="fnanchor">[960]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
If we may trust an English writer who, though he did not
take part in the Crusade, had a special opportunity of obtaining
information about Richard’s personal share in it, a
third fragment of the Holy Rood came into the king’s
hands under yet stranger circumstances, one of which
may possibly have had some influence on his conduct two
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 3</em></span>
months later. On the last night of the army’s sojourn at
Beit Nuba a monk brought him a message from a certain
hermit who dwelt on the “Mount of Saint Samuel”—that
is, Nebi Samwîl, the Arabic name for what the Crusaders
usually called the Montjoie—bidding him, in God’s Name,
come to him without delay. Richard arose, called up an
escort of horsemen, and rode to the place. The hermit
was believed to have the spirit of prophecy; he wore no
clothes, and was covered only by his long unshorn hair
and beard. Richard, after gazing for a while in wonder
at this strange-looking personage, asked him what was
his will. The hermit led his guest into an oratory, removed
a stone from the wall, and brought out a wooden cross “of
a cubit’s length” which he reverently handed to the king,
telling him it was made from the sacred Tree of Calvary.
He added a prediction that the king would not at this time
succeed in winning the land, however hard he might strive
for it; and to demonstrate the reality of his own prophetic
gift, he further foretold his own death on that day week.
Richard took him back to the camp to prove whether his
words would come true. Seven days afterwards the prophet
died.<a id="FNanchor_961" href="#Footnote_961" class="fnanchor">[961]</a> Sixty years later, there was a tradition in
Palestine that on one occasion when the men of the Third
Crusade, on the point of marching upon the Holy City,
were by the jealousies among their leaders compelled to
turn back, a knight in Richard’s service “cried out to
him, ‘Sire, sire, come here and I will shew you Jerusalem.’
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
And when he heard that, he cast his surcoat before his eyes
all weeping, and said to our Lord: ‘Fair Lord God, I pray
Thee that Thou suffer me not to behold Thy Holy City,
since I cannot deliver it from the hands of Thine enemies.’”<a id="FNanchor_962" href="#Footnote_962" class="fnanchor">[962]</a>
This incident, in itself quite possible, is in Joinville’s report
of the story placed in a setting of which the details are
certainly not historically accurate. If it really occurred,
its true place is most probably at the close of Richard’s
nocturnal visit to the Mount of S. Samuel, as the sunrise
on July 4 lighted up the lower slopes of the mountain-range
of which that eminence was the crown, and revealed the
city on its coign of vantage at the south-eastern angle of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 4</em></span>
the plateau. A few hours later the whole host was back
at Ramlah.<a id="FNanchor_963" href="#Footnote_963" class="fnanchor">[963]</a></p>

<p>The umpires at Beit Nuba had reasoned soundly from the
premisses before them; and those premisses were sound
likewise, except in one particular: the Franks did not—as
we do from Bohadin—know what was passing behind
the scenes in the Saracen headquarters. They therefore
probably over-estimated the enemy’s powers of resistance.
On the other hand, there was a similar miscalculation on
the Moslem side; Saladin’s anxiety and alarm would
scarcely have been so great had he realized how completely
the unity of the Christian host was broken. Even when
fully assured that the Franks had really withdrawn from
the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, he was still extremely
uneasy, fearing they might now take up again the project
of an attempt on Cairo, and feeling by no means sanguine
that they might not, with the coast of Palestine in their
possession and with the supply of beasts of burden which
they had recently acquired, bring it to a successful issue.<a id="FNanchor_964" href="#Footnote_964" class="fnanchor">[964]</a>
A new game of diplomacy now began. The first move in
it was made, on the morrow, if not on the very day, of
the retirement from Beit Nuba, in the name of the king-elect
of Jerusalem, Henry of Champagne; but the Saracens
at once recognized that the king-elect could be nothing
more than a cipher so long as he was uncrowned and his
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
uncle was in the land, and that the game was not worth
playing with anyone except the king-guardian. From
him overtures for peace arrived on July 6, and negotiations
continued till the 19th. It is difficult to decide how far
either the king or the Sultan was in earnest. Richard made
so many different proposals that they cannot all have been
seriously meant. He and Saladin alike seem to have been
really disposed to content themselves with a division of
the land; each of them hoping that the division would
be merely temporary, and would serve as a breathing-space
enabling his own party to recover strength for a new effort.
On one point, however, both were equally determined not
to give way. Saladin, while agreeing that the Franks
should keep the sea-coast, made it an essential condition
that Ascalon should be again dismantled. This Richard
persistently refused; so on July 19 the negotiations dropped,
and Saladin began to prepare again for war.<a id="FNanchor_965" href="#Footnote_965" class="fnanchor">[965]</a></p>

<p>His rival was doing the like. By Richard’s orders three
hundred Knights of the Temple and Hospital had already
gone from Casal Maen (whither he and the host had retired
on July 6)<a id="FNanchor_966" href="#Footnote_966" class="fnanchor">[966]</a> to Darum, dismantled that fortress, and transferred
its garrison to Ascalon to reinforce the defences of
“Syria’s Summit.” As soon as the three hundred returned,
the whole host proceeded to Joppa; here the sick folk
were left, and also some of the able-bodied for the greater
security of the place; the rest set out on July 21 or 22
for Acre, which they reached on Sunday the 26th.<a id="FNanchor_967" href="#Footnote_967" class="fnanchor">[967]</a> The
weary pilgrims of lower rank grew more dispirited at every
stage in this northward journey; Richard having given
orders for the whole fleet to accompany it, whence they
inferred that he intended sailing for Europe immediately.
He had, however, another purpose. The Frank re-conquest
of the coast of the Latin kingdom of Jerusalem was still
incomplete; the northernmost sea-port of the realm, Beyrout,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
was still in Moslem hands. An attempt on Beyrout
had been one of the alternative schemes suggested by
Richard before the final retirement from Beit Nuba. The
place, though of less military importance than Tyre or
Acre or Ascalon, was well worth the winning; it had a
good harbour, and its loss would deprive the Moslems of
their only remaining outlet on the sea between Laodicea
and the mouth of the Nile. As soon as Acre was reached,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sunday, July 26</em></span>
Richard despatched seven galleys to make a demonstration
before Beyrout. On the morrow (Monday, July 27) he took
leave of the Knights of the Temple and Hospital—with
whom he had always acted in concert, and who probably
undertook the control of the host during his absence—and
prepared to follow next day with the rest of the fleet.<a id="FNanchor_968" href="#Footnote_968" class="fnanchor">[968]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
But his plans were upset by an unexpected counterstroke
on the part of Saladin.</p>

<p>The Sultan had been rejoined at Jerusalem on July 17
by his son Ed-Daher, who ruled at Aleppo; and Safadin,
recalled from Mesopotamia, was close at hand with further
reinforcements when on the 22nd Saladin learned that the
Christian host had left Joppa and was on its way to Beyrout.
He at once went to Beit Nuba to reconnoitre, leaving orders
for all his troops to follow him thither. Safadin joined
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 23</em></span>
him there next day. By the 25th their united forces were
on the old camping-ground of the Franks between Lydda
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 25</em></span>
and Ramlah. On the 26th—the day of Richard’s arrival
at Acre—Saladin reconnoitred Joppa; before nightfall his
men were around its walls, and on Monday 27th they
assaulted the town.<a id="FNanchor_969" href="#Footnote_969" class="fnanchor">[969]</a> After four days of furious fighting
Saladin’s engines made, on Friday the 31st, a breach through
which his men swarmed into the town; it was given over
to pillage and slaughter, and the garrison in the citadel
promised to surrender, on terms arranged between them
and the Sultan, if they were not relieved before three
o’clock on the morrow.<a id="FNanchor_970" href="#Footnote_970" class="fnanchor">[970]</a> They were in hourly expectation
of Richard’s return; for they had, as soon as the Moslem
army came in sight, despatched by sea an urgent message
to recall him from Acre.<a id="FNanchor_971" href="#Footnote_971" class="fnanchor">[971]</a> The message was delivered to
Richard as he sat in his tent on the evening of Tuesday
July 28.<a id="FNanchor_972" href="#Footnote_972" class="fnanchor">[972]</a> He at once summoned the host to go back with
him to Joppa; but the French “declared they would not
stir a foot with him.”<a id="FNanchor_973" href="#Footnote_973" class="fnanchor">[973]</a> A number of Templars, Hospitaliers,
and other “good knights,” however, set off by land to the
rescue, while Richard with another party, comprising the
rest of his own men and some Genoese and Pisans, went
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
on board the galleys. The land party on reaching Caesarea
learned that the road between that place and Arsuf was
blocked by “the son of the Assassin”; not daring to risk
an encounter with forces of whose numbers they knew
nothing and of whose military repute all Syria stood in
awe, they made no attempt to proceed further. The ships
were caught by a contrary wind off Haïfa, detained by it
for three days, and so dispersed by its violence that only
three of them at last came in sight of Joppa, late in the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 31</em></span>
evening of Friday the 31st, and had to wait at a safe distance
for the rest to overtake them, and also for the light of day.<a id="FNanchor_974" href="#Footnote_974" class="fnanchor">[974]</a>
One of the three carried Richard, chafing sorely at all these
hindrances: “God, have mercy! Why dost Thou keep
me here, when I am going in Thy service?”<a id="FNanchor_975" href="#Footnote_975" class="fnanchor">[975]</a> In the
afternoon of that same Friday Saladin had received from
Acre a letter telling him that Richard had given up his
intended expedition against Beyrout and was hastening
to the relief of Joppa. The Sultan and his confidant
Bohadin at once decided that the agreement with the
garrison must be flung to the winds, and an effort made
to get the garrison out of the citadel before Richard should
arrive. Saladin spent some time in haranguing his troops
and exhorting them to storm it that evening; but they
were worn out with the day’s fight, and so sullenly unresponsive
to his appeal that he dared not give it the form
of a command; and at last he and his staff withdrew for
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 1</em></span>
the night to their usual quarters in the rear. At daybreak
they heard a trumpet-call, and learned that the king’s
ships were in sight. Saladin despatched Bohadin with
orders to “get into the citadel and get the Franks out of
it.” With a body of troops Bohadin entered the town,
went to the castle gate, and bade the garrison come out.
They answered that they would do so, and began to make
their preparations. The morning wore on to noon, and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
still the relief party showed no sign of trying to disembark:
Richard in fact, while the garrison were waiting for him to
land, was waiting to ascertain what had become of them,
for the shore was lined and the town, to all appearance,
filled with Mussulman troops, so that the whole place, as
seen from the sea, looked as if it were in the enemy’s hands.
On the other hand, it seems that only a small part of the
fleet was as yet visible from the castle-tower. The garrison
therefore, growing hopeless of rescue, yielded to Bohadin’s
urgency and began to march out. Forty-nine men, besides
some women and some horses, thus came forth.<a id="FNanchor_976" href="#Footnote_976" class="fnanchor">[976]</a> As each
man passed through the gate he paid down the ransom
appointed in the capitulation, although the hour fixed for its
fulfilment had not yet come; and a Frankish version of the
story adds that in some cases at least, as soon as the money was
paid, the payer’s head was struck off by the Turkish guards.<a id="FNanchor_977" href="#Footnote_977" class="fnanchor">[977]</a>
Suddenly the procession stopped. The ships were spreading
out in line and becoming more distinguishable under the
noon-tide sun; the Moslems could see that there were at
least thirty-five; the anxious watchers on the castle-tower
could probably see that there were more than fifty. The
remaining men in the citadel hastily put on their armour,
made a sally, and drove Bohadin and his followers out of
the town. They themselves, however, were quickly driven
back, and the fighting became fiercer and more confused
than ever. Once more the garrison, in despair, sent the
Patriarch of Jerusalem (who chanced to be in Joppa when
the siege began) and a chaplain to renew their offer of
submission to Saladin on the terms originally proposed.<a id="FNanchor_978" href="#Footnote_978" class="fnanchor">[978]</a>
Then another priest, “after commending himself to the
Messiah” as Bohadin says, leaped from the top of the
tower into the harbour. Falling in shallow water, with
soft sand beneath it, he was unharmed, and made his way
to the nearest galley, whence he was transported to that
of the king.<a id="FNanchor_979" href="#Footnote_979" class="fnanchor">[979]</a> “Gentle king,” said he, “the people who
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
await you here are lost, unless God and you have compassion
on them.” “How!” cried Richard, “are any
of them still living? Where are they?” “Before the
tower, awaiting their death.” Richard hesitated no longer.
“God sent us here to suffer death, if need be; shame to
him who lags behind now!”<a id="FNanchor_980" href="#Footnote_980" class="fnanchor">[980]</a> The royal galley, “painted
all red, with a red canopy on the deck, and a red flag,”
shot forward;<a id="FNanchor_981" href="#Footnote_981" class="fnanchor">[981]</a> the king, without greaves or mail-shoes,
sprang out, up to his waist in the water, came first ashore,
and dashed into the midst of the Turks, cutting them down
right and left. His shipmates followed close behind him;
the other vessels quickly came up, and each disembarked
its freight of men; and in little more than an hour the shore
of the harbour was cleared of Turks.<a id="FNanchor_982" href="#Footnote_982" class="fnanchor">[982]</a> Bohadin, under
whose eyes all this had taken place, went round to Saladin’s
tent in the rear and whispered his tidings into the ear of
the Sultan, who was writing (or dictating) a letter for the
Patriarch and the chaplain to take back to their friends
in the citadel. The envoys were present; Saladin detained
them till some flying Moslems passed the door of the
tent. Then he placed the envoys under arrest, and ordered
his whole army to retreat to Yazour.<a id="FNanchor_983" href="#Footnote_983" class="fnanchor">[983]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile Richard, as soon as the harbour was cleared,
had set his men to barricade it on the land side with planks,
barrels, pieces of old ships and boats, and other wood
hastily piled up to form a rampart behind which they could
safely defy the Saracens.<a id="FNanchor_984" href="#Footnote_984" class="fnanchor">[984]</a> He himself made his way “by
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 1</em></span>
a stair that led to the house of the Templars” into the town,
where he found a crowd of Saracens so busy pillaging that
they made no attempt to interfere when he caused his
banners to be reared on the walls as a signal to the Christians
in the tower. These latter at once sallied forth to meet
him, and the Turks, thus caught at unawares between two
fires, were slaughtered wholesale. Then the victors turned
towards the retreating army of Saladin. The crossbowmen
tried to overtake it with a volley of arrows; the king galloped
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
after it on a horse which he had found in Joppa; but as
this and two other horses, also found in the town, were the
only ones he possessed, he soon gave up the pursuit, and
pitched his tents on the site lately occupied by Saladin,<a id="FNanchor_985" href="#Footnote_985" class="fnanchor">[985]</a>
in the open ground where the Frank host had camped in
the previous October, between Joppa and S. Habakkuk’s.<a id="FNanchor_986" href="#Footnote_986" class="fnanchor">[986]</a>
No sooner was Richard in his tent than several of Saladin’s
emirs and favourite Mameluks went to visit him; seemingly
not as accredited envoys from the Sultan, but to ascertain
informally what was now the king’s attitude towards the
question of peace. He received them willingly, and sent
a special invitation to the chamberlain Abu Bekr, who had
previously acted as a medium of communication between
him and Safadin, to join the assembly. Abu Bekr found
him talking over the recent fight in a tone half serious, half
bantering. “That Sultan of yours is truly admirable!
But why did he run away at my very landing? I did not
come prepared to fight; I am still in my boating-sandals!
Why, in God’s Name, did he retreat, when I thought he
could not take Joppa in two months, and he took it in a
couple of days!” Then he turned to Abu Bekr and spoke
seriously: “Greet the Sultan from me, and beg him to let
us have peace. My country needs me, and the state of
things in this land is bad alike for you and for us.” Saladin
was still close at hand, and twice in that night proposals
and counter-proposals of terms passed between the two
sovereigns. Ascalon was still the stumbling-block; neither
of them would renounce his claim to it. To a daring suggestion
of Richard’s, that Saladin should enfeoff him after
the manner of the Franks with the counties of Ascalon and
Joppa, to hold by military service including, if required,
the personal service of the king himself—“of which,” he
added, “you know the value”<a id="FNanchor_987" href="#Footnote_987" class="fnanchor">[987]</a>—Saladin returned an
answer in which Ascalon was not named at all. The Sultan
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 2</em></span>
then followed his army to Yazour, and thence, early next
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
morning, went to Ramlah.<a id="FNanchor_988" href="#Footnote_988" class="fnanchor">[988]</a> Thither a messenger from
Richard followed him, and pressed for a definite cession of
Ascalon. Saladin’s reply was given instantly and finally:
“It is impossible.”<a id="FNanchor_989" href="#Footnote_989" class="fnanchor">[989]</a></p>

<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 2-4</em></span>

<p>That Sunday and the two following days were spent by
Richard and his men in repairing the walls of Joppa as well
as they could by piling up the stones without mortar or
cement.<a id="FNanchor_990" href="#Footnote_990" class="fnanchor">[990]</a> On one of these three days they were joined by
Count Henry, who came from Caesarea in a galley; the rest
of the troops being still detained there by “the ambushes
of the Turks” on land and the lack of ships to convey them
by sea.<a id="FNanchor_991" href="#Footnote_991" class="fnanchor">[991]</a> It was seemingly to ascertain what chance there
was of intercepting these troops, of whose departure from
Acre he had only just been made aware, that Saladin on the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 4</em></span>
Monday (August 4) moved northward as far as the banks
of the Aoudjeh (the River of Arsuf). There, however, he
further learned that they were safe in Caesarea, and also
that a not less important and probably easier prey lay
within his reach—King Richard and his little band, in their
unprotected tents in the fields outside Joppa. At nightfall
he turned back, hoping to surround Richard’s camp in the
darkness and surprise it at break of day.<a id="FNanchor_992" href="#Footnote_992" class="fnanchor">[992]</a> The first body
of Moslem troops which approached the camp, however,
was discovered by a watchful Crusader who at once aroused
the king. Richard slipped his mail-coat over his night-gear,
sprang bare-legged on horseback, and with the few knights
in his company—most of them dressed and armed in a like
hasty fashion—began to array his men.<a id="FNanchor_993" href="#Footnote_993" class="fnanchor">[993]</a> The Saracens,
finding they could not take him by surprise, sent a party
to force an entrance through the still uncompleted walls
into the town, in order to deprive him of a refuge there.<a id="FNanchor_994" href="#Footnote_994" class="fnanchor">[994]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
The scared townsfolk sent word to the king that they were
all lost, for “a countless host of heathen” were taking
possession of the city. Richard sternly silenced the messenger,
swore to cut off his head if he let anyone else hear the
message, and went on with his preparations for defence.
Behind a low barricade hastily made up of pieces of wood
from the tents the tiny army was arrayed with the utmost
skill<a id="FNanchor_995" href="#Footnote_995" class="fnanchor">[995]</a> so as to leave in its ranks no opening for attack. Then
the king addressed his men, bidding them have no fear of
the foe; he himself, he added, would go and see what was
taking place in the town.<a id="FNanchor_996" href="#Footnote_996" class="fnanchor">[996]</a> His knights numbered some
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 5</em></span>
three or four score,<a id="FNanchor_997" href="#Footnote_997" class="fnanchor">[997]</a> but the horses only six.<a id="FNanchor_998" href="#Footnote_998" class="fnanchor">[998]</a> On these
five of the knights and a “hardy and valiant” German
man-at-arms named Henry, bearing the king’s banner,<a id="FNanchor_999" href="#Footnote_999" class="fnanchor">[999]</a>
mounted, and with a few crossbowmen<a id="FNanchor_1000" href="#Footnote_1000" class="fnanchor">[1000]</a> followed the king as
with lance and sword he forced his way into Joppa. He
probably found its Turkish invaders engaged, as he had
found them before, in pillaging, and less numerous than the
messenger had represented, for he very soon drove them
all out. After ordering a detachment of the garrison to
come down from the tower and guard the town against
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
further attack,<a id="FNanchor_1001" href="#Footnote_1001" class="fnanchor">[1001]</a> he rode down to the shore, brought back
thence some townsfolk who had fled to the ships for refuge,
and all the sailors except just enough to take care of the
ships, and with these reinforcements, in addition to his
gallant six, rejoined his little army in the field.<a id="FNanchor_1002" href="#Footnote_1002" class="fnanchor">[1002]</a></p>

<p>Saladin meanwhile had arrayed his host in seven divisions.<a id="FNanchor_1003" href="#Footnote_1003" class="fnanchor">[1003]</a>
While the first of these was advancing to the attack, the
king issued his final orders. “Only keep your ranks
unbroken—let not the foes make their way in. If we stand
thus firm against their first onset, we may make light of the
next, and by God’s help we shall defeat them. But if I
see one of you, through fear, giving way or yielding ground
or trying to flee, I swear by Almighty God I will straightway
cut off his head!”<a id="FNanchor_1004" href="#Footnote_1004" class="fnanchor">[1004]</a> So when the first division of the Turks
charged them the Christian ranks stood immoveable and
impenetrable. The attacking force fell back, baffled and
amazed, stood for a while within two spears’ length of them
without any interchange of hostilities except verbal ones,
and then retired, grumbling, to its original position.<a id="FNanchor_1005" href="#Footnote_1005" class="fnanchor">[1005]</a>
Richard burst out laughing: “Did not I tell you how it
would be? Now they have done their utmost; we have
only to stand firm against every fresh attempt, till by God’s
help victory shall be ours.”<a id="FNanchor_1006" href="#Footnote_1006" class="fnanchor">[1006]</a> As he ceased speaking,
another body of Turks came forth; they, too, fell back
from the living wall, now firmer than ever, and retired to
their former station. This process was repeated five or
six times, while the day wore on “from prime almost to
nones.”<a id="FNanchor_1007" href="#Footnote_1007" class="fnanchor">[1007]</a> The Arab historians relate that in one of the
intervals between these futile charges Richard rode alone,
lance in hand, along the whole front of the Moslem army,
challenging it to fight, and not a man came forth to meet
him;<a id="FNanchor_1008" href="#Footnote_1008" class="fnanchor">[1008]</a> according to one account, he ended by stopping his
horse midway between the two hosts, asking the Moslems
for some food, and calmly dismounting to eat what they
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
gave him.<a id="FNanchor_1009" href="#Footnote_1009" class="fnanchor">[1009]</a> It was not only the dread of him that held the
enemies in check; Saladin’s troops were thoroughly discontented
with their ruler’s conduct of this expedition to
Joppa and with its failure to bring them either the success
or the booty which they had expected. In vain the Sultan
rode up and down among them, promising them splendid
rewards for one more charge; his son Ed-Daher sprang
forward alone, only to be hastily called back by his father,
for not another man broke the stillness of the silent, motionless
ranks.<a id="FNanchor_1010" href="#Footnote_1010" class="fnanchor">[1010]</a> At last, it seems, they yielded a sullen obedience
to Saladin’s impassioned exhortations, and made another
attempt to advance. But this time a volley of arrows,
with which the crossbowmen had hitherto speeded their
retirement, greeted them on their approach, and under
cover of this the king and his men charged. “Brandishing
his lance, and laying about him as if he had done nothing
yet that day,”<a id="FNanchor_1011" href="#Footnote_1011" class="fnanchor">[1011]</a> Richard with his few mounted followers
burst right through the Turkish host and came out facing
the rearguard. Looking round, he saw that the earl of
Leicester was unhorsed and in danger of capture; he at once
rescued him and helped him to remount. A crowd of
Turks rushed at a banner which from its device—a lion—they
probably took for the king’s, but which seems to have
been really that of Ralf of Mauléon. Ralf was surrounded,
and was actually being led away by his captors when he,
too, was rescued by his sovereign.<a id="FNanchor_1012" href="#Footnote_1012" class="fnanchor">[1012]</a> At another moment
a large body of Turks closed in upon Richard, all alone;
but he laid about him with his sword, smiting off heads and
limbs on every side, till he had slain or disabled so many
of his assailants that the rest took to flight “as from the
face of a furious lion.” His first sudden irruption had
thrown into confusion the whole array of Saladin’s host;
and when the guard which he had left in Joppa, seeing how
matters were going, came out to help their comrades, the
Moslem defeat became a rout.<a id="FNanchor_1013" href="#Footnote_1013" class="fnanchor">[1013]</a> At the close of the long
day’s fighting the victor returned “with arrows sticking
out all over him like the bristles of a hedgehog, and with
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
his horse in the same plight.”<a id="FNanchor_1014" href="#Footnote_1014" class="fnanchor">[1014]</a> Saladin retired to Yazour,
and on the following day to Natroun.<a id="FNanchor_1015" href="#Footnote_1015" class="fnanchor">[1015]</a></p>

<p>The victory at Joppa was Richard’s crowning exploit
in Holy Land; and he himself very soon realized that it
was to be his last. Both in him and his men the tremendous
physical and mental strain of those five August days was
followed by a sudden breakdown which was aggravated
by the unhealthiness of their surroundings. The Turks
when they evacuated Joppa had not only left in its streets
the bodies of those who had been slain in the siege, but also
slaughtered all the pigs in the town and interspersed the
carcases with the human corpses, as an insult to the
Christians.<a id="FNanchor_1016" href="#Footnote_1016" class="fnanchor">[1016]</a> No sanitary measures had been possible
during the stress of the succeeding days; the consequence
of this state of things had therefore spread beyond the walls
on every side, and the king and his men, too much exhausted
to move far enough to escape from it, lay helpless and sick
almost unto death.<a id="FNanchor_1017" href="#Footnote_1017" class="fnanchor">[1017]</a> Nevertheless, Richard’s next message
to the Sultan was practically a defiance. The envoy whom
he had despatched on August 2 to Saladin at Ramlah had
proceeded thence on a further mission to Safadin, who was
then lying sick at Gibeon, near Neby Samwîl.<a id="FNanchor_1018" href="#Footnote_1018" class="fnanchor">[1018]</a> This envoy
returned to Joppa on the 7th or 8th<a id="FNanchor_1019" href="#Footnote_1019" class="fnanchor">[1019]</a> with a message from
Safadin proposing a colloquy. He was accompanied by the
chamberlain Abu Bekr. Richard gave an audience to Abu
Bekr outside the town and said to him: “How far am I
to put myself in the Sultan’s hand before he will deign to
receive me? Truly, I was very desirous of returning home;
but now I have decided to stay through the winter, and
want no further conferences with you.”<a id="FNanchor_1020" href="#Footnote_1020" class="fnanchor">[1020]</a> For nearly three
weeks after this, Saladin made no move of any kind; he was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 20</em></span>
waiting for reinforcements. On the 20th the long-desired
contingent from Egypt at last arrived; and two days later
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
the forces of the lands beyond the Euphrates were brought
up by the Sultan’s once rebel great-nephew, El Mansour.
Messengers still passed between the two camps; Richard,
exhausted by fever, asked Saladin for fruit and snow,
which the Sultan readily sent him; the friendly intercourse
enabling each party to learn how matters went with the
other.<a id="FNanchor_1021" href="#Footnote_1021" class="fnanchor">[1021]</a> Meanwhile Richard’s sickness was increasing, and
so were his anxieties. In vain he sent Count Henry back to
Caesarea to insist that the laggards there should come and
help to hold the land; they would not stir. Then he called
Henry, the Templars, and the Hospitaliers around his bed,
and begged that some of them would take charge of Ascalon
and others of Joppa, and thus set him free to seek pure air
and medical treatment at Acre, as the only chance of restoring
his health. “But they all declared they would not
undertake the custody of the fortresses without him; and
they went out [of his tent] without another word.”<a id="FNanchor_1022" href="#Footnote_1022" class="fnanchor">[1022]</a> A
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug.<br>9-26</em></span>
proclamation published throughout the coast-towns, calling
upon all fit men to come and serve under the king at his
expense, brought a crowd of foot-soldiers, but so few horsemen
that he was compelled to reject them all, both horse
and foot, as useless for his purpose.<a id="FNanchor_1023" href="#Footnote_1023" class="fnanchor">[1023]</a> As the conviction
grew upon him that he must either quit the country or die
in it, he felt also that in either case, if he left it in its present
unsettled condition, the whole labour of the Crusade would
be lost, and thus that a truce on almost any terms had
become a necessity for the realm’s sake as well as for his
own.<a id="FNanchor_1024" href="#Footnote_1024" class="fnanchor">[1024]</a> He therefore asked that Abu Bekr might be sent
to him once more. Through this man the king intimated
his willingness, if Saladin still absolutely insisted on the
restitution of Ascalon to the Moslems, to accept a money
indemnity for the expense which he had incurred in fortifying
the place, and to abide by the other conditions which he
had formerly agreed upon with Safadin.<a id="FNanchor_1025" href="#Footnote_1025" class="fnanchor">[1025]</a></p>

<p>On the morrow—Friday, August 28—Bedr-ed-din Dolderim,
the emir in command of the Moslem advanced guard,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
sent to ask the Sultan whether he might accede to a request
which had been made to him by five Frank officers, one of
them an intimate counsellor of Richard’s—probably the
bishop of Salisbury, Hubert Walter<a id="FNanchor_1026" href="#Footnote_1026" class="fnanchor">[1026]</a>—for a parley. With
Saladin’s consent the parley took place; and the same night
Bedr-ed-din in person reported to his sovereign that, according
to these men, Richard now consented to give up Ascalon
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Aug. 28</em></span>
unconditionally. Saladin refused to proceed further without
some security that on this point the king would not go back
from his word. Next day Bedr-ed-din announced that he
had received, by a sure hand, Richard’s pledge on the
subject. Saladin then called his council together and with
them drew up the details of the partition of the land. The
king was to have Joppa and its dependent territory, except
Ramlah, Lydda, Ibelin, Yebna, and Mirabel; also Acre,
Haïfa, Arsuf, and Caesarea, with all their dependencies
except Nazareth and Safforia. These terms were drawn up in
writing and carried back to Richard by an envoy who came
from him on the afternoon of Saturday, August 29, and
returned to Joppa with a Moslem colleague next day.
Richard, when the terms were read to him, denied that he
had ever withdrawn his claim to compensation; but as
“the persons who had gone to Dolderim” all declared that
the thing was so, he answered: “If I did say it, I will not
go back from my word. Tell the Sultan I agree to these
conditions; only I appeal to his generosity, and acknowledge
that if he grants me anything further, it will be of his own
bounty.” He then sent the envoys on to Safadin, to beg
that he would obtain from Saladin the cession of Ramlah.<a id="FNanchor_1027" href="#Footnote_1027" class="fnanchor">[1027]</a></p>

<p>Saladin was quite as anxious for a truce as Richard could
be. On the night of August 27 he had despatched several
emirs on a reconnoitring expedition to ascertain the chances
of success in another attempt on Joppa, or, failing this,
a night attack on Ascalon. They came back to him at
Ramlah with tidings that there were at Joppa scarcely
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
three hundred mounted troops, most of whom had only
mules for chargers. Yet against this small and ill-mounted
force Saladin dared not pit his great army, “because,” says
Bohadin, “he knew that his men were weakened and
wearied and longing for their homes, and he feared that they
would refuse, as they had refused once already at Joppa,
to attack the foe, or would desert him altogether.”<a id="FNanchor_1028" href="#Footnote_1028" class="fnanchor">[1028]</a> He
therefore drew up his final terms on Monday, August 31. The
truce was to last for three years, beginning on Wednesday,
September 22. Ramlah or Lydda was to be added to the
king’s share of the land, or even both places, unless he would
be content with half of each; and Ascalon was to be
dismantled again. All the Moslem territories were to be
included in the truce, and also the princes of Antioch and
Tripoli. When on September 1 the schedule was brought
to Richard, he said he was too ill to read it, but he added:
“I have already confirmed the agreement by giving my
hand on it.” Count Henry and the other leaders were then
informed of its details, and accepted them all, including
the proposed partition of Lydda and Ramlah. Next day
(Wednesday, September 2) they and Saladin’s envoys all
met in Richard’s tent. Richard again confirmed the truce
by giving his hand to the Moslems; they asked him for his
oath, but he explained that it was not customary in the
West for a king to swear on such occasions, and they accepted
the explanation. The other Frank leaders then took the
usual oath, and several of them went back with the Moslems
to Saladin’s camp to witness his ratification of the treaty.<a id="FNanchor_1029" href="#Footnote_1029" class="fnanchor">[1029]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
Immediately afterwards Richard despatched to Saladin a
special message setting forth his own purpose in making
the truce. That purpose, he said, was first to revisit his
home-lands and see how they did, and next, to collect there
men and money wherewith he hoped to return and to wrest
from the Sultan the whole “Land of Jerusalem.” Saladin
answered in the spirit of true chivalry: if he were to lose
the Land, he would rather it were won by Richard than by
any prince whom he had ever known.<a id="FNanchor_1030" href="#Footnote_1030" class="fnanchor">[1030]</a></p>

<p>The dismantling of Ascalon was a precaution on which
Richard had insisted when he found himself compelled to
cede the place; if the Moslems must have it, they should
at any rate be unable to make any military use of it till they
had had the expense and trouble of rebuilding it again. The
work of demolition was entrusted to the joint superintendence
of a party of Moslems and one of Franks, who all set out for
Ascalon on September 5, and who were also to bring back
its Frankish garrison.<a id="FNanchor_1031" href="#Footnote_1031" class="fnanchor">[1031]</a> As under the terms of the truce
Christian pilgrims were to have free access to the Holy
Sepulchre, the rest of the Franks at Joppa and many from
Acre and elsewhere now began crowding to Jerusalem to
fulfil their vow of pilgrimage.<a id="FNanchor_1032" href="#Footnote_1032" class="fnanchor">[1032]</a> An English writer tells us
that some of them urged the king to do likewise; “but his
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
lofty spirit would not suffer him to accept from the grace of a
heathen ruler a privilege which he had been unable to obtain
as a gift of God.”<a id="FNanchor_1033" href="#Footnote_1033" class="fnanchor">[1033]</a> On the night of Tuesday, September 9,
he set out on his northward journey.<a id="FNanchor_1034" href="#Footnote_1034" class="fnanchor">[1034]</a> Haïfa, in its quiet,
sheltered corner between the foot of Carmel and the mouth of
the Kishon, and with its outlook northward across the sea to
Acre at the opposite end of the bay, offered probably a better
resting-place for an invalid than Acre itself, to which it was
near enough for medical aid to be easily available. At
Haïfa the king stayed a while to recover his strength.<a id="FNanchor_1035" href="#Footnote_1035" class="fnanchor">[1035]</a>
Then he went on to Acre and completed his preparations
for departure. He ransomed William des Préaux, who had
been made a voluntary prisoner in his stead in September
1191, by exchanging for him ten valuable Saracen captives.<a id="FNanchor_1036" href="#Footnote_1036" class="fnanchor">[1036]</a>
He called, by public proclamation, all his creditors to come
and claim whatever he owed them, that they might all be
paid in full, “and even overpaid, lest there should be any
complaints or disputes after he was gone about anything
that they had lost through him.”<a id="FNanchor_1037" href="#Footnote_1037" class="fnanchor">[1037]</a> He had some months
before made provision for the future of Cyprus, and also for
that of his earliest friend among the Franks in Holy Land,
Guy of Lusignan, who had so greatly helped him to conquer
that island. He had conquered it not for his own benefit,
but for the benefit of the Christian kingdom of Jerusalem,
to which its preservation in friendly hands was a matter of
great importance. He at first agreed to make it over to the
Order of the Temple for twenty-five thousand marks;<a id="FNanchor_1038" href="#Footnote_1038" class="fnanchor">[1038]</a>
but this agreement came to nothing; and when Henry of
Champagne was chosen King of Jerusalem in April 1192,
Richard made substantial compensation to the displaced
King Guy by giving him the island realm of Cyprus.<a id="FNanchor_1039" href="#Footnote_1039" class="fnanchor">[1039]</a> The
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
grant was perhaps put into legal form during Richard’s last
days at Acre.<a id="FNanchor_1040" href="#Footnote_1040" class="fnanchor">[1040]</a> The two queens sailed on Michaelmas day,<a id="FNanchor_1041" href="#Footnote_1041" class="fnanchor">[1041]</a>
the king on October 9.<a id="FNanchor_1042" href="#Footnote_1042" class="fnanchor">[1042]</a></p>

<hr class="tb">

<p>The causes of the comparative failure of the third Crusade
have been much discussed; yet after following in detail
the story of that expedition one is led to marvel not at its
so-called failure, but at the extent of its success. The truce
restored to the Christians, for the period of its duration, the
whole coast of Palestine from Haïfa to Joppa, left the
southern remainder deprived of its chief stronghold, Ascalon,
and secured to the pilgrims the right of free and safe access
to the holy places of Jerusalem. If at its expiration Richard
had been able to return—as he hoped and intended—to
take up again his task in Holy Land, he would have done so
with far other prospects of success than those with which
he and his followers had set out from Acre in 1190. Saladin
himself regarded the position of the Moslem power in Holy
Land with grave misgiving. His own health was failing,
and he confessed to Bohadin his fears that in case of his
death the Franks would come forth from the strongholds
which the truce had placed in their hands, and once more
become masters of the country.<a id="FNanchor_1043" href="#Footnote_1043" class="fnanchor">[1043]</a> It was to Richard that
the measure of success gained by the Crusade was mainly
due; and this fact was fully recognized by the Moslems. A
writer of the next generation reports that “the fear of him
was so constantly in the hearts and on the lips of the Saracens
that when their children cried they said to them, ‘Be quiet!
England is coming!’ and when their horses started with
affright, they mocked at them saying, ‘What is the matter?
Is England in front of us?’”<a id="FNanchor_1044" href="#Footnote_1044" class="fnanchor">[1044]</a> “England,” in the sense in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
which they used the word—as representing England’s king—was
destined never to confront them again. But seven
centuries later the attainment of the goal was to be granted
to “England” in another form, that of an army which,
having set out from what Richard had once proposed to
secure as the fittest starting-point for the purpose—Egypt—finally
closed round the Holy City by ways in every one of
which it was almost literally treading in the footsteps of the
Lion-Heart.</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span></p>

<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="BOOK_III">BOOK III<br>

<span class="fs80">RICHARD AND EUROPE<br>

1192-1199</span></h2>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent14">—Thy harvest, fame;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Thy study, conquest; war, thy game.</div>
</div>
</div>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BIII_I">CHAPTER I<br>
<span class="fs70">RICHARD AND THE EMPIRE<br>
1192-1194</span></h3>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent0">There was I beaten down by little men,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Mean knights, to whom the moving of my sword</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And shadow of my spear had been enow</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To scare them from me once.</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></div>

<p>After a last visit to Cyprus<a id="FNanchor_1045" href="#Footnote_1045" class="fnanchor">[1045]</a>—perhaps for the purpose of
removing the officers whom he had placed there and transferring
the custody of the island to representatives of Guy—Richard
directed his course straight for Marseille, and in
less than a month was off the coast of Barbary, within three
days’ sail of his destination. Disquieting rumours had,
however, reached him; from passing ships, or at sea-ports
where he had touched, there had come to him repeated
warnings that the count of Toulouse, so long his determined
enemy and now his unwilling vassal, was in league with
some of the neighbouring princes and nobles to seize him
as soon as he should land. He could not but suspect that
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct.-Nov.</em></span>
Philip Augustus was either an accomplice in the plot or
would at least be only too ready to support the plotters;
he therefore suddenly altered his course, and sailed to Corfu.<a id="FNanchor_1046" href="#Footnote_1046" class="fnanchor">[1046]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
It is difficult to guess why he did not proceed through the
Pillars of Hercules direct to England. Instead, he seems to
have deliberately chosen the much more hazardous adventure
of a voyage up the Adriatic and an overland journey through
the territories of the Empire. His motives for this strange
choice can only be conjectured. He may have counted on
a personal meeting with Henry VI as a means of renewing
and cementing the old alliance of England with the Empire,
and thus securing a valuable support in the struggle with
France for which he knew he must prepare himself in every
possible way. But if so, the moment and the circumstances
were extraordinarily ill chosen. Richard indeed could not
fully know how untoward the circumstances really were.
That the young Emperor was as unscrupulous and false as
his father had been upright and honourable; that he was
just then making an attempt—destined to failure—to obtain
possession of Naples; that on his way back to Germany
Philip would meet him; and that there were symptoms of
coming trouble in the Empire from the party of Richard’s
brother-in-law Henry of Saxony, to whom Richard, like his
father, had given shelter and protection, and at whose
return to Germany in violation of an oath to set foot there
no more Richard was said to have connived<a id="FNanchor_1047" href="#Footnote_1047" class="fnanchor">[1047]</a>—all these
things Richard could not know. But he did know, or ought
to have known, that the German contingent had been a source
of constant disturbance in the crusading host; that his
own alliance with Tancred, the Emperor’s successful rival
for the crown of Sicily, had made the Emperor his natural
enemy; and that he had also a personal enemy—again of
his own making—in Duke Leopold of Austria, who, though
his territorial possessions were insignificant, was of considerable
importance in German politics by reason of his
close family connexion with the imperial house and with
several of the chief feudataries of both the German and
Italian realms.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span></p>

<p>Richard’s scheme seems, in fact, to have been prompted
by the spirit of sheer adventure and knight-errantry; and
in the same spirit he set out to carry it into effect. On
reaching Corfu he saw three galleys lying off the coast of the
mainland; he at once put off in a little boat to hail them.<a id="FNanchor_1048" href="#Footnote_1048" class="fnanchor">[1048]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov.</em></span>
Their crews were pirates, and instantly attacked the boat;
but Richard, through one of his sailors, entered into a parley
with them, “and for their laudable bravery and boldness”
made a bargain that they should carry him, with a few
attendants,<a id="FNanchor_1049" href="#Footnote_1049" class="fnanchor">[1049]</a> for two hundred marks of silver, to Ragusa.<a id="FNanchor_1050" href="#Footnote_1050" class="fnanchor">[1050]</a>
Probably, and not unreasonably, he preferred to embark
with a crew as familiar with the intricacies of the Dalmatian
coast as they were hardened to its perils. So furiously,
however, did the wind drive the ships up the gulf that a
wreck seemed imminent; and the king made a solemn vow
to spend a hundred thousand ducats in building a church
on whatever spot he should come safe to land.<a id="FNanchor_1051" href="#Footnote_1051" class="fnanchor">[1051]</a> He found
refuge on a little rocky island called Lacroma, lying half a
mile south of Ragusa, and at that time forming part of the
territory of that city, which was an independent republic.
The rulers of Ragusa, on hearing of his arrival, begged him
to accept a lodging in their city, and gave him a respectful
and hospitable welcome. The chief inhabitants of Lacroma
were a community of Benedictine monks; Richard at once
proposed to fulfil his vow by rebuilding their monastic
church. The rulers of the republic, however, represented to
him that the sum which he had vowed was out of all proportion
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
to the size of the monastery and the requirements
of the monks, and would be far better employed in rebuilding
the cathedral church of Ragusa on a scale befitting its
metropolitan dignity. To this he agreed, on condition that
the republic should obtain the Pope’s sanction to this
deviation from the terms of his vow, and should at its own
cost rebuild the little church on the island; and that,
further, the abbot of Lacroma, assisted by his monks,
should have in perpetuity the privilege of celebrating Mass
in the cathedral church once a year, on the feast of the
Purification of our Lady. Hereupon, it seems, “the good
king having borrowed a large sum of money for the purpose,”
the work was begun immediately. The zeal of the pilgrim
king fired that of the people of the diocese, and his gift,
supplemented by contributions from them, resulted in the
erection of a church which for nearly five centuries stood
without a peer in Illyria for the stately grace of its proportions
and the beauty of its architectural details.<a id="FNanchor_1052" href="#Footnote_1052" class="fnanchor">[1052]</a> An
earthquake destroyed it in 1667; but Richard had, all
unknowing, laid in a nation’s heart the foundation of something
more precious and more lasting than any material
edifice. The little republic of Ragusa kept her independence
till 1810, when she was conquered by Napoleon. Four
years later she was annexed to Dalmatia under the yoke
of Austria. Although never before incorporated into any
of the Slavonic states which surrounded her, she had a
natural affinity with them; the greater part of her inhabitants
were, like theirs, of Serbian blood. Her cause thus
became bound up with that of the whole Serb race in its
aspirations after freedom and a national existence. When
there came upon that sorely tried race the darkest hour it
had ever yet known, a Serbian statesman publicly appealed,
as the ground of his confidence in England’s help, to the
memory of the mutual obligations formed more than seven
centuries before between Ragusa and Richard the Lion
Heart.<a id="FNanchor_1053" href="#Footnote_1053" class="fnanchor">[1053]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span></p>

<p>At Ragusa the king took ship again. What port he really
made for we cannot tell; for he was wrecked a second time,
and came finally ashore somewhere between Aquileia and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov.-Dec.</em></span>
Venice.<a id="FNanchor_1054" href="#Footnote_1054" class="fnanchor">[1054]</a> Stranded in this remote corner of the Italian
border-land, where almost every local magnate was a connexion
or a dependent of either the house of Montferrat, the
duke of Austria, or the Emperor, or of all three, Richard
suddenly awoke to his danger. He despatched one of his
followers to ask Count Mainard of Gorizia, the most powerful
noble of the district,<a id="FNanchor_1055" href="#Footnote_1055" class="fnanchor">[1055]</a> for a safe-conduct for the little party;
he bade the messenger describe them as Baldwin de Béthune
(who really was one of them), a merchant called Hugh, and
their companions, all pilgrims returning from Jerusalem;
and he also—most unwisely—sought to gain the favour of
the count by sending him, in the name of the “merchant
Hugh,” a valuable ruby ring. Mainard, who was a nephew
of the marquis of Montferrat, gazed intently at the ring, and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
then said: “His name is not Hugh; it is Richard, the
king. I have sworn to seize all pilgrims coming from those
parts and to accept no gift from any of them; but for the
worthiness of this gift, and of him who has honoured me, a
man unknown to him, by sending it, I return it and give
him free leave to depart.” On receiving this message the
terrified pilgrims bought some horses and set off in the
middle of the night,<a id="FNanchor_1056" href="#Footnote_1056" class="fnanchor">[1056]</a> Richard, according to one account,
disguised in the habit of the Temple,<a id="FNanchor_1057" href="#Footnote_1057" class="fnanchor">[1057]</a> of which Order there
were several in the little company.<a id="FNanchor_1058" href="#Footnote_1058" class="fnanchor">[1058]</a> Their fears were well
founded; Mainard and his men pursued them and captured
eight of the party.<a id="FNanchor_1059" href="#Footnote_1059" class="fnanchor">[1059]</a> The rest made their way through
Friuli<a id="FNanchor_1060" href="#Footnote_1060" class="fnanchor">[1060]</a> to Freisach in Carinthia;<a id="FNanchor_1061" href="#Footnote_1061" class="fnanchor">[1061]</a> but Mainard had sent
spies to dog their steps all the way, and warned his brother,
Frederic of Pettau, to lie in wait for them there. Frederic
chanced to have in his household a Norman from Argenton,
named Roger, who had been in his service twenty years and
whom he trusted implicitly. He bade this man search the
houses where pilgrims were wont to lodge, if haply he might
recognize the king by his speech or other token; promising
Roger half of the town if the prize were captured. Roger
soon penetrated his native sovereign’s disguise, and instead
of delating him, besought him with tears to flee at once, gave
him an excellent horse for the purpose, and then returned
and told his lord that the reports about Richard were all
false. Frederic flew into a rage and ordered all the pilgrims
to be arrested. Meanwhile, however, Richard with two
companions had slipped out of the town. For three days
and three nights they rode without food; then hunger
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec.</em></span>
compelled them to halt at a little inn close to Vienna.<a id="FNanchor_1062" href="#Footnote_1062" class="fnanchor">[1062]</a>
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
To pay for his lodging Richard was obliged to send one of
his attendants, who could speak German, into the city to
change some bezants. The lad made too much display of
his commission and of his self-importance; detained and
questioned by the citizens, he said that he was in the service
of a rich merchant who was coming to the city in three days.
They let him go, and he hurried back to his master and urged
him to instant flight. Richard, however, was so exhausted
by his adventures by sea and land that he determined to
risk a few days’ longer stay, and sent the lad into the town
again several times to make purchases. Once—on December
20 or 21—the messenger was careless enough to go with his
master’s gloves stuck in his belt. He was seized by the
authorities, beaten, and tortured till he confessed who his
master really was. The duke of Austria, who was in the
city, was immediately informed and the king’s lodging
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec.<br>20-2</em></span>
surrounded. Richard, feeling himself helpless among such
a crowd of “barbarians,” managed to make them understand
that he was willing to surrender, but only to the duke
in person. Leopold came; Richard went forth to meet
him and gave up his sword.<a id="FNanchor_1063" href="#Footnote_1063" class="fnanchor">[1063]</a> Leopold sent him to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
“Dirmstein,”<a id="FNanchor_1064" href="#Footnote_1064" class="fnanchor">[1064]</a> Dirnstein or Dürrenstein, a remote castle in the
mountains near Krems, and placed him in charge of a strong
guard who were to keep watch over him with drawn swords
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 28</em></span>
day and night.<a id="FNanchor_1065" href="#Footnote_1065" class="fnanchor">[1065]</a> A week later the Emperor triumphantly
announced to Philip of France the fate which had overtaken
“that foe of our Empire and disturber of your realm, the
king of England.”<a id="FNanchor_1066" href="#Footnote_1066" class="fnanchor">[1066]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex"><em>1193<br>Jan. 6</em></div>

<p>Henry was anxious to get Richard into his own keeping;
but Leopold was not disposed to part unconditionally with
such a valuable prize. On January 6 he brought his
prisoner before the Emperor at Ratisbon.<a id="FNanchor_1067" href="#Footnote_1067" class="fnanchor">[1067]</a> “The evil
counsels of Duke Leopold’s rivals,” says an Austrian
chronicler, “prevented an immediate conclusion of the
matter”; Richard was taken back to his Austrian prison,<a id="FNanchor_1068" href="#Footnote_1068" class="fnanchor">[1068]</a>
and it was not till February 14 that the Emperor and the
duke came to terms. They began by laying down conditions
to be required of the king for his release. They decided that
he should give the Emperor a hundred thousand marks of
silver, whereof Leopold should have half as the dowry of
Richard’s niece Eleanor of Britanny, who should marry
Leopold’s son; the marriage to take place and half the
ransom to be paid and divided at Michaelmas, the other half
in the following Lent. Richard was to set free, without
ransom, Leopold’s relations Isaac of Cyprus and his daughter.
He was to give the Emperor fifty galleys manned and furnished
at his own cost, and carrying a hundred knights and
fifty crossbowmen; he was also to go in person, with another
hundred knights and fifty crossbowmen, with Henry to Sicily
and help him to conquer it. In other words, the king of
England was to be brought down to the level of the dukes
of Austria and Suabia and Bavaria as a vassal of the Empire,
within which neither he nor any of his predecessors, English,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
Norman, Angevin, or Poitevin, had ever held a particle of
land. For the fulfilment of these conditions he was to
give Henry two hundred hostages, who were not to be
released till he had, furthermore, obtained for Leopold
absolution from Rome—for the Pope on hearing of the
capture of the royal Crusader had at once excommunicated
his captor.<a id="FNanchor_1069" href="#Footnote_1069" class="fnanchor">[1069]</a> If Richard did not fulfil all these conditions
within a year, fifty of his hostages or he himself, as Leopold
might choose, should be restored to the latter. The Emperor
had to give his Austrian vassal two hundred sureties for the
fulfilment of two further stipulations exacted by Leopold
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb.</em></span>
before he would part with his prize. In case of Henry’s
death while Richard was in his custody, Richard was to be
given back to Leopold; and in case of Leopold’s death his
son was to step into his place for all the purposes of the
treaty.<a id="FNanchor_1070" href="#Footnote_1070" class="fnanchor">[1070]</a></p>

<p>Henry of Hohenstaufen was a political visionary, obsessed,
more strongly perhaps than any other German ruler before
our own day, by the German dream of world-dominion; yet
even he can scarcely have had any real hope of extorting
Richard’s consent to the terms laid down in this curious
document. Leopold of Austria was a practical-minded
person, and moreover knew Richard too well to have any
illusions on the subject; hence the strong safeguards by
which he secured his claims as the original captor of the
prize—safeguards which Henry dared not refuse to grant
him. The Emperor could not afford to forfeit either the
friendship of the duke of Austria or the advantages which
the possession of Richard’s person would involve. In the
autumn of 1191 Henry had made an attempt to take
possession of Naples, and it had failed. The Guelfs had
profited by his absence from Germany to stir up discontent
and prepare a rising there. In November 1192 the bishop
of Liége was murdered; the malcontents ascribed the
sacrilegious crime to the instigation of the Emperor. The
dukes of Brabant and Limburg (one of whom was brother
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
and the other uncle to the murdered prelate) and the archbishop
of Cologne were soon up in arms; the archbishop of
Mentz, the duke of Bohemia, and other feudataries quickly
followed their example; and at the back of the whole
disturbance was King Richard’s brother-in-law, the old
Saxon “Lion.” Nearly half Germany was in revolt.<a id="FNanchor_1071" href="#Footnote_1071" class="fnanchor">[1071]</a> It
was thus a matter of the utmost importance for the Emperor
to secure the support of the duke of Austria, whose power and
influence already extended considerably beyond the limits
of the little territory from which he took his chief title.
Outside his own realm Henry of Germany had now one ally,
though the alliance was a secret one. Philip of France had
travelled home from Palestine very leisurely<a id="FNanchor_1072" href="#Footnote_1072" class="fnanchor">[1072]</a> by way of
Italy; early in December 1191 he had met the Emperor
at Milan,<a id="FNanchor_1073" href="#Footnote_1073" class="fnanchor">[1073]</a> and their meeting had resulted in an agreement,
private and informal, but well understood between them, to
make common cause for the ruin of Richard. The capture
of the English king gave them an opening for joint action
sooner than they could have expected; and it also gave
Henry an opportunity of posing before his malcontent vassals
as supreme ruler, judge, and arbiter of all Europe. The
actual transfer of Richard from Leopold’s custody to Henry’s
did not take place till more than a month after the Würzburg
compact was made; it was evidently thus arranged
that it might coincide with the gathering of the imperial
court for the Easter festival. On the Tuesday in Holy Week,
probably at Spire, Richard was brought before the Emperor.
Henry seems to have begun by demanding the full terms
drawn up at Würzburg; we are told that he “required many
things to which the king felt he could not consent, were it
to save his very life.” Next, the Emperor brought against
his captive a string of accusations, charging him with betrayal
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
of the Holy Land,<a id="FNanchor_1074" href="#Footnote_1074" class="fnanchor">[1074]</a> complicity in the death of Conrad,
and violation of some agreement or compact said to have
been made with Henry himself. Finally, some envoys from
France, whose appearance at this opportune moment must
surely have been pre-arranged, came forward and publicly
“defied” the English king in their sovereign’s name.
Richard, however, was ready with an answer to everything;
he offered to stand to right in Philip’s court concerning the
matters in dispute between Philip and himself, and met the
Emperor’s charges with a fearless readiness which enhanced
the general admiration already won for him by his frank
yet dignified bearing. Henry saw that the feeling of the
assembly was with the prisoner; so he suddenly changed
his tone, assumed the character of Richard’s protector and
friend, undertook to make agreement between him and
Philip, and while “the people who stood around wept for
joy,” showered upon him tokens of honour and promises of
aid and publicly gave him the kiss of peace. Hereupon
Richard, “through the mediation of the duke of Austria,”
promised the Emperor a hundred thousand marks by way of
ransom and reward. Henry answered that if his arbitration
should not be successful he would be satisfied without any
payment at all; but according to some envoys from England
who were present, he on Maunday Thursday formally
accepted Richard’s offer with the addition of a promise on
Richard’s part to furnish him with fifty fully equipped galleys
and two hundred knights for a year’s service.<a id="FNanchor_1075" href="#Footnote_1075" class="fnanchor">[1075]</a> The show of
friendliness was maintained, it seems, till the Easter festivities
were over; then, when the court broke up, Henry
despatched his prisoner to Triffels, a strong fortress on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
the highest point of the mountains between Suabia and
Lorraine. The castle was said to have been built specially
to serve as a prison for traitors to the Empire,<a id="FNanchor_1076" href="#Footnote_1076" class="fnanchor">[1076]</a> and the
imperial insignia were also kept in it.<a id="FNanchor_1077" href="#Footnote_1077" class="fnanchor">[1077]</a> Here the king was
placed under a strong guard of soldiers “picked out from
among all the Germans for strength and bravery.” Girt
with swords, they kept watch on him, as Leopold’s soldiers
had done, day and night, and formed round his bed a ring
which none of his own servants who shared his captivity
were ever allowed to penetrate.<a id="FNanchor_1078" href="#Footnote_1078" class="fnanchor">[1078]</a></p>

<p>As soon as the justiciars in England heard of their
sovereign’s captivity they took what steps they could in his
behalf. They sent Bishop Savaric of Bath, who claimed some
kinship with the house of Hohenstaufen, to negotiate with
the Emperor for his release,<a id="FNanchor_1079" href="#Footnote_1079" class="fnanchor">[1079]</a> and they endeavoured to
ascertain where he was confined. All the world knows the
story, put into its earliest and most charming literary shape
by a French minstrel some seventy years later, which has for
all after-time linked the name of its hero Blondel with that
of the royal <i lang="fro">trouveur</i>.<a id="FNanchor_1080" href="#Footnote_1080" class="fnanchor">[1080]</a> Blondel de Nesle, a <i lang="fro">trouveur</i> of some
distinction, was a contemporary of Richard, and the story
in itself is not impossible. The minstrel of Reims represents
Blondel as having found Richard in the custody of the
duke of Austria; if so, he must have set out at the very first
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
tidings of the capture. The searchers officially sent from
England, the abbots of Boxley and Robertsbridge, evidently
went after the object of their search was known to
have been transferred into the hands of the Emperor.
They “wandered over all Alemannia” (western Germany or
Suabia) “without finding him,” till they met him on Palm
Sunday (March 21) at Ochsenfurt on his way to Spire. His
guards evidently allowed them to confer with him freely;
he was naturally delighted at the meeting, and questioned
them eagerly about the state of his realm and the attitude
of his vassals.<a id="FNanchor_1081" href="#Footnote_1081" class="fnanchor">[1081]</a> The tidings they had to give him were not
altogether satisfactory. England was tranquil and loyal,
in spite of John’s efforts to make it otherwise. In Aquitaine
a rising of the count of Périgord, the viscount of
La Marche, and “nearly all the Gascon barons,” had been
crushed by the seneschal of Gascony with the help of
Richard’s brother-in-law, the son of the king of Navarre,
and the victors had swept the country almost to the gates of
Toulouse.<a id="FNanchor_1082" href="#Footnote_1082" class="fnanchor">[1082]</a> But the Norman and Angevin lands sorely
<span class="sidenotex">1191 <em>Dec.</em></span>
needed the presence of their lord. At the close of 1191 King
Philip had reached Paris, and invited or summoned the
seneschal and magnates of Normandy to a meeting which
<span class="sidenotex">1192</span>
took place at Gisors on January 20, 1192.<a id="FNanchor_1083" href="#Footnote_1083" class="fnanchor">[1083]</a> He demanded
the restitution of Aloysia (who was in the tower at Rouen)
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan.</em></span>
and of Gisors, and the cession of the counties of Eu and
Aumale, in virtue, seemingly, of a document which he
exhibited as “the agreement made between himself and
the king of England at Messina.” They answered that they
had no orders from Richard on the subject and would not
act without them.<a id="FNanchor_1084" href="#Footnote_1084" class="fnanchor">[1084]</a> Philip then invited John to come over
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1192</b></span>
from England and receive investiture of all Richard’s
continental territories, and the hand of Aloysia. John was
nothing loth, but was detained in England by a threat from
his mother and the justiciars to seize all his castles there
if he crossed the sea. Next, Philip summoned his host for an
invasion of Normandy; but his barons refused to attack
<span class="sidenotex">1193</span>
the lands of an absent Crusader.<a id="FNanchor_1085" href="#Footnote_1085" class="fnanchor">[1085]</a> Early in the following
year—as soon as Richard was known to be safely out of the
way in a German prison—John made another attempt to
seduce the Norman barons from their allegiance. Failing
in this, he proceeded into France and did homage to Philip
on the conditions which had been proposed a year before.<a id="FNanchor_1086" href="#Footnote_1086" class="fnanchor">[1086]</a></p>

<p>Thus matters stood when the two English abbots set out
on their quest. They were present at the Maunday Thursday
assembly at Spire, and on their return home reported
that “peace” had been there made between the Emperor
and the king.<a id="FNanchor_1087" href="#Footnote_1087" class="fnanchor">[1087]</a> If Richard was under the same delusion, he
must have been speedily undeceived when he found himself
shut up within the gloomy walls of Triffels and denied all
further access to Henry’s presence.<a id="FNanchor_1088" href="#Footnote_1088" class="fnanchor">[1088]</a> On the other hand,
Henry was in all likelihood quite as much disappointed by
the failure of all attempts to break the spirit of his prisoner.
If we may trust an English chronicler whose information
was probably derived from an eye-witness, Richard never
gave his jailers the satisfaction of seeing a cloud on his
brow; he was “always cheery and full of jest in talk, fierce
and bold in action, according to circumstances. He would
tease his warders with rough jokes, and enjoy the sport of
making them drunk, and of trying his own strength against
that of their big bodies.”<a id="FNanchor_1089" href="#Footnote_1089" class="fnanchor">[1089]</a> His deeper feelings were expressed
in a song,<a id="FNanchor_1090" href="#Footnote_1090" class="fnanchor">[1090]</a> addressed to his half-sister Countess Mary of
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
Champagne, which he seems to have composed in two
languages, French and Provençal, in the autumn or early in
the winter of 1193, and which may be roughly translated
thus:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“Feeble the words, and faltering the tongue</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Wherewith a prisoner moans his doleful plight;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Yet for his comfort he may make a song.</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Friends have I many, but their gifts are slight;</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Shame to them if unransomed I, poor wight,</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">Two winters languish here!</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“English and Normans, men of Aquitaine,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Well know they all who homage owe to me</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">That not my lowliest comrade in campaign</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Should pine thus, had I gold to set him free;</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">To none of them would I reproachful be—</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">Yet—I am prisoner here!</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“This have I learned, here thus unransomed left,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">That he whom death or prison hides from sight</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Of kinsmen and of friends is clean bereft;</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Woe’s me! but greater woe on these will light.</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Yea, sad and full of shame will be their plight</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">If long I languish here.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“No marvel is it that my heart is sore</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">While my lord<a id="FNanchor_1091" href="#Footnote_1091" class="fnanchor">[1091]</a> tramples down my land, I trow;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Were he but mindful of the oath we swore</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Each to the other, surely do I know</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">That thus in duresse I should long ago</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">Have ceased to languish here.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“My comrades whom I loved and still do love—</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">The neighbour-lords who were my friends of yore—<a id="FNanchor_1092" href="#Footnote_1092" class="fnanchor">[1092]</a></div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Strange tales have reached me that are hard to prove;</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">I ne’er was false to them; for evermore</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Vile would men count them, if their arms they bore</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">’Gainst me, a prisoner here!</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indentq">“And they, my knights of Anjou and Touraine—</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Well know they, who now sit at home at ease,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">That I, their lord, in far-off Allemaine</div>
    <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span>
    <div class="verse indent2">Am captive. They should help to my release;</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">But now their swords are sheathed, and rust in peace,</div>
    <div class="verse indent6">While I am prisoner here.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p><span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>Two other visitors besides the abbots seem to have
found their way to Richard before his incarceration at
Triffels; the English Bishop Hubert of Salisbury, who,
learning in Sicily on his way home from Palestine what
had befallen his sovereign, changed his own course and
hurried to seek him out;<a id="FNanchor_1093" href="#Footnote_1093" class="fnanchor">[1093]</a> and a Norman chaplain, William
of Sainte-Mère-Eglise. This latter Richard, before his own
removal from Spire, despatched to England on business connected
with the arrangements for the fulfilment of his
promises to Henry, and also for the elevation of Hubert to
the see of Canterbury.<a id="FNanchor_1094" href="#Footnote_1094" class="fnanchor">[1094]</a> Hubert followed about the middle
of April.<a id="FNanchor_1095" href="#Footnote_1095" class="fnanchor">[1095]</a> Meanwhile Bishop William of Ely had also
come to the help of his royal master and friend. He had
been exiled from England by the queen-mother and the
justiciars in 1191 for misgovernment; but his personal
loyalty to the king seems never to have failed, and was
certainly not doubted by Richard, who had never deprived
him of his office of chancellor. Through his diplomacy the
Emperor was induced to let his prisoner be brought to meet
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 19</em></span>
him at Hagenau. On April 19 Richard, writing thence to
his mother and his lieges in England, related that the
Emperor and Empress and their court had welcomed him
with all honour and loaded him with gifts, and that “an
indissoluble mutual bond of love” had been formed between
him and Henry, each promising to help the other to obtain
and retain his rights against all men; and that he was
“staying with the Emperor”<a id="FNanchor_1096" href="#Footnote_1096" class="fnanchor">[1096]</a> till some other matters should
be settled between them and seventy thousand marks of
the ransom paid. He urgently desired that this sum and
hostages for the rest should be collected with all speed and
sent over under the care of the bishop of Ely, whom he
was apparently despatching to England for that purpose.
“Know ye for certain,” he added, “that were we in England
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
and free, we would give as great a sum, or a greater,
to secure the conditions which by God’s grace we have
obtained, and if we had not the money to our hand we
would give our own person in pledge for it to the Emperor
rather than leave uncompleted that which has been done.”<a id="FNanchor_1097" href="#Footnote_1097" class="fnanchor">[1097]</a></p>

<p>Richard evidently anticipated a speedy release, for he
sent to England not only for money and hostages, but also
for ships, and for the captain of his own ship, Alan
Trenchemer; and bade Robert of Turnham proceed thither
“with his” (<em>i. e.</em> the king’s) “military accoutrements”—as
if he expected soon to require them there.<a id="FNanchor_1098" href="#Footnote_1098" class="fnanchor">[1098]</a> He seems to
have really believed that the new agreement secured for him
the Emperor’s active support in the matter about which he
was most anxious—the impending struggle with Philip.
The seneschal and baronage of Normandy, as a body, had
rejected the treasonable proposals of John; but there was
one traitor among them; on April 12<a id="FNanchor_1099" href="#Footnote_1099" class="fnanchor">[1099]</a> Gilbert of Vacoeil,
the constable of Gisors and Néaufle, surrendered these two
castles to the king of France. With these keys of the
border in his hands, Philip had no difficulty in entering the
duchy. In a few weeks he was master of the whole Vexin,
the county of Aumale, and the lands of Vaudreuil, Neufbourg,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April-May</em></span>
Evreux, and Gournay.<a id="FNanchor_1100" href="#Footnote_1100" class="fnanchor">[1100]</a> He was thus in full career of
success when on hearing of the Hagenau agreement he
urgently besought the Emperor either to hand Richard over
to him free “as his homager,” or to keep him in a German
prison as long as possible; and he backed his request with
a heavy bribe in money.<a id="FNanchor_1101" href="#Footnote_1101" class="fnanchor">[1101]</a> Henry saw that he could not
make friends of both kings, and he was in doubt which
of the two would be the most useful friend or the most
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
dangerous foe; so he staved off the decision for a time, placed
Richard in confinement at Worms,<a id="FNanchor_1102" href="#Footnote_1102" class="fnanchor">[1102]</a> and arranged to hold a
conference with Philip at Vaucouleurs on June 24 or 25.<a id="FNanchor_1103" href="#Footnote_1103" class="fnanchor">[1103]</a>
Before that day came, however, the French alliance had
ceased to be of much consequence to Henry; for the matter
in which he had been most anxious to obtain Philip’s support,
his quarrel with his own feudataries, had been settled
by other means. Richard, fearing that if Henry and Philip
should meet he would be given up to the latter, “exerted
himself greatly” that the meeting should be prevented,
and, to this end, that the Emperor and the German magnates
should come to an agreement; which, “owing to his
urgency,” they did.<a id="FNanchor_1104" href="#Footnote_1104" class="fnanchor">[1104]</a> The result was that instead of a
conference with Philip at Vaucouleurs, Henry on June 25
opened at Worms a great Court<a id="FNanchor_1105" href="#Footnote_1105" class="fnanchor">[1105]</a> which sat for five days,
and at which there were present, besides a crowd of his
own vassals, spiritual and temporal, four representatives
of King Richard—the bishops of Bath and Ely, and two
of the justiciars from England<a id="FNanchor_1106" href="#Footnote_1106" class="fnanchor">[1106]</a>—and on the 29th the whole
assembly confirmed by an oath “on the soul of the
Emperor” a new agreement between Henry and his royal
prisoner.<a id="FNanchor_1107" href="#Footnote_1107" class="fnanchor">[1107]</a> The money total for the ransom was now raised
to a hundred and fifty thousand marks, of which a hundred
thousand were to be fetched from England by envoys who
were to be despatched thither by both sovereigns immediately.
Richard was to give sixty hostages to Henry for
thirty thousand marks more, and seven hostages to Leopold
for the remaining twenty thousand. When these hostages
and the first hundred thousand marks were all received,
Richard was to be set free. There was, however, an alternative:
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
“If the king should fulfill the promise which he
formerly made to the Emperor concerning Henry sometime
Duke of Saxony, the Emperor, letting the king off fifty
thousand marks, shall pay for him twenty thousand to the
Duke of Austria”; no hostages would then be required, and
Richard should be liberated as soon as the hundred thousand
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June 29</em></span>
marks were paid and his promise fulfilled. Furthermore,
Richard took an oath that in either case he would within
seven months of his return home send his niece to Germany
to be married to Leopold’s son.<a id="FNanchor_1108" href="#Footnote_1108" class="fnanchor">[1108]</a></p>

<p>What was the promise which Richard had made to the
Emperor concerning Henry the Lion, when it was made,
and whether or not it was ever fulfilled, we cannot tell; the
only known mention of the matter is the passage quoted
above. From the fact that Richard did on his release leave
some hostages in Germany we might infer that he had not
done what he had promised; but this inference is doubtful,
for we shall see that the conditions of his release were altered
again before Henry let him go. Richard’s next step was
to seize his opportunity, while negotiations between Henry
and Philip were at a standstill, to make overtures to Philip.
Immediately after the council at Worms he despatched
William of Ely to France with orders to make “some sort
of a peace” for him with the king. This William did at
Mantes on July 9. The terms consisted of a promise in
Richard’s name that he would leave to Philip’s discretion
the disposal of whatever territories within the Angevin
dominions were then occupied by Philip himself or by his
men; that he would perform the homages and services due
for all and each of his French fiefs, would grant an amnesty
and restitution of their lands to certain of his vassals<a id="FNanchor_1109" href="#Footnote_1109" class="fnanchor">[1109]</a> who
had incurred forfeiture, and would clear off the debt which,
it seems, Philip still claimed under the treaty of 1189, by
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1193</b></span>
paying him twenty thousand marks in half-yearly instalments
of five thousand marks each, the first instalment to
be paid within six months after the payer’s release from
captivity, and Philip meanwhile to hold in pledge the
castles of Loches, Châtillon-sur-Indre, Driencourt and
Arques; one of these to be restored to Richard on the
payment of each instalment of the money. Philip promised
that meanwhile, as soon as the castles were placed in his
custody, he would “receive the King of England into his
favour and make request to the Emperor for his liberation.”<a id="FNanchor_1110" href="#Footnote_1110" class="fnanchor">[1110]</a></p>

<p>In less than six months the German envoys returned from
England, bringing with them “the greater part” of the
ransom—seemingly the stipulated hundred thousand marks,
for the Emperor wrote on December 20 to the English
prelates, barons, and people, and Richard on December 22
to the new archbishop of Canterbury, Hubert Walter,
announcing that the captive’s liberation was to take place
on Monday, January 17; adding that on the following
Sunday (January 23, 1194) he was to receive the crown of
the kingdom of Provence which the Emperor had granted
to him.<a id="FNanchor_1111" href="#Footnote_1111" class="fnanchor">[1111]</a> Richard’s place of confinement at this time was
<span class="sidenotex">1194 <em>Jan. 17</em></span>
probably Spire. There, on the appointed day, Henry held
a council which “after long discussion” was adjourned to
re-assemble at Mentz on Candlemas Day.<a id="FNanchor_1112" href="#Footnote_1112" class="fnanchor">[1112]</a> At this adjourned
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb. 2</em></span>
meeting Richard was present, with his mother, Archbishop
Walter of Rouen, and the bishops of Ely and Bath, who had
all come to witness his release. To the amazement of all
parties, Henry proposed a yet further delay, and shamelessly
avowed his motive for the proposal. He had received in a
private audience at Spire, in January, some messengers
charged with letters from Philip and John. He now brought
these messengers before the council, and handed the letters
to Richard. In them the Lion-Heart’s overlord and his
brother made to the Emperor three alternative offers. He
should receive from Philip fifty thousand marks and from
John thirty thousand if he would keep Richard prisoner till
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
Michaelmas; or a thousand pounds of silver (seemingly
from the two jointly) every month, so long as he chose to keep
him; or a hundred thousand marks from Philip and fifty
thousand marks from John if he would either keep him
another twelvemonth or deliver him up to them. Richard,
in utter desperation, appealed to the prelates and princes
who had stood surety for the Emperor’s fulfilment of the
treaty drawn up at Worms.<a id="FNanchor_1113" href="#Footnote_1113" class="fnanchor">[1113]</a> Two of them—the archbishops
of Mentz and Cologne—protested strongly against a
breach of so solemn an agreement; the other members of
the council seem to have taken the same side; and after a
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb. 4</em></span>
two days’ struggle Henry yielded.<a id="FNanchor_1114" href="#Footnote_1114" class="fnanchor">[1114]</a></p>

<p>The day was a Friday; “an unlucky day,” remarks an
English chronicler of the time.<a id="FNanchor_1115" href="#Footnote_1115" class="fnanchor">[1115]</a> There was a special reason
for the remark. Henry, as we have seen, had promised to
invest Richard on his release with the kingdom of Arles or
Burgundy. This kingdom, as such, had ceased to exist
more than a century and a half before, and over a great
part of the lands which had composed it the German
Emperors had now no practical authority or control. It
seems that at the last moment Henry suddenly required his
prisoner to do him homage, not for Burgundy—of which
we hear no more—but for all the possessions of the Angevin
house, including the kingdom of England; and Richard,
seeing no way of escape, and urged by his mother, went
through a ceremony of surrender, investiture and homage
Which, if it had been binding, would have made him a vassal
of the Empire for the whole of his dominions.<a id="FNanchor_1116" href="#Footnote_1116" class="fnanchor">[1116]</a> Such a
transaction was, however, void in law, on two grounds.
Firstly, no account was taken in it either of the French
king’s rights as overlord of Richard’s continental territories,
or of the immemorial right of the English Crown to absolute
independence. Secondly, Richard had been driven to it
under compulsion, as the only means of regaining his freedom
and rescuing his dominions from imminent peril—for a
refusal would certainly have resulted in an immediate
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
alliance between Henry and Philip. Homage done under
such conditions was a mere empty form, a concession to the
vanity of the Emperor, who was ready to clutch at any
expedient for magnifying himself in the eyes of his own
vassals and inflicting as much outward degradation as he
dared on the captive whom he—seeing that he could now
wring out of him no further profit, financial or political—thereupon
set at liberty.<a id="FNanchor_1117" href="#Footnote_1117" class="fnanchor">[1117]</a></p>

<p>Richard’s first act was the despatch of a messenger to
Henry of Champagne and the other Christian nobles in
Syria to tell them that he was free, “and that, if God would
avenge him of his enemies and grant him peace, he would at
the appointed time come to help them against the heathens.”
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb. 4</em></span>
On the same day the Emperor and his magnates wrote to
Philip and John bidding them deliver up immediately
whatever they had taken from Richard during his captivity;
otherwise restitution would be enforced by the writers to
the uttermost of their power.<a id="FNanchor_1118" href="#Footnote_1118" class="fnanchor">[1118]</a> Protected by an imperial
safe-conduct to Antwerp, and accompanied by his mother
and his chancellor, Richard set out on a leisurely progress
down the Rhine. At Cologne he was sumptuously
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb.<br>20-22</em>?</span>
entertained for three days in the archbishop’s palace,
and on the third day was asked to attend Mass in the
church of S. Peter. The day was probably the festival
of S. Peter’s Chair at Antioch (February 22); Archbishop
Adolf chose to act as precentor, and began the Mass
not with the proper introit, but with that of the feast of
S. Peter in Chains—“Now know I of a surety that the
Lord hath sent His Angel and hath delivered me out of
the hand of Herod.” The choice was doubtless made in
compliment to the royal guest; whether the archbishop
failed to notice, or deliberately ignored, the comparison of
the Emperor to Herod which it involved, we are not told.
Adolf indeed was only one of a crowd of imperial feudataries
who were eager to make a friend of the English king. By
the time Richard arrived at Antwerp not only Adolf but
also the archbishop of Mentz, the bishop-elect of Liége, the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
dukes of Austria, Suabia, Louvain, and Limburg, the count
of Holland, the son of the count of Hainaut, the marquis of
Montferrat, and many others, were bound to him by
homage and fealty—saving, of course, their fealty to the
Emperor—for certain revenues which he granted them by
charter, on condition of their help against the king of
France.<a id="FNanchor_1119" href="#Footnote_1119" class="fnanchor">[1119]</a> Possibly the Emperor may have taken alarm at
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Feb.</em></span>
these alliances between his vassals and his late captive, for
one English chronicler tells us that he sent out some men
to overtake and recapture him.<a id="FNanchor_1120" href="#Footnote_1120" class="fnanchor">[1120]</a> Richard, however, under
the personal escort of Archbishop Adolf, passed through the
lands of the duke of Louvain to Antwerp, where some of
his own ships awaited him.<a id="FNanchor_1121" href="#Footnote_1121" class="fnanchor">[1121]</a> The wind being unfavourable
for a direct passage to England,<a id="FNanchor_1122" href="#Footnote_1122" class="fnanchor">[1122]</a> he slowly made his way by
sea to a port which Roger of Howden calls “Swine in
Flanders, in the lands of the Count of Hainaut”—either
Swyn, between Breeden and Ostend, in the present West
Flanders, or Zwin, on the Belgian frontier of the Dutch
province of Seeland—coasting along by day in Alan Trenchemer’s
galley “because in that it was easier to pass through
among the islands,” and spending the nights on “a large
and splendid ship which had come from Rye.” Swine was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March<br>4-7</em></span>
reached in three days; five more were spent in waiting there
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
for a wind; at last, on March 12 or 13, the king landed at
Sandwich, and straightway went to offer up his thanksgivings
at the shrine of S. Thomas the Martyr at Canterbury.<a id="FNanchor_1123" href="#Footnote_1123" class="fnanchor">[1123]</a> On
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 16</em></span>
March 16 he entered London in a triumphal procession to
S. Paul’s.<a id="FNanchor_1124" href="#Footnote_1124" class="fnanchor">[1124]</a> Clergy and people gave him a rapturous welcome;
and the sumptuous decorations of the city were beheld with
amazement by some German nobles who accompanied him,
and who had supposed the wealth of England to be exhausted
by his ransom. One of them, it is said, actually
told him that he would not have been released without a
much heavier payment if the Emperor could have known
that such riches existed in the island realm.<a id="FNanchor_1125" href="#Footnote_1125" class="fnanchor">[1125]</a></p>

<p>The welcome was mainly a clerical and popular one,
because most of the lay barons were occupied in trying to
put down a revolt stirred up by John. They had made some
progress towards this end before Richard’s arrival; most of
John’s castles had been captured, but two, Nottingham and
Tickhill, were still holding out. Richard went to work
leisurely. He spent “scarcely a day” in London; but
he left it to make another pilgrimage, to S. Edmund’s.<a id="FNanchor_1126" href="#Footnote_1126" class="fnanchor">[1126]</a>
He knew that he could afford to wait. Both castles were
closely besieged, the one by the earls of Huntingdon, Chester,
and Ferrars, the other by the bishop of Durham. Another
great rebel stronghold, Mount Saint Michael’s in Cornwall,
had surrendered before the king’s return because at the
tidings of his coming its commandant died of fright. The
garrison of Tickhill now sent two knights to ascertain whether
the king was really home, and if he were, to offer him the
castle. He refused to receive it unless they would all
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
surrender at discretion. While the envoys carried this
message back to Tickhill, he marched upon Nottingham,<a id="FNanchor_1127" href="#Footnote_1127" class="fnanchor">[1127]</a>
and on March 25 arrived there “with such a numerous
force and such a noise of trumpets and horns” as greatly
alarmed the garrison; nevertheless, hoping that all this
was merely a display contrived by the nobles to make them
believe the king had returned, they continued to shoot from
the walls, and shot down some of his men almost at his
feet. At this he waxed wroth and assaulted the castle.
One rebel knight was killed by a bolt from Richard’s own
crossbow; the barbicans were taken and the outer gates
burnt.<a id="FNanchor_1128" href="#Footnote_1128" class="fnanchor">[1128]</a> The place was, however, of such strength as to
appear, if well defended, impregnable except by starvation;
and it was amply supplied with provisions as well as with
men.<a id="FNanchor_1129" href="#Footnote_1129" class="fnanchor">[1129]</a> Next morning Richard began to prepare his stone-casters,
and also set up in view of the castle a gallows on
which he hanged some of John’s men-at-arms who had been
captured outside it. Meanwhile Tickhill had been surrendered
to Bishop Hugh on his assurance that the lives of the garrison
should be spared; and on March 27 he, with his prisoners,
joined the king.<a id="FNanchor_1130" href="#Footnote_1130" class="fnanchor">[1130]</a> That day, while the king was at dinner,
the constables of Nottingham castle sent two men “to see
him” and report “what they saw and heard.” Till then
the Nottingham constables had not believed that their
sovereign was really in England. Their messengers “looked
at him well, and recognized him. ‘Am I the king? What
think you?’ he asked them. They said ‘Yes.’ ‘Then you
may go back; go free, as is right; and do the best you can.’”<a id="FNanchor_1131" href="#Footnote_1131" class="fnanchor">[1131]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 28</em></span>
On their report the two constables, with twelve followers,
went and placed themselves at Richard’s mercy; and on
the morrow the castle was surrendered on the same terms
by the rest of the garrison,<a id="FNanchor_1132" href="#Footnote_1132" class="fnanchor">[1132]</a> of whom some were imprisoned
and others put to ransom.<a id="FNanchor_1133" href="#Footnote_1133" class="fnanchor">[1133]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span></p>

<p>Richard spent the next day in visiting two royal Forests
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 29</em></span>
“which he had never seen before,” Clipstone and Sherwood;
“and they pleased him well.” At night he returned to
Nottingham, where he had summoned a council to meet on
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March 30</em></span>
the following day. It was a great assembly, at which
the queen-mother, the two archbishops, and a number of
prelates and magnates were present.<a id="FNanchor_1134" href="#Footnote_1134" class="fnanchor">[1134]</a> The king opened
the proceedings by disseising two of John’s chief partizans,
Gerard de Camville and Hugh Bardolf, of the sheriffdoms
and royal castles which they held—Lincoln shire and castle,
held by Gerard; Yorkshire and Westmorland by Hugh—all
of which he put up for sale and sold to the highest bidder.<a id="FNanchor_1135" href="#Footnote_1135" class="fnanchor">[1135]</a>
On the second day of the council (March 31) he “asked for
judgement upon Count John and upon Hugh of Nonant,” the
bishop of Coventry, John’s chief ally. “And it was judged
that they should be peremptorily cited, and that if they
failed to come and stand to right, Count John should be
declared to have forfeited all claim to the crown and the
bishop be subjected to the judgement of his fellow-prelates
as bishop and that of the lay barons as sheriff.” On the
third day (April 1), the king ordered that for every carucate
of land throughout England a contribution of two shillings
should be made to him; and “that every man should render
to him the third part of the military service due from his
fee, to go with him” (the king) “into Normandy.” He also
demanded of the Cistercians all the year’s wool of their
flocks: but for this they compromised by a fine. The
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 2</em></span>
fourth day was employed in hearing appeals from Archbishop
Geoffrey of York and Gerard de Camville; in neither
case did the council arrive at any decision. Lastly, the
king “appointed his crowning to take place at Winchester
at the close of Easter” (April 17), and ordered that on the
day after that event all the prisoners taken in John’s castles
should be brought before him.<a id="FNanchor_1136" href="#Footnote_1136" class="fnanchor">[1136]</a></p>

<p>King William of Scotland was now on his way to a conference
with his English overlord. They met at Southwell
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 4</em></span>
on the Monday before Easter and travelled together on
the Tuesday to Malton; there William “asked for the
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 5</em></span>
dignity and honours which his predecessors had had in
England,” and also for the restoration of Northumberland,
Cumberland, Westmorland, and Lancaster, which he claimed
“by right of his ancestors.” Richard answered that
he would act according to the counsel of his barons. The
two kings spent the rest of Holy Week together in a progress
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April<br>10-12</em></span>
by Geddington to Northampton, where they kept Easter.
On Easter Monday Richard laid William’s requests before
the council, and gave his reply. “He told the king of
Scotland that he ought on no account to have made his
demand about Northumberland, especially in those days,
when nearly all the nobles of the French kingdom had
become his (Richard’s) enemies; for if he were to grant
this, it would look as if he did it more from fear than from
favour.” About the other counties he seems to have said
nothing; but they were doubtless understood to be included
in his refusal. William apparently made no remonstrance
and was pacified by a charter providing minutely for the
proper escort and entertainment of the Scot kings when
summoned to the English court.<a id="FNanchor_1137" href="#Footnote_1137" class="fnanchor">[1137]</a> He accompanied or
followed Richard to Winchester for the coronation on Low
Sunday, when he carried one of the swords of state before
his overlord in the procession.<a id="FNanchor_1138" href="#Footnote_1138" class="fnanchor">[1138]</a></p>

<p>The precise significance of this so-called “coronation”
is not easy to determine. Richard, we are told, “when he
had called together the prelates of England, asked and
received from them counsel that he should renew his kingship<a id="FNanchor_1139" href="#Footnote_1139" class="fnanchor">[1139]</a>
and permit the crown to be placed on his head by
the archbishop of Canterbury at the Easter festival. He
followed this counsel of the prelates; and as there was not
time to prepare for so great a solemnity by Easter Day,
it was deferred until the octave. And because the
manner of a crowning of this sort had for many years
passed away from the minds of men, the directions for
it were sought and found in the church of Canterbury,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
where Stephen had been thus crowned with his queen.”<a id="FNanchor_1140" href="#Footnote_1140" class="fnanchor">[1140]</a>
These directions clearly apply not to a coronation in the
usual sense of the word—a ceremony of which the pattern
for all after-time in England had been set less than five years
before—but to the old English custom, obsolete since 1157,
of “wearing the crown” in public on certain high festivals.
The king was arrayed in his full robes, the sceptre and verge
were placed in his hands, and the crown set upon his head
by the archbishop, not in the church, but in the royal
chamber; thence he was conducted in procession to the
church, where he was enthroned with special prayers and
suffrages; after which the Mass was celebrated and he
made his offering and his Communion. When the service
was ended the procession returned to the royal apartments,
and the king, after changing his heavy crown for a lighter
one, sat down with his magnates to a banquet, held on this
occasion in the refectory of the cathedral monastery.<a id="FNanchor_1141" href="#Footnote_1141" class="fnanchor">[1141]</a>
“Thus,” says Gervase of Canterbury, “by the counsel
of the prelates was King Richard crowned on the octave
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 17</em></span>
of Easter at Winchester, because being set free from captivity
he had unexpectedly returned to his kingdom.”<a id="FNanchor_1142" href="#Footnote_1142" class="fnanchor">[1142]</a>
The revival of the old custom which Henry II had abandoned
thirty-seven years before seems to be thus sufficiently
explained as an expression of the joy and thankfulness
of king, Church, and nation at a deliverance of which they
had almost despaired, and which promised the beginning
of a new era in his reign. There are, however, indications
of something behind this. One phrase used by Gervase,
and two other phrases used by other writers of the time,
suggest that during Richard’s captivity something had
taken place, or was supposed or suspected in England to
have taken place, derogatory to his regal dignity and making
it advisable for that dignity to be publicly re-asserted or
“renewed.”<a id="FNanchor_1143" href="#Footnote_1143" class="fnanchor">[1143]</a> That something, if not altogether imaginary,
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
could hardly be anything else than his alleged homage
to the Emperor; and if that homage were, or were understood
to be, merely for the kingdom of Burgundy, it could
scarcely be regarded as affecting his position or his dignity
as king of England. The evidence is, however, too scanty
and too vague to warrant any definite conclusion on the
point.</p>

<p>Little was now needed to complete such a re-settlement
of affairs in England as would enable Richard safely to
leave the government of the kingdom in Archbishop Hubert’s
hands and devote himself to the more anxious task which
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 19</em></span>
he knew awaited him across the Channel. Two days after
the coronation the old bishop of Durham resigned the
sheriffdom of Northumberland, whereupon William of Scotland
offered Richard fifteen thousand marks for the county
and its appurtenances. Richard, after consulting his
ministers, said that for this sum William might have the
county, but without its castles; William refused this offer,
and “went home grieved and humbled,” after another
vain attempt to make his overlord change his mind; Richard
was immoveable on the point for the moment, though he
held out a hope that he might yield it “on his return from
Normandy.” The prisoners taken at Nottingham and
Tickhill and in John’s other castles were disposed of by
putting the wealthier of them in prison till they should
ransom themselves, and letting the rest go free on their
giving security that they would come up for judgement
whenever summoned.<a id="FNanchor_1144" href="#Footnote_1144" class="fnanchor">[1144]</a> John himself was in France. On
April 25 the king went to Portsmouth, where a fleet of a
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
hundred ships was assembled to carry him and his fighting
men over sea; but their crossing was delayed by bad weather
for more than three weeks. Once, on May 2, the king in
his impatience to be gone caused the whole fleet to be loaded
up ready for departure, and himself, in defiance of the
counsel of his sailors, went on board a “long ship” and put
to sea; “and though the wind was against him he would
not turn back, so while the other ships remained in port,
the king and those who accompanied him were tossed
about by the waves, for there was a great storm.” Next
day he was compelled to land in the Isle of Wight and return
to Portsmouth. On May 12 he was at last able to get
across with all his fleet to Barfleur.<a id="FNanchor_1145" href="#Footnote_1145" class="fnanchor">[1145]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span></p>

<h3 id="CHAPTER_BIII_II">CHAPTER II<br>
<span class="fs70">RICHARD AND FRANCE<br>
1194-1199</span></h3>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent2">The King must guard</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">That which he rules.</div>
    <div class="verse indent1">—Sad stories of the deaths of kings.</div>
</div>
</div>

<div class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></div>

<p>Richard’s journey through the Cotentin and the Bessin
was a triumphal progress. Everywhere the people crowded
round him with presents and acclamations, processions,
dances, and songs: “God has come to our aid with His
might; the king of France will go away now!” they said.<a id="FNanchor_1146" href="#Footnote_1146" class="fnanchor">[1146]</a>
Philip was just then besieging Verneuil, but as usual he
withdrew at Richard’s approach.<a id="FNanchor_1147" href="#Footnote_1147" class="fnanchor">[1147]</a> He had already lost his
most valuable ally in the duchy; Richard and John had
met, and Richard had accepted John’s submission and sent
him to recover Evreux from the French, a charge which
John fulfilled promptly and successfully.<a id="FNanchor_1148" href="#Footnote_1148" class="fnanchor">[1148]</a> Richard himself,
after dashing into Maine to besiege and capture Beaumont-le-Roger
(whose lord had apparently gone over to Philip),
proceeded to secure his lines of communication along the
left bank of the Seine by fortifying Pont-de-l’Arche, Elbœuf,
and La Roche d’Orival, and then turned upon Philip who
was besieging Vaudreuil. A conference between the kings
had just been arranged when the mines dug by the French
under the keep suddenly resulted in its fall. Richard
vowed vengeance, and Philip hastily withdrew.<a id="FNanchor_1149" href="#Footnote_1149" class="fnanchor">[1149]</a> Before
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
leaving Verneuil Richard had received intelligence that
Montmirail was being besieged by some “Angevins and
others”;<a id="FNanchor_1150" href="#Footnote_1150" class="fnanchor">[1150]</a> an English chronicler says “Angevins and
Cenomannians,”<a id="FNanchor_1151" href="#Footnote_1151" class="fnanchor">[1151]</a> and another simply “Angevins.”<a id="FNanchor_1152" href="#Footnote_1152" class="fnanchor">[1152]</a>
Whether the lord of Montmirail, William of Perche-Gouet,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June</em></span>
was a partizan of Philip and the besiegers were acting on
their own initiative in Richard’s interest, does not appear;
Richard now hastened to the place, but before he reached
it the besiegers had levelled it to the ground.<a id="FNanchor_1153" href="#Footnote_1153" class="fnanchor">[1153]</a> He pushed
on into Touraine, where an excellent opportunity of recovering
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June<br>1-13</em></span>
Loches was offered to him by his wife’s brother, Sancho
of Navarre, who had collected a band of Navarrese and
Brabantines and set out with them to act against Philip.
Sancho himself was very soon called home by the death
of his father; but his troops went on and laid siege to Loches.<a id="FNanchor_1154" href="#Footnote_1154" class="fnanchor">[1154]</a>
Richard stopped on his way thither to gather some money
at Tours, or rather at Châteauneuf, by turning the canons
of S. Martin’s out of their abode and seizing their goods,<a id="FNanchor_1155" href="#Footnote_1155" class="fnanchor">[1155]</a>
and also receiving a “voluntary” gift of two thousand
marks from the burghers.<a id="FNanchor_1156" href="#Footnote_1156" class="fnanchor">[1156]</a> Then he went on to Beaulieu<a id="FNanchor_1157" href="#Footnote_1157" class="fnanchor">[1157]</a>
and joined the Navarrese force in assaulting Loches; on
June 13 it surrendered.<a id="FNanchor_1158" href="#Footnote_1158" class="fnanchor">[1158]</a></p>

<p>Meanwhile a meeting between some of the counsellors
of the two kings had been arranged to take place at Pont-de-l’Arche;
but the Frenchmen failed to keep tryst, and
instead, Philip “with a considerable force” appeared before
Fontaines, four miles from Rouen. After four days’ siege
he took the castle and destroyed it.<a id="FNanchor_1159" href="#Footnote_1159" class="fnanchor">[1159]</a> On his way back
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
into France he captured a valuable English prisoner, the
earl of Leicester.<a id="FNanchor_1160" href="#Footnote_1160" class="fnanchor">[1160]</a> Three days later—on June 17—a conference
of Norman and French prelates and magnates
met, with the sanction of the two kings, near Vaudreuil,
to arrange a truce. They failed because Philip insisted
that all his own adherents and all those of Richard should
be precluded from molesting one another during the truce
between their sovereigns, and to this Richard would not
consent, “because he would not violate the laws and customs
of Poitou and of his other lands where it was customary
from of old that the magnates should fight out their own
disputes among themselves.” Philip next made a dash
at Evreux and “nearly destroyed it.”<a id="FNanchor_1161" href="#Footnote_1161" class="fnanchor">[1161]</a> Thence he moved
southward through the county of Blois, and was encamped
somewhere between Fréteval and Vendôme when Richard,
hurrying up from Loches, pitched his tents outside the little
unfortified town of Vendôme and there, “as confidently
as if he were surrounded by a wall,” waited for further
tidings of his enemy. They came in the form of a message,
bidding him expect on that very day a hostile visit from the
French king; to which he answered that he was ready,
and that if the visit were not made as announced, Philip
might look for one from him on the morrow. The day passed;
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 4</em></span>
early next morning Richard called up his men and set forth
to seek the enemy, who hurriedly retired upon Fréteval.
Richard dashed after him through the woods, fell unexpectedly
upon his rear, and captured the whole of his baggage-train;
many Frenchmen were slain, many made prisoners,
and the spoil included not only a large quantity of arms and
treasures, but also the whole bundle of the charters given
to Philip by the Norman traitors who had transferred their
allegiance to him.<a id="FNanchor_1162" href="#Footnote_1162" class="fnanchor">[1162]</a> Richard himself sought a loftier prize;
he pursued the French host in search of its king, resolved
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
to have him alive or dead. A Flemish soldier told him that
Philip was far ahead in the van; in reality, that cautious
monarch had turned aside and taken shelter in a church.
Richard, mounted as usual on a charger as fiery as himself,
spurred on across the frontier of Normandy and France
till the animal could go no further, and Mercadier, having
somehow contrived to overtake his master, managed also
to furnish him with another horse on which he rode back
to Vendôme.<a id="FNanchor_1163" href="#Footnote_1163" class="fnanchor">[1163]</a></p>

<p>Richard’s next task was to recover control of Aquitaine.
He had in 1190 left that country to the joint care of its
duchess and of a tried serjeant-at-arms, Peter Bertin,
whom he had early in that year made seneschal of Poitou.<a id="FNanchor_1164" href="#Footnote_1164" class="fnanchor">[1164]</a>
In or about 1192, Eleanor being no longer in the duchy,
Aimar of Angoulême attacked Poitou “with horse and
foot,” but was defeated and taken prisoner by the Poitevins.<a id="FNanchor_1165" href="#Footnote_1165" class="fnanchor">[1165]</a>
About the same time nearly all the barons of Gascony took
advantage of the illness of the seneschal of that county to
rise in rebellion under the leadership of Count Elias of
<span class="sidenotex">c. 1192</span>
Périgord<a id="FNanchor_1166" href="#Footnote_1166" class="fnanchor">[1166]</a> and the viscount of La Marche. The seneschal
tried in vain to make terms with them; on recovering his
health, however, he attacked Périgord, captured or destroyed
nearly all the fortresses of its count, and then dealt in like
manner with La Marche, “which he thus brought once
for all under the control of the king.” Sancho of Navarre
then joined him with eight hundred knights, and their
united forces harried the county of Toulouse up to the very
gates of its capital city, and spent a night almost under its
walls before they went their several ways home.<a id="FNanchor_1167" href="#Footnote_1167" class="fnanchor">[1167]</a> After
<span class="sidenotex">1194 <em>March</em></span>
this Aquitaine seems to have been comparatively quiet
till March 1194, when the old arch-troubler of the land,
Geoffrey of Rancogne, threw off his allegiance and with
<span class="sidenotex"><em>June</em></span>
Bernard of Brosse did liege homage to Philip.<a id="FNanchor_1168" href="#Footnote_1168" class="fnanchor">[1168]</a> In June
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
Sancho, on his way to join Richard before Loches, led his
men through the lands of Rancogne and Angoulême and
ravaged them “from one end to the other.”<a id="FNanchor_1169" href="#Footnote_1169" class="fnanchor">[1169]</a> All this
timely help from Navarre resulted in making Richard’s
march into Aquitaine after the affair of Fréteval a progress
of unbroken triumph. On July 22 the king wrote to his
justiciar in England that he had captured Taillebourg,
Marcillac, “all the castles and all the land” of Geoffrey
of Rancogne, the city and suburb of Angoulême—“which
we took in one evening”—and all the castles and lands
of its count, with some three hundred knights and forty
thousand men-at-arms.<a id="FNanchor_1170" href="#Footnote_1170" class="fnanchor">[1170]</a> From Verneuil to “Charles’s
Cross” he was master once more.<a id="FNanchor_1171" href="#Footnote_1171" class="fnanchor">[1171]</a></p>

<p>Negotiations for a truce with France were now again
in progress. On July 23 some officers of the two royal
households met, by mutual consent of their sovereigns,
between Verneuil and Tillières to treat of this matter,
and “came to terms.” The only extant account of these
terms—a proclamation addressed by the French king’s
constable and chamberlain and the dean of S. Martin’s
“to all whom it may concern”<a id="FNanchor_1172" href="#Footnote_1172" class="fnanchor">[1172]</a>—shows them to have been
extremely favourable to Philip; and from this fact, together
with Richard’s subsequent action, we may probably infer
that their acceptance by the English negotiators was merely
a blind to restrain Philip from aggression in Normandy
while Richard was still occupied in the south. When he
returned to Normandy he, according to a contemporary
English writer, repudiated them indignantly, and took away
the Great Seal from his chancellor, on whom he cast the
responsibility for them.<a id="FNanchor_1173" href="#Footnote_1173" class="fnanchor">[1173]</a> The king’s wrath and the chancellor’s
disgrace were, however, alike only momentary;
William of Ely retained his office to the end of Richard’s
reign; and a month after the conference at which the truce
had been arranged Richard himself was sojourning peaceably
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
within the Royal Domain of France, issuing an ordinance
to his subjects in England from Bresle near Beauvais.<a id="FNanchor_1174" href="#Footnote_1174" class="fnanchor">[1174]</a></p>

<p>The duration of the truce had been defined as “a year
from All Saints’ Day next.”<a id="FNanchor_1175" href="#Footnote_1175" class="fnanchor">[1175]</a> During this breathing-space
Richard’s chief concern was the collecting of money for a
renewal of the war. England had been so drained for his
ransom that he, or his justiciar who acted for him, did not
venture on demanding a “scutage of Normandy” till the
following year (1195).<a id="FNanchor_1176" href="#Footnote_1176" class="fnanchor">[1176]</a> Nor did the king attempt to carry
out at this time—if indeed he had momentarily entertained
it—the project ascribed to him by Roger of Howden, of
annulling all grants made under the existing Great Seal,
of course for the purpose of compelling their holders to
pay for a renewal of them.<a id="FNanchor_1177" href="#Footnote_1177" class="fnanchor">[1177]</a> But on his way northward
from Aquitaine he had called together at Le Mans “all the
magnates under his jurisdiction,” and made them a speech
in commendation of the “willing, unbroken, and well-proved
fidelity shewn to him by the English in his time of
adversity,”<a id="FNanchor_1178" href="#Footnote_1178" class="fnanchor">[1178]</a> seemingly in contrast to the feeble support
which he had received from his Angevin dominions; for we
are told that he compelled all his bailiffs in Anjou and Maine
to pay him a fine for retaining their offices.<a id="FNanchor_1179" href="#Footnote_1179" class="fnanchor">[1179]</a> The device
which he actually employed at this juncture for obtaining
more money from England, though it sowed the seeds of
later mischief there, was not likely to provoke discontent
nor to inflict any hardship on the people; on August 22
he issued an ordinance authorizing the holding of tournaments
in England—from which they had hitherto been
rigidly excluded—at certain specified places, on condition
that every man who took part in them should make a certain
payment to the Crown for a licence, the sum payable being
regulated by the rank of the payer.<a id="FNanchor_1180" href="#Footnote_1180" class="fnanchor">[1180]</a> The Church’s prohibition
of tournaments had been renewed in a specially
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
severe form only a year before; but on the continent it
still was, as it always had been, set at defiance. Richard,
who had spent the greater part of his life in lands where
the mimic warfare of the tourney was regarded almost as
part of the necessary education of a gentleman, could
not fairly be expected to realize its evil side, and might
well count upon its finding among the nobles and knights
of his island realm such favour as would make the sale of
licences a profitable business for the Crown.</p>

<div class="sidenotex">1195</div>

<p>Early in the next year a certain hermit came to the king
and said: “Be mindful of the ruin of Sodom, and put away
thy unlawful doings; else the vengeance of God will come
upon thee.” Five years before, Richard had publicly
confessed and done penance for his private sins, seemingly
without being urged by anyone. Now he was in a different
mood; he resented the admonition as coming from a person
of no importance, and could not make up his mind to obey
it unless it were enforced by a sign from above. The sign
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 4</em></span>
came on Easter Tuesday when he was struck down by a
violent illness. Then he called the clergy around him,
confessed and did penance for his sins, and at once set
about the amendment of his private life by recalling his
wife, whom he had for a long time practically deserted.
“Then,” says the chronicler, “God gave him health of body
as well as of soul.” He began a practice of rising early to
attend Mass “and not leaving the church till the Divine
Office was completely ended.”<a id="FNanchor_1181" href="#Footnote_1181" class="fnanchor">[1181]</a> A famine had for three
years past been gradually spreading over western Europe<a id="FNanchor_1182" href="#Footnote_1182" class="fnanchor">[1182]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April</em></span>
and had now reached Normandy; Richard caused a number
of poor persons to be fed daily at his court and in the cities,
towns, and villages, and multiplied these benefactions as
the need increased. He also ordered the making of a large
number of chalices for presentation to churches which had
sacrificed their holy vessels for his ransom.<a id="FNanchor_1183" href="#Footnote_1183" class="fnanchor">[1183]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex">1194<br><em>Nov.-Dec.</em></div>

<p>During the past five months the truce had been very
ill kept. In less than two months from its commencement
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
the homagers of both kings were ravaging each other’s
lands,<a id="FNanchor_1184" href="#Footnote_1184" class="fnanchor">[1184]</a> and Philip proposed to Richard a new expedient
for ending their strife: a judicial combat between picked
champions, five on either side, to take place in public, “so
that the issue should make manifest to the people of both
realms what was the mind of the Eternal King as to the
rights of the two earthly sovereigns.” This scheme “pleased
the king of England greatly, provided that each of the kings
should be one of the five combatants on his own side and
that they should fight each other on equal terms, armed and
equipped alike”<a id="FNanchor_1185" href="#Footnote_1185" class="fnanchor">[1185]</a>—whereupon the project fell to the ground.
According to one English chronicler of the time, the next
step taken by some of Richard’s enemies seems to have
been an attempt to assassinate him. While he was staying
at Chinon, early in 1195, there came to his court certain
“<i lang="la">Accini</i>”—that is, “Assassins,” followers of “the Old
Man of the Mountain”—or persons calling themselves
such, to the number of fifteen. Some of them, seeking to
approach the king’s person too closely, were arrested, and
then stated that the king of France had sent them to kill
his rival. Richard delayed passing sentence on them till
their companions, who appear to have meanwhile made
their escape, should be captured; of the part which they
ascribed to Philip in the matter he took no notice.<a id="FNanchor_1186" href="#Footnote_1186" class="fnanchor">[1186]</a> There
the story abruptly ends. Whether these men were really
“Assassins” in either sense of the word—whether, if so,
they acted on orders from the “Old Man,” or from someone
else, or on their own initiative, or what their motives or
those of their instigator may have been—there is nothing
to show. Their alleged charge against Philip, at any rate,
can hardly deserve more consideration from history than
it received from Richard.</p>

<p>At the end of June or early in July Richard received from
the Emperor a present of “a great golden crown, very
precious, as a token of their mutual friendship.” The gift
was accompanied by a letter or message, bidding him “by
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
the fealty which he owed to Henry, and as he cared for
his hostages, to invade the French king’s land with an
armed force,” and promising that Henry “would send him
help sufficient to avenge the injuries done by Philip to
both of them.” Richard knew the Emperor too well to be
tempted into acting hastily on this mandate. He was
aware that Henry “desired above all things to bring the
kingdom of France under subjection to the Roman Empire,”
and he had no mind to become the cat’s paw in a plot
which might result in uniting the forces of Germany and
France for his own ruin. He therefore sent his trusty
chancellor, Bishop William of Ely, to inquire of the
Emperor “in what manner, how much, and where and
when” Henry would help him against the French king.
Philip, hearing that the bishop was to pass through France,
tried to intercept him, but failed, and thereupon sent word
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July</em></span>
to Richard that the truce was at an end.<a id="FNanchor_1187" href="#Footnote_1187" class="fnanchor">[1187]</a></p>

<p>At this moment Christendom suddenly found itself
threatened by an urgent peril. The emperor of Morocco,
“taking occasion by the dissension between the French
and English kings,” invaded Spain, marched into Castille,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>July 18</em></span>
defeated its king Alfonso in a great battle, and besieged
him in Toledo. The danger to southern Gaul was near
enough to alarm both Richard and Philip; and before the
end of July they had another conference, at which Richard
restored Aloysia to her brother, and a treaty of peace was
drawn up.<a id="FNanchor_1188" href="#Footnote_1188" class="fnanchor">[1188]</a> The draft was, however, fated to be nothing
more than a draft. The meeting was held near Vaudreuil,
which for the period of the truce had been left in Philip’s
hands. The two kings, each with a body of armed
followers, seem to have encamped on opposite banks of the
river which flows through the valley whence the place
took its name. While discussion was in progress Philip,
fearing an attack on the fortress, caused its walls to be
secretly undermined. Suddenly a part of them fell down.
Richard instantly denounced the truce as ended on his
side, and with his men dashed across the stream into the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
French camp. Philip, anticipating this movement, had
already arrayed his followers and was leading them towards
the nearest bridge over the Seine, when (according to one
account) it broke down, and he and they narrowly escaped
drowning. Richard was this time wise enough not to
<span class="sidenotex"><em>End<br>July</em></span>
attempt pursuit, and contented himself with capturing some
of Philip’s servants who had been left behind in the hasty
retreat, and setting to work immediately on the restoration of
the recovered fortress<a id="FNanchor_1189" href="#Footnote_1189" class="fnanchor">[1189]</a> and on preparations for a renewal
of hostilities. He was, however, not inclined to begin these
last till he had received more definite information from
Germany; so another treaty was drafted on September 23,
between Issoudun and Charroux,<a id="FNanchor_1190" href="#Footnote_1190" class="fnanchor">[1190]</a> to be ratified by the
two kings on November 8 at Verneuil. Before that date
William of Ely returned from Germany, bringing word
that the Emperor disapproved of the proposed terms, and
was willing to quit-claim to Richard seventeen thousand
marks of his ransom, to enable him to recover the territory
which he had lost through his imprisonment.<a id="FNanchor_1191" href="#Footnote_1191" class="fnanchor">[1191]</a> Nevertheless,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 8</em></span>
Richard went to Verneuil at the appointed date. On
his way he was met by the archbishop of Reims with a
message purporting to come from Philip, bidding him
not to hurry, as the king of France was still engaged in
consultation with his ministers. Richard withdrew to his
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Nov. 9</em></span>
own quarters and stayed there till the following afternoon;
then, resolved to wait no longer, he went to Philip’s quarters
and demanded an interview. He was admitted into Philip’s
presence, but the bishop of Beauvais spoke for his sovereign:
“Our lord the King of France accuses thee of broken
faith and perjury, in as much as thou didst plight thy
word and swear to come to a conference with him this
morning at the third hour, and didst not come; and therefore
he defies thee.” Both kings hastened back into their
own territories.<a id="FNanchor_1192" href="#Footnote_1192" class="fnanchor">[1192]</a> Within two days Richard was laying
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
siege to Arques,<a id="FNanchor_1193" href="#Footnote_1193" class="fnanchor">[1193]</a> and Philip burning Dieppe.<a id="FNanchor_1194" href="#Footnote_1194" class="fnanchor">[1194]</a> Richard
seems to have quitted his siege for the purpose of trying
to intercept the French king on the way back to Paris;
but he only succeeded in overtaking a few men of the
French rearguard.<a id="FNanchor_1195" href="#Footnote_1195" class="fnanchor">[1195]</a> He appears to have spent the next
few weeks in restoring Vaudreuil.<a id="FNanchor_1196" href="#Footnote_1196" class="fnanchor">[1196]</a></p>

<p>While these things were happening in northern Gaul,
Mercadier, at the head of his Brabantines, made a dash
for Issoudun, destroyed its suburbs, captured the castle,
and garrisoned it for Richard.<a id="FNanchor_1197" href="#Footnote_1197" class="fnanchor">[1197]</a> Thence the mercenaries
spread themselves over Berry, and crowned their successes
by capturing the count of Auvergne and thus gaining
possession of his castles.<a id="FNanchor_1198" href="#Footnote_1198" class="fnanchor">[1198]</a> Philip, however, proceeded
against them in person, recaptured the town of Issoudun,
and fired the castle. He thought Richard was too intent
on restoring the defences of Normandy to pursue him;
but no sooner did the tidings reach Vaudreuil than Richard,
“casting all other business aside,” achieved in one day
what was reckoned a three days’ ride, and appeared before
Issoudun so unexpectedly that he had no difficulty in
entering the town.<a id="FNanchor_1199" href="#Footnote_1199" class="fnanchor">[1199]</a> Reinforcements came up rapidly, and
the French, seeing themselves outnumbered, urged their
sovereign to make overtures for peace. Richard had
arrayed his men for battle and placed himself, as usual,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Dec. 5</em></span>
at their head. Philip rode forward to meet him, and the
two kings, on horseback and in armour, parleyed alone
together while their followers stood around awaiting the
result. At last they were seen to dismount, bare their
heads, and exchange the kiss of peace.<a id="FNanchor_1200" href="#Footnote_1200" class="fnanchor">[1200]</a> According to
Philip’s biographer, Richard there and then renewed his
homage to Philip.<a id="FNanchor_1201" href="#Footnote_1201" class="fnanchor">[1201]</a> At any rate, the colloquy ended in an
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1194</b></span>
appointment for another meeting, to take place at Louviers
(or as Rigord expresses it, “between Vaudreuil and Gaillon”)
on the octave of Epiphany, to make a “final” peace.<a id="FNanchor_1202" href="#Footnote_1202" class="fnanchor">[1202]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex">1196<br><em>Jan. 3-13</em></div>

<p>The meeting did take place, and a treaty was made, consisting
of a quit-claim from Philip to Richard and his heirs
of all the rights of the French crown in Berry, Auvergne,
and Gascony, and an undertaking to make restitution of
certain portions of Norman territory then in Philip’s hands,
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan.<br>13-15</em></span>
in exchange for a similar quit-claim from Richard to Philip
and his heirs of Gisors and the whole Norman Vexin except
the fief of Andely,<a id="FNanchor_1203" href="#Footnote_1203" class="fnanchor">[1203]</a> which belonged to the metropolitan
see of Rouen. The little town of Andely was insignificant
and unfortified, but its command of the traffic up and down
the Seine, from which its holder was entitled to take toll,
made it a valuable possession from a financial point of
view, and its geographical position and surroundings offered
strategical advantages which had already caught the attention
of one, if not both, of the rival kings. Philip tried to
get Andely included in the territory ceded to him; “but
this could on no account be done.” Nor did he succeed
in obtaining Archbishop Walter’s fealty for the other lands
in the Vexin belonging to the see of Rouen.<a id="FNanchor_1204" href="#Footnote_1204" class="fnanchor">[1204]</a> Walter’s own
narrative of the scenes which took place between himself
and both the kings with reference to his suretyship for
Richard’s fulfilment of the treaty<a id="FNanchor_1205" href="#Footnote_1205" class="fnanchor">[1205]</a> seems to indicate that
Richard was really desirous for peace with France at the
moment, but that neither he nor Philip intended the peace
to last any longer than it suited their own convenience.
It was in fact merely an expedient for giving both parties
a breathing-space in which to gather fresh forces and make
fresh plans for war. Within three months Richard was
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 15</em></span>
sending to England for reinforcements “because”—so he
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196</b></span>
wrote to Hubert Walter—“we think we are nearer to war
than to peace with the king of France.”<a id="FNanchor_1206" href="#Footnote_1206" class="fnanchor">[1206]</a></p>

<p>Richard was at that moment striving to subdue Britanny.
Ever since the death of Henry II the wardship of little
Arthur and of his duchy had been in dispute between Richard
and Philip; but the boy’s mother, Constance, supported
by the Breton people, had hitherto managed to keep both
her child and her country under her own control. In the
spring of 1196 Richard summoned, or invited, her to a
conference with him in Normandy; at the frontier she was
met, captured, and imprisoned by her husband, Earl Ranulf
of Chester.<a id="FNanchor_1207" href="#Footnote_1207" class="fnanchor">[1207]</a> The Bretons at once rallied round their child-duke,
in his name threw off all allegiance to Richard, and
began to make raids on the Norman border.<a id="FNanchor_1208" href="#Footnote_1208" class="fnanchor">[1208]</a> Richard set
out to punish them<a id="FNanchor_1209" href="#Footnote_1209" class="fnanchor">[1209]</a> in the ruthless fashion habitual to him
when dealing with rebels, “sparing neither grown man
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Good Friday<br>April 19</em></span>
nor child, not even on the day of our Lord’s Passion.”<a id="FNanchor_1210" href="#Footnote_1210" class="fnanchor">[1210]</a>
They fled before him, carrying Arthur with them, to the
remoter fastnesses of their country, and thence conveyed
the boy to the court of France.<a id="FNanchor_1211" href="#Footnote_1211" class="fnanchor">[1211]</a> Thereupon the treaty of
Louviers was flung to the winds. Richard infringed it in
the Vexin by building a castle on an island in the Seine at
Porte-Joie, between Louviers and Pont-de-l’Arche, and in
Berry by calling the lord of Vierzon to account to him
on a matter which (according to Philip’s historiographer)
belonged to the jurisdiction of the French Crown, and
when the man refused to obey him, making a raid on
Vierzon and levelling it to the ground.<a id="FNanchor_1212" href="#Footnote_1212" class="fnanchor">[1212]</a> Philip again laid
siege to Aumale. Richard ordered all property held within
his dominions by four abbots who had been Philip’s sureties
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196</b></span>
for the treaty to be seised into his own hands,<a id="FNanchor_1213" href="#Footnote_1213" class="fnanchor">[1213]</a> bribed the
French garrison of Nonancourt to give up that fortress to
him, and then went to relieve Aumale. He was, however,
repulsed in an attack on Philip’s camp, and went off to
lay siege to Gaillon, which was held for Philip by a famous
mercenary captain, Cadoc. A bolt from Cadoc’s crossbow
struck the king’s knee as he was reconnoitring the place.
The wound disabled him for a month; before he had
recovered, Aumale had surrendered after a seven weeks’
siege, and Philip had razed its walls and regained Nonancourt.<a id="FNanchor_1214" href="#Footnote_1214" class="fnanchor">[1214]</a></p>

<p>Richard arose from his sick-bed in a towering rage,<a id="FNanchor_1215" href="#Footnote_1215" class="fnanchor">[1215]</a>
and with a grim determination which gave a new character
to the war. The successes achieved by the French while
he lay helpless had borne in upon him the fact that if he
was to retain what was still left to him of Normandy—nay,
if the House of Anjou was to retain its continental
power at all—some better plan of campaign and of diplomacy
must be devised than the alternation of border-fighting
and treaties or truces, made only to be broken,
in which his personal energies as well as his material and
military resources had been frittered away during the last
two years. He must by some means bar the way to Rouen,
laid open to Philip by the cession of the Vexin. He must
shield and supplement his military resources, consisting as
they did only of mercenary troops stiffened by a small
band of loyal Normans, by securing at least the neutrality,
if not the direct active assistance, of France’s other
feudataries and neighbours. From England there was
no help to be got. No action seems to have been taken by
Archbishop Hubert on the king’s demand addressed to him
in the spring for troops from that country. In November
the demand was renewed in another form; Richard bade
Hubert send him either three hundred knights to serve
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196</b></span>
beyond sea at their own expense for a year, or money
wherewith to pay three hundred mercenaries three English
shillings a day for the same period. A great council was
convened at Oxford on December 7; Hubert, instead of
laying before it the alternatives offered by the king, simply
proposed that all the barons and bishops should furnish
three hundred knights for a year’s service over sea. This
Bishop Hugh of Lincoln at once refused on behalf of his
own see; its tenants being bound to military service only
in their own country. The bishop of Salisbury followed
Hugh’s example. The justiciar lost his temper and broke
up the assembly; and all that Richard gained was a heavy
fine paid by Herbert of Salisbury in redemption of the
property of his see, confiscated by the king’s order on
Hubert’s report. The property of the see of Lincoln was
confiscated likewise, but in this case the order remained a
dead letter owing to the profound reverence universally
felt for the bishop.<a id="FNanchor_1216" href="#Footnote_1216" class="fnanchor">[1216]</a></p>

<p>The king himself was meanwhile already carrying into
effect, with his eyes fully open to the consequences, a
project which brought him into collision with the highest
ecclesiastical authority in Normandy. Of all the approaches
to the Norman capital the most important was the broad
valley through which the Seine winds its course from Paris
across the old battle-ground of the Vexin to the heart of
the duchy, while on either side of this water-way roads
from north and east and south converge to meet beneath
the walls of Rouen. Philip was now master of this valley
and its surroundings up to a distance of about twelve
miles from the city. The key of the position, however,
was neither in his hands nor in Richard’s, but in those of
the archbishop of Rouen; it was Andely. The town of
Andely stood at the meeting-point of several roads, on the
north side of a stream called the Gambon, in a valley opening
from the eastward upon the Seine through the chalk
cliffs on its right bank, near the middle of a great curve to
the northward in its course between Gaillon and Louviers.
To the west of Andely the Gambon and another rivulet
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196</b></span>
became merged in a lake or mere whence they issued again
to fall into the great river by two distinct openings separated
by a tract of marshland, at the south-east corner of which
stood the toll-house. Nearly opposite the mouth of each
streamlet was an island in the Seine; the more northerly
and larger one was known as the Isle of Andely. The
valley was sheltered on its southern side by a thickly
wooded plateau extending several miles to a point nearly
opposite Gaillon, and called the Forest of Andely. Opposite
the toll-house, at the angle formed by the junction of the
Gambon with the Seine, this plateau terminated abruptly
in a mass of limestone rock three hundred feet high, with
its western face, nearly perpendicular, looking down upon
the Seine, its northern front, almost as steep, towering above
the Gambon, and only a narrow neck of rocky ground at
its south-eastern corner connecting it with the plateau,
from which its other sides were separated by deep ravines.
The military possibilities of such a position were obvious,
and would doubtless have been utilized long before they
attracted the rival kings if Andely had been a lay fief.
For Philip it would have made an ideal base for attack upon
Rouen; Richard saw in it a matchless site for the construction
of an almost impassable barrier between Rouen
and Paris. Philip had tried in vain to win it by diplomacy.
Richard took advantage of a temporary absence of the
archbishop from Normandy to seize the Isle of Andely
and begin to build a fort upon it. Walter protested strongly,
but in vain; Richard’s sole answer was to take possession
of the low ground enclosed between the three rivers and
the lake and begin to cover it with the foundations of a
walled town with trenches and barbicans on every side. The
primate then told the king in person that unless he made
restitution and paid compensation within three days, he
must expect the ecclesiastical penalties due to sacrilege.
The warning was ignored; so Walter fulfilled his threat
by laying Normandy under Interdict and setting out for
Rome.<a id="FNanchor_1217" href="#Footnote_1217" class="fnanchor">[1217]</a> Thither he was followed by envoys from Richard
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196</b></span>
who were charged to appeal to the Pope and endeavour to
compose the dispute. Meanwhile the king pushed on his
work without intermission. In a few months there arose
on the Isle of Andely a tall octagonal tower encircled by
a ditch and rampart, on the western side of the island a
bridge giving access to the left bank of the Seine, and on
the eastern side another bridge linking the tower with the
“New” or “Lesser” Andely whose walls, standing four-square
within the natural moat formed by the surrounding
waters, were likewise accessible from the mainland only
by two bridges, one at their northern corner and one on
their south-eastern side. The southern corner of the new
town directly faced the great “Rock of Andely”; and for
that rock Richard was designing a crown such as no other
western architect had ever yet dreamed of. His first act
on the site, however, was of evil omen. It seems that to
protect his workmen at the New Andely against attack
from the French troops he had brought over a host of wild
<span class="sidenotex">1196-7</span>
Welshmen who harried the French border in a fashion
scarcely equalled by the worst ravages of the Brabantines;
at last a large body of them were intercepted by the French
at the opening of the Vale of Andely, surrounded, and
slaughtered, to the number, it is said, of three thousand
four hundred. Richard was then at Andely, and had
there eighteen French prisoners in a dungeon. In his fury
he had three of them dragged to the top of the rock<a id="FNanchor_1218" href="#Footnote_1218" class="fnanchor">[1218]</a> and
flung down to be dashed to pieces at its foot; the fifteen
others he caused to be blinded, and sent under the guidance
of a one-eyed man to Philip, who, “lest he should be
thought inferior to the English king in power or spirit,
or to be afraid of him,” retaliated by causing three English
prisoners to be thrown down from a rock in like manner,
and blinding and sending back to Richard fifteen others,
the wife of one of them acting as guide.<a id="FNanchor_1219" href="#Footnote_1219" class="fnanchor">[1219]</a></p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196-7</b></span></p>

<p>Meanwhile Richard was, through his agents at Rome,
bargaining with Archbishop Walter for an exchange of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May</em></span>
lands. At last he made an offer which was distinctly
advantageous to the metropolitan see of Rouen; it was
accepted, and the Interdict was raised.<a id="FNanchor_1220" href="#Footnote_1220" class="fnanchor">[1220]</a> A year later the
<span class="sidenotex">1198<br><em>May</em></span>
king’s work at Andely was complete. Round the foot of
the great rock the ravines which parted it from the surrounding
lesser heights were dug out to such a depth that access
to it was impossible except by one narrow neck of ground
at its south-eastern end. A “fair castle”—as Richard
himself justly called it<a id="FNanchor_1221" href="#Footnote_1221" class="fnanchor">[1221]</a>—whose general outline was determined
by that of its site occupied the top of the rock. The
outer ward was a walled-in triangle with sides of unequal
length, and with its apex facing south-eastward towards
the natural junction left between the rock and the plateau;
at this point and at each of the other two angles stood a
round tower with walls ten feet thick; each of the two longer
sides of the curtain wall was strengthened with a smaller
tower; and the whole enclosure was surrounded by a ditch
more than forty feet deep, hewn out of the rock, with a
perpendicular counterscarp. Beyond this ditch on its
north-western side lay the inner ward. On three sides of
this second enclosure were walls eight feet thick; one wall,
flanked by towers like those of the outer ward, faced the
north-western wall of the latter across the ditch; on the
other and longer sides the steep incline of the rock itself
formed a natural rampart and ditch below the walls which
ran along its edge. The line of the curtain on the side
nearest to the river was broken by a tower, round externally,
octagonal within, and terminated at its northern end by two
rectangular bastions behind one of which stood another
round tower forming the base of the third ward or citadel.
A rampart, roughly elliptical in outline, was made by
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196-7</b></span>
excavating a ditch some fifteen to twenty feet wide, with a
perpendicular counterscarp. In one part of this ditch
casemates were cut in the rock. Two-thirds of the rampart
were surmounted by a series of seventeen semicircular
bastions with about two feet of curtain wall between every
two; on the eastern side the line was broken by a bridge
leading from the rampart of the outer ward into the inner
enclosure, to which there was no other means of ingress
above ground; and directly opposite this bridge the bastions
abutted on a mighty keep-tower with walls twenty feet
thick at the angles and nowhere less than twelve feet, and
with a wide outlook from the windows in its upper stages
over the river valley and the woodlands of the Vexin.
Between the keep and the round tower at the end of the
curtain wall were buildings for dwelling and storage; from
these an underground stair and passage beneath the rock
gave access to some outworks near its foot, where from a
small tower a wall was carried down to the river-bank;
and from a point close to the termination of this wall the
river itself was barred by a double stockade across its bed.
“Behold, how fair is this year-old daughter of mine!”
Thus Richard is said to have exclaimed as he saw the last
touches put to the “Castle on the Rock.”<a id="FNanchor_1222" href="#Footnote_1222" class="fnanchor">[1222]</a> Contemporary
writers distinctly imply that the whole scheme of the fortifications
at Les Andelys was devised and planned by the
king himself; it was certainly carried out under his constant
personal supervision and direction. Some of the peculiar
features of the citadel or keep may probably have been
suggested to him by the fortresses which he had seen in
Holy Land, where the nature of the country and the circumstances
of the Frank settlers had led <ins class="corr" id="tn-312" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'to the developement'">
to the development</ins> of the science of military architecture in forms hitherto
unknown to western builders. However this may be, the
opportunity presented by the natural advantages of the
site was utilized to the uttermost in the construction of the
group of buildings crowned by the “Saucy Castle,” Château-Gaillard,
as Richard appropriately called it, which from the
summit of the rock seemed to look down in defiance and
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1196-7</b></span>
derision upon the French king and his schemes for the
conquest of Normandy.</p>

<p>The royal architect was further strengthening alike his
military and his political position by alliances with his most
important neighbours both to north and south. Count
Baldwin of Flanders had for six years been chafing under
the loss of the southern half of his county, annexed by the
French king on the plea that the late Count Philip had given
it to Elisabeth of Hainaut, Baldwin’s sister and the king’s
first wife. In June 1196 Baldwin and Count Reginald of
Boulogne promised to support Philip Augustus “against all
<span class="sidenotex">1197<br><em>May-Sept.</em></span>
men”;<a id="FNanchor_1223" href="#Footnote_1223" class="fnanchor">[1223]</a> but in the following summer Baldwin threw off his
allegiance and became Richard’s sworn ally.<a id="FNanchor_1224" href="#Footnote_1224" class="fnanchor">[1224]</a> About the
same time the guardians of Arthur of Britanny exchanged
pledges with Richard that neither they nor he would make
peace with France without each other’s consent; and a like
agreement was made between Richard and Count Theobald
of Champagne,<a id="FNanchor_1225" href="#Footnote_1225" class="fnanchor">[1225]</a> brother and successor to the Crusader Count
Henry, nephew by the half blood to both the kings, and
brother-in-law to Richard’s queen. The western and northern
sides and a considerable part of the eastern side of the
French Royal Domain were thus completely ringed in by
the territories of Richard and his allies, except in two places.
These exceptions were the united counties of Blois and
Chartres and the little county of Ponthieu. Louis of Blois
still adhered to Philip; but as he stood in the same degree
of relationship to the two kings as did his cousin Theobald
of Champagne, there was always a possibility that he might
some day follow Theobald’s example. As for Ponthieu,
Philip had given Aloysia in marriage to its count, probably
thinking he was driving a wedge between Normandy and
Flanders; but the wedge was too small and too insignificant
to be of any real use in keeping them apart. On the other
hand, the count of Flanders was on his northern and eastern
frontiers in direct touch with Richard’s German allies;
and one at least of these, the count of Hainaut, was also in
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197</b></span>
direct touch with Champagne. Richard was in fact gradually
drawing round the Royal Domain of France a circle which
was already more than half completed; and he was now
politically in a position to bring almost the whole of his
own military resources to bear upon some of its uncompleted
sections in the west and south without fear of danger in his
rear. The voluntary adhesion of Britanny promised at
least a temporary respite from trouble in that quarter. In
Aquitaine his determined efforts to enforce order and
tranquillity were at last beginning to bear fruit. In 1195
he had granted the county of Poitou to his sister Matilda’s
son, Otto of Saxony;<a id="FNanchor_1226" href="#Footnote_1226" class="fnanchor">[1226]</a> but Otto does not seem to have ever
actually taken possession of the county, and the government
of Poitou and its dependencies, and also of Gascony, continued
to be carried on as before, by seneschals appointed
by the king. If these officers needed assistance to quell
internal revolt, they could safely depend for it on Navarre;
and the one remaining vassal of the duchy with whom they
might still have been unable to cope was won over to the
interests of his suzerain by the offer of a brilliant and wealthy
matrimonial alliance and a substantial increase of territory.
The count of Toulouse with whom Richard had fought of
<span class="sidenotex">1196</span>
old died in 1196, and the widowed Queen Joan of Sicily was
given in marriage by her brother to the new Count Raymond
VI;<a id="FNanchor_1227" href="#Footnote_1227" class="fnanchor">[1227]</a> Richard renounced the old claim of the Poitevin
counts to the possession of Toulouse, restored the Quercy to
its former owner, and granted him the county of Agen as
Joan’s dowry, with the stipulation that it should always be
held as a distinct fief of the duchy of Aquitaine and should
furnish the duke with five hundred men-at-arms for a
month when required for war in Gascony.<a id="FNanchor_1228" href="#Footnote_1228" class="fnanchor">[1228]</a></p>

<div class="sidenotex">1197</div>

<p>In the spring of 1197 hostilities re-commenced with a raid
made by Richard on the coast of Ponthieu; he set fire to
the castle of S. Valery, harried the surrounding country,
seized five ships which were bringing food into the harbour,
hanged their skippers, and appropriated their cargoes to
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197</b></span>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 15</em></span>
feed his own men.<a id="FNanchor_1229" href="#Footnote_1229" class="fnanchor">[1229]</a> A month later Mercadier made a raid
on Beauvais and captured its Bishop.<a id="FNanchor_1230" href="#Footnote_1230" class="fnanchor">[1230]</a> Early in the summer
there came an indication that the Vexin was not altogether
<span class="sidenotex"><em>May 19</em></span>
contented under its new ruler; Dangu, an important castle
on the Epte, was voluntarily surrendered to Richard by
its lord, William Crispin. Philip at once led an army to
retake it and succeeded in so doing, but only after a siege
which occupied him so long that meanwhile Richard had
time to dash into Auvergne and capture ten of the French
king’s castles there,<a id="FNanchor_1231" href="#Footnote_1231" class="fnanchor">[1231]</a> and Baldwin of Flanders to make
himself master of Douay and some neighbouring towns and
lay siege to Arras. Philip hurriedly razed Dangu and went
to relieve Arras; at his approach Baldwin withdrew into
northern Flanders; Philip pursued him hotly, but presently
found himself entangled in a network of streams which
cut off him and his troops from either advance or retreat,
provisions or reinforcements, for the bridges over all the
rivers in front and rear and round about him were broken
down by Baldwin’s orders. He was reduced to sue for
mercy and entreat Baldwin “not to sully the honour of the
French Crown,” declaring himself ready to make an
amicable settlement with Flanders and restore all its lost
territory, “if the king of England were excluded from the
peace.” This condition Baldwin rejected, and Philip was
obliged to purchase release from his awkward position by a
compromise: Baldwin undertook to act as intermediary
between the two kings and invite Richard to a conference
between them “for the settlement of an honourable peace”
which should include his own confirmation by both in the
restitution of his ancestral possessions.<a id="FNanchor_1232" href="#Footnote_1232" class="fnanchor">[1232]</a> The conference
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 8<br>or 17</em></span>
took place early in September. As usual, the proposed
peace dwindled to a truce. Even this was won only by the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197</b></span>
influence of Archbishop Hubert of Canterbury, who was
then in attendance on his sovereign. Its duration was fixed
for a year from the ensuing Christmas or Hilary-tide;<a id="FNanchor_1233" href="#Footnote_1233" class="fnanchor">[1233]</a>
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept.</em></span>
and its sole condition seems to have been that each party
should for that period continue holding what he held at the
moment<a id="FNanchor_1234" href="#Footnote_1234" class="fnanchor">[1234]</a>—a condition which enabled Philip to postpone
indefinitely the promised restitution of southern Flanders.</p>

<p>The conference had been held “between Gaillon and
Andely,”<a id="FNanchor_1235" href="#Footnote_1235" class="fnanchor">[1235]</a> or as another writer puts it, “at the Isle,”<a id="FNanchor_1236" href="#Footnote_1236" class="fnanchor">[1236]</a> most
likely the Isle of the Three Kings, whose name suggests that
it had been the scene of meetings between Philip and the
two Henrys, and which lies in the Seine almost under the
shadow of the Rock of Andely. Probably this was the
occasion on which Philip first saw the castle, then fast rising
on that rock, and the completed square of walls enclosing
the Lesser Andely, with the bridges and fortified outpost on
the smaller island, barring the river. His courtiers—so runs
<span class="sidenotex">1197?</span>
the story told by Gerald of Wales—could not refrain from
expressing their admiration of this wonderful piece of military
architecture. Irritated by their praise of his rival’s work, he
swore aloud that he wished the new fortifications were built
wholly of iron, for if they were, he would none the less bring
all Normandy, and Aquitaine as well, under his rule. The
boast was reported to Richard: “By God’s throat!”
swore the Lion-heart, “if yon castle were built of neither
iron nor stone, but wholly of butter, I would without
hesitation undertake to hold it securely against him and all
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Oct. 16</em></span>
his forces.”<a id="FNanchor_1237" href="#Footnote_1237" class="fnanchor">[1237]</a> A month after the conference the exchange
of lands between duke and primate was formally completed
at the Castle on the Rock, by a charter in which Richard
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197</b></span>
set forth his motive for the transaction: “The town of
Andely and certain adjacent places which belonged to the
see of Rouen being insufficiently fortified, the way through
the same into our land of Normandy was open to our
enemies.”<a id="FNanchor_1238" href="#Footnote_1238" class="fnanchor">[1238]</a> That way was now so effectually barred that
six years were to elapse before the enemy, notwithstanding
his boast, made any attempt to cross or break the barrier;
and when it fell at last after a six months’ siege, its fall was
due less to the skill of its assailant than to the apathy of
Richard’s successor in its defence.</p>

<p>The truce was scarcely made when politics of a wider range
began to claim the attention of both the rival kings. The
Emperor Henry VI was still under sentence of excommunication
for his treatment of the captive king of England and
for other violations of international right and justice committed
in his pursuit of a dream of world-conquest in which
he seems to have curiously anticipated a much later bearer
of the Imperial title. The aged Pope Celestine had warned
him in 1195—“What shall it profit a man if he gain the
whole world and lose his own soul?”<a id="FNanchor_1239" href="#Footnote_1239" class="fnanchor">[1239]</a> and the warning came
back to him when on his way to Holy Land in autumn 1197
he fell sick unto death at Messina. He hurriedly restored
to the Roman See the property of which he had robbed it,
and despatched an envoy to Richard, offering to refund his
ransom in the form of either money or lands. Before an
answer could be received he died, on Michaelmas eve. The
Pope ordered that he should not be buried, unless with
Richard’s expressed consent, until this offer was fulfilled.
While Richard was keeping Christmas at Rouen, envoys from
the archbishops of Cologne and Mentz and other German
princes came to tell him that all the magnates of Germany
were to assemble at Cologne on February 22 to elect an
Emperor; “and they bade him, in virtue of the oath and
fidelity by which he was bound to the Emperor and to the
Roman Empire, come to Cologne at the aforesaid time
without fail, in order that he, as a chief member of the
Empire, might be with them to elect, by God’s help, an
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197</b></span>
Emperor fit for the imperial office.” After some consideration
and consultation Richard sent back with the envoys
some bishops and nobles to be present at the election in his
stead. “He,” says Roger of Howden, “greatly feared to
go there himself, lest he should again fall into their hands,
unless security were given him of a safe-conduct for the
journey there and back; and no wonder, for he had not yet
paid to the German magnates all that he had promised
them for helping to his liberation; and it was on account
of him that the Emperor’s body was still unburied.”<a id="FNanchor_1240" href="#Footnote_1240" class="fnanchor">[1240]</a>
The German electors were much divided among themselves.
The late Emperor’s only son was already, by the Pope’s
consent, crowned king of Sicily;<a id="FNanchor_1241" href="#Footnote_1241" class="fnanchor">[1241]</a> but he was a child;
nobody wanted an infant Emperor. Some of the magnates
seem to have thought that jealousy and rivalry among themselves
might be best appeased by setting, or at least proposing
to set, over all of them a sovereign of another nationality;
certain of them nominated King Richard of England.
It was probably merely in opposition to this party that some
others—“but they were few”—proposed Philip of France.<a id="FNanchor_1242" href="#Footnote_1242" class="fnanchor">[1242]</a>
The majority inclined to Duke Henry of Saxony, Richard’s
sister’s son, who by birth was head of the most illustrious
of the princely houses of Germany, and had in 1196 succeeded
his father-in-law as Count Palatine. For Henry Richard,
<span class="sidenotex">1197-8</span>
through his representatives at Cologne, threw all his influence
into the scale. But Henry himself was absent in Holy
Land, and it was felt that to leave the Empire without a
head till his return might involve grave danger; his
partizans, including Richard, therefore transferred their
support to his brother Otto, whose life had been spent
almost entirely in Normandy and England, at the court first
of his grandfather Henry II and afterwards at that of his
uncle Richard, and who was perhaps the more acceptable
to the German electors because he neither held nor
could claim any territorial possessions in Germany;<a id="FNanchor_1243" href="#Footnote_1243" class="fnanchor">[1243]</a> his
sole personal connexion with it was his marriage with a
daughter of the duke of Louvain, one of the North German
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197-8</b></span>
feudataries with whom Richard had made alliance in 1194.
Otto was accordingly elected, and on July 12, 1198, he was
crowned at Aix.<a id="FNanchor_1244" href="#Footnote_1244" class="fnanchor">[1244]</a></p>

<p>One of the warmest advocates of the election of Otto
was Count Baldwin of Flanders, chiefly because the king
of England was known to be on the same side.<a id="FNanchor_1245" href="#Footnote_1245" class="fnanchor">[1245]</a> The king
of France, on the other hand, naturally took alarm at a
choice which promised to strengthen the alliance between
Richard and Baldwin and give to both these princes the
countenance, if not the active support, of the greater part
of the German feudataries and of their sovereign. There
was one disappointed candidate for the imperial crown who
openly refused to acknowledge the authority of his successful
rival. This was Philip, duke of Suabia, the late Emperor’s
brother. Between him and his royal French
namesake an alliance was concluded on S. Peter’s day.<a id="FNanchor_1246" href="#Footnote_1246" class="fnanchor">[1246]</a>
It could, however, be of little avail to either of them against
the coalition by which in a few weeks they were confronted.
Henry of Saxony, returned from Holy Land, was welcomed
by his English uncle at Les Andelys,<a id="FNanchor_1247" href="#Footnote_1247" class="fnanchor">[1247]</a> and thence proceeding
to his homeland gave his unqualified assent and approval
to the election of his brother as Emperor.<a id="FNanchor_1248" href="#Footnote_1248" class="fnanchor">[1248]</a> Before the end
of August, the duke of Louvain, the counts of Brienne,
Flanders, Guines, Boulogne, Perche, Blois, and Toulouse,
with Arthur of Britanny (or rather the nobles who governed
the duchy in his name) “and many others,” made a confederacy
with Richard, swearing to him and he to them
that neither they nor he would make peace with the king
of France without the common consent of them all.<a id="FNanchor_1249" href="#Footnote_1249" class="fnanchor">[1249]</a> On
September 6 Baldwin of Flanders laid siege to St. Omer;
its surrender, three weeks later, was followed by that of
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 27</em></span>
Aire and several other neighbouring towns.<a id="FNanchor_1250" href="#Footnote_1250" class="fnanchor">[1250]</a> At the same
time the truce was broken on the Norman border. One
contemporary English writer represents Philip as the
aggressor; but his story seems to be only a confused enlargement
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197-8</b></span>
on the contents of a letter written by Richard in which
there is no suggestion of any such thing. Richard, according
to his own account, on Sunday, September 27, crossed the
Epte by the ford near Dangu, surprised and captured two
neighbouring castles with their garrisons and contents, and
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept. 28</em></span>
returned at night by the same way. Next day he learned
that Philip, having heard of this inroad, was setting out
from Mantes with some five or six hundred men. Richard
at once went forth with a few attendants, but left the main
body of his troops on the river-bank, thinking the French
would cross the ford and encounter them on the other side.
Philip, however, turned towards Gisors. Before he could
reach it he was almost surrounded by the troops of Richard
and Mercadier. They chased him so hotly and pressed him
so closely that the bridge at Gisors broke down under the
weight of horses and men crowding upon it. The French
king himself was reported to have “swallowed some water,”
as his rival jestingly expressed it; he escaped, however,
unharmed, but twenty of his knights were drowned; three
were prostrated by Richard’s own lance, a hundred captured
by his men, and a hundred others fell into the hands
of Mercadier and his Brabantines; there were countless
prisoners of lower rank, and the captured destriers numbered
two hundred, “of which one hundred were covered with
iron.”<a id="FNanchor_1251" href="#Footnote_1251" class="fnanchor">[1251]</a></p>

<p>This affair was one of Richard’s most daring personal
adventures; he himself acknowledged that he had
“staked his own head and his kingdom to boot, overriding
the advice of all his counsellors”—“but,” he added, “it
was not we who thus defeated the king of France, but God
and our right did so by our means.”<a id="FNanchor_1252" href="#Footnote_1252" class="fnanchor">[1252]</a> These words and
the action on which they are a comment are alike characteristic
of the Lion-heart. Amid all the overwhelming
political, diplomatic, and financial cares of his latter years,
he was still knight-errant enough to glory in a wholly
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197-8</b></span>
unnecessary adventure which might have cost him his life,
and which had, after all, failed of its practical object, the
capture of Philip. It may, however, have been partly
prompted by another motive than the spirit of mere knightly
daring. Richard was literally at his wits’ end for money;
and without money the league which he had been forming
against Philip was certain to break up ere long. His
alliances with Flanders and the other feudataries of the
Empire and with some of the French king’s own subjects
rested on a basis of subsidies, revenues, or substantial
rewards of some kind, promised to the nobles in consideration
of their pledge to assist him against Philip. To none
of them had he as yet been able to fulfil his plighted word
in this respect. Château-Gaillard was well worth the cost
of its building, but the cost was great. “You know there
is not a penny at Chinon” (where the Angevin treasure was
kept), he wrote in a <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> addressed to the brother-counts
of Auvergne some time in the years 1197-9.<a id="FNanchor_1253" href="#Footnote_1253" class="fnanchor">[1253]</a> His
means were, in fact, insufficient for the payment of even the
troops absolutely necessary to guard the Norman frontier.
When he found himself so close to Philip on the road to
Gisors there may have flashed across his excited brain the
dream of a capture which should not only place his rival
in his power, but lead to the filling of his coffers as those
of the Emperor had so recently been filled, with the ransom
of a king. He had already been reduced to the expedient
of a change of his royal seal, the repudiation of all grants
made under the old one, and the exaction of heavy payments
for their confirmation or renewal.<a id="FNanchor_1254" href="#Footnote_1254" class="fnanchor">[1254]</a> On his new seal
the three lions passant-gardant appeared for the first time
as the armorial bearings of the king of England. Its earliest
impression now known is attached to a charter dated
May 22, 1198<a id="FNanchor_1255" href="#Footnote_1255" class="fnanchor">[1255]</a>; and the process of cancelling old grants
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1197-8</b></span>
and selling new ones went on till the very eve of his death
eleven months later.<a id="FNanchor_1256" href="#Footnote_1256" class="fnanchor">[1256]</a></p>

<p>Neither Richard nor Philip, in fact, was in a position to
make war on a scale large enough to bring it to a decisive
issue. The raids and counter-raids therefore continued.
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Sept.</em></span>
Philip burned Evreux, ravaged the country as far as
Beaumont-le-Roger, and would have burned Neufbourg,
had not John anticipated him by firing it at the moment
of the French attack. Mercadier raided Abbeville at fair-time,
and returned with a mass of plunder taken from the
French merchants there. The earl of Leicester made an
attempt on Pacy.<a id="FNanchor_1257" href="#Footnote_1257" class="fnanchor">[1257]</a> Richard built a new fort on an island
in the Seine and gave it the provocative name of Boutavant,
“Push-forward”; Philip began to build one facing it,
which in a like spirit of bravado he called Gouletot,
“Swallow-all.”<a id="FNanchor_1258" href="#Footnote_1258" class="fnanchor">[1258]</a> An obscure entry in the Norman Exchequer
Roll for the year seems to imply that the kings
reverted for a moment to a scheme which four years before
had been proposed and rejected, for the settlement of their
quarrel by a fight between selected champions, to be held
in presence of both at Les Andelys<a id="FNanchor_1259" href="#Footnote_1259" class="fnanchor">[1259]</a>; but again the proposal
led to nothing. At length Archbishop Hubert, being in
Normandy, went at Philip’s desire and with Richard’s
consent to the French court to discuss terms of peace.
Philip offered to restore all the territory and castles which
he had seized except Gisors, concerning the rightful ownership
of which he declared himself willing to accept the
decision of six Norman barons to be chosen by himself and
six French barons to be chosen by Richard. The English
king, however, would make no peace save on condition of
its including the count of Flanders and all the other feudataries
of France who had transferred their homage to
himself; so the negotiations resulted only in another truce
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
till S. Hilary’s day.<a id="FNanchor_1260" href="#Footnote_1260" class="fnanchor">[1260]</a>
At <ins class="corr" id="tn-323" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'the appointed term'">
the appointed time</ins> the kings
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan. 13</em></span>
came to a meeting between Vernon and Les Andelys;
Richard on the Seine in a boat, from which he refused to
land, Philip on horseback on the river-bank. The colloquy
was adjourned, seemingly to give opportunity for the
intervention of a mediator, Peter of Capua, a cardinal
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Jan.</em></span>
whom the new Pope Innocent III had recently sent to
France as legate. By the advice of Peter and of some
magnates on both sides, the truce was prolonged for a term
of five years; it was confirmed by oath, and both kings dismissed
their troops, bidding them return to their homes.<a id="FNanchor_1261" href="#Footnote_1261" class="fnanchor">[1261]</a></p>

<p>The biographer of Philip Augustus says that “through
the trickery of the king of England” the agreement was
not confirmed by an exchange of hostages.<a id="FNanchor_1262" href="#Footnote_1262" class="fnanchor">[1262]</a> It may have
been on this plea that four French counts through whose
territories Mercadier and his men had to pass on their
way southward ventured to ignore the truce and set upon
the Routiers, many of whom they slew. Philip swore that
this outrage had no sanction from him. Presently afterwards,
however, when Richard, thinking Normandy was
safe for a while, was on his way to visit his southern
dominions, Philip not only resumed the fortification of
Gouletot, but also destroyed the neighbouring forest. At
these tidings Richard hurried back to Normandy, and sent
his chancellor to the French court to declare the truce
dissolved unless Philip would pull down the new fortress.
Philip, urged by the legate, promised to do so. Then
Richard declared he would have either a full settlement of
all their disputes or no peace at all. A form of peace was
drawn up; its provisions were that the king of France
should restore to the king of England all the lands which he
had taken from him either in war or by any other means,
except Gisors, in compensation for which he granted to
Richard the gift of the archbishopric of Tours; Philip’s
son Louis was to marry Richard’s niece, the daughter of the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
king of Castille; and furthermore, Philip was to swear that
he would to the utmost of his power assist Richard’s nephew
Otto to obtain the imperial crown. Richard on his part
was to give to Louis of France, with the hand of his niece,
twenty thousand marks of silver and the castle of Gisors
as her dowry. The execution of the treaty, however, was
postponed till Richard should return from Poitou.<a id="FNanchor_1263" href="#Footnote_1263" class="fnanchor">[1263]</a></p>

<p>The word “Poitou” had in recent years acquired another
meaning besides its original one. Richard had never styled
himself count of Poitou since his accession to the Crown<a id="FNanchor_1264" href="#Footnote_1264" class="fnanchor">[1264]</a>;
it is doubtful whether he had ever done so since its restoration
to his mother in 1185. The title by which he asserted
his rights over his southern dominions was that of “Duke
of the Aquitanians.” His grant of the county of Poitou to
Otto in 1195 seems to have been merely verbal, ratified by
neither charter nor investiture, and carrying with it no permanent
authority and no legal claim to the higher dignity
of the Aquitanian dukedom; and on Otto’s return to
Germany in June 1198 Richard resumed full possession of
the county.<a id="FNanchor_1265" href="#Footnote_1265" class="fnanchor">[1265]</a> The word “Aquitaine” was dropping out
of use. The administration of all the king-duke’s dominions
south of the Loire was carried on by seneschals appointed
by and acting for him, one for “Gascony” and one for
“Poitou”; the former appellation representing the country
south of the Garonne, the latter embracing the county of
Poitou proper and all its dependencies or underfiefs between
the Garonne and the Loire.<a id="FNanchor_1266" href="#Footnote_1266" class="fnanchor">[1266]</a> Richard’s last visit to any
part of these dominions had been a flying one in December
1195, when he kept Christmas at Poitiers.<a id="FNanchor_1267" href="#Footnote_1267" class="fnanchor">[1267]</a> A double
motive seems now to have urged him southward. The
troublesome half-brothers Aimar of Angoulême and Aimar
of Limoges were, it appears, again plotting or at least
credibly suspected of plotting treason against him.<a id="FNanchor_1268" href="#Footnote_1268" class="fnanchor">[1268]</a> He
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
had also been informed of a wonderful treasure-trove on the
land of a baron in the Limousin. A peasant ploughing
near Châlus had met with an obstacle which, when disinterred,
proved to consist of something which is described
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March</em></span>
as “an Emperor with his wife, sons, and daughters, all of
pure gold, and seated round a golden table,” and also, it
appears, some ancient coins.<a id="FNanchor_1269" href="#Footnote_1269" class="fnanchor">[1269]</a> The lord of Châlus was one
Achard<a id="FNanchor_1270" href="#Footnote_1270" class="fnanchor">[1270]</a>; from him the treasure was claimed by the
viscount Aimar as overlord. Richard, as Aimar’s overlord,
claimed it in his turn,<a id="FNanchor_1271" href="#Footnote_1271" class="fnanchor">[1271]</a> and by the law of treasure-trove his
claim seems to have been justified. According to one
account, Aimar actually sent him no small portion of what
had been found; but Richard would be content with
nothing short of the whole.<a id="FNanchor_1272" href="#Footnote_1272" class="fnanchor">[1272]</a> He seems to have suspected
that the remainder was still hidden at Châlus, for it was to
Châlus that he laid siege, on Wednesday, March 4.<a id="FNanchor_1273" href="#Footnote_1273" class="fnanchor">[1273]</a> Achard
himself had fled to the viscount of Limoges for protection.<a id="FNanchor_1274" href="#Footnote_1274" class="fnanchor">[1274]</a>
In vain he begged for a truce till after Easter, and offered
to submit to a sentence of the royal court of France.<a id="FNanchor_1275" href="#Footnote_1275" class="fnanchor">[1275]</a></p>

<p>The castle of Châlus, whose ruined keep-tower still stands
on a low hill above the little river Tardoire, contained at the
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
moment about forty persons; only two of these were
knights, and some of the others were women.<a id="FNanchor_1276" href="#Footnote_1276" class="fnanchor">[1276]</a> For three
<span class="sidenotex"><em>March<br>24-6</em></span>
days Richard’s miners dug under the walls while he with
his crossbowmen rode round about them, discharging a
shower of missiles into the enclosure.<a id="FNanchor_1277" href="#Footnote_1277" class="fnanchor">[1277]</a> On the third day
<span class="sidenotex"><em>Friday<br>March 26</em></span>
the little garrison offered to surrender on condition of
safety for life and limb and the retention of their arms;
but Richard refused, swearing he would capture and hang
them all.<a id="FNanchor_1278" href="#Footnote_1278" class="fnanchor">[1278]</a> That afternoon he again rode forth, accompanied
by Mercadier, round about the castle, shooting with
his crossbow at any man whom he saw on the wall; and
this time he rashly went without any defensive armour
except an iron headpiece and a buckler. His daring was
more than equalled by one man among the besieged, who
with a crossbow in one hand and a frying-pan in the other
had stood nearly all day on a bastion of the tower, dexterously
turning aside with his makeshift shield every
missile aimed at him, and carefully scanning the ranks of
the besiegers,<a id="FNanchor_1279" href="#Footnote_1279" class="fnanchor">[1279]</a> evidently in the hope of discovering their
leader. From one account it appears that when at last
his opportunity came, he had discharged all his quarrels,
and the bolt which he shot at the unprotected figure was
one of the enemy’s own which he snatched from a crevice
in the wall where it had stuck just within his reach.<a id="FNanchor_1280" href="#Footnote_1280" class="fnanchor">[1280]</a>
Richard, hearing the sound of the missile in the air, looked
up and greeted the bowman with a shout of applause. That
look cost him his life. He bent down to shelter himself
under his shield, but too late to avoid the arrow; it struck
his left shoulder at the joint of the neck, glanced downward,
and became fixed in his side.<a id="FNanchor_1281" href="#Footnote_1281" class="fnanchor">[1281]</a> No one but Mercadier was
near enough to see exactly what had occurred. To him
Richard gave orders for a general assault to be made on
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
the castle<a id="FNanchor_1282" href="#Footnote_1282" class="fnanchor">[1282]</a>; then, quietly and alone, he rode back to his
tent. There he tried to pull out the arrow; the shaft
broke, leaving the barb imbedded in the wound, and he
was compelled to send for a surgeon to extract it. One
was found, says an English chronicler, “among that accursed
tribe, the followers of the impious Mercadier,” and it is to
this man’s handling of the case that the same writer ascribes
its fatal termination; but this is sufficiently accounted for
by his own description of the drawbacks attending the
operation, performed hurriedly by lantern-light on a patient
so fat that the steel, buried in his flesh, was extremely
difficult to find, and when found, still more difficult to
remove<a id="FNanchor_1283" href="#Footnote_1283" class="fnanchor">[1283]</a>; a patient, moreover, whose character combined
with his physical constitution to make him an
extremely unmanageable invalid. A second doctor seems
to have been afterwards called in;<a id="FNanchor_1284" href="#Footnote_1284" class="fnanchor">[1284]</a> but in spite of all the
remedies that were applied the wound grew daily more
painful and its swelling and discoloration more ominous.<a id="FNanchor_1285" href="#Footnote_1285" class="fnanchor">[1285]</a></p>

<p>A furious assault made by Mercadier on Châlus after the
king was wounded had resulted in the capture of the castle
and its defenders. Richard caused them all to be hanged,
except the man who had shot him.<a id="FNanchor_1286" href="#Footnote_1286" class="fnanchor">[1286]</a> He then despatched
some of his troops to besiege two neighbouring castles,
Nontron and Montagut, “for he purposed in his heart to
destroy all the castles and towns of the viscount of
Limoges.”<a id="FNanchor_1287" href="#Footnote_1287" class="fnanchor">[1287]</a> Soon, however, he began to realize that his
days were numbered. He wrote to his mother, who was
at Fontevraud, asking her to come to him. Every precaution
had been taken to prevent his condition becoming
known outside the little group of four trusted nobles who
alone were admitted to his presence;<a id="FNanchor_1288" href="#Footnote_1288" class="fnanchor">[1288]</a> from these he now
exacted an oath of fealty to John as his destined successor,
to whom he devised the kingdom of England and all his
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
other lands. He ordered that all his castles and three
parts of his treasure should likewise be delivered to John;
he bequeathed all his jewels to his nephew Otto of Germany,
and the remaining fourth part of his treasure to be distributed
among his servants and the poor.<a id="FNanchor_1289" href="#Footnote_1289" class="fnanchor">[1289]</a> He sent for
the captive crossbowman and questioned him: “What
evil have I done to thee? Why hast thou slain me?”
“Thou didst slay my father and my two brothers with
thine own hand; thou wouldst have slain me likewise. Take
on me what vengeance thou wilt; freely will I suffer the
greatest torments thou canst think of, now that thou, who
hast brought so many and so great evils on the world, art
stricken to death.” Richard answered, “I forgive thee
my death,” and ordered that the man should be liberated
and sent away safely with a gift of a hundred English
shillings.<a id="FNanchor_1290" href="#Footnote_1290" class="fnanchor">[1290]</a> Then he called for a chaplain, made his confession
and received the Holy Communion.<a id="FNanchor_1291" href="#Footnote_1291" class="fnanchor">[1291]</a> By this time probably
his mother was with him; she herself records that she
was present at his death, and that he “placed all his trust,
after God, in her, that she would make provision for his
soul’s welfare with motherly care to the utmost of her
power.”<a id="FNanchor_1292" href="#Footnote_1292" class="fnanchor">[1292]</a> He made his own arrangements for the disposal
of his body, ordering that his brain and some internal
<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span>
<span class="sidenote"><b>1199</b></span>
organs should be buried in the ancient Poitevin abbey of
Charroux, his heart at Rouen, and the embalmed corpse at
his father’s feet in the abbey church of Fontevraud.<a id="FNanchor_1293" href="#Footnote_1293" class="fnanchor">[1293]</a> He
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 6</em></span>
received Extreme Unction on April 6, the Tuesday in Passion
week, “and as the day was closing, he also ended his earthly
<span class="sidenotex"><em>April 11</em></span>
day.”<a id="FNanchor_1294" href="#Footnote_1294" class="fnanchor">[1294]</a> On Palm Sunday his body, wrapped in the robe
in which he had been attired at his crown-wearing at Winchester
five years before,<a id="FNanchor_1295" href="#Footnote_1295" class="fnanchor">[1295]</a> was buried by his father’s old
friend Bishop Hugh of Lincoln and his mother’s friend
Abbot Luke of Torpenay in the place which he had chosen
for it.<a id="FNanchor_1296" href="#Footnote_1296" class="fnanchor">[1296]</a> His heart—said to be remarkable for its great
size<a id="FNanchor_1297" href="#Footnote_1297" class="fnanchor">[1297]</a>—was enclosed in a casket of gold and silver and
placed, as a most precious treasure, among the holy relics
in the cathedral church of Rouen.<a id="FNanchor_1298" href="#Footnote_1298" class="fnanchor">[1298]</a></p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span></p>

<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="NOTES">NOTES</h2>

    <div class="fs80">

<h3 id="NOTE_I"><span class="smcap">Note I</span><br>
<em>Richard and Leopold of Austria at Acre</em></h3>

<p>The German account of the quarrel between Richard and the duke
of Austria after the taking of Acre is as follows:</p>

<p>“<span lang="la">Capta igitur civitate, rex Anglorum signa triumphalia sui
exercitus turribus affigi praecepit, titulum victoriae ex toto sibimetipsi
satis arroganter adscribens. Hacque de causa cum per civitatem
transiret, vexillum ducis Leopoldi turri quam ipse cum suis obtinuerat
affixum vidit, suumque non esse recognoscens, cujusdam sit percontatur.
Qui Leopoldi ducis Orientalium esse accepto responso,
eumque ex parte civitatem obtinuisse comperiens, maxima indignatione
permotus vexillum turre dejici lutoque conculcari praecepit;
insuper ducem verbis contumeliosis affectum sine causa injuriavit.</span>”
Otto of S. Blaise, Pertz, xx. 323.</p>

<p>The English accounts are two:</p>

<p>(1) “<span lang="la">Dux Austriae, et ipse unus ex veteribus obsessoribus Accaronis,
regem Anglorum secutus a pari in suae sortis possessionem,
quia praelato coram se vexillo visus fuit sibi partem vindicare
triumphi; et si non de precepto, de voluntate tamen regis offensi,
dejectum est vexillum ducis in coenum, et in ejus contumeliam a
derisoribus conculcatum.</span>” R. Devizes, 52. (2) “<span lang="la">Cum enim civitatem
Accon irrumperent Christiani, et diversi diversa civitatis
hospitia caperent, in nobilissimo civitatis palatio signum ducis
[Ostrici] elevatus est. Quod intuens rex et invidens, manu militum
valida vexillum dejecit, ducemque tam grato spoliavit hospitio.</span>”
Gerv. Cant., i. 514.</p>

<p>Rigord (118) says: “<span lang="la">Ducis Austriae vexillum circa Accon cuidam
principi [rex Ricardus] abstulit et in cloacam profundam, in opprobrium
ducis et dedecus, vilissime confractum dejecit.</span>”</p>

<p>Otto is the only German authority on the subject: for the brief
mention of it in <cite lang="la">Ann. Colon.</cite> (Pertz, xvii. 802), which is practically
in agreement with him, cannot be considered as such, and Magnus
of Reichensperg’s version (<em>ib.</em> 519) is of no value, because it places
the incident not at Acre, but at the rebuilding of Ascalon, in January<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span>
1192, after Leopold had left Palestine (Kellner, <cite lang="de">R. Löwenherz
Deutsche <ins class="corr" id="tn-331" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Gefangenshaft'">
Gefangenschaft</ins></cite>, 47-8). It is curious that the writer who
gives the fullest details about Leopold’s Crusade and about the later
relations between Leopold and Richard gives no account of the
affair at all, merely saying with reference to Leopold’s capture and
imprisonment of the king “<span lang="la">Una et efficiens causa fuit quod eum in
obsidione Aconae quasi abjectum reputavit</span>” (Ansbert, in Appendix
to Preface to R. Howden, iii. cxl). It is also noticeable that Otto
writes as if Richard had claimed possession of the whole of Acre for
himself alone; there is no mention of Philip. Probably the tower to
which Leopold’s banner was affixed stood in Richard’s half of the city.</p>


<h3 id="NOTE_II"><span class="smcap">Note II</span><br>
<em>The Capitulation of Acre</em></h3>

<p>The terms on which Karakoush and El-Meshtoub agreed to
surrender Acre are given, in various forms, by nine contemporary
or almost contemporary authorities.</p>

<p>(1) King Richard, in a letter to the Abbot of Clairvaux, R.
Howden, iii. 131.</p>

<p>(2) Bohadin, <cite lang="fro">Rec. Hist. Orient.</cite>, iii. 237; Schultens’s edition, 179.</p>

<p>(3) <cite lang="fro">Estoire de la Guerre Sainte</cite>, ll. 5199-224, and <cite lang="la">Itin. Reg. Ric.</cite>,
231, 232; these two are here practically identical and may be
counted as one.</p>

<p>(4) <cite lang="la">Gesta Ric.</cite>, 178, 179.</p>

<p>(5) R. Howden, iii. 120, 121.</p>

<p>(6) R. Diceto, ii. 94.</p>

<p>(7) R. Coggeshall, 32.</p>

<p>(8) R. Devizes (ed. Stevenson), 51, 52.</p>

<p>(9) Ibn Alathyr, <cite lang="fro">Rec. Hist. Orient.</cite>, II. 46.</p>

<p>All these writers mention, among the conditions promised by the
Moslems, the restoration of the relic of the Cross; and all except
one—R. Devizes—mention also the release of a number of Christian
prisoners: the king and R. Diceto say fifteen hundred; R. Coggeshall
says seven hundred, some of whom the kings were to select; Ambrose
and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> say two thousand prisoners of distinction and
five hundred of lower rank; the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> say fifteen hundred ordinary
prisoners and two hundred knights, these latter to be specially
selected by the kings; R. Howden follows this latter account, but
reduces the first number to a thousand; Ibn Alathyr mentions only
the “selected” prisoners, whose number he gives as five hundred.
The earlier of the two extant redactions of Bohadin (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, iii. 237)
has “five hundred prisoners of ordinary condition, and one hundred
others of rank, whom the Franks might ask for by name”; but in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span>
the later redaction (represented by Schultens’s edition) the figures
are fifteen hundred and one thousand. This later redaction, of
which the only known MS. was written in the year after Bohadin’s
death, is considered not to be his own work (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, iii. 374); but
its variations from the earlier recension seem entitled to some
consideration, as they are so nearly contemporary and may have the
force of corrections; this may be the case in the passage under
consideration here.</p>

<p>Neither King Richard, R. Diceto, nor R. Devizes, mentions a
money payment. The <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, <cite lang="la">Gesta Ricardi</cite>, R.
Howden, Bohadin, and Ibn Alathyr make the promised sum two
hundred thousand “bezants” (<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>), “talentorum Saracenicorum”
(<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>), “dinars” (Bohadin and Ibn Alathyr). R. Coggeshall
absurdly says seven hundred thousand bezants. The only authorities
for the special payment promised to Conrad are the two Moslem ones,
and as to its amount the two recensions of Bohadin again differ;
the earlier says four thousand gold pieces, the later fourteen thousand,
viz. ten thousand to Conrad himself and four thousand to his knights.
Ibn Alathyr also says Conrad was to have fourteen thousand; and
the later recension of Bohadin is followed by Abu Shama in his
extract from that author (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, v. 25, 26), as to both the number
of prisoners and the amount of money.</p>

<p>The <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> say that “the chief men among the
Turks in Acre” were to be held as hostages by the Franks till the
conditions of the treaty were fulfilled. Richard and Bohadin say,
and the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, R. Howden, and R. Coggeshall imply, that the hostages
were to comprise the whole garrison. The <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>
assert that the conditions were offered by the Turks in Acre with
Saladin’s knowledge and consent; and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> adds that
the term appointed for their fulfilment was that day month, <em>i. e.</em>
August 12. The king says “<span lang="la">Pactione etiam ex parte Saladini
plenius firmata ... diemque ad haec omnia persolvenda nobis
constituit.</span>” R. Diceto says “<span lang="la">Qui</span>” (<em>i. e.</em> the Saracens in Acre)
“<span lang="la">communicato cum suis consilio coeperunt tractare de pace talibus
pactionibus quod Saladinus Sanctam Crucem certo die restitueret,</span>”
etc. The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Howden make the term forty days from the
surrender, <em>i. e.</em> August 20. Bohadin (238) represents Saladin as
ignorant of the whole matter till after the surrender, and Ibn Alathyr
and R. Coggeshall do the same; the latter says that Saladin “<span lang="la">nimium
ex animo consternatus, facturum quod petebatur se esse spopondit,</span>”
while the two Arab writers represent the Sultan as at first refusing
to confirm the treaty and afterwards accepting its conditions, but,
according to Bohadin, with a modification as to the term for payment
which brings the date for the first instalment practically to the time
named in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, viz. a month after the surrender.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span></p>


<h3 id="NOTE_III"><span class="smcap">Note III</span><br>
<em>The Advance from the Two Casals to Ramlah</em></h3>

<p>The Frank writers give no precise date for the advance of the
host in 1191 from “between the two Casals” to the neighbourhood
of Ramlah. Ambrose says they reached the former position on
the eve of All Saints, and stayed there “full fifteen days or more”
(<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7199-209). The <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 289-90, agrees with him. This
should mean that they set out again on November 15 or 16. Ambrose,
according to the printed text of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, says the journey to the
next encampment took two days: “<span lang="fro">L’ost erra par mi la plaine,
Sor les biaus chevals peus d’orge; <em>Vint en deus jors</em> entre Seint
Jorge e Rames; la s’allerent tendre Por plus gent e vitaille atendre</span>”
(ll. 7464-8). Thus they would arrive there—<em>i. e.</em> between Lydda
and Ramlah—on November 17 or 18. The poet further says that
the weather afterwards compelled them to take shelter within the
two towns, “<span lang="fro">e fumes la bien sis semaines</span>” (ll. 7471-7; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 298-9,
says the same). We presently find that they made their next
advance—to Beit Nuba—on January 3. Thus we arrive at
November 22 as the date of entering Lydda and Ramlah, and the
encampment “in the plain” appears to have lasted five or six days
(November 17 or 18-22). Our best Arab authority, Bohadin, unluckily
does not mention the matter. Ibn Alathyr (<cite lang="fro">Rec. Hist. Or.</cite>, II. i. 54)
says “the Franks set out from their camp at Jaffa for Ramlah on
3 Dulkaada” = November 22; the same date is given for their
“advance in the direction of Ramlah” by Abu Shama (<em>ib.</em>, v. 48),
but without any clue to his authority for the statement. Ibn
Alathyr gives this same date, 3 Dulkaada, as that on which “the
Franks advanced from Ramlah to Natroun” (<em>l.c.</em>); this is doubtless
a confusion, made either by author or scribe, between “Dulkaada”
and “Dulheggia,” as Richard—though, indeed, not the host—did
remove to Natroun on December 22 or 23 (= 3 or 4 Dulheggia).
The Frankish and the Arab authorities may be partially reconciled
by taking the “six weeks” of Ambrose and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> as
covering the whole period spent not only within the towns, but also
“between” them. In that case, however, the stay between the
two Casals must have been more than fifteen days; it could not have
been less than twenty days, indeed twenty-two seems a more
reasonable reckoning, for it is hard to see how two days can possibly
have been spent in marching even from Casal of the Plains (the more
remote of these two Casals) to either Lydda or Ramlah, a distance
of less than eight miles. One writer does expressly mention “twenty-two
days” in his account of this part of the Crusade; but he does
so in connexion with the sojourn, not between the Casals, but between<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span>
Lydda and Ramlah. Ambrose’s lines, 7464-8, quoted above, are in
the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> (298) represented as follows: “<span lang="la">Exercitus noster fixis
tentoriis <em>inter S. Georgium et Ramulam sedit viginti et duobus</em> diebus, ut
gentem expectaret venturam et annonam.</span>”</p>

<p>To me this passage in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> suggests a possibility of
reconciling practically all the dates and notes of time given by all
our authorities, Arab and Frankish, relating to this matter. It is
not inconceivable that the original authority—whoever he may have
been—for the “twenty-two days” had through a confusion of
memory substituted the duration of the stay between the two Casals
for that of the stay near and in Lydda and Ramlah, and <i lang="la">vice versa</i>.
In that case the correct dates would stand thus: Between the two
Casals, twenty-two days, November 1-22; in the plain between
Lydda and Ramlah, “full fifteen days,” November 23-December 8;
retirement into the two cities December 8, and further advance
(to Beit Nuba) on January 3, “six weeks” from the date of encampment
between them. Whether these coincidences are merely
accidental, and the “twenty-two days” a sheer blunder due to the
Latin “translator” having misread “<span lang="fro">vint <em>en</em> deux jors</span>” as “<span lang="fro">vint
<em>e</em> deus jors</span>,” in Ambrose’s line 7466, or whether in that line as we
now have it <em>en</em> is a scribe’s error for <em>e</em>, and ll. 7464-6 should be read
as a single sentence, with a parenthesis stuck into the middle of it
for the sake of rime—“<span lang="fro">E l’ost erra par mi la plaine (Sor les biaus
chevals peus d’orge) Vint e deus jors entre Seint Jorge e Rames</span>”—whether
the “translator” rendered <em>erra</em> in l. 7464 by <em>sedit</em> because
he thought thus to make better sense of his version of l. 7466, or
whether the poet meant that the host roamed about the plain in
which its camp was set, and perhaps even shifted the camp about,
in vain efforts to avoid the enemies and the rain (see ll. 7469-75,
especially l. 7473, “<span lang="fro">Iceles pluies <em>nos chacerent</em></span>”); these are questions
involving too many other questions for a discussion of them
to be attempted here.</p>


<h3 id="NOTE_IV"><span class="smcap">Note IV</span><br>
<i lang="fro">Casal des Plains and Casal des Bains</i></h3>

<p>I have ventured, in defiance of the printed text of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>,
to follow the writer of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> in giving to Richard’s lurking-place
on the night of January 2-3, 1192, the name of Casal of the
Baths. “<span lang="la">Casellum Balneorum</span>” occurs in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> twice.
In p. 298 we read that while the host lay between Lydda and Ramlah
“<span lang="la">pluviae a sedibus nostris nos exturbabant, intantum ut rex
Jerosolimorum et gens nostra infra S. Georgium ad hospitandum se
transferrent et in Ramulam, <em>comes vero de S. Paulo ad Casellum<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span>
Balneorum</em>.</span>” The last eight words are not represented at all in
the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>. In pp. 306, 307, of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> we are told: “<span lang="la">Tertia
post Circumcisionem Domini die, cum exercitus noster ad progrediendum</span>”
[from Lydda and Ramlah to Beit Nuba] “<span lang="la">se sollicitus
expediret, deformium multitudo Turcorum qui eadem nocte praeterita
juxta Casellum de <em>Planis</em> in insidiis delituerant inter frutecta prosiliit
diluculo in viam observandam per quam noster transiturus erat
exercitus.... Rex quippe Ricardus, cui prius innotuerat de
praedictis Turcorum insidiis, propterea quaque eadem nocte ad
Casellum <em>Balneorum</em> consederat in insidiis, ut videlicet insidiantibus
insidiaret, mane progrediens</span>,” etc. In the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> the corresponding
passage runs thus: “<span lang="fro">Tier jor d’an noef, la matinee, Esteit une ovre
destinee; Sarazins, les laides genz brunes, Sor le Casal des Plains
as dunes Le seir devant ja se bucherent, E tote nuit illoc guaiterent
Desqu’al matin que il saillirent Al chemin de l’ost.... Le rei
d’Engletere aveit, Qui cel embuchement saveit, Por ço al Casal des
<em>Plains</em> geu</span>,” etc. (ll. 7717-24, 7729-31).</p>

<p>It has been suggested that the “<span lang="la">Casellum Balneorum</span>” of
<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 298, may represent Amwas (= “Fountains”), otherwise
called Nicopolis (see Stubbs’s note to <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em>). This identification
is possible; but it seems very unlikely that a small fraction of the
host should, for no apparent reason, put itself so nearly into the
lion’s mouth by going to camp eight or nine miles in advance of the
rest, and less than two miles from the encampment of Saladin,
which at that time was at Natroun. Moreover, in a later passage
common to <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> (l. 9846) and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> (369) we find “<span lang="fro">la
fontaine d’Esmals</span>,” “<span lang="fro">ad fontem Emaus</span>,” in a context which plainly
shows that these names stand for Amwas-Nicopolis; but in p. 307
of <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> the context seems to preclude an identification of
Casellum Balneorum with Emaus = Amwas, and to point to some
place much further north or north-west; and later commentators
have found such a place, bearing a name which translates the Latin
one more exactly than Amwas, in Umm-el-Hummum, near Mirabel.
On the other hand, the extant text of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, as we have seen,
has nothing at all answering to “<span lang="la">Castellum Balneorum</span>”; it makes
the Turkish ambush and the king spend the night of January 2-3 at,
or close to, one and the same place, the Casal of the Plains. Whence,
then, did the Latin writer get his “Casal of the Baths”? He can
hardly have invented it for himself. If his work be really a translation
of that of Ambrose, he must either have made it from a copy
which had <i lang="fro">Bains</i>, not <i lang="fro">Plains</i>, in l. 7731, or he must have had some
other source of information which made him deliberately substitute
“Baths” for “Plains” in his rendering of that line. The substitution
cannot be explained as a misreading on his part, since “<span lang="fro">Casal
des Plains</span>” in l. 7720 is correctly represented in his text by “<span lang="fro">Casellum
de Planis.</span>” That he knew, from a source other than the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span>
something about the Casal of the Baths is clear from his earlier
mention of that place, in p. 298. A different theory as to the relation
between the two books suggests that that source may have been
personal knowledge. However this may be, his second mention of
“<span lang="la">Casellum Balneorum</span>” certainly makes the passage in which it
occurs far more intelligible than the corresponding passage in the
existing text of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>. Ambrose’s story, as it stands there,
is scarcely credible. The Turks and the king lie in wait for one
another all night, the former “on the sandhills above the Casal
of the Plains,” the latter at the Casal of the Plains itself, yet neither
party catches the other till, evidently to the utter surprise of the
Turks, they meet before the camp at Ramlah or Lydda, to which
they must, if this version of the affair be correct, have ridden at
almost the same time, parallel with and in close proximity to each
other for about eight miles, and almost from one and the same
starting-point! Surely, by the light—whencesoever derived—of
the Latin version, we can see that either Ambrose himself or the
scribe of the extant MS. of his work has erroneously written <i lang="fro">Plains</i>
instead of <i lang="fro">Bains</i> in l. 7731; a mistake which might very easily be
made, owing to the occurrence of “<span lang="fro">Plains</span>” only eleven lines
above, and the absence of any mention of Casal des Bains elsewhere
in the poem.</p>


<h3 id="NOTE_V"><span class="smcap">Note V</span><br>
<em>Richard’s Homage to the Emperor</em></h3>

<p>Seven contemporary or nearly contemporary writers state that
Richard, to purchase his freedom, did homage to Henry VI. Three
of these—one English and two German—assert distinctly that
the kingdom of England was included in this homage; two of the
others—one German and one French—imply the same.</p>

<p>(1) “<span lang="la">Ricardus rex Angliae in captione Henrici Romanorum
imperatoris detentus, ut captionem illam evaderet, consilio Alienor
matris suae deposuit se de regno Angliae et tradidit illud imperatori
sicut universorum domino; et investivit eum inde per pilleum suum;
sed imperator, sicut praelocutum fuit, statim reddidit ei, in conspectu
magnatium Alemanniae et Angliae, regnum Angliae praedictum,
tenendum de ipso pro quinque millia librarum sterlingorum singulis
annis de tributo solvendis; et investivit eum inde imperator per
duplicem crucem de auro.</span>” R. Howden, iii. 202, 203.</p>

<p>(2) The <cite>Annals of Marbach</cite> (Pertz, xvii. 165) say Richard was
released “<span lang="la">tota terra sua, Anglia et aliis terris suis propriis, imperatori
datis et ab eo in beneficio receptis.</span>”</p>

<p>(3) “<span lang="la">Legium ipsi [imperatori] faciens hominium, coronam regni
sui ab ipso recepit</span>,” <cite lang="la">Gesta Episc. Halberstad.</cite> (Pertz, xxiii. 110).</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span></p>

<p>(4) “<span lang="la">Terram propriam ... imperatori tradidit et a manu imperatoris
sceptro investitus suscepit. Juravitque fidelitatem Romano
Imperatori et Romano Imperio et privilegio exinde facto propria
manu subscripsit. Tantam itaque devotionem regis intuens
imperator sceptrum regium quod in manu sua tenebat regi contulit,
ut hoc insigni dono in posterum uteretur.... Acta sunt haec
apud Maguntium.</span>” <cite lang="la">Ann. Salsburg. Additamenta</cite>, Pertz, xiii. 240.</p>

<p>(5) William the Breton represents Richard as offering to give the
Emperor a hundred thousand marks, and adding: “<span lang="la">Meque sceptrumque
meum subjecta fatebor.... Rex igitur dictum re firmat, et
inde recedit liber.</span>” <cite lang="la">Philippis</cite>, lib. iv., vv. 419, 426-7.</p>

<p>(6) “<span lang="la">Accepta infinita summa pecuniae et hominio ejus ...
[imperator regem] absolutum permittit abire.</span>” <cite lang="la">Reineri Ann.</cite>,
Pertz, xvi. 651.</p>

<p>(7) “<span lang="la">[Richardus] Imperio postquam jurans se subdidit, inquit:
‘Vivat in aeternum lux mea, liber eo.’</span>”—<cite lang="la">P. de Ebulo</cite>, ll. 1087-8.</p>

<p>Of all these authorities, only the first is of any real value. The
German sources for this period are all mere monastic or ecclesiastical
chronicles; the Annals of Marbach are among the best. The Acts
of the Bishops of Halberstadt date from the thirteenth century.
Reiner’s Annals are a section, ending in 1230, of a group of Chronicles
of Liége; Reiner himself was born in 1155. The Additions to the
Salzburg Annals are absolutely worthless; they are full of absurdities;
and some of their statements about Richard are so obviously
unhistorical that their German editor in his footnotes twice denounces
them as “fables”—“<span lang="la">Hoc jam fabulis plena de Richardi regis
gestis</span>” (p. 238)—“<span lang="la">Iterum fabulae sequuntur prioribus pejores</span>”
(p. 240). Peter of Ebulo and William of Armorica can only have had
their information at—to say the least—second hand, and from sources
hostile to Richard; Peter was the panegyrist of Henry VI, William
the historiographer of Philip Augustus; both, too, wrote in verse,
and are open to the suspicion of a liberal use of poetic licence to exalt
their respective heroes and diminish the glory of him who was the
most illustrious rival of those two sovereigns. Had we only these
six writers to deal with, we might be justified in treating the whole
story as a misunderstanding or misrepresentation of an act of homage
done to Henry by Richard for the kingdom of Burgundy, although,
oddly enough, not one of them so much as mentions Burgundy at
all. But Roger of Howden is not so easy to dispose of. He was a
sober-minded and well-informed English historian, whose work in
many places shows that he had access to the best official sources
of contemporary information; in his case misunderstanding and
misrepresentation on the subject are both alike almost inconceivable;
and, moreover, his version of the matter is indirectly corroborated
by another writer whose general accuracy and correct information
rank as high, and whose facilities for learning the truth on this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span>
particular point were probably even greater than those of Roger
himself. Ralf de Diceto (ii. 113) writes as follows: “<span lang="la">Pactiones
initae sunt plures inter imperatorem et regem, ad persolvendam non
spectantes pecuniam, sed ad statum regis intervertendum; inter
quas quicquid insertum est ab initio vitiosum, quicquid contra
leges, contra canones, contra bonos mores indubitanter conceptum,
licet ex parte regis et suorum fidelium ad hoc observandum fuerit
jusjurandum adauctum, emissa licet patentia scripta, licet in mundum
universitatis recepta, licet a partibus absoluta, quia tamen contra
jus elicita robur firmitatis obtinere non debent in posterum, nec
ullo tractu temporis convalescere.</span>” These words seem distinctly
to point to something more than homage merely for the kingdom of
Arles, a homage which there could surely be no reason for Ralf or
anyone else to denounce as so “vicious from the outset, so contrary
to law, morality, and right” as to be utterly null and void. We
must also remember that Ralf was a close friend of Archbishop
Walter of Rouen, who was in correspondence with him at this very
time, and who was present at the whole ceremony of Richard’s
release.</p>


<h3 id="NOTE_VI"><span class="smcap">Note VI</span><br>
<em>Richard, William of Longchamps, and the Great Seal</em></h3>

<p>Roger of Howden in his account of the year 1194, after giving
the terms of the truce made between the representatives of the two
kings on July 23 in the form of a proclamation addressed “to all
whom it may concern” by Drogo de Merlo the Constable of France,
Anselm the Dean of S. Martin’s at Tours, and Urse the French king’s
chamberlain (iii. 257-60), diverges to English affairs (260-7) and
then returns to continental ones as follows:</p>

<p>“<span lang="la">Deinde [Ricardus Rex] veniens in Normanniam moleste tulit
quicquid factum fuerit de supradictis treugis, et imputans cancellario
suo hoc per eum fuisse factum, abstulit ab eo sigillum suum, et fecit
sibi novum sigillum fieri, et mandavit per singulas terras suas quod
nihil ratum foret quod fuerat per vetus sigillum suum; tum quia
cancellarius ille operatus fuerat inde minus discrete quam esset
necesse, tum quia sigillum illud perditum erat quando Rogerus
Malus Catulus, vice-cancellarius suus, submersus erat in mare ante
insulam de Cipro. Et praecepit rex quod omnes qui cartas habebant
venirent ad novum sigillum suum ad cartas suas renovandas.</span>”
R. Howden, iii. 267.</p>

<p>This story is certainly not strictly accurate; it was not till 1198
that Richard changed his seal, and if the seal was withdrawn
from William of Ely in 1194, it was restored to him almost immediately,
and he remained the king’s chancellor and trusted friend<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span>
to the end of Richard’s life. Nevertheless, it seems clear that Richard
did momentarily contemplate in 1194 a change of seal and the
consequent requirement of confirmation of charters issued under the
old seal. When this actually took place four years later, he himself
stated his reasons for it as follows: “<span lang="la">Quod” [sc. primum sigillum
nostrum] “quia aliquando perditum erat, et dum capti essemus in
Alemannia in aliena potestate constitutum, mutatum est.</span>” (Confirmation
of a charter to Ely, July 1, 1198, printed in <cite>Ramsey
Cartulary</cite>, ed. Hart and Lyons, i. 115, and also in Round’s <cite>Feudal
England</cite>, 542). Mr. Round dismisses Roger’s story as sheer fiction,
on the ground that the second reason here given by Richard is
“wholly and essentially different” from the first reason given by
Roger. Even if this be so, it does not necessarily follow that the
whole of Roger’s story is either a fiction, or a delusion, or misdated.
Richard’s own statement of his motives is obviously a mere excuse;
the self-evident fact that while he was in prison the seal was necessarily
“in the power of another” might be a ground for annulling
acts passed under it during that time, but could be no genuine reason
for revoking likewise all other acts passed under it. One at least of
his excuses, however, is far more likely to have been invented in
1194 than in 1198. The king’s temporary loss of control over the
seal in 1193-4 might be a colourable pretext for getting rid of the
discredited instrument at the earliest possible moment, but could
in no way account for its repudiation after it had been, without
necessity, suffered to remain in use for four years.</p>

    </div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span></p>

<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2>


    <div class="fs80">

<ul class="index">
<li class="ifrst">Abou Bekr, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>

<li class="indx">Achard of Châlus, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>

<li class="indx">Acre, Philip arrives at, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege of, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161-162</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations for surrender, <a href="#Page_162">162-164</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrender of, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">discussions about terms, <a href="#Page_169">169-171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">slaughter of garrison, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disturbances at, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">capitulation of, <a href="#Page_331">331-332</a></li>

<li class="indx">Aixe taken by Richard, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="ALF">Alfonso II, King of Aragon, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>

<li class="indx">Aloysia of France, betrothed to Richard, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">her promised dowry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputes about, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">betrothal renewed, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marriage with John proposed, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">engagement to Richard finally broken off, <a href="#Page_136">136-137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sent back to France, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">married, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="AMA">Amalric I, king of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="AMW">Amwas, <a href="#Page_233">233</a></li>

<li class="indx">Andely, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputed between archbishop and king, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s building at, <a href="#Page_310">310-311</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, disputed succession to, <a href="#Page_39">39-41</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, Aimar, count of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Footnote_146">41 note 4</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44-45</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, Elias, count of, <a href="#Footnote_146">41 note 4</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, Maud, heiress of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, Vulgrin III, count of, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, William IV, count of, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li class="indx">Angoulême, William V, count of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Footnote_146">41 note 4</a></li>

<li class="indx">Anjou, Stephen, seneschal of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>

<li class="indx">Aquitaine, Ralf de Diceto’s description of, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">its extent and boundaries, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">risings in, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard made duke of, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">its feudal position in 1169, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rebels in, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40-44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">ravages of Routiers in, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">end of rebellion, <a href="#Page_55">55-56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Henry proposes to transfer it to John, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invaded by John and Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Henry II’s dealings with, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">revolts in, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disuse of the name in Richard’s later years, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Aragon, Alfonso, king of, <em>see</em> <a href="#ALF">Alfonso</a></li>

<li class="indx">Arras besieged by Baldwin of Flanders, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relieved by Philip Augustus, <em>ib.</em></li>

<li class="indx">Arsuf, battle of, <a href="#Page_185">185-188</a></li>

<li class="indx">Arthur of Britanny, <em>see</em> <a href="#BRI">Britanny</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ascalon, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">its importance, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">razed by Saladin, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rebuilding of, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard at, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations concerning, <a href="#Page_257">257-259</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">again dismantled, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li>

<li class="indx">Aslam, Emir, <a href="#Page_235">235-237</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Assassins,” <a href="#Page_301">301</a></li>

<li class="indx">Athlit, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li class="indx">Austria, Leopold, duke of, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a></li>

<li class="indx">Auvergne, rival claims upon, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26-27</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s successes in, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Bagnara, La, <a href="#Page_126">126</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="BAL">Baldwin IV, king of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>

<li class="indx">Baldwin V, king of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>

<li class="indx">Baldwin, Archbishop of Canterbury, <em>see</em> <a href="#CAN">Canterbury</a></li>

<li class="indx">Barres, William des, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bath, Savaric, bishop of, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>

<li class="indx">Beauvais, bishop of, captured by Mercadier, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bedr-ed-Din, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_257">257-258</a></li>

<li class="indx">Beit Nuba, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a></li>

<li class="indx">Berengaria of Navarre, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins Richard in Sicily, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails for Acre with Joan, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">their adventures at sea, <a href="#Page_141">141-142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span>marriage and coronation, <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li>

<li class="indx">Berry, feudal position of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Henry II in, <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bertin, Peter, seneschal of Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>

<li class="indx">Béthune, Baldwin of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bigorre, count of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>

<li class="indx">Blanchegarde, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a></li>

<li class="indx">Blondel, <a href="#Page_275">275</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bombrac, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bonmoulins, meeting of kings at, <a href="#Page_81">81-83</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bordeaux, Richard at, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burnt by Routiers, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bordeaux, William, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li class="indx">Born, Bertrand de, <a href="#Page_40">40-42</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45-47</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>

<li class="indx">Born, Constantine de, <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li>

<li class="indx">Boulogne, Reginald, count of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx">Bourges, promised as Aloysia’s dowry, <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li>

<li class="indx">Boutavant, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="BRA">“Brabantines,” <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a></li>

<li class="indx">Britanny, revolt in (1173), <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">submits to Henry II, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s relations with, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="BRI">Britanny, Arthur, duke of, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>

<li class="indx">Britanny, Geoffrey, duke of, <em>see</em> <a href="#GEO">Geoffrey</a></li>

<li class="indx">Burgundy, Hugh, duke of, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a></li>

<li class="indx">Burgundy or Provence, kingdom of, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Cadoc, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>

<li class="indx">Caesarea, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>

<li class="indx">Camville, Richard de, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>

<li class="indx">Canebrake of Starlings, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="CAN">Canterbury, Baldwin, Archbishop of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li class="indx">Canterbury, Hubert, Archbishop of, <em>see</em> <a href="#HUB">Hubert</a></li>

<li class="indx">Canterbury, Richard at, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>

<li class="indx">Capharnaum, Crusaders at, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casal of the Baths, <a href="#Page_203">203-204</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334-336</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casal Imbert, <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casal Maen, <a href="#Page_198">198</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casal of the Plains (Yazour), <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334-336</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casal of the Straits, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li class="indx">Casals, the Two, <a href="#Page_333">333-334</a></li>

<li class="indx">Castillon-sur-Agen, taken by Richard, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>

<li class="indx">Castle Arnold, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>

<li class="indx">Catania, meeting of Richard and Tancred at, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>

<li class="indx">Celestine III, Pope, his warning to the Emperor, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chabot, Theobald, <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li>

<li class="indx">Châlus, treasure-trove at, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged by Richard, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Mercadier, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>

<li class="indx">Champagne, Henry, count of, <em>see</em> <a href="#HEN">Henry</a></li>

<li class="indx">Champagne, Theobald, count of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx">Château-Gaillard, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a></li>

<li class="indx">Châteauroux, dispute about, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Henry II, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged by Philip of France, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce made at, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Philip, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s attempt to regain it, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>

<li class="indx">Châtillon, conference at, <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li>

<li class="indx">Chinon, conference at, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>

<li class="indx">Clairvaux, castle of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cologne, election of emperor at, <a href="#Page_318">318</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cologne, Adolf, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_285">285-286</a></li>

<li class="indx">Colombières, meeting of kings at, <a href="#Page_89">89</a></li>

<li class="indx">Comnenos, Isaac, <em>see</em> <a href="#ISA">Isaac</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="CON">Conrad of Montferrat, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">character, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marries Isabel, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rivalry with Guy, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Saladin, <a href="#Page_194">194-195</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Richard, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Acre, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Tyre, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">declared to have forfeited the crown, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">again chosen king, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">slain, <a href="#Page_216">216</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="CST">Constance of Britanny, <a href="#Page_306">306</a></li>

<li class="indx">Constance, heiress of Sicily, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>

<li class="indx">Corfu, Richard at, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a></li>

<li class="indx">Crispin, William, <a href="#Page_315">315</a></li>

<li class="indx">Crocodiles, River of, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cross, relics of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>

<li class="indx">Curbaran, leader of Routiers, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">Cyprus, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">adventures of Joan and Berengaria off, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">English fleet reaches, <a href="#Page_142">142-143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquest of, <a href="#Page_143">143-148</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">given to Guy of Lusignan, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Dangu surrendered to Richard, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">razed by Philip, <em>ib.</em></li>

<li class="indx">Darum, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_222">222-223</a>, <a href="#Page_245">245</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Dead River,” the, <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li>

<li class="indx">Déols, Ralf of, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>

<li class="indx">Dirnstein or Dürrenstein, Richard imprisoned at, <a href="#Page_271">271</a></li>

<li class="indx">Drincourt, siege of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li>

<li class="indx">Durham, Hugh of Puiset, bishop of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Eleanor, Queen, prophecy concerning, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">regent in Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Limoges, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span>left guardian of Richard and Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins the French party, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">imprisoned by Henry, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">released, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives surrender of Poitou from Richard, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins him in Sicily, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to England, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Richard’s death, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></li>

<li class="indx">El-Meshtoub, Seiffeddin, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ely, William of Longchamps, bishop of, chancellor, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates for Richard’s release, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Philip, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">deprived of the Seal, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sent to Germany, <a href="#Page_302">302-303</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emma, countess of Poitou, <a href="#Page_5">5</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emmaus, <em>see</em> <a href="#AMW">Amwas</a></li>

<li class="indx">Emperors, <em>see</em> <a href="#FRE">Frederic</a>, <a href="#HVI">Henry</a></li>

<li class="indx">Excideuil, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ezz-ed-Din, <a href="#Page_230">230</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Famagosta, Richard at, <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Far,” the, of Messina, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li class="indx">Fauvel, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li class="indx">Felek-ed-Din, Emir, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ferté-Bernard, La, meeting of kings at, <a href="#Page_85">85</a></li>

<li class="indx">Figtrees, castle of, <a href="#Page_225">225</a></li>

<li class="indx">Flanders, Baldwin VIII, count of, alliance with Richard, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Arras, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">arranges a conference between the kings, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">supports Otto’s election to the empire, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes St. Omer, <em>ib.</em></li>

<li class="indx">Flanders, Philip, count of, <a href="#Page_68">68</a></li>

<li class="indx">Fleet, Richard’s, its adventures from England to Messina, <a href="#Page_121">121-122</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Messina, <a href="#Page_138">138-139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">voyage to Rhodes, <a href="#Page_139">139-141</a></li>

<li class="indx">Fontevraud, Henry II buried at, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard buried at, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>

<li class="indx">France, kings of, <em>see</em> <a href="#LOU">Louis</a>, <a href="#PHI">Philip</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="FRE">Frederic Barbarossa, Emperor, his death, <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li>

<li class="indx">Fréteval, battle at, <a href="#Page_296">296-297</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Gascony, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Genoa, Richard and Philip at, <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="GEO">Geoffrey, son of Henry II and Eleanor, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49-51</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>

<li class="indx">Germany, condition of, under Henry VI, <a href="#Page_272">272-273</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gisors, conferences at, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputes about, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrendered to Philip, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">ceded to him, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounter between Richard and Philip at, <a href="#Page_320">320</a></li>

<li class="indx">Glanville, Ranulf de, <a href="#Page_102">102-103</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gorizia, Mainard, count of, <a href="#Page_268">268-269</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gouletot, <a href="#Page_322">322</a></li>

<li class="indx">Graçay, <a href="#Page_94">94</a></li>

<li class="indx">Grandmont, Henry II at, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Griffons,” <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>

<li class="indx">Gué Saint Rémi, <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="GUY">Guy of Lusignan, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">king of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his character, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rivalry with Conrad of Montferrat, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">on the march to Arsuf, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to fetch troops from Acre, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Cyprus given to, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Haïfa, Crusaders at, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hainaut, count of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hautefort, castle of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li>

<li class="indx">Heraclius, Patriarch of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="HVI">Henry VI, emperor, his relations with Philip of France, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Leopold of Austria, <a href="#Page_271">271-272</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Richard, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283-4</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends Richard a crown, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">excommunicated, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s homage to, <a href="#Page_336">336-338</a></li>

<li class="indx">Henry II, king of England, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Limoges, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Toulouse, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conference with Aquitanian nobles, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Raymond, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Louis VII of France, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conference with Louis at Gisors, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Poitiers, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recovers Saintes, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Louis at Gisors, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reconciled to Richard, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives homage of his sons, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to England, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plans for his sons, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands Aloysia’s dowry, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marches on Berry, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Châteauroux, etc., <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdues the Limousin, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Louis at Graçay, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">buys La Marche, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins Richard in Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Aquitanian rebels at Grandmont, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with his sons, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Limoges, <a href="#Page_52">52-54</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Limoges surrendered to, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">restores Hautefort to Bertrand de Born, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proposes to transfer Aquitaine to John, <a href="#Page_56">56-58</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">does homage to Philip, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">summons his sons to England, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends Geoffrey to Normandy, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">releases Eleanor, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">changes in his treatment of Richard, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Philip Augustus, <a href="#Page_65">65-69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span>schemes for John, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes the Cross, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with Richard about his Crusade, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Philip, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Philip at Gisors, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Châtillon, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Philip, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets him at La Ferté, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">last struggle, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">submission at Colombières, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">last meeting with Richard, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burial, <a href="#Page_91">91-92</a></li>

<li class="indx">Henry, son of Henry II, his homage to Louis in 1169, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conspires against his father, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to England with him, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Normandy, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins Richard, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Châteauroux, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins league against Richard, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Richard, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Aquitaine, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Limoges, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Angoulême, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">repulsed from Limoges, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="HEN">Henry, count of Champagne, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">chosen king of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marries Isabel, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins Richard at Darum, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to collect reinforcements, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">rejoins Richard at Joppa, <a href="#Page_252">252</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hodierna, Richard’s nurse, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="HUS">Hubert, bishop of Salisbury, visits Richard in Germany, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1" id="HUB">archbishop of Canterbury, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his demands for the king refused in England, <a href="#Page_307">307-308</a></li>

<li class="indx">Hugh, Saint, bishop of Lincoln, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Interdict in Normandy, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raised, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="ISA">Isaac Comnenus, tyrant of Cyprus, <a href="#Page_141">141-144</a>, <a href="#Page_146">146-148</a></li>

<li class="indx">Isabel of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218-220</a></li>

<li class="indx">Issoudun, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Jerusalem, Heraclius, patriarch of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jerusalem, kingdom of, claimants to, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement of their claims, <a href="#Page_167">167</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jerusalem, kings of, <em>see</em> <a href="#AMA">Amalric</a>, <a href="#BAL">Baldwin</a>, <a href="#CON">Conrad</a>, <a href="#GUY">Guy</a>, <a href="#HEN">Henry</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jerusalem, roads to, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li>

<li class="indx">Jews, riot against, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="JOA">Joan, queen of Sicily, <a href="#Page_124">124-125</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputes about her dowry, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">her claims settled, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails for Acre with Berengaria, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">their adventures at sea, <a href="#Page_141">141-142</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proposal for her marriage with Safadin, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">second marriage, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>

<li class="indx">John of Anagni, legate in France, <a href="#Page_85">85-86</a></li>

<li class="indx">John “Lackland,” Henry’s plans for, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marches into Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">proposal for his marriage with Aloysia, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Richard, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s grants to, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104-105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting with Rees of South Wales, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marriage, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plots with Philip, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">submits to Richard, <a href="#Page_294">294</a></li>

<li class="indx">Joppa, struggle for, <a href="#Page_247">247-255</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Karakoush, <a href="#Page_162">162-163</a></li>

<li class="indx">Kuweilfeh, <a href="#Page_236">236</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Lacroma, <a href="#Page_266">266-267</a></li>

<li class="indx">Latroun, <em>see</em> <a href="#NAT">Natroun</a></li>

<li class="indx">Leicester, Robert, earl of, captured by Philip, <a href="#Page_296">296</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lieu-Dieu, <a href="#Page_116">116</a></li>

<li class="indx">Limasol, <a href="#Page_141">141-146</a></li>

<li class="indx">Limoges, Aimar V, viscount of, defeated by Richard, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes on pilgrimage, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wars with Richard, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins young Henry, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders to Henry II, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">war with Richard, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">claims treasure-trove at Châlus, <a href="#Page_325">325</a></li>

<li class="indx">Limoges, rival jurisdictions at, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard proclaimed duke at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting of kings and nobles at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Richard, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">settlement between Richard and rebels at, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">its walls destroyed, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">young Henry at, <a href="#Page_51">51-52</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieged by Henry II and Richard, <a href="#Page_52">52-54</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrendered, <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Lion Heart,” origin of the epithet, <a href="#Page_34">34</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Lo Bar” (Lupicar), <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lomagne, Vézian, viscount of, <a href="#Page_39">39</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Lombards” at Messina, <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>

<li class="indx">London, Richard crowned at, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">anti-Jewish riot in, <a href="#Page_98">98</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="LOU">Louis VII of France, his relations with Henry II, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives homage of Henry and his sons, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">league with the sons, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Henry at Gisors, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">knights Richard, <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li>

<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span>Lusignan, family of, <a href="#Footnote_28">8 note 2</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lusignan, Geoffrey of, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42-43</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lusignan, Guy of, <em>see</em> <a href="#GUY">Guy</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lusignan, Hugh of, <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li>

<li class="indx">Lydda, <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li>


<li class="ifrst" id="MAL">Malcolm IV, king of Scots, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mandeville, William de, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mans, Le, Henry’s flight from, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mantes attacked by Richard, <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li>

<li class="indx">Marche, La, Adalbert, count of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li>

<li class="indx">Marche, La, county of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li>

<li class="indx">Margarit, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>

<li class="indx">Markab, <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li>

<li class="indx">Marshal, William, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Mategriffon,” <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mercadier, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Issoudun, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures the count of Auvergne, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures the bishop of Beauvais, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raids Abbeville, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacked by French in time of truce, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Richard at Châlus, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes the castle, <a href="#Page_327">327</a></li>

<li class="indx">Merle, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li>

<li class="indx">Merlin’s prophecy, <a href="#Page_1">1</a></li>

<li class="indx">Messina, English fleet reaches, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Philip arrives at, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">“Far” of, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard arrives at, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Joan arrives at, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">mixed population of, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">hostility to the English, <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">taken by Richard, <a href="#Page_127">127-128</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty of, <a href="#Page_137">137-138</a>, <a href="#Footnote_1084">276 note</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s departure from, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Emperor Henry VI dies at, <a href="#Page_317">317</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mileto, Richard’s adventure at, <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mirabel, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li>

<li class="indx">Montferrat, Conrad of, <em>see</em> <a href="#CON">Conrad</a></li>

<li class="indx">Montferrat, William of, <a href="#Page_158">158</a></li>

<li class="indx">Montjoie, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a></li>

<li class="indx">Montlouis, treaty of, <a href="#Page_17">17</a></li>

<li class="indx">Montmirail, conference of kings at, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li class="indx">Morocco, Emperor of, invades Spain, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li>

<li class="indx">Mortain, county of, granted to John, <a href="#Page_104">104</a></li>


<li class="ifrst" id="NAT">Natroun, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a></li>

<li class="indx">Navarre, kings of, <em>see</em> <a href="#SAN">Sancho</a></li>

<li class="indx">Neckam, Alexander, Richard’s foster-brother, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>

<li class="indx">Nonancourt surrendered to Richard, <a href="#Page_307">307</a></li>

<li class="indx">Normandy, interdict in, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raised, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">scutage of, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li>

<li class="indx">Nottingham, siege of, <a href="#Page_287">287-288</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">council at, <a href="#Page_289">289</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">“Oc e No,” nickname of Richard, <a href="#Footnote_120">34 note 6</a></li>

<li class="indx">Oxford, Richard born at, <a href="#Page_2">2</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Palestine, condition in 1190, <a href="#Page_152">152-153</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Peace-makers,” <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">Périgord, Elias, count of, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297</a></li>

<li class="indx">Périgueux, <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li>

<li class="indx">Peter, Cardinal, legate in France, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_323">323</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="PHI">Philip Augustus, king of France, receives homage of count of Angoulême, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends Routiers into Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives homage of Henry II, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands homage of Richard, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Châteauroux, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Henry, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">demands Gisors, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes the Cross, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">intervenes in quarrel of Richard and Raymond of Toulouse, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Châteauroux, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">overruns Berry and Auvergne, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burns Trou, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Henry, <a href="#Page_79">79-81</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with Richard at Châtillon, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Henry, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets him at La Ferté, <a href="#Page_85">85-86</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Tours, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Richard, <a href="#Page_94">94-95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets him at Vézelay, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crosses the Rhône, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Genoa, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reaches Messina, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conduct there, <a href="#Page_127">127-128</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136-137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Tancred, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Richard, <a href="#Page_137">137-138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails for Acre, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Acre, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155-157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputes with Richard, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes home, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with the Emperor, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attempt on Normandy during Richard’s captivity, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquers the Vexin, etc., <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Henry VI, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Richard, <a href="#Page_282">282-283</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his offers to Henry VI, <a href="#Page_283">283-284</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Verneuil, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Vaudreuil, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Fontaines, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Earl of Leicester, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeated at Fréteval, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Richard, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with him, <a href="#Page_302">302-303</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burns Dieppe, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Issoudun, and meets with Richard there, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Richard, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Aumale, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span>his allies, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recovers Dangu, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relieves Arras, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">makes terms with Flanders, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Richard at Les Andelys, <a href="#Page_315">315-316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">boast about Château-Gaillard, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">alliance with Philip of Suabia, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">burns Evreux, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">builds Gouletot, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates for peace, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Richard again, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">makes truce for five years, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">breaks it, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pilgrims’ Castle, <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pin, Jordan du, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pipewell, council at, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>

<li class="indx">Poitiers, Richard at, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Poitiers, William of, chaplain of Richard, <a href="#Page_227">227</a></li>

<li class="indx">Poitou, county of, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">granted to Otto of Saxony, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">use of the name in Richard’s later years, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Poitou, Otto, count of, <em>see</em> <a href="#SAX">Saxony</a></li>

<li class="indx">Pons besieged by Richard, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrendered, <a href="#Page_31">31</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ponthieu, county of, <a href="#Page_313">313</a></li>

<li class="indx">Préaux, William des, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a></li>

<li class="indx">Provence, kingdom of, <a href="#Page_283">283</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Quercy conquered by Henry II, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">by Richard, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">restored to Toulouse, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Ragusa, Richard at, <a href="#Page_266">266-267</a></li>

<li class="indx">Ramlah, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206-207</a></li>

<li class="indx">Rancogne, Geoffrey of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li>

<li class="indx">Raymond “Brunus or Brenuus,” <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">Reggio, <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li>

<li class="indx">Rhodes, Richard at, <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li>

<li class="indx">Richard the Lion Heart born, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first betrothal, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Normandy, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">betrothed to Aloysia of France, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">does homage to Louis for Poitou and Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invested as duke at Poitiers and at Limoges, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives homage of Raymond of Toulouse, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins his rebel brothers, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">knighted by Louis VII, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Aquitaine, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dealings with La Rochelle, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">seizes Saintes, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">expelled by Henry, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">submits to his father, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">does homage to him, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">deprived of his territories, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Castillon-sur-Agen, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to England, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Aquitaine, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdues rebels in Poitou, defeats Brabantines at St. Maigrin, takes Aixe and Limoges, and captures the count of Angoulême, <a href="#Page_20">20</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">keeps Christmas (1176) at Bordeaux, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">successes in Gascony, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes castle at Limoges from the viscount, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marches on Gascony, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dealings with Bigorre, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">keeps Christmas (1178) at Saintes, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Pons, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his successes in Angoumois, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">siege of Taillebourg, <a href="#Page_29">29-31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to England, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reinstated as count of Poitou, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with people of Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">person and character, <a href="#Page_33">33-37</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">oaths, <a href="#Footnote_120">34 note 6</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">subdues Lomagne, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">claims wardship of Angoulême, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">strife with Aimar of Limoges, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conspiracy against, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Puy-St.-Front, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Excideuil, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">builds a castle at Clairvaux, <a href="#Page_45">45-46</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in Normandy, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Bertrand de Born, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders Clairvaux, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with his father, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with his brothers, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with young Henry, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">routs rebels in the Limousin, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">joins Henry at siege of Limoges, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">drives Routiers out of Angoumois and Saintonge, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">refuses to give up Aquitaine to John, <a href="#Page_58">58-60</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">holds court at Talmont, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attachment to Berengaria of Navarre, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Aquitaine and attacks Geoffrey, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">surrenders Poitou to Eleanor, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">betrothed to the emperor’s daughter, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Berengaria, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Aloysia again, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">again sent to Aquitaine, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invades Toulouse and conquers Quercy, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Philip at Châteauroux, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">visits Philip at Paris, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">does homage again to Henry, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes the Cross, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Henry at Le Mans, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with his father about the Crusade, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quells revolt in Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrels with Raymond of Toulouse, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">makes attempt on Châteauroux, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Les Roches, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attacks Mantes, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span>captures William des Barres, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with Philip at Châtillon, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">betrothal to Aloysia renewed, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">in pursuit of Henry from Le Mans, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounter with William the Marshal, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Tours with Philip, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">last meeting with Henry, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Henry’s funeral, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends the Marshal to England, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">confirms Henry’s grants, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first acts as king, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with John, <a href="#Page_93">93-94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invested as duke of Normandy, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Philip, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with him, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to England, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">received at Winchester, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">first proclamation, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">welcomed in London, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crowned, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">tries to protect Jews, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his financial difficulties, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">preparations for Crusade, <a href="#Page_99">99-105</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">holds council at Pipewell, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dealings with Wales, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">agrees to meet Philip at Vézelay, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to S. Edmund’s, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Canterbury, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dealings with Scotland, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Normandy, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Philip, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">appoints justiciar, <a href="#Page_112">112-113</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">fleet, <a href="#Page_113">113-115</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">founds abbey at Talmont, <a href="#Page_115">115-116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Gourfaille, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Chis, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives scrip and staff at Tours, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Philip at Vézelay, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crosses the Rhône, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Marseille, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Genoa, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">coasting voyage to Naples, <a href="#Page_121">121-122</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">adventure at Mileto, <a href="#Page_123">123</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">crosses the “Far,” <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">enters Messina, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">seizes the “Griffons’ Minster,” <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captures Messina, <a href="#Page_127">127-128</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with Philip, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Tancred, <a href="#Page_130">130-133</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">builds “Mategriffon,” <a href="#Page_131">131</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">penance, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with William des Barres, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Tancred, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">engagement to Aloysia finally broken off, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Philip, <a href="#Page_137">137-138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Eleanor and Berengaria at Reggio, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails from Messina, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">voyage to Rhodes, <a href="#Page_140">140-141</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reaches Limasol, <a href="#Page_142">142-143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dealings with Isaac Comnenos, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Limasol, <a href="#Page_143">143-145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">marriage, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting with Isaac, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Nicosia, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives Isaac’s surrender, <a href="#Page_147">147-148</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails for Palestine, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounter with a Turkish ship, <a href="#Page_149">149-150</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">refused admittance to Tyre, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Acre, <a href="#Page_155">155-157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">disputes with Philip, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with duke of Austria, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330-331</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">leads the host towards Ascalon, <a href="#Page_177">177-178</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance to Haïfa, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reconciled with William des Barres, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance to Caesarea, <a href="#Page_180">180-181</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to the “Dead River,” <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_183">183</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">parley with Safadin, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">victory at Arsuf, <a href="#Page_185">185-188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Joppa, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Safadin, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">restores Joppa, <a href="#Page_191">191-192</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his letters on the Crusade, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Acre, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">saved from capture by William des Préaux, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Joppa, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Safadin, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Saladin, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advances to Casal of the Plains, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conference with Safadin, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encampment between Ramlah and Lydda, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Natroun, <a href="#Page_203">203</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">advance to Beit Nuba, <a href="#Page_204">204-205</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Ramlah, <a href="#Page_206">206-207</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Ibelin, <a href="#Page_207">207-208</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Ascalon, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Darum, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">releases Christian prisoners, <a href="#Page_210">210</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Conrad, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with Burgundy, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Acre, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Conrad, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reconciled to Burgundy, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reopens negotiations with Saladin, <a href="#Page_212">212-213</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">difficulties with the French, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">holds court at Ascalon, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes again to Darum, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plans for returning to England, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">charged with Conrad’s death, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">opinion on marriage of Isabel and Henry, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">excursions round Ascalon, <a href="#Page_220">220</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Blanchegarde, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">adventure at Furbia, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Darum, <a href="#Page_222">222-224</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to the Canebrake of Starlings, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes towards Ibelin, <a href="#Page_226">226</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his perplexities, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Ascalon, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">decides to advance on Jerusalem, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes again to Blanchegarde, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to Natroun, Castle Arnold, and Beit Nuba, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">excursions, etc., from Beit Nuba, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span>capture of caravan from Egypt, <a href="#Page_235">235-238</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">quarrel with Burgundy, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives relics of the Cross, <a href="#Page_242">242-243</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">story of his refusal to look at Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">returns to Ramlah, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reopens negotiations, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Joppa and Acre, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">plans attack on Beyrout, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recovers Joppa from Saladin, <a href="#Page_248">248-250</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Saladin through Abou Bekr, <a href="#Page_251">251-257</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">second recovery of Joppa, <a href="#Page_253">253-255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations through Bedr-ed-Din, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">final agreement with Saladin, <a href="#Page_259">259-260</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">refuses to visit Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_260">260-261</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes back to Haïfa, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">ransoms William des Préaux, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">gives Cyprus to Guy, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sails for Europe, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Moslems’ impression of him, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">homeward voyage, <a href="#Page_264">264-268</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">adventures in Italy, etc., <a href="#Page_268">268-269</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">captured in Austria, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">transferred to the emperor, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations for his release, <a href="#Page_274">274-276</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">confined at Triffels, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">behaviour in captivity, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">song written in prison, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">writes to England about ransom, <a href="#Page_279">279-280</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">imprisoned at Worms, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">reconciles Henry with the German magnates, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">agreement with Henry, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Philip, <a href="#Page_282">282-283</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">terms of his release, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">homage to the emperor, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_336">336-338</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">journey home, <a href="#Page_285">285-286</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Canterbury, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to London, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">to S. Edmund’s, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Nottingham surrendered to him, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">holds a council at Nottingham, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets William of Scotland at Southwell, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">agreement with him, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">“second coronation,” or crown-wearing, <a href="#Page_290">290-291</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Normandy, <a href="#Page_292">292-293</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">pardons John, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recovers Verneuil, Loches, etc., <a href="#Page_294">294-295</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">victory at Fréteval, <a href="#Page_296">296-297</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">recovers control of Aquitaine, <a href="#Page_297">297-298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">withdraws the Seal from William of Ely, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with France, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">financial measures, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">does penance, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attempt to assassinate him, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets Philip, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Henry VI, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">treaty with Philip, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends to England for troops, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conquers Britanny, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">builds castle at Porte-Joie, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded at Gaillon, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his demands refused in England, <a href="#Page_307">307-308</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">dispute with Archbishop Walter about Andely, <a href="#Page_309">309-311</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">continental alliances, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">grants Poitou to Otto of Saxony, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">agreement with count of Toulouse, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">raids Ponthieu, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">successes in Auvergne, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">conference with Philip at “the Isle,” <a href="#Page_315">315</a>, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">truce with Philip, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his boast about Château-Gaillard, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">agreement with Walter, <a href="#Page_316">316-317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">invited to election of emperor, <a href="#Page_317">317</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends representatives, <a href="#Page_318">318</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">nominated for election, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his allies, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">encounter with Philip at Gisors, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his want of money, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">change of seal, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">builds Boutavant, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiates with Philip, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meets him again, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">makes truce for five years, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">makes treaty of peace, <em>ib.</em>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">claims treasure-trove at Châlus, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">besieges Châlus, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">wounded, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">sends for his mother, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">testamentary arrangements, <a href="#Page_327">327-328</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">interview with his <ins class="corr" id="tn-348" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'slayer, 832'">
slayer, <a href="#Page_328">328</a></ins>;</li>
<li class="isub1">death and burial, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>

<li class="indx">Rochelle, La, Richard’s dealings with, <a href="#Page_16">16</a></li>

<li class="indx">Roches, Les, taken by Richard, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>

<li class="indx">Rouen, Walter, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a></li>

<li class="indx">“Round Cistern,” the, <a href="#Page_236">236-237</a></li>

<li class="indx">Routiers, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><em>see</em> <a href="#BRA">Brabantines</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Safadin, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196-197</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a></li>

<li class="indx">St. Edmund’s, Richard at, <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li>

<li class="indx">St. Elias, monastery of, <a href="#Page_242">242</a></li>

<li class="indx">St. Maigrin, Richard defeats Brabantines at, <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li>

<li class="indx">St. Pierre de Cize, Richard at, <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saint-Pol, count of, <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saintes seized by Richard, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">retaken by Henry, <em>ib.</em></li>

<li class="indx">Saladin, extent of his dominions, <a href="#Page_152">152-154</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">relations with Richard, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">attitude on surrender of Acre, <a href="#Page_163">163-171</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">defeat at Arsuf, <a href="#Page_185">185-188</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Ramlah, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">razes Ascalon, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span>razes citadel of Ramlah, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Conrad, <a href="#Page_194">194-195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">goes to Natroun, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Ramlah again, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">negotiations with Richard and Conrad, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">at Natroun, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">retires to Jerusalem, <em>ib.</em>;</li>
<li class="isub1">receives reinforcements, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">prepares for siege of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_238">238-240</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">his difficulties, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">renews negotiations, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">takes Joppa, <a href="#Page_247">247-248</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">loses it, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">regains it, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">again driven out, <a href="#Page_253">253-255</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">final agreement with Richard, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saladin tithe, <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li>

<li class="indx">Salisbury, Herbert, bishop of, <a href="#Page_308">308</a></li>

<li class="indx">Salisbury, Hubert Walter, bishop of, <em>see</em> <a href="#HUS">Hubert</a></li>

<li class="indx">Salisbury, Patrick, earl of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="SAN">Sancho VI, king of Navarre, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Footnote_41">12 note 1</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sancho VII, king of Navarre, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_297">297-298</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sancho of Sérannes, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saxony, Henry the Lion, duke of, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saxony, Henry the younger of, <a href="#Page_318">318-319</a></li>

<li class="indx">Saxony, Matilda, duchess of, <a href="#Page_47">47</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="SAX">Saxony, Otto of, <a href="#Page_318">318-319</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a></li>

<li class="indx">Scotland, Henry II’s dealings with, <a href="#Page_107">107-108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">kings of, <em>see</em> <a href="#MAL">Malcolm</a>, <a href="#WIL">William</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seal, the Great, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard’s change of, <a href="#Page_338">338-339</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seilhac, Robert of, <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li>

<li class="indx">Seilun, Peter, <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sibyl, queen of Jerusalem, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sicily, Constance of, <em>see</em> <a href="#CST">Constance</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sicily, Joan, queen of, <em>see</em> <a href="#JOA">Joan</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sicily, kings of, <em>see</em> <a href="#TAN">Tancred</a>, <a href="#WSI">William</a></li>

<li class="indx">Sidon, Reginald of, <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li>

<li class="indx">Spain invaded by Moors, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li>

<li class="indx">Stephen, seneschal of Anjou, <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li>

<li class="indx">Suabia, Philip of, <a href="#Page_319">319</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Taillebourg, siege of, <a href="#Page_29">29-31</a></li>

<li class="indx">Talmont, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115-116</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="TAN">Tancred, king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130-133</a>, <a href="#Page_137">137</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tell-Ayadiyeh, <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li>

<li class="indx">Thouars, viscount of, <a href="#Page_7">7</a></li>

<li class="indx">Toron, Humphrey of, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li>

<li class="indx">Torpenay, Luke, abbot of, <a href="#Page_329">329</a></li>

<li class="indx">Toulouse, county of, invaded by Richard, <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li>

<li class="indx">Toulouse, Raymond V, count of, <a href="#Page_6">6</a>, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75-77</a></li>

<li class="indx">Toulouse, Raymond VI, count of, <a href="#Page_314">314</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tournaments, licensed by Richard, <a href="#Page_299">299</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tours taken by Philip and Richard, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">Richard receives scrip and staff at, <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li>

<li class="indx">Trenchemer, Alan, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li>

<li class="indx">Trou burnt by Philip Augustus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>

<li class="indx">Turnham, Robert of, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a></li>

<li class="indx">Turnham, Stephen of, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li>

<li class="indx">Tyre, <a href="#Page_151">151-153</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Valeria, Saint, <a href="#Page_11">11</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vaudreuil, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vendôme, Burchard, count of, <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li>

<li class="indx">Verneuil besieged by Philip, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">meeting of kings at, <a href="#Page_303">303</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vexin, the, disputes about, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">the Norman, ceded to France, <a href="#Page_305">305</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vézelay, Richard and Philip at, <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vienna, Richard captured near, <a href="#Page_270">270</a></li>

<li class="indx">Vigeois, Geoffrey of, <a href="#Page_37">37</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">Wales, scutage of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>

<li class="indx">Wales, South, Rees, prince of, <a href="#Page_106">106</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="WIL">William the Lion, king of Scots, relations with Henry II, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>;</li>
<li class="isub1">with Richard, <a href="#Page_109">109-111</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289-290</a>, <a href="#Page_292">292</a></li>

<li class="indx" id="WSI">William, king of Sicily, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li>

<li class="indx">Worms, agreement of Henry VI and Richard at, <a href="#Page_281">281-282</a></li>


<li class="ifrst">York, Geoffrey, archbishop of, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li>
</ul>

    </div>


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<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<h2 class="p3 nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES:</h2>


<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 67, and Rog. Wendover (ed. Coxe), iii. 3. Both the
prophet and his commentator ignore the fact that what they call Eleanor’s
“third nesting” was really her sixth, as she had already had, besides her
two elder sons, two daughters by her first marriage and one by her second.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> Rog. Howden, iii. 215.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> <cite lang="la">Chron. Anon.</cite> in <cite lang="la">Rer. Gall. Scriptt.</cite> xii. 121. She had joined him before
the end of August; <cite lang="la">Chron. de Bello</cite>, 76.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1157; Pipe Roll 3 Hen. II, 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1157.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> W. Newburgh, lib. ii. c. 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Place from R. Diceto, i. 302; day from <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Albini Andeg.</cite>, a. 1157.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> “MS. in Lord Arundel’s collection,” as quoted by James, Collections,
vii. 34 (Bodl.); Stubbs, preface to R. Howden, iii., xviii. note 2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> In 1220 Henry III granted to another person “<span lang="la">septem libratas redditûs
in Chippenham quas Hodierna nutrix domini Regis Ricardi avunculi
nostri habuit</span>,” <cite>Close Rolls</cite>, ii. 416 b. That the grant to Hodierna was
made by Richard may be inferred from there being no trace of the payment
in the Pipe Rolls of his father’s reign. Stubbs notes that “this could not
have been the whole of her property, for her land in 30 Hen. III” [1246-7],
“was talliaged at 40<em>s.</em>”; also that “the parish of Knoyle Hodierne in
Wiltshire still preserves her name.” Pref. to R. Howd. iii., xviii. note 2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> R. Diceto, i. 293.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> See especially <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Maxent.</cite>, a. 1060 and 1110, and <cite lang="la">Hist. Pont. et
Com. Engolism.</cite>, Labbe, <cite lang="la">Thesaurus</cite>, ii. 268 (a. 1070-1101).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Geoffrey of Vigeois, Labbe, <cite lang="la">Thes.</cite>, ii. 304. This was in 1136-7.
M. Richard (<cite lang="fro">Comtes de Poitou</cite>, ii. 51) thinks Emma was only betrothed,
not married, to the duke. His arguments are not strong enough to
convince me against the distinct statement of Geoffrey of Vigeois.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> “Lemovicæ comes” (<i lang="la">sic</i>) “<span lang="la">habet feudum de abbate S. Martialis
castellum de Petra Buffiera et turrim de castello quod est super Charnix,
Lemovicense castrum, vicariam de turre, Bernardii castellum de Cambono
S. Valeriæ. Pro his omnibus debent hominium facere abbatibus cunctis
omnes vicecomites qui feudum istud tenuerunt</span>”—Geoffrey, the writer,
had twice seen it performed—“<span lang="la">... Abbas tamen dominium totius castri
Lemovicini habere debet, vicecomes vicariam tantum.... Burgenses
vero argenti pondere fulti vicecomiti vix obtemperant, quando minus
monachis</span>” Geoff. Vigeois, 333. For the significance of “<span lang="la">castrum
Lemovicense</span>,” see the next footnote.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> “<span lang="la">Lite mota inter cives et hospites, Dux irritatus est; tunc muros
castri, qui non multo tempore fuerunt constructi, funditus evertit, pontemque
disrupit.... Procurationem noluit Albertus Abbas in urbem
facere Duci, dicens non debere extra septa reddere castri.</span>” Geoff.
Vigeois, 308. Limoges in those days, and long after, was a sort of double
town of which one part, comprising the cathedral church and its precincts
and seemingly called the “city,” belonged to the bishop, and the other
part to the abbot of S. Martial’s, under homage to whom it was governed
by the viscount. Each part had its own enclosure. There was no castle
in the ordinary sense of that word; but the abbot’s part, which was the
more populous and important part of the town, seems to have taken
the title of <i lang="la">castrum</i>. The case was somewhat like that of the city of
Tours and the <i lang="la">Castrum S. Martini</i>, or <span lang="fro">Châteauneuf</span>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 308-10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1159.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> Treaty in Lyttelton, <cite>Henry II</cite>, iv. 174.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> “<span lang="la">Ad corredium Ricardi filii Regis £10 6<em>s.</em> 8<em>d.</em> per breve Regis</span>,” Pipe
Roll 9 Hen. II (1162-3) 71. Cf. an entry, <em>ib.</em>, 72; “<span lang="la">in porcis et ovis et
minutis rebus contra festum filii Regis 100<em>s.</em></span>” Henry was in London
that year in the first week of March (Eyton, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> Hen. II, 59), and
again on October 1 (<cite>Mater. for Hist. Becket</cite>, iv. 201). It is possible that
the royal family may have been there also in September, and that the
“festum filii Regis” may have been Richard’s birthday; but it is perhaps
more likely to have been that of young Henry, February 28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1165.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 205.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> <cite>Mater. for Hist. Becket</cite>, Ep. ccliii., vi. 74.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1167. Cf. <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, Ep. cclxxvii., vi. 131.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> R. Torigni, <em>l.c.</em> Cf. <cite lang="la">Chronn. S. Albini</cite> and <cite lang="la">S. Sergii</cite>, a. 1166.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> R. Torigni, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 318; R. Torigni, a. 1168; <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 456.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> “Robertus de Silli,” <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 456; “Robertus de
Selit,” Geoff. Vigeois, 318; “<span lang="la">Robertus et frater ejus de Silleio</span>,” R. Torigni,
a. 1167. The name appears as “de Silliaco” in <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vii.
165, 178, 247, 606, 610, 616. It cannot be Sillé in Maine as I suggested
in <cite>Angevin Kings</cite>, ii. 137; it can hardly be anything else than Seilhac.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> R. Torigni, <em>l.c.</em>, names “Haimericus de Lizennoio”; the writer of
Ep. 434 in <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 456, names “Gaufridus de Lezinniaco”
and “Haimericus de Rancone.” There seems to be no other trace of an
Aimeric de Rancogne, if indeed Rancogne be the place intended here and
not Rancon in La Marche, as to the ownership of which I can discover
nothing. There was an Aimeric de Lusignan, and also a Geoffrey de
Lusignan, and there was furthermore a Geoffrey de Rancogne of whom we
shall hear again. To me it seems most probable that the Lusignan here
referred to was Aimeric, and that his Christian name has (owing to a
confusion between him and his brother) been transposed with that of the
lord of Rancogne.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 456.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 409.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 409.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 1615-52. According to R. Torigni, <em>l.c.</em>, Patrick
was killed “<span lang="la">circa octavas Paschae</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> April 7, the very day of the
conference.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> “<span lang="la">Rex Henricus senior filio Richardo ex voluntate matris Aquitanorum
tradidit Ducatum.</span>” Geoff. Vigeois, 318.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> Cf. John of Salisbury’s letter in <cite>Mat. for Hist. Becket</cite>, vi. 506-7,
R. Torigni, a. 1169, and Gerv. Cant., i. 208.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1169.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 318. Bernard Itier, ed. Duplès-Agier, 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> “Novusque dux ab omnibus proclamatur,” Geoff. Vigeois, 318-19.
Geoffrey does not give the year explicitly, but he does so implicitly by
saying that Raymond of Toulouse did homage to Richard “<span lang="la">anno sequenti</span>.”
S. Valeria’s body was at S. Martial’s abbey at Limoges; <em>ib.</em>, 285. According
to Geoffrey and the Chronicle of S. Martial’s (ed. Duplès-Agier), 209, she
was the protomartyr not only of Aquitaine but of Gaul.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta Hen.</cite>, i. 35-6. The presence of Eleanor and the date of the
homage—“<span lang="la">Dominica qua cantatur Invocavit Me</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> February 25—are
mentioned only by Geoff. Vigeois, 319, who adds: “<span lang="la">Feria quarta,
alias sexta, heroes qui per dies septem concilium celebravere Lemovica
discedunt ab urbe</span>”; <em>i. e.</em> the kings and counts were at Limoges either
from Thursday, February 22, to Wednesday, 28, or from Saturday, February
24, to Friday, March 2. This assembly of a week’s duration at
Limoges is clearly to be identified with the one described by the local
chronicler, Bernard Itier, in a very corrupt passage which his latest editor,
M. Duplès-Agier, has printed (p. 58) from the much mutilated MS. with
conjectural emendations, thus: “<span lang="la">Anno gracie <span class="allsmcap">MCLXXII</span> ... [Alienor
Regina] et filio Ricardo et com ... [et regibus de] Arragonia et de
Navarra [venerunt] ... Lemovicas et per viii dies in ca[stro Lemovicensi
moram] fecerunt.</span>” February 1173 in our reckoning would be
February 1172 in Bernard’s reckoning, as in the kingdom of France the
year began at Easter. I think that for “<span lang="la">Alienor Regina</span>” we should
substitute “<span lang="la">Rex cum Regina</span>,” and supply “<span lang="la">[ite Tolosæ]</span>” after “com.”
What the king of Navarre—Sancho VI, father of Berengaria whom
Richard ultimately married—had come for, there is nothing to show.
Count Gerard of Vienne, whom R. Diceto (i. 353) adds to the list of those
present, <ins class="corr" id="tfn-41" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'was a Proven al'">
was a Provençal</ins> subfeudatary of Raymond of Toulouse, and so
may have been concerned in Raymond’s dispute with Alfonso. The
statement of R. Diceto (i. 353-4) that “<span lang="la">quia Ricardus Dux Aquitaniæ,
cui facturus esset homagium comes Sancti Ægidii, presens non erat, usque
ad octavas Pentecostes negotii complementum dilationem accepit</span>,” is
clearly erroneous.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta Hen.</cite>, i. 41-2. R. Diceto, i. 355.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> <ins class="corr" id="tfn-43" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Geoff. Vi eois'">
Geoff. Vigeois</ins>, 319.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta Hen.</cite>, i. 42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 44.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> W. Newb., lib. ii. c. 27.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 242.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 242.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 49; but R. Torigni, a. 1173, mentions only young Henry
and the counts of Flanders and Boulogne.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; R. Diceto, i. 373, etc.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> R. Howden, ii. 52.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 59. Cf. R. Howden, ii. 53.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 63.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 46-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 320-3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Richard, <cite lang="fro">Ctes. de Poitou</cite>, ii. 173, from <cite lang="fro">Archives historiques de la Gironde</cite>,
i. 388.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Richard the Poitevin, <cite lang="la">Rer. Gall. Scriptt.</cite>, xii. 420, 421, a passage which
M. Richard, <cite lang="fro">Ctes.</cite>, ii. 174, note 2, says relates to 1173-4, not 1186-8 as
formerly supposed.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> R. Diceto, i. 380. Cf. <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Albini</cite>, a. 1174.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 71.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, lib. iii. dist. 8 (Anglia Christiana Soc.
edition, 106).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 76, and R. Howd., ii. 66.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> R. Howd., ii. 67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 77-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> See <cite>Angevin Kings</cite>, ii. 165, note 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> R. Diceto, i. 398.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> <em>Ib.</em> and R. Howd., ii. 71.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 78.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> See this clause in the treaty, <em>ib.</em>, 77.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 82-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 101. The place is there called “Castellum super Agiens.”
M. Richard, <cite lang="fro">Ctes. de Poitou</cite>, ii. 183, calls it “<span lang="fro">le château du Puy de Castillon</span>”;
cf. <em>ib.</em>, 134, “<span lang="fro">Castillon sur Agen, place extrêmement forte</span>,” from
R. Torigni, a. 1161, “<span lang="la">Castellionem super urbem Agennum, castrum
scilicet natura et artificio munitum</span>,” taken by Henry after a week’s siege
in 1161. It seems to be identical with Grand-Castel, on the river, a little
above Agen.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 114.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 115.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> “<span lang="la">In liberatione esnecce quando rex junior transfretavit £7 10<em>s.</em> per
breve regis. Et in liberatione iiii navium que transfretaverunt cum eo ...
£7 15<em>s.</em> per breve regis. Et item in passagio esnecce quando Ricardus
filius regis transfretavit vii<em>l.</em> and x<em>s.</em> per breve regis. Et in liberatione
iiii navium que transfretaverunt cum eo vi<em>l.</em> per breve regis.</span>”—Pipe
Roll 22 Hen. II (1175-6), 199.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> R. Diceto, i. 407.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 121. I am uncertain whether “Montigernac” is meant for
Montignac, or Jarnac, or for both; very likely the latter, as the two
places are close together, and the writer not being familiar with the
country may easily have run two names into one.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 120, 121, with R. Diceto, i. 414.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 131-2. The writer’s chronology is obviously confused, but
the closing date of the series may be correct.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 127.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 195-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 131, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> Alex. III Ep. in <cite lang="la">Rer. Gall. Scriptt.</cite>, xv. 954, 955. Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 180, 181.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 180-1 with the Pope’s letter, <cite lang="la">Rer. Gall. Scriptt.</cite>, xv. 954-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 181, 182.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 190, 191; place from R. Diceto, i. 422.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> R. Howden, ii. 143.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 191-2; place and date from R. Diceto, i. 422.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 195-7, R. Diceto, i. 425, and R. Torigni, a. 1177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 196.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> I infer this from the fact that neither she nor her husband, Guy of
Comborn, seem ever to have put forth any claim to the county. Geoff.
Vigeois, 324, speaks as if she were still living at the time of its sale. She
may have died soon after, and as she was childless (<em>ib.</em>, and Chron. MS.
printed in Duplès-Agier, <cite lang="fro">Chron. de Limoges</cite>, 188), whatever rights she might
have claimed would die with her.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 197; R. Howden, ii. 147-8; and cf. Geoff. Vigeois, 324, and
<cite lang="fro">Chron. S. Mart. Limoges</cite>, 188, which gives the date October 7, but
Adalbert’s own charter (<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Howd., <em>ll.cc.</em>) says “mense Decembri.”
G. Vigeois gives the sum paid as 5000 marks; the <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Mart.</cite>, 189,
R. Torigni a. 1177, and R. Diceto, i. 425, make it 6000 marks of silver,
and R. Torigni adds “<span lang="la">terram ... valentem, ut idem rex dixit, viginti
millia marcas argenti.</span>” The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Howden both insert a copy of
Adalbert’s charter, but the writer of the former must have copied the
figures wrongly, for he makes the sum only fifteen pounds Angevin; in
Roger’s version it is 15,000 pounds Angevin. Both versions add twenty
mules and twenty palfreys.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> He was with his father and brothers at Angers at Christmas, 1177;
R. Torigni, <i lang="la">ad ann.</i></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> “<span lang="la">Cum magno exercitu <em>in Pictaviam</em> profectus</span>,” says our authority,
<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 212; but clearly he must mean either “<span lang="la">in Gasconiam</span>” or “<span lang="la">ex
Pictavia</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 212, 213.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 212.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> R. Diceto, i. 431, 432. The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 212, say the siege began on
May 3 and lasted only three days.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; cf. R. Torigni, a. 1179, who evidently did not know that
Pons belonged to Geoffrey.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> R. Diceto, i. 432; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 213.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1179.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> R. Diceto, i. 432.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> “<span lang="la">Ricardo comiti Pictaviae l.m.</span>,” Pipe Roll 25 Hen. II (1178-9),
101. “<span lang="la">In passagio esneccae quando Ricardus comes Pictaviae transfretavit</span>,”
<em>ib.</em>, p. 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> <cite lang="la">Itin. Ric.</cite>, 144.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> Gir. Cambr. <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> “<span lang="la">Species digna imperio</span>,” <em>ib.</em>; “<span lang="la">formae dignae imperio</span>,”
<ins class="corr" id="tfn-113" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Gir. Camb.'">
Gir. Cambr.</ins> <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> “<span lang="la">Hic leo noster plusquam leo.</span>” Gir. Cambr. <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist.
iii. c. 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> An obvious instance is Richard’s great-grandfather, King Henry I,
who was called “the Lion of Justice.” Two of Richard’s own contemporaries
are known as Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony, and William the
Lion, king of Scots; though in this last case the appellation was probably
derived merely from the cognizance on his shield.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> Cf., <em>e. g.</em>, <cite lang="fro">Coronement Loois</cite>, l. 1807—“C’est Fierebrace qui cuer a de
lion.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> “Le preuz reis, le quor de lion,” <cite lang="fro">Estoire de la Croisade</cite>, l. 2310.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> Bertrand de Born in his sirventes often speaks of Richard by a nickname—“Oc
e No,” “Yea and Nay.” Its use seems to be peculiar to
Bertrand. Some modern writers have taken it as intended to imply that
Richard was light of purpose, or of a wavering disposition. As Clédat
points out (Bertran de Born, 101-2), such an explanation would be quite
out of harmony not only with Richard’s real character as displayed in his
actions from the very outset of his rule in Aquitaine, but also with every
other indication of Bertran’s opinion of him. We might almost more
reasonably conjecture that although when Richard did swear he used some
very extraordinary oaths (“<span lang="la">Per gorgiam Dei</span>,” <ins class="corr" id="tfn-120" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Gir. Camb.'">
Gir. Cambr.</ins> <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>
dist. iii. c. 25, on which Gerald comments “<span lang="la">quoniam his et similibus
sacramentibus uti solet</span>”; “<span lang="la">Par les gambes Dieu</span>,” <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite> ll.
8839, 9367), his usual practice was to “swear not at all,” but so to act
that a simple statement from him of his will and purpose, “yea” or “nay,”
was recognized as being no less positive and final than if he had confirmed
it with an oath.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> Cf. the character given by a Flemish chronicler, “<span lang="fro">Richard ... ke
otre toz les boins estoit preus e vaillans.</span>” <cite lang="fro">Hist. des Ducs</cite>, 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> Gir. Cambr. <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> Gir. Cambr. <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 8. Cf. Bertrand de Born,
“Ar ve la coindeta sazos,” ll. 33-5:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
    <div class="verse indent0">Bom sap l’usatge qu’a’l leos</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Qu’a re venenda non es maus,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Mas contra orgolh es orgolhos.—</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>where the context shows that the “lion” stands for Richard.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Gir. Cambr. <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; Gerv. Cant. i. 303; and cf. R. Diceto, ii. 19—“<span lang="la">Pictaviensibus
... quos Ricardus indebitis vexationibus et violenta dominatione
premebat.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> His brutal treatment of his Breton and “Basque” prisoners in 1183
is a wholly different matter. Those prisoners were not his own subjects;
they were foreign invaders; the charge of cruelty mentioned above had no
reference to them. Moreover, even their fate does not necessarily indicate
that Richard was of a specially cruel disposition, for that fate does not
appear to have outraged the public opinion of their day, at any rate in
Aquitaine.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 292.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 317. It is a pity that Geoffrey’s rime, “<span lang="la">Richardus,
qui ad probitatis opera nunquam exstitit tardus</span>,” cannot be reproduced
in an English translation; and also that “prowess” in its modern use
conveys such an imperfect idea of the medieval <i lang="la">probitas</i>. The rime may
be unintentional; but it is far more likely to be derived from some vernacular
couplet current at the time “<span lang="fro">... En Richartz, Qu’ad obras de proesa
ja n’estet tartz</span>,” or something similar.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> R. Torigni, a. 1179. See the various names applied to these “malignants,”
“whose teeth and arms had nearly devoured Aquitaine,” in Geoff.
Vigeois, 328, 334.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 325; for date see Clédat, <cite lang="fro">B. de Born</cite>, 42, note.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> See B. de Born’s <i lang="fro">sirventes</i>, “<span lang="fro">Ges no me desconort</span>,” ll. 22-3, where he
speaks of “the three counts of Angoulême”—“li trei comte fat
Engolmesi.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 326.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> In p. 327 Geoffrey says in reference to a period which from the context
seems to be about the end of January 1181: “<span lang="la">Tunc genus inimicitiarum
Richardi et Alienoris in speciem amicitiae vertitur.</span>” As there is no
indication elsewhere of “unfriendliness” between Richard and his
mother, nor of anything which might have given rise to it, nor of anything
likely to produce a change in their feelings towards each other at this time;
and as, moreover, their intercommunications must for the past seven years
have been extremely limited if not altogether non-existent, seeing that
Eleanor had been throughout that time in confinement in England, I
cannot but suspect that <ins class="corr" id="tfn-134" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'this pasaage is'">
this passage is</ins> corrupt. Possibly “Alienoris”
may be a transcriber’s mistake for “Ademari,” and the person really
meant may be Aimar of Limoges.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 327.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 9; cf. Gerv. Cant., i. 297.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> Geoff. Vigeois, 326; for the year see Clédat, <cite lang="fro">B. de Born</cite>, 42, note.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> “Qui” (<em>i. e.</em> the Duke) “<span lang="la">cum puella terram obtinere tentavit</span>,” says
G. Vigeois, 326. A statement made by some modern writers that Richard
wanted to marry the girl and thus annex her county seems to be without
authority.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> G. Vigeois, 326.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Gerv. Cant. i. 303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> Hautefort was in the diocese of Périgord, but in the viscounty of
Limoges; cf. the two biographies of Bertrand de Born, Thomas, <cite lang="fro">B. de
Born</cite>, li., Stimming (ed. 1892), 51; the “contradiction” which Stimming
(3) finds on this point exists only in his own imagination, and he is mistaken
in branding as “false” the second biographer’s statement that Bertrand
“<span lang="fro">fu de Lemozi</span>,” for Bertrand himself speaks of “<span lang="fro">Nos Lemozi</span>” in his
sirventes “<span lang="fro">Eu chant</span>,” l. 44, Thomas, 21, Stimming, 69.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <em>Razo</em> of “<span lang="fro">Un sirventes cui motz no falh</span>,” Thomas, 7; Stimming,
6-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Provençal biography of B. de Born, No. I, Thomas, li.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> <i lang="fro">Sirventes</i>, “<span lang="fro">Lo coms m’a mandat</span>,” ll. 45, 46, Thomas, 6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> See “<span lang="fro">Un sirventes cui motz no falh</span>,” ll. 9-14.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> Another Aimar, William, and Elias. It was the two former who
tried to get possession of Angoulême in succession to their eldest brother
Vulgrin (G. Vigeois, 326). Elias was still living in January-February
1183, when “<span lang="la">Helias et Sector Ferri</span>” are coupled together by G. Vigeois
(332) as “<span lang="la">Vulgrini defuncti comites Engolismensis fratres.</span>” It is doubtful
whether “Sector Ferri”—Taillefer, a surname used by all the counts of
Angoulême at this period—here represents William or Aimar. Some
modern writers date William’s death in 1181. He was at any rate still
alive in June of that year; G. Vigeois (326) says definitely “<span lang="la"><em>Guillermus</em>
et Ademarus defuncto inhiabant succedere fratri</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> to succeed Vulgrin
who died in June 1181, see Clédat, <cite lang="fro">B. de Born</cite>, 42, note.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> “<span lang="fro">Ges no mi desconort</span>,” ll. 35-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> “<span lang="fro">Tals me plevi sa fe No feses plait sens me</span>,” <em>ib.</em> ll. 39-40. Obviously
this “pledging of faith” could not apply to Bertrand alone. Nor was
he the only one towards whom it was broken, as we shall see.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> Cf. “<span lang="fro">Pois Ventadorn</span>,” ll. 1-3, with “<span lang="fro">Ges no mi desconort</span>,” ll. 18-25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> <em>Razo</em> of “<span lang="fro">Un sirventes cui motz no falh</span>,” Thomas, 7. Bertrand himself
mentions some of these lesser barons in “Pois Ventadorn,” ll. 2, 9, 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> “<span lang="fro">Pois Ventadorn</span>,” ll. 17-30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 197.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> G. Vigeois, 324.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> He was there in February or March 1181, and again in May and on
June 24, 1182; <em>ib.</em> 326, 330.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> “<span lang="fro">Pois Ventadorn</span>,” l. 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> G. Vigeois, 330, 331.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 320.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_158" href="#FNanchor_158" class="label">[158]</a> “<span lang="la">Quod protinus adimpletur</span>,” says G. Vigeois, 326.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_159" href="#FNanchor_159" class="label">[159]</a> See the last six lines of “<span lang="fro">Pois Ventadorn</span>,” with the note of M. Thomas,
<cite lang="fro">B. de Born</cite>, 15. I venture to think M. Thomas is mistaken in assuming
that “Talhafer” represents either Elias or William. We know from John’s
treaty with Philip in 1193 that at some time or other Aimar had done
homage to Philip (“<span lang="la">Comes Engolismensis tenebit terram suam a Rege
Franciae, illam scilicet de qua fecit se hominem [illius?]; a me</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> John,
“<span lang="la">vero tenebit aliam terram quam a me debet tenere</span>,” <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite> I. i. 57);
there is nothing to show that he was the youngest of the family; it seems
more likely that he was the next to Vulgrin in age, and therefore, if Maud’s
claim was to be ruled out, next to Vulgrin also in the line of succession.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_160" href="#FNanchor_160" class="label">[160]</a> G. Vigeois, 331.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_161" href="#FNanchor_161" class="label">[161]</a> The district in which Clairvaux stood—the Loudunais—had originally
belonged to Poitou; it was annexed to Anjou towards the end of the
tenth century by Geoffrey Greygown, who held it under homage to the
Poitevin Count William III. This homage became obsolete after Geoffrey
Martel’s victory over William VIII in 1033. Richard may possibly have
had some idea of reviving the Poitevin claim to the overlordship of the
Loudunais; but it is more likely that he simply did not know, and did not
care to ascertain, exactly where the frontier line ran.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_162" href="#FNanchor_162" class="label">[162]</a> “<span lang="fro">Pois Ventadorn</span>,” ll. 33-40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_163" href="#FNanchor_163" class="label">[163]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 294; R. Diceto, ii. 18, where young Henry is made to say that
Richard fortified Clairvaux “<span lang="la">contra suam</span>” (<em>i. e.</em> young Henry’s) “<span lang="la">voluntatem</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_164" href="#FNanchor_164" class="label">[164]</a> G. Vigeois, 332; Bern. Itier, a. 1182.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_165" href="#FNanchor_165" class="label">[165]</a> G. Vigeois, 332—“<span lang="la">Olivarus frater Petri vicecomitis de Castellone</span>,”
<em>i. e.</em> Castillon in Périgord. A month earlier Aimar of Limoges had taken
and destroyed the “Burgum S. Germani”; <em>ib.</em> Probably this means
S. Germain-les-Belles, near Limoges, and Aimar was merely chastising a
vassal of his own; at any rate there is nothing to imply that the matter
concerned Richard in any way.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_166" href="#FNanchor_166" class="label">[166]</a> Cf. “<span lang="fro">Ges de disnar</span>,” ll. 27, 28, and “<span lang="fro">Chazutz sui</span>,” ll. 29-31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_167" href="#FNanchor_167" class="label">[167]</a> “<span lang="fro">Chazutz sui</span>,” ll. 25-36.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_168" href="#FNanchor_168" class="label">[168]</a> “<span lang="fro">Ges de disnar</span>,” ll. 27, 28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_169" href="#FNanchor_169" class="label">[169]</a> See “<span lang="fro">No posc mudar</span>,” ll. 13-16, and Thomas, Introd. xv. I
venture, however, to think that “Rancon” probably stands not for the
place now so called, in Haute-Vienne (Thomas, 77, note 4), <em>i. e.</em> in the
Limousin, but for Rancogne in the Angoumois, the home of the well-known
Geoffrey, lord also of Pons and of Taillebourg.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_170" href="#FNanchor_170" class="label">[170]</a> See “<span lang="fro">Ges no mi desconort</span>,” ll. 11-14, with the reference to “<span lang="fro">quem
disses [el coms, <em>i. e.</em> Richard] antan</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_171" href="#FNanchor_171" class="label">[171]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 291.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_172" href="#FNanchor_172" class="label">[172]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 294, 295.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_173" href="#FNanchor_173" class="label">[173]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 295.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_174" href="#FNanchor_174" class="label">[174]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 295.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_175" href="#FNanchor_175" class="label">[175]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 18—“<span lang="la">homagium et ligantiam</span>.” Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 291-2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_176" href="#FNanchor_176" class="label">[176]</a> R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_177" href="#FNanchor_177" class="label">[177]</a> <em>I. e.</em>, probably, to an explanation that the homage was not meant to
take effect till young Henry should be in his father’s place.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_178" href="#FNanchor_178" class="label">[178]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_179" href="#FNanchor_179" class="label">[179]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 295.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_180" href="#FNanchor_180" class="label">[180]</a> “<span lang="la">Vehementer excanduit, incongruum esse dicens, ut dicitur, cum
eodem ex patre, cum eadem ex matre, traxisset originem, si fratrem
primogenitum aliqua specie subjectionis superiorem agnosceret; sed sicut
ipsi fratri suo regi lege primogenitorum bona debebantur paterna, sic
in bonis maternis aequa lance successionem legitimam vindicabat</span>,” R.
Diceto, ii. 18, 19. That is to say, in fact, he claimed to hold Aquitaine,
<em>after his father’s death</em>, as a direct underfief of the kingdom of France, and
not as a part of the Angevin dominions at all. In other words, he claimed
the right to break up the Angevin empire; which was precisely what
Henry II was trying to prevent.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_181" href="#FNanchor_181" class="label">[181]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 292.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_182" href="#FNanchor_182" class="label">[182]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 19.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_183" href="#FNanchor_183" class="label">[183]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 292 and 295.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_184" href="#FNanchor_184" class="label">[184]</a> “<span lang="la">Transacta Purificatione B. Mariae</span>,” G. Vigeois, 332. Geoffrey
dates the quarrel between the king’s sons “<span lang="la">tertio idus Decembris, celebrata
Domini Nativitate</span>.” Can he mean “<span lang="la">tertio idus Januarii</span>,” January 11?
This might very well be the date of the final quarrel between young Henry
and Richard.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_185" href="#FNanchor_185" class="label">[185]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 296.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_186" href="#FNanchor_186" class="label">[186]</a> G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em>; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 292, 293.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_187" href="#FNanchor_187" class="label">[187]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 293. It is hardly possible that Geoffrey can have had time
to go in person into Britanny as the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> imply; but it is clear from Bertrand
de Born’s poem “<span lang="fro">D’un sirventes nom chal</span>” that he was deep in
the Aquitanian plot before his eldest brother’s adhesion to it was known;
no doubt, therefore, he had secretly made his preparations beforehand for
the crisis which had now come.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_188" href="#FNanchor_188" class="label">[188]</a> G. Vigeois, 332.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_189" href="#FNanchor_189" class="label">[189]</a> G. Vigeois, 332.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_190" href="#FNanchor_190" class="label">[190]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 292. G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em>, mentions among the “<span lang="la">barones et principes</span>”
who “<span lang="la">tunc temporis conspiraverunt adversus Ricardum</span>,” besides
young Henry and Geoffrey of Britanny, Elias, and “Taillefer” of Angoulême,
Aimar of Limoges, Raymond of Turenne, Peter viscount of Castillon
and his brother Oliver of Chalais, Fulcaud of Archiac (in Saintonge) and
Geoffrey of Lusignan. This last was now at Limoges, and in the most
intimate counsels of the young king; see <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 6408-13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_191" href="#FNanchor_191" class="label">[191]</a> R. Howden, ii. 274.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_192" href="#FNanchor_192" class="label">[192]</a> G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_193" href="#FNanchor_193" class="label">[193]</a> Saint Pierre du Queiroix, “<span lang="la">de Quadrivio</span>,” situated near the north-east
angle of the old town or Castrum S. Martialis; <em>ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_194" href="#FNanchor_194" class="label">[194]</a> “<span lang="la">Santius de Sarannas et Curbanus seu Curbaranus</span>,” G. Vigeois, 333;
in all other places where Geoffrey mentions the latter he uses the longer
form of the name. “Curbaran” is the name of a Saracen prince in the
<cite lang="fro">Chanson d’Antioche</cite>. In the printed editions of Geoffrey’s history the
other leader figures as <i lang="fro">Sautius</i> and <i lang="fro">Saucius</i>, but these are probably misreadings
of <em>Santius</em> and <em>Sancius</em>, Latin for Sancho or Sanchez. Sérannes
or Serranes is the name of a cluster of hills in what is now the department
of Héraut; most likely this bandit chief had a favourite lurking-place
there; cf. “Willekin of the Weald.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_195" href="#FNanchor_195" class="label">[195]</a> G. Vigeois, 333, 334.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_196" href="#FNanchor_196" class="label">[196]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 333-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_197" href="#FNanchor_197" class="label">[197]</a> “<span lang="la">Citramarinos principes</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_198" href="#FNanchor_198" class="label">[198]</a> G. Vigeois, 335-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_199" href="#FNanchor_199" class="label">[199]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 299.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_200" href="#FNanchor_200" class="label">[200]</a> G. Vigeois, 335.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_201" href="#FNanchor_201" class="label">[201]</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Tost l’agral reis joves matat,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Sil coms nol [nos, Stimming] n’agues ensenhat;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Mas aissils clan els enserra</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Qu’Engolmes a per fort cobrat</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">E tot Saintonge delivrat</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Tro lai part Finibus Terra.”</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>—“<span lang="fro">Eu chant</span>,” ll. 7-12. Bertrand’s modern commentators have assumed
that the nominative to “<span lang="fro">a cobrat e ... delivrat</span>” is “<span lang="fro">lo reis joves</span>,” and
understood ll. 9-12 as referring to the invasion of the Angoumois and
Saintonge by the Routiers in behalf of young Henry. I venture to suggest
that the true nominative is “<span lang="fro">lo coms</span>”—<em>i. e.</em>, the count of Poitou. There
could be no “recovery” of the Angoumois either by or for young Henry,
who had never had any authority there. The whole structure and context
of the lines indicate that they refer to Richard. “<span lang="la">Finibus Terra</span>,” <span lang="fro">Finisterre</span>,
doubtless stands here, like “<span lang="fro">Broceliande</span>” in another of Bertrand’s
poems (“<span lang="fro">D’un sirventes nom chal</span>,” l. 33), simply for Britanny.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_202" href="#FNanchor_202" class="label">[202]</a> “<span lang="fro">Eu chant</span>,” ll. 5-12, 16-18. On l. 8, “Sil coms,” etc., see Stimming’s
note, 155.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_203" href="#FNanchor_203" class="label">[203]</a> G. Vigeois, 336.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_204" href="#FNanchor_204" class="label">[204]</a> “<span lang="fro">Eu chant</span>,” ll. 37-42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_205" href="#FNanchor_205" class="label">[205]</a> G. Vigeois, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_206" href="#FNanchor_206" class="label">[206]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 337.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_207" href="#FNanchor_207" class="label">[207]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 336, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_208" href="#FNanchor_208" class="label">[208]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 337; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 302, 303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_209" href="#FNanchor_209" class="label">[209]</a> G. Vigeois, 337.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_210" href="#FNanchor_210" class="label">[210]</a> On comparing the words of G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em>—“<span lang="la">Castrum ... dux
jure praelii cepit</span>”—with those of Bertrand himself—“<span lang="fro">Autafort, Qu’eu
ai rendut Al senhor de Niort, Quar l’a volgut</span>” (“<span lang="fro">Ges no mi desconort</span>,”
ll. 5-8), I think this must be the real meaning of both.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_211" href="#FNanchor_211" class="label">[211]</a> “<span lang="fro">Ges no mi desconort</span>,” ll. 9-14.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_212" href="#FNanchor_212" class="label">[212]</a> G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_213" href="#FNanchor_213" class="label">[213]</a> “<span lang="fro">Nom chal d’Autafort, Mais far dreit ni tort, Qu’el jutjamen crei
Monsenhor lo rei</span>”; last four lines of “<span lang="fro">Ges de far sirventes</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_214" href="#FNanchor_214" class="label">[214]</a> “<span lang="fro">Ges de far</span>,” ll. 9, 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_215" href="#FNanchor_215" class="label">[215]</a> Literally “as true as any silver”—“<span lang="fro">fi com us argens</span>,” “<span lang="fro">Ges no mi
desconort</span>,” l. 50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_216" href="#FNanchor_216" class="label">[216]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 308.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_217" href="#FNanchor_217" class="label">[217]</a> A. Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes de Poitou</cite>, ii. 373, from a document in the cartulary
of Fontevraud. The “five years” which John is there stated to have
spent in the abbey must be prior to February 1173; this appears from
later notices of his whereabouts cited in my <cite>John Lackland</cite>, pp. 7, 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_218" href="#FNanchor_218" class="label">[218]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 308.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_219" href="#FNanchor_219" class="label">[219]</a> G. Vigeois, 342.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_220" href="#FNanchor_220" class="label">[220]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_221" href="#FNanchor_221" class="label">[221]</a> Cf. <em>ib.</em>, 338, 339, Rigord (ed. Delaborde), i. 36, and on the “Pacifici,”
R. Torigni, a. 1183, Gerv. Cant., i. 300, 301, and Rigord, i. 37-39.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_222" href="#FNanchor_222" class="label">[222]</a> G. Vigeois, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_223" href="#FNanchor_223" class="label">[223]</a> “<span lang="fro">Lobar seu le Bar</span>,” <em>ib.</em>, 323, 324, 326, 342. In a Life of S. Stephen of
Grandmont which seems to date from the time of Pope Clement III (1187-91)
or soon after, the same man is called “Lupardus.” Labbe, <cite lang="la">Biblioth.</cite>,
ii. 676.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_224" href="#FNanchor_224" class="label">[224]</a> G. Vigeois, 342.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_225" href="#FNanchor_225" class="label">[225]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 306.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_226" href="#FNanchor_226" class="label">[226]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 306.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_227" href="#FNanchor_227" class="label">[227]</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
    <div class="verse indent0">“E li reis l’aveit mult amee;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Des que il esteit coens de Peitiers,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">La coveita sis covestiers.”</div>
    <div class="verse indent4"><cite>Est. de la Guerre Sainte</cite>, ll. 1150-2.</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>“<span lang="la">A multo tempore quo comes erat Pictavensis ... plurimum desideravit
eam</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 175.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_228" href="#FNanchor_228" class="label">[228]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 311.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_229" href="#FNanchor_229" class="label">[229]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 319.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_230" href="#FNanchor_230" class="label">[230]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 319-21.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_231" href="#FNanchor_231" class="label">[231]</a> <em>Ib.</em> 333, 334.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_232" href="#FNanchor_232" class="label">[232]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 337.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_233" href="#FNanchor_233" class="label">[233]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 313.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_234" href="#FNanchor_234" class="label">[234]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 337, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_235" href="#FNanchor_235" class="label">[235]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_236" href="#FNanchor_236" class="label">[236]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 318, 319; R. Howden, ii. 288.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_237" href="#FNanchor_237" class="label">[237]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 322.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_238" href="#FNanchor_238" class="label">[238]</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Membrelh [Felip] sa sor el maritz orgolhos</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Que la laissa e no la vol tener;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Aquest forfaitz mi sembla desplazer,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">E tot ades que s’en vai perjuran,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Quel reis Navars l’a sai dat per espos</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">A sa filha, per que l’anta es plus gran.”</div>
    <div class="verse indent8">B. de Born, “Seu fos aissi senher,” ll. 22-8.</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>Thomas (73) and Stimming (36) are agreed that this <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> dates
from 1188. Stimming seems to think the lines quoted above refer to an
event of quite recent occurrence; but anything like an avowed troth-plight
between Richard and Berengaria at any time except between
December 1183 and March 1186 would have been an insult to France so
flagrant that neither Richard nor Sancho is likely to have run the risks which
it would have involved. During that period, however, such a betrothal would
give Philip no lawful ground for complaint, although a mischief-maker
might easily use it, either at the time or some years later, to excite the
French king’s resentment against a man who had thus failed to appreciate
the honour of becoming his brother-in-law and preferred a daughter
of Navarre to a daughter of France.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_239" href="#FNanchor_239" class="label">[239]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 343, 344; date from R. Diceto, ii. 40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_240" href="#FNanchor_240" class="label">[240]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 345.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_241" href="#FNanchor_241" class="label">[241]</a> R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_242" href="#FNanchor_242" class="label">[242]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_243" href="#FNanchor_243" class="label">[243]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 345.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_244" href="#FNanchor_244" class="label">[244]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 347, 350.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_245" href="#FNanchor_245" class="label">[245]</a> Cf. R. Diceto, ii. 43, 44, with <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 353.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_246" href="#FNanchor_246" class="label">[246]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_247" href="#FNanchor_247" class="label">[247]</a> Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_248" href="#FNanchor_248" class="label">[248]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 346; cf. Rigord, <em>l.c.</em>, who mentions only the dowry,
not the bride.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_249" href="#FNanchor_249" class="label">[249]</a> Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_250" href="#FNanchor_250" class="label">[250]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 78.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_251" href="#FNanchor_251" class="label">[251]</a> Cf. Rigord, 78, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 6, and Gerv. Cant., i. 369.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_252" href="#FNanchor_252" class="label">[252]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 371-3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_253" href="#FNanchor_253" class="label">[253]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_254" href="#FNanchor_254" class="label">[254]</a> “<span lang="la">Johannes ... cujus promotionis causa haec omnia mala sustinui.</span>”
Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De. Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_255" href="#FNanchor_255" class="label">[255]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 49. Gerald, <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 2, says one
year; but Ralf is more to be trusted on this point. On the other hand,
Ralf’s date—Tuesday, the eve of S. John—is a day too early to be compatible
with the circumstantial narrative of Gervase.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_256" href="#FNanchor_256" class="label">[256]</a> Rigord, i. 79.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_257" href="#FNanchor_257" class="label">[257]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_258" href="#FNanchor_258" class="label">[258]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 373.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_259" href="#FNanchor_259" class="label">[259]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_260" href="#FNanchor_260" class="label">[260]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_261" href="#FNanchor_261" class="label">[261]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_262" href="#FNanchor_262" class="label">[262]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, R. Diceto, ii. 50; W. Newb., lib. iii. c. 23.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_263" href="#FNanchor_263" class="label">[263]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 389.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_264" href="#FNanchor_264" class="label">[264]</a> W. Newb., lib. iii. c. 23.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_265" href="#FNanchor_265" class="label">[265]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 29. This writer, Roger of Howden (ii. 334), and R. Diceto
(ii. 51) date the conference January 21; Gervase (i. 406) says “about
S. Vincent’s day” (January 22); Rigord (83) and William the Breton
(<cite lang="la">Gesta Ph. Aug.</cite>, 187) say January 13. Probably it began on S. Hilary’s
day, was suspended owing to the arrival of the archbishop of Tyre, and was
resumed on January 21.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_266" href="#FNanchor_266" class="label">[266]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 29-30. W. Newb., lib. iii. c. 23, represents the conference as
held in consequence of the archbishop’s coming, and for no other purpose
than to consult as to what could be done for Palestine. Rigord (<em>l.c.</em>),
Gir. Cambr. (<cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 5), Gerv. Cant. (i. 406) and R.
Diceto (<em>l.c.</em>) say merely that the kings held a conference and took the
Cross.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_267" href="#FNanchor_267" class="label">[267]</a> Gir. Cambr., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_268" href="#FNanchor_268" class="label">[268]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_269" href="#FNanchor_269" class="label">[269]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_270" href="#FNanchor_270" class="label">[270]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_271" href="#FNanchor_271" class="label">[271]</a> On January 30; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 33.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_272" href="#FNanchor_272" class="label">[272]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_273" href="#FNanchor_273" class="label">[273]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 54, 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_274" href="#FNanchor_274" class="label">[274]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 34.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_275" href="#FNanchor_275" class="label">[275]</a> Gir. Cambr., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_276" href="#FNanchor_276" class="label">[276]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_277" href="#FNanchor_277" class="label">[277]</a> Cf. R. Diceto, ii. 55, and <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 34.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_278" href="#FNanchor_278" class="label">[278]</a> Gir. Cambr., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_279" href="#FNanchor_279" class="label">[279]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; cf. R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em>, Rigord (ed. Delaborde, 90) dates this
invasion of Toulouse “<span lang="la">inter Pentecosten et festum S. Johannis</span>,” <em>i. e.</em>
between June 5 and 24; we shall, however, see that it must have taken
place some considerable time before June 16. In my <cite>Angevin Kings</cite>
I adopted Rigord’s date, but I now recognize that this was an error, and
that the editors of Vic and Vaissète are right in following William the Breton,
who (ed. Delaborde, i. 187) places the expedition “a short time after”
(<i lang="la">modico post elapso tempore</i>) a council which according to Rigord (<em>ib.</em>, 84)
was held at Paris in March. Otherwise there would not have been time
for all the captures, negotiations, etc. “Toulouse” here evidently means
the county of Toulouse proper; the Quercy was already in Richard’s
hands, annexed by him to his ducal domains in 1186.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_280" href="#FNanchor_280" class="label">[280]</a> Rigord, 90; cf. R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em>, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 36, and Gerv. Cant., ii.
432.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_281" href="#FNanchor_281" class="label">[281]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 34, 35.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_282" href="#FNanchor_282" class="label">[282]</a> Rigord, 90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_283" href="#FNanchor_283" class="label">[283]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 35, 36.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_284" href="#FNanchor_284" class="label">[284]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_285" href="#FNanchor_285" class="label">[285]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_286" href="#FNanchor_286" class="label">[286]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_287" href="#FNanchor_287" class="label">[287]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 40. It is noticeable that the Angevin princes are at this
period always represented as describing their Toulousan rival only by his
ancestral title derived from the little county of S. Gilles which was the cradle
of his family, thus tacitly reserving their own claim to be the rightful
holders, not merely overlords, of his greater possession, Toulouse.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_288" href="#FNanchor_288" class="label">[288]</a> Montrichard, Montrésor, Coulangé; Rigord, 91, 92.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_289" href="#FNanchor_289" class="label">[289]</a> Date from R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 39, and Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_290" href="#FNanchor_290" class="label">[290]</a> Gerv. Cant. i. 432, 433; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_291" href="#FNanchor_291" class="label">[291]</a> Rigord, 92.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_292" href="#FNanchor_292" class="label">[292]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_293" href="#FNanchor_293" class="label">[293]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ii. 45.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_294" href="#FNanchor_294" class="label">[294]</a> “<span lang="la">Ne nihil ageretur</span>,” Gerv. Cant., i. 434.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_295" href="#FNanchor_295" class="label">[295]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 434.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_296" href="#FNanchor_296" class="label">[296]</a> Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_297" href="#FNanchor_297" class="label">[297]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 45; cf. <em>ib.</em>, 39, 40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_298" href="#FNanchor_298" class="label">[298]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 55; cf. W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Gesta Phil. Aug.</cite> (ed. Delaborde), 188, 189.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_299" href="#FNanchor_299" class="label">[299]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 7389-405, 7610-40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_300" href="#FNanchor_300" class="label">[300]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 46. William the Breton in his <cite lang="la">Philippis</cite>, lib. iii. ll. 410-624,
gives a much longer account of this affair, with a minute description of
the personal struggle between Richard and William des Barres, and no
mention at all of the capture of William. There can hardly be a doubt
that the English prose writer’s brief version is more trustworthy than the
French poet-historiographer’s lengthy elaboration. The latter has, however,
one interesting touch; in ll. 445-6 the poet makes William des
Barres say of Richard: “<span lang="la">Rictus agnosco leonum Illius in clypeo.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_301" href="#FNanchor_301" class="label">[301]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 46.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_302" href="#FNanchor_302" class="label">[302]</a> This is an inference from the fact that Philip is said to have taken
Palluau after the conference in October, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 49.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_303" href="#FNanchor_303" class="label">[303]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 49.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_304" href="#FNanchor_304" class="label">[304]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_305" href="#FNanchor_305" class="label">[305]</a> “<span lang="fro">Fo ordenatz per lor us parlamens ou foron ensems en la marcha de
Torena e de Beiriu, els reis Felips si fetz mains reclams d’en Richart, dont
amdui vengron a grans paraulas e a malas, si qu’en Richartz lo desmenti
el clamet vil recrezen, e sis desfieron e sis partiron a mal.</span>” <em>Razo</em> of
B. de Born’s <i lang="fro">sirventes</i> “<span lang="fro">Al dous nous</span>,” Thomas, 69, 70. Cf. Bertrand’s
own words in the same <i lang="fro">sirventes</i>, ll. 28-31: “<span lang="fro">Guerra sens fuoc e sens
sanc De rei ni de gran poesta Cui coms laidis ne desmenta Non es ges
paraula genta.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_306" href="#FNanchor_306" class="label">[306]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 49.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_307" href="#FNanchor_307" class="label">[307]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 57.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_308" href="#FNanchor_308" class="label">[308]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 435.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_309" href="#FNanchor_309" class="label">[309]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8116-39. This writer’s story is here somewhat
confused; he gives to the conference a date which is certainly wrong—“<span lang="fro">a
cluse Pasque, le mardi</span>” (l. 8069), <em>i. e.</em>, Tuesday, April 18, 1189, instead
of November 18, 1188.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_310" href="#FNanchor_310" class="label">[310]</a> “<span lang="la">Proposuit rex Francorum quod ea quae post crucem susceptam
ceperat Anglorum regi restitueret, et post, omnia manerent in eo statu
quo fuerunt ante crucem susceptam.... Comes Pictavorum penitus
contradixit; sibi quidem videbatur incongruum quod hac servata conditione
Cadurcum redderet et totum comitatum, et alia multa ... pro
feodo de Castro Radulfi et de castello de Hissoudun et Crazai</span>,” etc.,
R. Diceto, ii. 58. The two kings took the Cross in January 1188. The
date of Richard’s annexation of the Quercy is not certain, but it must be
either 1186 or spring 1188. Philip took Châteauroux in June 1188; but
he had won Issoudun and Graçay in the spring of 1187, therefore these
two places would not be included in a restoration of “<span lang="la">ea quae post crucem
susceptam ceperat.</span>” The only possible explanation of the discrepancy
seems to be that Ralph de Diceto momentarily confused the conference
at which Philip and Henry took the Cross, at Gisors in January 1188,
with their meeting at the same place on March 10, 1186.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_311" href="#FNanchor_311" class="label">[311]</a> Cf. R. Diceto, ii. 58, Rigord, 92, 93, Gerv. Cant., i. 435, and <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
ii. 50. The biographer of William the Marshal gives (ll. 8089-175) a
somewhat different account of the conference; he says nothing of any
request made there by Richard to his father, but represents Philip as
urging Henry to increase Richard’s actual possessions by giving him
Anjou, Touraine, and Maine, and asserts that before the conference Philip
had won Richard over to him by promising “<span lang="fro">qu’il li dorreit en demeine</span>”
those three counties, and Richard had privately done him homage for
them. If we accept this story, we must regard the whole conduct not
only of Philip but also of Richard at Bonmoulins as a piece of utterly
shameless acting, performed with the deliberate purpose on Richard’s
part of breaking finally with his father; for no sane person could expect
any other answer than a refusal to such a request as this. The whole
story of the relations between Henry, Richard, and Philip is, however,
only touched upon in a very meagre and perfunctory way by the Marshal’s
biographer, whose subject it did not directly concern, and who has almost
certainly made one positive mistake with regard to the Bonmoulins conference,
in giving it a date which is five months too late; I think therefore
that the version of Rigord, Ralph de Diceto, and Gervase of Canterbury
is to be in every way preferred to his.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_312" href="#FNanchor_312" class="label">[312]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_313" href="#FNanchor_313" class="label">[313]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 435.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_314" href="#FNanchor_314" class="label">[314]</a> R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em>; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 50. Cf. Rigord, 93.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_315" href="#FNanchor_315" class="label">[315]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_316" href="#FNanchor_316" class="label">[316]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, R. Diceto, ii. 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_317" href="#FNanchor_317" class="label">[317]</a> “<span lang="fro">Eissi commensa la meslee Qui unques ne fu desmelee</span>,” <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le
Mar.</cite>, ll. 8185-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_318" href="#FNanchor_318" class="label">[318]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 435, 436.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_319" href="#FNanchor_319" class="label">[319]</a> R. Howden, ii. 355.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_320" href="#FNanchor_320" class="label">[320]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8189-254.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_321" href="#FNanchor_321" class="label">[321]</a> Cf. Gerv. Cant., i. 436.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_322" href="#FNanchor_322" class="label">[322]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8285-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_323" href="#FNanchor_323" class="label">[323]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 439.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_324" href="#FNanchor_324" class="label">[324]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_325" href="#FNanchor_325" class="label">[325]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 61. Probably they joined forces in Berry and thence made
an incursion into Touraine.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_326" href="#FNanchor_326" class="label">[326]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 439.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_327" href="#FNanchor_327" class="label">[327]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8311-30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_328" href="#FNanchor_328" class="label">[328]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 62.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_329" href="#FNanchor_329" class="label">[329]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_330" href="#FNanchor_330" class="label">[330]</a> He visited Henry at Le Mans on Ascension Day, May 18; <cite lang="la">Epp. Cant.</cite>, 90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_331" href="#FNanchor_331" class="label">[331]</a> Reims, Bourges, Rouen and Canterbury; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 61.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_332" href="#FNanchor_332" class="label">[332]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 66, with date “<span lang="fro">adveniente Pentecoste</span>.” Rog. Howden, ii. 362,
says “in octavis Pentecostes,” which agrees better with Gerald’s statement
(<em>l.c.</em> c. 14) that the war began “about June 1.” Gervase of Canterbury
(i. 446) is of course doubly wrong in placing the assembly “apud Cenomannum
quinto Idus Junii.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_333" href="#FNanchor_333" class="label">[333]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, R. Howden, and Gerv. Cant., <em>ll.cc.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_334" href="#FNanchor_334" class="label">[334]</a> Gerv. Cant., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_335" href="#FNanchor_335" class="label">[335]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 66.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_336" href="#FNanchor_336" class="label">[336]</a> R. Howden, ii. 363.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_337" href="#FNanchor_337" class="label">[337]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 362.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_338" href="#FNanchor_338" class="label">[338]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 363.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_339" href="#FNanchor_339" class="label">[339]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_340" href="#FNanchor_340" class="label">[340]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8349-50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_341" href="#FNanchor_341" class="label">[341]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 8357-74.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_342" href="#FNanchor_342" class="label">[342]</a> “<span lang="la">Rex Francorum et Comes ... intra paucos dies Feritatem praedictam,
Baalum, Bellummontem ... occupaverunt. A municipalibus
circumquaque <em>Comiti</em> fit deditio castellorum.</span>” R. Diceto, ii. 62, 63. Cf.
<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 67, where Maletable—“<span lang="la">Malum Stabulum</span>”—is probably a
mistake for Bonnétable, about half way between La Ferté and Beaumont.
The Marshal’s biographer (ll. 8362-68), like the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, does not mention
Richard, and names only three castles as falling into Philip’s hands—La
Ferté, Ballon, and “<span lang="fro">Montfort le Retrot, qui gaires n’ert fort, E li fust
tantost rendu, Unques ne fust defendu</span>.” He, however, certainly knew of
Richard’s presence with the French host, for we shall see that he expressly
mentions him as engaged in the pursuit from Le Mans on June 12. If
Beaumont was given up without resistance, its constable, not its owner
the viscount, was probably answerable for the surrender, since it was at
another of the viscount’s castles, La Frênaye, that Henry found shelter
soon afterwards.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_343" href="#FNanchor_343" class="label">[343]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_344" href="#FNanchor_344" class="label">[344]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8835-46 with ll. 9321-37, and the brief summary
of Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 25: “<span lang="la">Cessante vero demum
persequentium instantia per Comitis Pictaviensis casum, equum ejusdem
militari lancea perfosso.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_345" href="#FNanchor_345" class="label">[345]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 8847-64.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_346" href="#FNanchor_346" class="label">[346]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 68, 69.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_347" href="#FNanchor_347" class="label">[347]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_348" href="#FNanchor_348" class="label">[348]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 69, Gir. Cambr., <em>l.c.</em>, W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Gesta Phil. Aug.</cite>, 190, and
<cite lang="la">Philippis</cite>, lib. iii. ll. 735-8 (the poet gives the date of the meeting by
implication in l. 748), and Stubbs’s preface to R. Howden, ii. lxvii,
note 2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_349" href="#FNanchor_349" class="label">[349]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 70, 71.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_350" href="#FNanchor_350" class="label">[350]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, l. 8957.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_351" href="#FNanchor_351" class="label">[351]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 26.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_352" href="#FNanchor_352" class="label">[352]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 25; <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9068-78.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_353" href="#FNanchor_353" class="label">[353]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii. 69.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_354" href="#FNanchor_354" class="label">[354]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9245-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_355" href="#FNanchor_355" class="label">[355]</a> The statement in <cite lang="la">Gesta Ricardi</cite> (<cite lang="la">Gesta Hen. et Ric.</cite>, ii.), 71, that he
met the funeral procession on the way and accompanied it “<span lang="fro">flens et
ejulans</span>” is at variance with a better authority for the details of the
burial—the <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>—and is improbable for geographical reasons.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_356" href="#FNanchor_356" class="label">[356]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9294-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_357" href="#FNanchor_357" class="label">[357]</a> Disfigured, “sicut perhibent qui presentes fuerunt et viderunt,” by a
bleeding from the nostrils which began as soon as Richard entered the
church and ceased only when he went out again; Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr.
Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_358" href="#FNanchor_358" class="label">[358]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9299-303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_359" href="#FNanchor_359" class="label">[359]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr.
Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_360" href="#FNanchor_360" class="label">[360]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9304-41.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_361" href="#FNanchor_361" class="label">[361]</a> Gilbert Pipard, a well-known officer of the Exchequer; <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le
Mar.</cite>, ll. 9347-51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_362" href="#FNanchor_362" class="label">[362]</a> The <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9350-1, says Richard bade the envoys themselves
“<span lang="fro">Si pernez garde de ma terre E de trestot mon autre afaire</span>”; but
the English chroniclers know nothing of this, and one of them distinctly
asserts that Eleanor was made regent: “<span lang="la">Alienor regina ... statuendi
quae vellet in regno potestatem accepit a filio. Datum siquidem est in
mandatis regni principibus et quasi sub edicto generali statutum ut ad
reginae nutum omnia disponerentur.</span>” R. Diceto, ii. 66. (This passage
is immediately followed by the one about “<span lang="la">aquila rupti fœderis</span>.”) Cf.
<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 74.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_363" href="#FNanchor_363" class="label">[363]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9361-408. Châteauroux, it will be remembered,
had been in Philip’s hands since June 1187.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_364" href="#FNanchor_364" class="label">[364]</a> His very identity is a puzzle; under Henry II we read of Stephen de
Matha, Stephen de Marzay, Stephen of Turnham, and Stephen “de
Turonis,” all bearing the title of “Seneschal of Anjou,” and it is doubtful
whether or not all these names represent the same man. In the passage
now before us the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> (71) call him “de Turonis,” but it is clear from
other evidence that this means Turnham, not Tours. The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> continue
(71, 72): “<span lang="la">Et uxorem filii praedicti Stephani propter ignobilitatem mariti
ab ipso separari fecit [rex] et alii marito dari; minans se hujusmodi
nobilium puellarum vel viduarum cum ignobilibus contubernia sua
auctoritate secundum leges separare.</span>” Is it possible that Stephen’s crime
consisted in having contrived or connived at a ceremony of marriage,
without licence from the Crown, between his son and some royal ward
who had been committed to his custody? Such a marriage, if merely
formal and if the parties were under age, might be voidable by a sentence
of the king. According to R. Devizes, 6, 7 (ed. Stevenson), Richard
brought Stephen over with him, in chains, to England, and kept him in
prison at Winchester till he redeemed himself by a heavy fine. This fine
may have been either for the misdemeanour which I have suggested, or in
remission of a vow of Crusade—which vow, however, Stephen fulfilled
after all.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_365" href="#FNanchor_365" class="label">[365]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 72.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_366" href="#FNanchor_366" class="label">[366]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 451.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_367" href="#FNanchor_367" class="label">[367]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 66, 67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_368" href="#FNanchor_368" class="label">[368]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 73; R. Diceto, ii. 67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_369" href="#FNanchor_369" class="label">[369]</a> Rigord, 97.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_370" href="#FNanchor_370" class="label">[370]</a> Date from <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 73, 74; place from R. Howden, iii. 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_371" href="#FNanchor_371" class="label">[371]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 74.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_372" href="#FNanchor_372" class="label">[372]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; R. Howden, iii. 4; Gerv. Cant., i. 450, 451
(who <ins class="corr" id="tfn-372" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'seems to hav'">
seems to have</ins> got confused between Auvergne and Berry); and Rigord, 97, whose
statement is of course conclusive as to the final terms so far as the lands
are concerned.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_373" href="#FNanchor_373" class="label">[373]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 451.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_374" href="#FNanchor_374" class="label">[374]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 450.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_375" href="#FNanchor_375" class="label">[375]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 457; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 75, with a self-contradictory date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_376" href="#FNanchor_376" class="label">[376]</a> Gerv. Cant., <em>l.c.</em>, says Southampton; the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, say Portsmouth.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_377" href="#FNanchor_377" class="label">[377]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 453, 454, 457; R. Diceto, ii. 67; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 76. The
first gives date August 14, the second August 15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_378" href="#FNanchor_378" class="label">[378]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 75.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_379" href="#FNanchor_379" class="label">[379]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 74, 75.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_380" href="#FNanchor_380" class="label">[380]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_381" href="#FNanchor_381" class="label">[381]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 75-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_382" href="#FNanchor_382" class="label">[382]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 457.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_383" href="#FNanchor_383" class="label">[383]</a> The <cite lang="la">Itin. Ric. Reg.</cite>, 142, says “<span lang="la">die S. Ægidii receptus est cum processione
apud Westmonasterium, et die tertia sequenti ... unctus est
in regem.</span>” Gervase, i. 457, dates the arrival in London September 2.
The <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9568-9, says, “<span lang="fro">A mult riche procession Fu receuz
dedenz Seint Pol</span>,” without any date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_384" href="#FNanchor_384" class="label">[384]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 142; Gerv. Cant., i. 457; R. Diceto, ii. 68; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 78, 79.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_385" href="#FNanchor_385" class="label">[385]</a> Ralph de Diceto, who as dean of S. Paul’s handed the ampulla to
the Primate, the bishop of London, to whom this duty belonged, being
absent through illness. R. Diceto, ii. 69.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_386" href="#FNanchor_386" class="label">[386]</a> Cf. R. Diceto, ii. 68, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 81, 82, and R. Howden, iii. 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_387" href="#FNanchor_387" class="label">[387]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 82; R. Howden, iii. 10, 11.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_388" href="#FNanchor_388" class="label">[388]</a> <cite lang="fro">Estoire de la Croisade</cite>, ll. 205, 206; the writer implies that he was
there.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_389" href="#FNanchor_389" class="label">[389]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 83.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_390" href="#FNanchor_390" class="label">[390]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 83; cf. W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_391" href="#FNanchor_391" class="label">[391]</a> W. Newb., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_392" href="#FNanchor_392" class="label">[392]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_393" href="#FNanchor_393" class="label">[393]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_394" href="#FNanchor_394" class="label">[394]</a> W. Newb., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_395" href="#FNanchor_395" class="label">[395]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_396" href="#FNanchor_396" class="label">[396]</a> So at least we should gather from the treasurer’s apparent inability
to find any money for King Henry’s funeral; <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 9173-200.
Of course we must remember that Richard himself had emptied
that treasury two years before. This again implies that he was at that
time short of money in Aquitaine, and therefore not likely to have since
then accumulated anything in the way of a reserve fund there.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_397" href="#FNanchor_397" class="label">[397]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 76, 77; R. Howden, iii. 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_398" href="#FNanchor_398" class="label">[398]</a> “<span lang="la">Nongenta millia librarum</span>,” <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 77; “<span lang="la">Thesaurus ... magnus
valde, excedens numerum et valentiam centum millia marcarum</span>”
(= £66,666 13<em>s.</em> 4<em>d.</em>), R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em> There can be little doubt that the
<cite lang="la">Gesta’s</cite> figure is, as Dr. Stubbs suggested it might be, an error for “nonaginta.”
We know that the royal revenue for the financial year which
ended three weeks after Richard’s coronation amounted to somewhat
less than fifty thousand pounds (£48,781; Stubbs, preface to <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, ii.
xcix).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_399" href="#FNanchor_399" class="label">[399]</a> R. Howden, iii. 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_400" href="#FNanchor_400" class="label">[400]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_401" href="#FNanchor_401" class="label">[401]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_402" href="#FNanchor_402" class="label">[402]</a> R. Devizes (ed. Stevenson), 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_403" href="#FNanchor_403" class="label">[403]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 90, 91.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_404" href="#FNanchor_404" class="label">[404]</a> R. Howden, iii. 13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_405" href="#FNanchor_405" class="label">[405]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 5; cf. R. Devizes, 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_406" href="#FNanchor_406" class="label">[406]</a> R. Howden, ii. 302.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_407" href="#FNanchor_407" class="label">[407]</a> R. Devizes, 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_408" href="#FNanchor_408" class="label">[408]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 87; W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 4. Elsewhere the former writer
includes Ranulf among the officers whom he represents as compulsorily
deposed and held to ransom: “<span lang="la">Eodem mense Ricardus Rex deposuit a
balliis suis Ranulfum de Glanvilla justiciarium Angliae et fere omnes
vicecomites</span>,” etc. (<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 90); but his own statement in p. 87, confirmed
by William of Newburgh, suffices to contradict this so far as Glanville is
concerned.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_409" href="#FNanchor_409" class="label">[409]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_410" href="#FNanchor_410" class="label">[410]</a> <cite lang="la">Epp. Cantuar.</cite>, 329.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_411" href="#FNanchor_411" class="label">[411]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 87, 90, 91; see also Stubbs’s preface to R. Howden, iii. xxviii,
note 3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_412" href="#FNanchor_412" class="label">[412]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">Vita Galfr.</cite>, lib. i. c. 6 (<cite lang="la">Opera</cite>, iv. 374).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_413" href="#FNanchor_413" class="label">[413]</a> R. Devizes (ed. Stevenson), 9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_414" href="#FNanchor_414" class="label">[414]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 72; see also Stubbs’s preface to R. Howden, iii. xxiv,
note 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_415" href="#FNanchor_415" class="label">[415]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 78.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_416" href="#FNanchor_416" class="label">[416]</a> See <cite>John Lackland</cite>, 26-8, and the references there given in footnotes.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_417" href="#FNanchor_417" class="label">[417]</a> The gross total of the ferms and other profits of the six counties for
the year ending Michaelmas 1189 was £4,081 9<em>s.</em> 8<em>d.</em>; Stubbs, pref. to R.
Howden, iii. xxv, note 4. The greater part of this sum was derived
from the miscellaneous profits, which were liable to fluctuation. The
£500-£600 worth of other lands given to John would no doubt insure
that this fluctuation should not reduce John’s total annual income from
his English possessions (irrespective of his Gloucester earldom and honour)
below £4000. Stubbs (<em>l.c.</em>, xxiv, note 2) thought that “this promise
of £4000 a year in land was not regarded as fulfilled by the bestowal of
the counties.... We find that in 1195 when John had been removed
from the government of the counties, his income from the Exchequer
was £8000 (Howden, iii. 286), but ... in Angevin money and only
equal to £2000 sterling.” Howden’s words in the place here cited are
“<span lang="la">Eodem anno Ricardus rex Angliae remisit Johanni fratri suo omnem
iram et malivolentiam suam, et reddidit ei comitatum de Moretonia et
honorem de Eia, et comitatum Glocestriae, cum omni integritate eorum,
exceptis castellis; et pro omnibus aliis comitatibus et terris suis dedit ei
rex per annum octo millia librarum Andegavensis monetae.</span>” To me
these words seem to imply nothing definite as to the relative value of
the counties and other lands of which John had been deprived and of
the money compensation given to him in their stead in 1195. Nor does
Bishop Stubbs’s further remark, “However, it is clear that whilst he was
in charge of the counties he was receiving a large sum from the Exchequer;
R. Devizes, 26,” seem to me borne out by the passage to which he
here gives a reference, and which runs thus: “<span lang="la">Colloquium primum
inter comitem de Moretonio, fratrem regis, et cancellarium, de custodiis
quorumdam castellorum et de pecunia comiti a fratre de scaccario
concessa, apud Wintoniam ad Laetare Hierusalem</span>” (<em>i. e.</em>, March 4,
1191).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_418" href="#FNanchor_418" class="label">[418]</a> Or Geddington; R. Diceto, ii. 69. Geddington was a royal manor;
the king lodged in his own house there, but the council meetings were
held in Pipewell Abbey, which stood within the boundaries of the manor.
<cite lang="la">Monasticon</cite>, v. 431.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_419" href="#FNanchor_419" class="label">[419]</a> Stubbs, note to <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 97.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_420" href="#FNanchor_420" class="label">[420]</a> <cite lang="la">Ann. Cambr.</cite>, 57.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_421" href="#FNanchor_421" class="label">[421]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_422" href="#FNanchor_422" class="label">[422]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 92, 93; R. Howden, iii. 20. Richard was in London November
8, 9, 12, 14, 15, 18 (Stubbs, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 97, note 3). According to the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
the person who swore for Richard was William de Mandeville; according
to R. Howden, William the Marshal. If the former be right the date
must be before November 14, for on that day William de Mandeville died;
R. Diceto, ii. 73.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_423" href="#FNanchor_423" class="label">[423]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 145.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_424" href="#FNanchor_424" class="label">[424]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; Gerv. Cant., i. 474. The precise dates are November 26 to
December 5; Stubbs, notes to <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 97, 98.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_425" href="#FNanchor_425" class="label">[425]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 97, 99.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_426" href="#FNanchor_426" class="label">[426]</a> Cf. R. Diceto, ii. 72, and Gerv. Cant., i. 474.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_427" href="#FNanchor_427" class="label">[427]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 72, 73; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 99.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_428" href="#FNanchor_428" class="label">[428]</a> Chron. Mailros, a. 1157.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_429" href="#FNanchor_429" class="label">[429]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta Hen.</cite>, i. 96, 98.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_430" href="#FNanchor_430" class="label">[430]</a> <em>Ib.</em> 351; W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_431" href="#FNanchor_431" class="label">[431]</a> R. Howden, ii. 338, 339.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_432" href="#FNanchor_432" class="label">[432]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta Hen.</cite>, ii. 44.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_433" href="#FNanchor_433" class="label">[433]</a> £6,666 13<em>s.</em> 4<em>d.</em>, W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 5; R. Diceto, ii. 72. The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
98, make the sum 10,000 marks sterling, <em>i. e.</em>, £6,600. The charter in which
Richard’s concessions to William are embodied contains no mention of
money.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_434" href="#FNanchor_434" class="label">[434]</a> <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 50. Date, December 5, 1189.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_435" href="#FNanchor_435" class="label">[435]</a> “Pactiones quas ... Henricus rex per novas cartas et per captionem
suam” (<em>i. e.</em>, Willelmi) “extorsit.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_436" href="#FNanchor_436" class="label">[436]</a> William had been captured, with some sixty of his men, when the
bulk of the force with which he was besieging Alnwick was out of reach,
by a body of several hundred English knights who had ridden to the
place through a thick mist which prevented them from seeing where they
were and the Scots from discovering their approach till a sudden clearing
of the air surprised both parties alike by revealing their presence to each
other, and the little band of Scots, though they made a splendid fight,
were easily surrounded. W. Newb., lib. ii. c. 33; Jordan Fantosme,
ll. 1731-1839.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_437" href="#FNanchor_437" class="label">[437]</a> This is the date of Richard’s charter as printed from an original
copy in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 50. “He,” says Richard, “became our liegeman
for all the lands for which his ancestors were liegemen of our ancestors,
and he swore fealty to us and our heirs.” See also <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 104.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_438" href="#FNanchor_438" class="label">[438]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 100.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_439" href="#FNanchor_439" class="label">[439]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 73, makes the date December 14 and the landing-place
Gravelines; the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> writer, 101, says “<span lang="la">xi<sup>o</sup> die Decembris, in vigilia
S. Luciae</span>,” which is self-contradictory, S. Lucy’s day being December 13.
For “<span lang="la">in vigilia S. Luciae</span>” Roger of Howden (iii. 28) substitutes “<span lang="la">feria
secunda</span>,” which would be right for December 11, 1189. Both these
latter writers say that Richard landed at Calais, and that the Count of
Flanders met him on his landing and escorted him “<span lang="la">cum gaudio</span>” into
Normandy.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_440" href="#FNanchor_440" class="label">[440]</a> At Bures, according to <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 104; at Lions, according to <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 145.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_441" href="#FNanchor_441" class="label">[441]</a> <cite lang="fro">Est. de la Guerre Ste.</cite>, ll. 247-50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_442" href="#FNanchor_442" class="label">[442]</a> The proclamation inserted by R. Diceto, ii. 73, 74, is dated Nonancourt,
December 30; the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 104, places the meeting at the Ford of
S. Rémi. This was the usual place for conferences, and is close to
Nonancourt.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_443" href="#FNanchor_443" class="label">[443]</a> The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 105, and R. Diceto, ii. 74, say that S. John Baptist’s day
was the date fixed at the second conference, which was held on January 13
(<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>). R. Diceto, however, elsewhere (ii. 77) gives Midsummer as
the date fixed at the third conference, which he says took place on the
day on which the Queen of France died, or was buried; it is not clear
which he means. She died on March 15; Rigord, 97. This is clearly
the conference at which the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, ll. 259-86, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> 146, tell us the
kings received the news of her death (she died unexpectedly, in childbirth),
and agreed to set out each from his own dominions on S. John Baptist’s
day and meet at Vézelay for the final start together on the octave. The
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> place this conference “at Dreux.” Richard was
at Nonancourt on March 14 (<cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 51); the Gué St. Rémi is midway
between these two towns and was no doubt the real meeting-place.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_444" href="#FNanchor_444" class="label">[444]</a> <cite lang="la">Gallia Christ.</cite>, i. 988.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_445" href="#FNanchor_445" class="label">[445]</a> Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes.</cite>, ii. 263.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_446" href="#FNanchor_446" class="label">[446]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 73. R. Coggeshall, 26, says December 12, but there
are several indications that Mandeville was dead before Richard left
England.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_447" href="#FNanchor_447" class="label">[447]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 101. Roger of Howden, iii. 28, says: “<span lang="la">Hugo Dunelmensis
et Willelmus Eliensis Episcopi remanserunt in Anglia summi justiciarii</span>”;
but the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Devizes (11) distinctly imply that at this time
William of Ely, though practically viceroy, was not titularly chief
justiciar. He was, however, added to the number of assistant justiciars
(<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>), and probably this is what Roger really means.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_448" href="#FNanchor_448" class="label">[448]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 105, 106. R. Howden, iii. 32.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_449" href="#FNanchor_449" class="label">[449]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 106.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_450" href="#FNanchor_450" class="label">[450]</a> After March 27; see <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_451" href="#FNanchor_451" class="label">[451]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_452" href="#FNanchor_452" class="label">[452]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_453" href="#FNanchor_453" class="label">[453]</a> R. Howden, iii. 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_454" href="#FNanchor_454" class="label">[454]</a> There is one rather curious-looking case of a ship which the king
seems to have originally bought for £100, given to the Knights of the
Hospital (in England), and bought back from them for £9. Archer,
<cite>Crusade of Richard I</cite>, 13. But I do not feel quite sure of the meaning
of the passage.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_455" href="#FNanchor_455" class="label">[455]</a> See extract from Pipe Roll 2 Ric. II in Archer, <cite>Crusade of Richard I</cite>,
11-13. A captain’s pay was double that of a common sailor; <em>ib.</em> The
total of ships enumerated in this passage, exclusive of smacks, whose
number is not given, is forty-seven. The total of the fleet when it set
out was 107 or 108 “besides some others which followed”: <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll.
311-13, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> 47.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_456" href="#FNanchor_456" class="label">[456]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 110, 111; R. Howden, iii. 36, 37. These ordinances are dated
“<span lang="la">apud Chinonem</span>.” As in both the writers who record them they are
inserted after some events which took place in England in June, and as
Richard is known, from several sources, to have been at Chinon on
June 20, this is the date usually assigned for their issue. But it cannot
be correct; for both our authorities say that the fleet sailed “statim
post Pascha” (March 25), and that a part of it entered the Bay of Biscay
on Ascension day (May 6); <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 116; R. Howden, iii. 42. These ordinances,
and the sailing order issued at the same time with them, must
therefore have been issued before Easter. We have seen that Richard
met Philip on the Norman border on March 15, the Thursday before
Palm Sunday; after that, we have no notice of his whereabouts till
April 17, when he was at Chinon (Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 263, 264). In all
likelihood he had been there for a month, almost ever since his meeting
with Philip.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_457" href="#FNanchor_457" class="label">[457]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 111, 116. The <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 147, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 307-10, represent this
order for immediate departure as issued much later still, from Tours,
just before the king himself set out thence for Vézelay, <em>i. e.</em>, at the end of
June; but as has been shown in the preceding note, this is quite incompatible
with the date at which the fleet actually sailed.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_458" href="#FNanchor_458" class="label">[458]</a> Endowment charter, dated Luçon, May 5
<ins class="corr" id="tfn-458" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: '[1190]'">
(1190)</ins>; witnesses, Peter Bertin, seneschal of Poitou (appointed not before February 21, 1190,
Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 263, 265), Stephen de Marzay, Brother Miles the
duke’s almoner, Ralf FitzGeoffrey his chamberlain, and John of Alençon
his vice-chancellor, who sealed the deed. Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 265; from
Tardif, <cite lang="fro">Archives du Poitou</cite> (Trésor des Chartes), xi. 408.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_459" href="#FNanchor_459" class="label">[459]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 99. The earlier queen referred to is there called Matilda,
but as the writer calls Stephen’s wife “Alicia,” it is possible that he has
reversed the names and that the other queen whom he intended to mention
was not Maud of Scotland but Henry’s second wife, Adeliza of Louvain.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_460" href="#FNanchor_460" class="label">[460]</a> “<span lang="fro">Gourfaille, canton de Pissotte, Vendée</span>,” Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, from
<cite lang="fro">Archives du Poitou</cite>, i. 120.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_461" href="#FNanchor_461" class="label">[461]</a> <cite lang="la">Gall. Christ.</cite>, ii. instr. 388. On the 7th he was at S. Jean d’Angély;
Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 266, from <cite lang="fro">Arch. Hist. de Saintonge</cite>, xxviii. 140.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_462" href="#FNanchor_462" class="label">[462]</a> June 6; letter in R. Diceto, ii. 83.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_463" href="#FNanchor_463" class="label">[463]</a> R. Howden, iii. 35. Roger calls this man William of “Chisi”;
Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 263, says “<span lang="fro">Chis, Hautes Pyrénées</span>,” and seems to
date this expedition earlier, between February 21 and April 17; but he
gives no reason for so doing, and it seems therefore better to accept the
sequence of events given by Roger, with which Richard’s presence at
Bayonne on June 6 fits in very well.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_464" href="#FNanchor_464" class="label">[464]</a> Stapleton, <cite>Norm. Exch. Rolls</cite>, i. cxlv.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_465" href="#FNanchor_465" class="label">[465]</a> R. Devizes, 15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_466" href="#FNanchor_466" class="label">[466]</a> R. Howden, iii. 36—miscalling the archbishop “William” as usual.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_467" href="#FNanchor_467" class="label">[467]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 37. There is documentary evidence of Richard’s presence at
Tours on June 27, 1190; Teulet, <cite lang="fro">Layettes</cite>, i. 158. Probably he was there
several days earlier, as otherwise Philip would hardly have had time to
visit him there and then go to Paris before setting out for Vézelay.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_468" href="#FNanchor_468" class="label">[468]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 324-34.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_469" href="#FNanchor_469" class="label">[469]</a> On June 27 Richard went from Tours to Montrichard (<cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I.
i. 48) by way of Azay (on the Cher, close to Tours); <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 149. In the
next four days he passed through Selles (on the Cher) and La Chapelle
[d’Anguillon, in Berry] to Donzy, in the Nivernais (<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em>), where he
was on July 1 (<cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>). He may have gone from Donzy to Vézelay
on that day. He was certainly at Vézelay on July 3 (<cite lang="la">Monast.</cite> VI. i. 327).
Rigord (i. 99) says: “<span lang="la">Feria quarta post octavas S. Johannis Baptistae</span>”
[= Wednesday, July 4] “<span lang="la">cum rege Anglorum Ricardo apud Vizeliacum
venit [rex Francorum]</span>,” which looks as if the kings had met on the way
and arrived together; but if so, Rigord’s date is, as we have just seen,
at least a day too late. The <cite lang="la">Gesta Ric.</cite> (111) say the two kings stayed at
Vézelay two days, and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> (151) enumerates seven places
through which they passed “<span lang="la">distinctis dietis</span>” from there to Lyons
(M. Gaston Paris accepts this passage in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> as authentic,
believing it to be derived “from an official source”). This would mean
their leaving Vézelay on July 6 and reaching Lyons on the 13th; but
from certain words in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> it seems possible, and I think even probable,
that the true dates are the 3rd and the 10th. The whole sentence
in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> runs thus: “<span lang="la">Ibi [sc. apud Vizeliacum] moram fecerunt
[reges] per duos dies <em>in octavis S. Iohannis Baptistae</em>.</span>” Strictly interpreted,
this should mean “within the octave”; it might mean “beginning on
the octave,” <em>i. e.</em>, July 1-3; but it cannot correctly represent July 4-6.
Either it is a blunder, or Rigord is wrong in dating Philip’s arrival on
the 4th. I venture to think the latter alternative the likelier of the two,
as the English chroniclers appear to have followed their sovereign’s travels
with great care, while Rigord is certainly far from being a specially accurate
chronologist.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_470" href="#FNanchor_470" class="label">[470]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 365-75; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 150.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_471" href="#FNanchor_471" class="label">[471]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 111.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_472" href="#FNanchor_472" class="label">[472]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 377-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_473" href="#FNanchor_473" class="label">[473]</a> The stages are given in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> 151. See <a href="#Footnote_469">note 7 to p. 117</a> above.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_474" href="#FNanchor_474" class="label">[474]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 413-28; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_475" href="#FNanchor_475" class="label">[475]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 429-36.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_476" href="#FNanchor_476" class="label">[476]</a> It is said to have numbered 100,000; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 419, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_477" href="#FNanchor_477" class="label">[477]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 112; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 449-65; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 152.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_478" href="#FNanchor_478" class="label">[478]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 466-90. “<span lang="fro">Le Rogne, l’eve crestee</span>,” l. 414.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_479" href="#FNanchor_479" class="label">[479]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 491-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_480" href="#FNanchor_480" class="label">[480]</a> The two kings having agreed to separate their forces because they
found them too numerous to travel in one body; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 112.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_481" href="#FNanchor_481" class="label">[481]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 152.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_482" href="#FNanchor_482" class="label">[482]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 499-510.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_483" href="#FNanchor_483" class="label">[483]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_484" href="#FNanchor_484" class="label">[484]</a> We get this date from the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 112, where it is said that Richard
stayed at Marseille eight days and left on August 7. The author of the
<cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> enumerates (153) fifteen places which he says “<em>we</em> went
through” (<i lang="la">transivimus</i>) from Lyons to Marseille; but he does not (as in
his account of the journey from Vézelay to Lyons) specify how many
days’ travelling these stages represent; and moreover, he is evidently
here not describing Richard’s journey at all, for he ends “<span lang="la">apud Marsiliam,
ubi moram fecimus per tres hebdomadas; postea mare intravimus,
scilicet die proxima post festum Assumptionis Beatae Mariae</span>,” <em>i. e.</em>,
August 16; that is, he represents himself as having reached Marseille
on July 26. Supposing his narrative to be authentic, he must therefore
have travelled from Lyons to Marseille not with the king, but in advance
of him. On the other hand, if he was an impostor and not a Crusader at
all, his evidence on this point is of no account. In either case, however,
it is probable that the route he gives would occupy about a fortnight;
Richard may therefore have set out from Lyons on July 17 or 18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_485" href="#FNanchor_485" class="label">[485]</a> R. Howden, iii. 51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_486" href="#FNanchor_486" class="label">[486]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_487" href="#FNanchor_487" class="label">[487]</a> <cite lang="la">Epp. Cantuar.</cite>, 328.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_488" href="#FNanchor_488" class="label">[488]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_489" href="#FNanchor_489" class="label">[489]</a> The date of the death, November 1189, is given in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 101, 102.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_490" href="#FNanchor_490" class="label">[490]</a> “<span lang="la">Mare nauseans</span>,” R. Devizes, 16.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_491" href="#FNanchor_491" class="label">[491]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_492" href="#FNanchor_492" class="label">[492]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 112. R. Diceto, ii. 84, says “in vigilia S. Laurentii,” <em>i. e.</em>,
August 9; but in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> the date is the first of a whole series evidently
derived from an official record of some kind, so it seems best to follow
this authority.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_493" href="#FNanchor_493" class="label">[493]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_494" href="#FNanchor_494" class="label">[494]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 112-14.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_495" href="#FNanchor_495" class="label">[495]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_496" href="#FNanchor_496" class="label">[496]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 114, 115.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_497" href="#FNanchor_497" class="label">[497]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 124.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_498" href="#FNanchor_498" class="label">[498]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 115-22. 124; R. Howden, iii. 42-50. 53, 54.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_499" href="#FNanchor_499" class="label">[499]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 124; R. Diceto, ii. 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_500" href="#FNanchor_500" class="label">[500]</a> Rigord, 106.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_501" href="#FNanchor_501" class="label">[501]</a> Placed at his disposal by the new king of Sicily, Tancred; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_502" href="#FNanchor_502" class="label">[502]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 573-80; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 156.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_503" href="#FNanchor_503" class="label">[503]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 124, 125.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_504" href="#FNanchor_504" class="label">[504]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 588-93.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_505" href="#FNanchor_505" class="label">[505]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 126; R. Howden, iii, 55. These and R. Diceto, ii. 84, give the
date, September 23.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_506" href="#FNanchor_506" class="label">[506]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_507" href="#FNanchor_507" class="label">[507]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 594-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_508" href="#FNanchor_508" class="label">[508]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Howden, <em>ll.cc.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_509" href="#FNanchor_509" class="label">[509]</a> The settlement is given at length in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, i. 169, 170.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_510" href="#FNanchor_510" class="label">[510]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 132, 133, and R. Devizes, 19. According to the former
authority the cups and dishes were of gold, according to the latter of silver.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_511" href="#FNanchor_511" class="label">[511]</a> R. Devizes, 18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_512" href="#FNanchor_512" class="label">[512]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_513" href="#FNanchor_513" class="label">[513]</a> R. Devizes, 19. The <i lang="la">terrino</i> was a small gold coin weighing twenty
grains.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_514" href="#FNanchor_514" class="label">[514]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 126; date confirmed by R. Diceto, ii. 85.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_515" href="#FNanchor_515" class="label">[515]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 549-58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_516" href="#FNanchor_516" class="label">[516]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 615-19.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_517" href="#FNanchor_517" class="label">[517]</a> R. Devizes, 18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_518" href="#FNanchor_518" class="label">[518]</a> Cf. R. Devizes, 20, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 547-58, 607-24, and <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 138, 139.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_519" href="#FNanchor_519" class="label">[519]</a> Cf. R. Devizes, 19, R. Diceto, ii. 85, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 127, and R. Howden, iii.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_520" href="#FNanchor_520" class="label">[520]</a> It seems to have been really another beacon-tower or pharos, placed
on the island—like the tower on the Sicilian mainland opposite Scylla,
where Richard had first landed—to give warning of the proximity of
Charybdis; see <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 158.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_521" href="#FNanchor_521" class="label">[521]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 127; R. Devizes, 19.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_522" href="#FNanchor_522" class="label">[522]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 627-44; the date is from the former.
R. Devizes, 22, seems to make it October 2, but his whole account of the
matter is fantastic, while that of the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> is in close accord with the
eye-witness Ambrose, the poet of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_523" href="#FNanchor_523" class="label">[523]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_524" href="#FNanchor_524" class="label">[524]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 138; see Archer’s note on them, <cite>Crusade of Richard I</cite>, 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_525" href="#FNanchor_525" class="label">[525]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 128; R. Devizes, 22, 23; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 649-53.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_526" href="#FNanchor_526" class="label">[526]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 654-67.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_527" href="#FNanchor_527" class="label">[527]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 128; for Hugh the Brown cf. R. Diceto, ii. 85, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 717-20,
<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> 161, and R. Devizes, 23.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_528" href="#FNanchor_528" class="label">[528]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 683-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_529" href="#FNanchor_529" class="label">[529]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 721-36.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_530" href="#FNanchor_530" class="label">[530]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 689-701, 779-84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_531" href="#FNanchor_531" class="label">[531]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 129.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_532" href="#FNanchor_532" class="label">[532]</a> “<span lang="fro">Li reis fud un des premerains Qui osast entrer en la vile; Puis i
entrerent bien dis mile</span>,” Est., ll. 801-4. The <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, 163, says:
“<span lang="la">Primus civitatem intravit ipse dux et praevius</span>,” and describes the
entrance as effected “<span lang="la">per posternam quandam quam rex Anglorum,
secunda die adventus sui ad cautelam futurorum circuiens cum duobus
sociis, quasi neglectam a civibus perpenderat</span>” (162, 163). This is quite
in accord with the character of Richard, who as we shall see later was in
the habit of doing his own scouting; and the attack could hardly have
been so successful unless some preparations for it had been made beforehand.
Still, as the writer of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> does not in this part of his
work speak as an eye-witness, and the one writer who does so speak—Ambrose—does
not give this detail, I prefer to place it only in a footnote.
Richard of Devizes, 23, says the town gates were broken down “<span lang="la">admoto
ariete dicto citius</span>.” But he was certainly not there, and his whole account
of the doings at Messina is too full of long speeches to be altogether trustworthy.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_533" href="#FNanchor_533" class="label">[533]</a> “Plus tost eurent il pris Meschines C’uns prestres n’ad dit ses matines,”
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 809, 810. Cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 163.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_534" href="#FNanchor_534" class="label">[534]</a> R. Devizes, 24.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_535" href="#FNanchor_535" class="label">[535]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 811-18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_536" href="#FNanchor_536" class="label">[536]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 823-61; R. Howden, iii. 58. Howden’s phrase “<span lang="la">rex Angliae
signa sua deposuit</span>” probably means only that Richard’s banners were
placed beneath Philip’s in token of the feudal relation between the kings.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_537" href="#FNanchor_537" class="label">[537]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 844-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_538" href="#FNanchor_538" class="label">[538]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 827-30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_539" href="#FNanchor_539" class="label">[539]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 166.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_540" href="#FNanchor_540" class="label">[540]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 129.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_541" href="#FNanchor_541" class="label">[541]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_542" href="#FNanchor_542" class="label">[542]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 867-86; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 165, 166.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_543" href="#FNanchor_543" class="label">[543]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 913-32; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 167.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_544" href="#FNanchor_544" class="label">[544]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 133.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_545" href="#FNanchor_545" class="label">[545]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 138.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_546" href="#FNanchor_546" class="label">[546]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 937, 938.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_547" href="#FNanchor_547" class="label">[547]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; R. Devizes, 25; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 939, 940.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_548" href="#FNanchor_548" class="label">[548]</a> “<span lang="fro">Que ja a lui [<em>i. e.</em> Tancred] ne plaideroit, E que il se porchaceroit.</span>”
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 941-50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_549" href="#FNanchor_549" class="label">[549]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 951-73.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_550" href="#FNanchor_550" class="label">[550]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 891-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_551" href="#FNanchor_551" class="label">[551]</a> Rigord, 106.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_552" href="#FNanchor_552" class="label">[552]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 977-1000; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 133-6; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 169; R. Diceto, ii. 85;
R. Devizes, 24, 25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_553" href="#FNanchor_553" class="label">[553]</a> Letter of Richard in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 133.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_554" href="#FNanchor_554" class="label">[554]</a> Letters of Richard to Tancred and to the Pope, in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 133-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_555" href="#FNanchor_555" class="label">[555]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 136.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_556" href="#FNanchor_556" class="label">[556]</a> Richard in both his letters cited above acknowledges the receipt of
20,000 ounces of gold as the dowry of Arthur’s betrothed. We shall see
that the other sum, though the letters do not mention it, was paid also.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_557" href="#FNanchor_557" class="label">[557]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1049-52; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 169, 170. Rigord (106), on the other
hand, declares it was “thanks to King Philip’s intervention and efforts”
that Tancred and Richard were reconciled—which is perhaps true in a
sense, but not the sense in which Philip’s panegyrist meant it—and complains
that of the forty thousand ounces of gold Philip “had only the
third part, when he ought to have had half.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_558" href="#FNanchor_558" class="label">[558]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 129-32.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_559" href="#FNanchor_559" class="label">[559]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1053-74; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 171, 172. In the printed edition of the
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, line 1062 reads thus: “<span lang="fro">Richarz qui n’est aver ne chinches.</span>” If
<i lang="fro">est</i> be really the reading of the MS., it of course places beyond all doubt the
correctness of M. Gaston Paris’s assertion that the poet “<span lang="fro">a certainement
écrit avant la mort de Richard</span>” (introd., p. 1.). But M. Paris does not
cite this line in support of his assertion, and in his modern French version
of the poem he renders the line “<span lang="fr">Richard, qui <em>n’était</em> pas chiche ni avare</span>”
(p. 347). We are therefore at present left in doubt whether <i lang="fro">n’est</i> be not
here a misprint for <i lang="fro">n’ert</i>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_560" href="#FNanchor_560" class="label">[560]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 157.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_561" href="#FNanchor_561" class="label">[561]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 146, 147.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_562" href="#FNanchor_562" class="label">[562]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1080-1108; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 150.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_563" href="#FNanchor_563" class="label">[563]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 150, 151.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_564" href="#FNanchor_564" class="label">[564]</a> See above, <a href="#Page_79">p. 79</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_565" href="#FNanchor_565" class="label">[565]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 155-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_566" href="#FNanchor_566" class="label">[566]</a> Rigord, 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_567" href="#FNanchor_567" class="label">[567]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1145-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_568" href="#FNanchor_568" class="label">[568]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 157; they are there said to have gone to Brindisi. February 27
that year was Ash Wednesday; possibly Richard had hoped they would
arrive in time for the marriage to take place before Lent.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_569" href="#FNanchor_569" class="label">[569]</a> Rigord, 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_570" href="#FNanchor_570" class="label">[570]</a> So says <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 170, 171; in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 158, he is said to have gone “per
consilium regis Franciae,” which from the sequel does not seem very
likely.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_571" href="#FNanchor_571" class="label">[571]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 158, 159.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_572" href="#FNanchor_572" class="label">[572]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 159, 160.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_573" href="#FNanchor_573" class="label">[573]</a> Charter of Philip, in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 54, dated “March 1190,” the French
year beginning on Lady day.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_574" href="#FNanchor_574" class="label">[574]</a> “<span lang="la">Tertio kalendas Aprilis, sabbato</span>,” <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 161; “die Sabbati post
Annunciationem B. Mariae,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 175; <em>i. e.</em>, Saturday, March 30. In
p. 177, however, the author of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> says Richard sailed on the
seventeenth day after Philip’s departure; which, as all authorities (this
same writer included, <em>l.c.</em>) date Richard’s departure from Messina on the
Wednesday before Easter, <em>i. e.</em>, April 10, ought to mean that Philip sailed
on Lady day itself. R. Diceto, ii. 91, makes him sail “<span lang="la">quarto kalendas
Aprilis</span>,” <em>i. e.</em>, March 29; or, according to another MS., “<span lang="la">tertio kalendas
Aprilis</span>,” agreeing with <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>. This latter authority says (161) that Philip
reached Acre on the twenty-second day of his voyage, viz. Saturday in
Easter week, <em>i. e.</em>, April 20. Rigord, 108, dates his arrival Easter Even
(April 13).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_575" href="#FNanchor_575" class="label">[575]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 157.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_576" href="#FNanchor_576" class="label">[576]</a> Cf. <em>ib.</em>, 161, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1135-40, 1153-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_577" href="#FNanchor_577" class="label">[577]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 162; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1186-90; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 177; R. Diceto, ii. 91.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_578" href="#FNanchor_578" class="label">[578]</a> One hundred “<span lang="la">naves</span>” and 14 “<span lang="la">buccae</span>,” R. Devizes, 17. This writer,
it must be remembered, supposed the king to have joined his fleet at
Marseille and coasted along with it thence to Messina, picking up more
ships as he went; but as we have seen, this is an error.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_579" href="#FNanchor_579" class="label">[579]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 86, makes it 219, viz. 156 “<span lang="la">naves</span>,” 24 “<span lang="la">buccae</span>,” and
39 “<span lang="la">galeae</span>”; the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 162, make it 203, being 150 “<span lang="la">magnae naves</span>”
and 53 “<span lang="la">galeae</span>”; R. Devizes, 46, reckons the fleet at its leaving Messina
as comprising 180 “<span lang="la">naves</span>,” “<span lang="la">buccae</span>,” and “<span lang="la">dromundi</span>” (thus tallying
with R. Diceto), besides the “<span lang="la">galeae</span>” of which he does not state the
number.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_580" href="#FNanchor_580" class="label">[580]</a> Cf. the description of twelfth century <i lang="la">galeae</i> in W. Tyr., lib. xiv. c. 20,
with that in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 80.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_581" href="#FNanchor_581" class="label">[581]</a> R. Devizes, 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_582" href="#FNanchor_582" class="label">[582]</a> R. Devizes, 46.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_583" href="#FNanchor_583" class="label">[583]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1179-85, 1200; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 176, 177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_584" href="#FNanchor_584" class="label">[584]</a> “Devant siglot li reis meismes,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 1259.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_585" href="#FNanchor_585" class="label">[585]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 177.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_586" href="#FNanchor_586" class="label">[586]</a> “Prés de Vïaires,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 1216; probably, as M. Gaston Paris says,
Cape Spartivento, the eastern point of Calabria.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_587" href="#FNanchor_587" class="label">[587]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1202-28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_588" href="#FNanchor_588" class="label">[588]</a> R. Devizes, 46.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_589" href="#FNanchor_589" class="label">[589]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 178.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_590" href="#FNanchor_590" class="label">[590]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1233-60.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_591" href="#FNanchor_591" class="label">[591]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 1261-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_592" href="#FNanchor_592" class="label">[592]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 1268-1312.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_593" href="#FNanchor_593" class="label">[593]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 1377-1400.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_594" href="#FNanchor_594" class="label">[594]</a> Cf. R. Howden, iii. 105, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1401, 1402, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 184, which alone
gives the date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_595" href="#FNanchor_595" class="label">[595]</a> R. Devizes, 47.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_596" href="#FNanchor_596" class="label">[596]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 184-7; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1403-25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_597" href="#FNanchor_597" class="label">[597]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 187, 188.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_598" href="#FNanchor_598" class="label">[598]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1315-34, 1349-51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_599" href="#FNanchor_599" class="label">[599]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 1449-72. Cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 189. We need not trouble ourselves about
the speeches in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 163, and R. Howden, ii. 106.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_600" href="#FNanchor_600" class="label">[600]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1479-95; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 189. Cf. R. Howden, iii. 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_601" href="#FNanchor_601" class="label">[601]</a> R. Devizes, 47.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_602" href="#FNanchor_602" class="label">[602]</a> “<span lang="fro">Estions mis es bargettes Qui esteient mult petitettes</span>” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1505,
1506.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_603" href="#FNanchor_603" class="label">[603]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1473-4, 1495-1564; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 180-91.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_604" href="#FNanchor_604" class="label">[604]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 191.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_605" href="#FNanchor_605" class="label">[605]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1565-1700; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 192-4, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 163, 164, and R. Howden,
iii. 107, 108.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_606" href="#FNanchor_606" class="label">[606]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1335-45. Philip reached Acre April 13 according to Rigord,
108; Saturday in Easter week, April 20, according to <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 161.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_607" href="#FNanchor_607" class="label">[607]</a> “<span lang="la">Rex ad omnia promptissimus, ne dicam praesumptuosissimus</span>,”
<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_608" href="#FNanchor_608" class="label">[608]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_609" href="#FNanchor_609" class="label">[609]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1701-45; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 195, 196.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_610" href="#FNanchor_610" class="label">[610]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1749-53, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 196, say Richard had now forty galleys,
including the five Cypriotes.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_611" href="#FNanchor_611" class="label">[611]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1761-75, 1791-97; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 196, 197.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_612" href="#FNanchor_612" class="label">[612]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 197, 198.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_613" href="#FNanchor_613" class="label">[613]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1777-90, 1813-18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_614" href="#FNanchor_614" class="label">[614]</a> Called “Ebetines” by Ambrose, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 1967.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_615" href="#FNanchor_615" class="label">[615]</a> The later Deudamours, now Audimo, in the interior.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_616" href="#FNanchor_616" class="label">[616]</a> See <cite lang="fro">Gestes des Chiprois</cite>, 514.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_617" href="#FNanchor_617" class="label">[617]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 1833-2056; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 199-203, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 166, and R. Howden, iii.
109-11.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_618" href="#FNanchor_618" class="label">[618]</a> The “fifteen days” come from <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2061-4, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 203. The
<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 167, and R. Howden, iii. 110, lengthen the campaign, placing
Richard’s marriage, May 12, in the middle of it instead of before its beginning.
They date Isaac’s surrender Whitsun Eve, June 1; the <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>,
203, makes it Friday, May 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_619" href="#FNanchor_619" class="label">[619]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2065-82.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_620" href="#FNanchor_620" class="label">[620]</a> See the complaints of a contemporary Cypriote (Greek) writer, in
<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, introd. clxxxvi.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_621" href="#FNanchor_621" class="label">[621]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 168; cf. R. Howden, iii. 111, 112.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_622" href="#FNanchor_622" class="label">[622]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2067-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_623" href="#FNanchor_623" class="label">[623]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 167.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_624" href="#FNanchor_624" class="label">[624]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2101-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_625" href="#FNanchor_625" class="label">[625]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 2087, 2088; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 204.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_626" href="#FNanchor_626" class="label">[626]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2089-92; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_627" href="#FNanchor_627" class="label">[627]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 168; R. Howden, iii. 112. The latter absurdly says the
queens with the Maid of Cyprus and the greater part of the fleet reached
Acre on the day of Isaac’s submission, <em>i. e.</em>, June 1. It is quite clear that
the whole fleet, with king, queens, and all, sailed on June 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_628" href="#FNanchor_628" class="label">[628]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 93.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_629" href="#FNanchor_629" class="label">[629]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2129-41; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 208.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_630" href="#FNanchor_630" class="label">[630]</a> R. Devizes, 49.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_631" href="#FNanchor_631" class="label">[631]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2140-60.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_632" href="#FNanchor_632" class="label">[632]</a> “Come si ço fust ovre de fee,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 2162.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_633" href="#FNanchor_633" class="label">[633]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2185-275; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 205-9, and the brief accounts in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
168, 169, R. Howden, iii. 112, and R. Diceto, ii. 93, 94. R. Devizes, 94,
absurdly says Richard had 1300 men drowned, “<span lang="la">reservando ducentos</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_634" href="#FNanchor_634" class="label">[634]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2142-9; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 205; R. Diceto, ii. 93; Bohadin (<cite lang="fro">Recueil
Hist. Croisades, Hist. Orientaux</cite>, iii.), 220, 221.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_635" href="#FNanchor_635" class="label">[635]</a> Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_636" href="#FNanchor_636" class="label">[636]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2165-84; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 206. The brief accounts in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R.
Howden say nothing of the serpents; R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em>, mentions among the
contents of the ship “<span lang="la">serpentium ignitorum plena vasa plurima</span>”; I
have thought it right to adopt the interpretation of the “serpents” which
these words imply, although a curious question seems to be suggested by
comparing the story with an account in the <cite>Morning Post</cite> of August 14,
1914, of a captured German liner whose cargo is there said to have
included “about sixty alligators and reptiles.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_637" href="#FNanchor_637" class="label">[637]</a> Bohadin, 221.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_638" href="#FNanchor_638" class="label">[638]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2194-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_639" href="#FNanchor_639" class="label">[639]</a> Bohadin, 221.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_640" href="#FNanchor_640" class="label">[640]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2305-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_641" href="#FNanchor_641" class="label">[641]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 168; R. Howden, iii. 112. These writers say Richard camped
outside the city, and place the affair of the dromond on the next day, June
7. But the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> distinctly locates the meeting with the dromond
between Beyrout and Sidon. R. Diceto, ii. 94, dates it June 6, which is
doubtless correct. Bohadin’s date, June 11 (p. 220), is impossible. Ambrose
goes on to say that after the wind changed the king “<span lang="fro">jut devant
Sor cil nuitie</span>” (l. 2308); for which the <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite> has “<span lang="la">proxima nocte ante
Tyrum fixis anchoris classis persistebat</span>” (p. 210).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_642" href="#FNanchor_642" class="label">[642]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2309-12.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_643" href="#FNanchor_643" class="label">[643]</a> Ibn Djobeïr, <cite lang="fro">Recueil, Hist. Orientaux</cite>, iii. 450.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_644" href="#FNanchor_644" class="label">[644]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_645" href="#FNanchor_645" class="label">[645]</a> See descriptions in Archer, <cite>Crusade of Richard I</cite>, 373, and <cite>Crusades</cite>,
317, 318.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_646" href="#FNanchor_646" class="label">[646]</a> The <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2753, 2754, says four hundred knights and seven thousand
foot. The <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 61, says seven hundred knights, besides other fighting
men, and that with these “<span lang="la">non prorsus ad novem millia robur numeratum
excrevit</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_647" href="#FNanchor_647" class="label">[647]</a> “<span lang="fro">Un samedi al seir</span>,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 2372; date from <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 211, R. Diceto, ii.
94, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 169.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_648" href="#FNanchor_648" class="label">[648]</a> “Le preuz reis, le quor de lion,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 2310.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_649" href="#FNanchor_649" class="label">[649]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 2312-24; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 210, 211.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_650" href="#FNanchor_650" class="label">[650]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 169; R. Howden, iii. 113.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_651" href="#FNanchor_651" class="label">[651]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 211.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_652" href="#FNanchor_652" class="label">[652]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4575-88; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 213, 214.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_653" href="#FNanchor_653" class="label">[653]</a> R. Devizes, 50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_654" href="#FNanchor_654" class="label">[654]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 170.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_655" href="#FNanchor_655" class="label">[655]</a> R. Devizes, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_656" href="#FNanchor_656" class="label">[656]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4610-16; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 214, 215.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_657" href="#FNanchor_657" class="label">[657]</a> R. Devizes, 50, 51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_658" href="#FNanchor_658" class="label">[658]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4605-8; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 214;
cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 170, and see M. Gaston Paris’s
remarks in his introduction to <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, p. lxxiii.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_659" href="#FNanchor_659" class="label">[659]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4609-88, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 215, 216, Bohadin, 222. The dates are from
Bohadin, whose narrative is by far the clearest; the western writers have
confused the two assaults, and the date in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> is impossible.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_660" href="#FNanchor_660" class="label">[660]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 170; R. Howden, iii. 113.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_661" href="#FNanchor_661" class="label">[661]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 4808; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 220.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_662" href="#FNanchor_662" class="label">[662]</a> Bohadin, 222-4, 227, 228.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_663" href="#FNanchor_663" class="label">[663]</a></p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry" lang="fro">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Car nus reis n’iert mielz entechies</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Fors d’une teche qu’il aveit,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Cele que <em>nul mal ne saveit</em>;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Cele que l’em clame simplesse.”</div>
    <div class="verse indent19"><cite><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9112-15.</div>
</div>
</div>


</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_664" href="#FNanchor_664" class="label">[664]</a> Ibn Alathir; <cite lang="fro">Recueil des Hist. des Croisades, Hist. Orient.</cite>, II, i. 58.
Cf. Ernoul, <cite lang="fro">Chronique</cite>, 181-3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_665" href="#FNanchor_665" class="label">[665]</a> “<span lang="la">Vir Leviannigena</span>,” R. Devizes, 52; the reference is evidently to
Isaiah xxvii. 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_666" href="#FNanchor_666" class="label">[666]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 170. Bohadin, 225, gives the date of Conrad’s departure for
Tyre as “Monday 30 Jomada 1.” As 30 Jomada 1 (<em>i. e.</em>, June 25) that year
was Tuesday, he must mean either Monday 24 or Tuesday 25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_667" href="#FNanchor_667" class="label">[667]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 170, 171.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_668" href="#FNanchor_668" class="label">[668]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 122.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_669" href="#FNanchor_669" class="label">[669]</a> “Post multum vero temporis,” <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 171; but as we have seen that
Conrad went to Tyre on June 24 or 25, and we shall see that he was back
again at Acre early in July, the writer must surely have meant “<span lang="la">non
multum</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_670" href="#FNanchor_670" class="label">[670]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 171; R. Howden, iii. 114.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_671" href="#FNanchor_671" class="label">[671]</a> See lists in <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4705-35, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 217, 218.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_672" href="#FNanchor_672" class="label">[672]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 173; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4815-34, 4867-71; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 222.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_673" href="#FNanchor_673" class="label">[673]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 173; R. Howden, iii. 117.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_674" href="#FNanchor_674" class="label">[674]</a> Bohadin, 229, 230; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4841-63.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_675" href="#FNanchor_675" class="label">[675]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 174; Bohadin, 230.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_676" href="#FNanchor_676" class="label">[676]</a> Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_677" href="#FNanchor_677" class="label">[677]</a> According to one version, they implicitly refused it by requiring, in
addition, other conditions such as the garrison had not power to accept
without Saladin’s consent, which he was quite certain not to give; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
<em>l.c.</em>, followed by R. Howden, iii. 171. Cf. Bohadin, 233.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_678" href="#FNanchor_678" class="label">[678]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 234, with <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_679" href="#FNanchor_679" class="label">[679]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4927-42; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 224, 225.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_680" href="#FNanchor_680" class="label">[680]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 175; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4943-7, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 225.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_681" href="#FNanchor_681" class="label">[681]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 4948-5040; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 225-8; date from <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 174.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_682" href="#FNanchor_682" class="label">[682]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 175.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_683" href="#FNanchor_683" class="label">[683]</a> “<span lang="fro">Le Balafré.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_684" href="#FNanchor_684" class="label">[684]</a> See the conflicting accounts in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 229, <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 175, and R. Howden,
iii. 118, 119.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_685" href="#FNanchor_685" class="label">[685]</a> Bohadin, 230, 235.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_686" href="#FNanchor_686" class="label">[686]</a> See the various accounts of these negotiations in Bohadin, 235-7;
Ibn Alathyr, <cite lang="fro">Recueil des Hist. des Crois., Hist. Orient.</cite>, II, i. 44-7; other Arab
authorities collected in Abu Shama, <em>ib.</em>, V, 22-5; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> and R. Howden,
<em>ll.cc.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_687" href="#FNanchor_687" class="label">[687]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 177, 178.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_688" href="#FNanchor_688" class="label">[688]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 178.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_689" href="#FNanchor_689" class="label">[689]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_II">Note II</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_690" href="#FNanchor_690" class="label">[690]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 233.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_691" href="#FNanchor_691" class="label">[691]</a> R. Devizes, 52.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_692" href="#FNanchor_692" class="label">[692]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 233, 234. According to Bohadin, French ed. p. 238, this duty
was entrusted to Conrad; the passage is omitted in the Leyden MS. edited
by Schultens, but is reproduced in an emphatic form by Abu Shama
(<cite lang="fro">Recueil, Hist. Orient.</cite>, V, 26).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_693" href="#FNanchor_693" class="label">[693]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 179, 180; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 234.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_694" href="#FNanchor_694" class="label">[694]</a> Bohadin, 237, 242; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 179. The <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, ll. 5217-19, says the
Franks were to have as hostages “<span lang="fro">Les plus hauz Turs e les plus sages
Que l’em poreit en Acre eslire</span>,” and does not specify what was arranged
as to the garrison. But from the sequel it is quite clear that the hostages
really consisted of the whole body of the garrison.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_695" href="#FNanchor_695" class="label">[695]</a> Bohadin, 238. Cf. Ibn Alathyr, 47.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_696" href="#FNanchor_696" class="label">[696]</a> He had sent his baggage thither on the night of the 12th, Bohadin,
239; a fact which misled the author of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> (234) into saying
that Saladin himself retired “<span lang="la">eadem nocte sequenti proxima post ingressionem
nostram</span>.” The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 181, agrees with Bohadin in placing Saladin’s
own removal on July 14.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_697" href="#FNanchor_697" class="label">[697]</a> Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_698" href="#FNanchor_698" class="label">[698]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 239, 240; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 180.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_699" href="#FNanchor_699" class="label">[699]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 181, 182.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_700" href="#FNanchor_700" class="label">[700]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 182. Cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 234.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_701" href="#FNanchor_701" class="label">[701]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_I">Note I</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_702" href="#FNanchor_702" class="label">[702]</a> Otto of S. Blaise says of Richard: “<span lang="la">Praeda communi universorum
sudore adquisita inter suos tantum distributa reliquos privavit, in seque
odia omnium concitavit. Omnibus enim fortiori militum robore praestabat,
et ideo pro velle suo cuncta disponens reliquos principes parvipendebat</span>”
(Pertz, xx. 323). “<span lang="la">Reliquos</span>” seems here to include Philip. Even
Rigord does not go so far as this. It is certain that Philip got his due
share of the prisoners; and there is no reason to doubt that he also got,
as the English writers say, his due share of the city and its contents.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_703" href="#FNanchor_703" class="label">[703]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 182, 183.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_704" href="#FNanchor_704" class="label">[704]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 184; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5050-61; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 235, 236.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_705" href="#FNanchor_705" class="label">[705]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_706" href="#FNanchor_706" class="label">[706]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 236.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_707" href="#FNanchor_707" class="label">[707]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5054, 5055.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_708" href="#FNanchor_708" class="label">[708]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5056, 5057, 5062, 5063; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 235. Geoffrey only
“held” his fiefs in the sense that he was legally seised of them; they were
Joppa, Caesarea, and Ascalon, all in the enemy’s hands. Conrad’s were
Tyre, Sidon, and Beyrout.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_709" href="#FNanchor_709" class="label">[709]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 184.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_710" href="#FNanchor_710" class="label">[710]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 95.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_711" href="#FNanchor_711" class="label">[711]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5305-28; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 238;
<cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em>; in this last authority the
clause about forty days’ notice after Richard’s return is omitted, and the
date of the oath is given, July 29.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_712" href="#FNanchor_712" class="label">[712]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_713" href="#FNanchor_713" class="label">[713]</a> Rigord, 118.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_714" href="#FNanchor_714" class="label">[714]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5333-4; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 239; <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 185. The latter make the date
July 31; the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> makes it August 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_715" href="#FNanchor_715" class="label">[715]</a> Rigord, 117; date from R. Howden, iii. 126.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_716" href="#FNanchor_716" class="label">[716]</a> Otto of S. Blaise, Pertz, xx, 323.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_717" href="#FNanchor_717" class="label">[717]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 185, 186.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_718" href="#FNanchor_718" class="label">[718]</a> Bohadin, 238-40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_719" href="#FNanchor_719" class="label">[719]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 180.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_720" href="#FNanchor_720" class="label">[720]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 232.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_721" href="#FNanchor_721" class="label">[721]</a> A certain number of the captive Christians of rank were to be chosen
by name by the two kings. See <a href="#NOTE_II">Note II</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_722" href="#FNanchor_722" class="label">[722]</a> Bohadin, 240.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_723" href="#FNanchor_723" class="label">[723]</a> From 17 Jomada II (= July 12) to 18 Rajab.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_724" href="#FNanchor_724" class="label">[724]</a> The writer of the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 187, gives the appointed day as August 9;
no doubt imagining the “month” to mean four weeks.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_725" href="#FNanchor_725" class="label">[725]</a> Rigord, 116.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_726" href="#FNanchor_726" class="label">[726]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 185. If the prisoners were really as numerous as our authorities
represent, the whole of Philip’s share could hardly have gone, with him
and his suite, in two galleys. Probably he took the picked ones only.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_727" href="#FNanchor_727" class="label">[727]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 186, 187; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5414-86; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 242, 243.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_728" href="#FNanchor_728" class="label">[728]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 187.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_729" href="#FNanchor_729" class="label">[729]</a> Bohadin, 241, 242.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_730" href="#FNanchor_730" class="label">[730]</a> The writer of the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 187, who gives the date for the original first
term as August 9, says it was on that day postponed “<span lang="la">in diem undecimum
post illum</span>.” It is, however, clear from Bohadin that the postponement
cannot have been agreed upon till after the 11th; and it is equally clear
from the sequel that the term as ultimately fixed cannot have been later
than the 20th. This would be the fortieth day from the surrender—which is
what the writer of the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> asserts in p. 179 to have been the term originally
fixed for payment of the whole ransom. Evidently he is correct in his
implied date, and wrong only in his mode of arriving at it.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_731" href="#FNanchor_731" class="label">[731]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 188, 189. “<span lang="la">Sui cum eo</span>” in p. 189 must surely be an error for
either “<span lang="la">sui cum me</span>,” or, much more probably, “<span lang="la">mei cum eo</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_732" href="#FNanchor_732" class="label">[732]</a> The <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5613-46. and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 245, place Richard’s encampment
outside the walls and the skirmish or skirmishes which followed it after
the slaughter of the garrison, <em>i. e.</em> after August 20. But the whole narrative
of the surrender of Acre and the proceedings there is in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite> arranged
with such minute chronological order that it can hardly fail to be founded
on documentary authority so far as its dates are concerned, while the
chronology of both <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, just at this period, is vague
and confused in the extreme.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_733" href="#FNanchor_733" class="label">[733]</a> Bohadin, 242, 243; cf. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 189; R. Howden, iii. 127, 128; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll.
5513-39; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 243; R. Diceto, ii. 94; R. Devizes, 52. All the authorities,
Bohadin included, who give a date at all make it Tuesday, August 20,
except the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, which unaccountably says “<span lang="la">die Veneris proximo
post Assumptionem Beatae Mariae</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> Friday, August 16.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_734" href="#FNanchor_734" class="label">[734]</a> Letter of Richard in R. Howden, iii. 131.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_735" href="#FNanchor_735" class="label">[735]</a> Bohadin, 243. As to the way in which the Frank soldiers had treated
the corpses, the statements in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 189 (copied in R. Howden, iii. 128)
must be compared with Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em>, whence it appears, first, that whatever
was done to the bodies did not shock him, for he makes no comment on it;
and secondly, that the Saracens who went to look at them next morning
could quite well have taken them away then, if they had chosen to do so.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_736" href="#FNanchor_736" class="label">[736]</a> Bohadin, 242.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_737" href="#FNanchor_737" class="label">[737]</a> “<span lang="la">Quibus sub hac conditione vita concessa est, si Saladinus pro
redemptione eorum 70,000 bisantiorum dare vellet</span>,” R. Coggeshall, 32.
“<span lang="la">Qui [Caracois et Mestocus] ... cum per interpretes deditionem urbis
promitterent et capitum redemtionem, rex Anglorum volebat viribus
vincere desperatos, volebat et victos pro redemtione corporum capita
solvere, sed agente rege Francorum indulta est eis tantum vita cum indemnitate
membrorum, si post deditionem civitatis et dationem omnium quae
possidebant Crux Dominica redderetur.</span>” R. Devizes, 51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_738" href="#FNanchor_738" class="label">[738]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 179, followed by R. Howden, iii. 121.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_739" href="#FNanchor_739" class="label">[739]</a> See the curious statement in a letter written about this time by El-Fadhel,
one of Saladin’s secretaries, to the Divan at Bagdad: “The number
of barbaric tongues among these people from the west is outrageous, and
outdoes everything that can be imagined. Sometimes, when we take
a prisoner, we can only communicate with him through a series of interpreters—one
translates the Frank’s words to another, who translates
them again to a third.” Abu Shama, <cite lang="fro">Hist. des Crois.</cite>, iv. 15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_740" href="#FNanchor_740" class="label">[740]</a> “<span lang="fro">Si fud la chose esguardee A un concile ou assemblerent Li halt home,
qui esguarderent Que des Sarazins ocireient Le plus</span>,” etc., <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll.
5524-7; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 243. The <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 189, and R. Howden, iii. 128, say
expressly that the duke of Burgundy caused the French king’s share of
the prisoners to be slaughtered likewise.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_741" href="#FNanchor_741" class="label">[741]</a> “<span lang="fro">E dont furent li cop vengie De quarels d’arbaleste a tor, Les granz
merciz al Creator!</span>” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5540-2; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_742" href="#FNanchor_742" class="label">[742]</a> Extract from Imad-ed-Din, in Abu Shama, <cite lang="fro">Hist. des Crois.</cite>, iv. 277,
278. It is probably to this that Bohadin alludes when he speaks of
“reprisals” as one of the motives to which the massacre at Acre was
attributed; and it is he who adds (p. 243) that it was also ascribed to
Richard’s sense of the risk of leaving so many prisoners behind him. The
story told in the <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 189, and R. Howden, iii. 127, that Saladin had
wantonly provoked the retaliation by beheading on August 18 all the
Christian prisoners who should have been exchanged for his own men
next day, is obviously a fiction; and it is clear that the leaders of the host
were not even misled by a false report, for the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>
make no mention of any such thing.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_743" href="#FNanchor_743" class="label">[743]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5543-5, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 244.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_744" href="#FNanchor_744" class="label">[744]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5384-7; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 240; cf. Bohadin, 244.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_745" href="#FNanchor_745" class="label">[745]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 190.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_746" href="#FNanchor_746" class="label">[746]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5550-65; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 244.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_747" href="#FNanchor_747" class="label">[747]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 5675; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 247, 248. This would include three hundred
(or five hundred, R. Howden) Christian prisoners who were in Acre when
it was surrendered. <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 178; R. Howden, iii. 120.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_748" href="#FNanchor_748" class="label">[748]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 190; R. Howden, iii. 128. Bohadin, 244, gives the date of
the departure, 29 Rajab (= Thursday, August 22).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_749" href="#FNanchor_749" class="label">[749]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5677-702; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 248.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_750" href="#FNanchor_750" class="label">[750]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5704-14; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_751" href="#FNanchor_751" class="label">[751]</a> Bohadin, 244-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_752" href="#FNanchor_752" class="label">[752]</a> This is the date given by the <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5721-33, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 249. Bohadin
(244), Ibn Alathyr (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, II. ii. 48), and Imad-ed-Din (in Abu Shama, <em>ib.</em>,
iv. 33) say 1 Jaban (= August 24). From this point to the Crusaders’
departure from Caesarea, I follow Bohadin’s reckoning for the movements
of Saladin, on whom he was in attendance, and the reckoning of the two
Frank chroniclers of the Crusade (the writers of <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>)
for the movements of the host, of which one of them is universally acknowledged
to have been a member, and I personally believe the other to have
been so likewise. We shall find that from August 30 to September 6, 1191,
Bohadin’s dates are confused; a like confusion may have affected them
for the whole period from August 24, but of this we cannot be sure.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_753" href="#FNanchor_753" class="label">[753]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5751-95; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 249-51; cf. Bohadin, 244-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_754" href="#FNanchor_754" class="label">[754]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 251.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_755" href="#FNanchor_755" class="label">[755]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5800-60; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 251-2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_756" href="#FNanchor_756" class="label">[756]</a> The difficulty is complicated by the contradictory descriptions of the
site in <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5889-90, and 5935, and in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 253, 254. The present
native name of Athlit is Khirbet Dustrey. One is tempted to suggest
that “<span lang="fro">Destreitz</span>” might be an attempt to reproduce the sound of, and give
a meaning to, this native appellation; but as an Arabic scholar has been
good enough to answer a question on the subject by informing me that
“it is quite impossible to trace the word Dustrey” in that language, one is
driven to conclude that the corruption has taken place in the opposite
direction, and that “Dustrey” is a modern Arab form of the old French
“<span lang="fro">Destreitz</span>” (Latin “<span lang="la">Districtum</span>).”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_757" href="#FNanchor_757" class="label">[757]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5863-92, 5935-42; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 253, 254.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_758" href="#FNanchor_758" class="label">[758]</a> Bohadin, 245, 246.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_759" href="#FNanchor_759" class="label">[759]</a> Its Arabic name is Nahr es Zerka, “blue” or “grey river.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_760" href="#FNanchor_760" class="label">[760]</a> Bohadin, 247-50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_761" href="#FNanchor_761" class="label">[761]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5981-4; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 256.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_762" href="#FNanchor_762" class="label">[762]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5944-6004; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 255-6. The date of the arrival of the host
at Caesarea has to be made out by counting the days’ marches and halts,
as given by these two writers, since the departure from Acre. A question
arises whether Ambrose’s “<span lang="fro">deus jours de sejour</span>” (l. 5936) at Casal des
Destreitz means two whole days and three nights, <em>i. e.</em>, August 27-30, or
two nights and one whole day besides the day of arrival there, <em>i. e.</em>, August
27-29. The word in the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>—“<span lang="la">biduo</span>”—does not help to a
decision; but Bohadin does help, though indirectly. He says (250) the
Franks reached Caesarea on “Friday 6 Jaban.” This date is self-contradictory;
the 6 Jaban (= August 29) was Thursday, and from this point
to 14 Jaban (= September 6) all Bohadin’s days of the week are one day
in advance of his days of the month. On reaching the last date of the
series, however, we shall find from other evidence that the day of the week,
not that of the month, is the correct one all through; therefore the “two
days” are to be taken in the widest sense, and the entry into Caesarea was
on Friday, August 30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_763" href="#FNanchor_763" class="label">[763]</a> Bohadin, 250, 251; for the date, which he gives as 8 Jaban (= August
31), see preceding note. Imad-ed-Din, in Abu Shama, 34, gives it correctly,
9 Jaban = September 1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_764" href="#FNanchor_764" class="label">[764]</a> Bohadin, 251, 252.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_765" href="#FNanchor_765" class="label">[765]</a> Bohadin, 253.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_766" href="#FNanchor_766" class="label">[766]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6039-46; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 257.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_767" href="#FNanchor_767" class="label">[767]</a> Bohadin, 255.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_768" href="#FNanchor_768" class="label">[768]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6047-64; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 258. Oddly enough, Richard soon afterwards
forgot the date of his own wound, for in a letter inserted in R. Howden,
iii. 130, he says it occurred on the third day before Saladin’s defeat (at
Arsuf), <em>i. e.</em> on September 5. We shall see that this date is impossible,
because on September 5 there was no fighting at all.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_769" href="#FNanchor_769" class="label">[769]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6071-90; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 258, 259.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_770" href="#FNanchor_770" class="label">[770]</a> Bohadin, 255-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_771" href="#FNanchor_771" class="label">[771]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6092-111; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 259. Bohadin, 257, describes the site as
“a place called Birka” (the Pond, or Marsh), “whence the sea was visible.”
It is probably one of the streamlets which, when not dried up or choked
up with sand, run into the Nahr el Falik, a little creek about eight miles
south of the mouth of the Salt River.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_772" href="#FNanchor_772" class="label">[772]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6114-17; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_773" href="#FNanchor_773" class="label">[773]</a> Bohadin, 258, calls it “Saturday 14 Jaban” (= September 6), but
all the Frank writers show that the date of the battle was really Saturday
September 7 = 15 Jaban.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_774" href="#FNanchor_774" class="label">[774]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6191-4, 6204-8; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 261.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_775" href="#FNanchor_775" class="label">[775]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 258, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 6211, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 262 and 274; the passage
“<span lang="la">Sicque et in parte ... fixere tentoria</span>” in this latter page seems to be
out of place, and to represent Bohadin’s words (<em>l.c.</em>) “the foremost of
the Frank footmen reached the gardens of Arsuf.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_776" href="#FNanchor_776" class="label">[776]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6212-51; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 262, 263.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_777" href="#FNanchor_777" class="label">[777]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6157-64; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 260, 261.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_778" href="#FNanchor_778" class="label">[778]</a> According to <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6427-30, he was a “compainz” of Richard from
England.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_779" href="#FNanchor_779" class="label">[779]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6255-472; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 264-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_780" href="#FNanchor_780" class="label">[780]</a> Bohadin, 258.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_781" href="#FNanchor_781" class="label">[781]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6475-92; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 269, 270.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_782" href="#FNanchor_782" class="label">[782]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6532-616, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 273, 274, and Bohadin, 259-60.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_783" href="#FNanchor_783" class="label">[783]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6621-38, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 274, 275, Richard’s letters in R. Howden,
iii. 130-2, and Bohadin, 261. Other accounts of the battle are in <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>,
191, and R. Howden, iii. 128, 129; both with a wrong date and some other
obvious errors.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_784" href="#FNanchor_784" class="label">[784]</a> Letter in R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em> 131.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_785" href="#FNanchor_785" class="label">[785]</a> Bohadin, 261.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_786" href="#FNanchor_786" class="label">[786]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_787" href="#FNanchor_787" class="label">[787]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6895-902, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 281, with Bohadin, 261.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_788" href="#FNanchor_788" class="label">[788]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6683-734, 6903-25; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 276, 277, 281, 282; Bohadin,
261-2—the last again with wrong days of the month.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_789" href="#FNanchor_789" class="label">[789]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6925-35; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 281, 282.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_790" href="#FNanchor_790" class="label">[790]</a> Bohadin, 262, gives the date of Saladin’s arrival at Ramlah as 17
Jaban (= Monday, September 9); Imad-ed-Din (in Abu Shama, <cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>,
v. 40) makes it 19 Jaban (= September 11).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_791" href="#FNanchor_791" class="label">[791]</a> Bohadin, 263; cf. Imad-ed-Din, in Abu Shama, v. 40-1, 43.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_792" href="#FNanchor_792" class="label">[792]</a> Bohadin, 263-7. He says (266) that he heard one of the men engaged
in the demolition tell Saladin that they had dug through a wall “a spear’s
length” in thickness. What was the length of a Saracen spear?</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_793" href="#FNanchor_793" class="label">[793]</a> Bohadin, 265, says 20 Shaban = September 12; but probably he
is a day behind as usual.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_794" href="#FNanchor_794" class="label">[794]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 265, 266.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_795" href="#FNanchor_795" class="label">[795]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 6941-7034; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 283.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_796" href="#FNanchor_796" class="label">[796]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii. 130.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_797" href="#FNanchor_797" class="label">[797]</a> Bohadin, 267.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_798" href="#FNanchor_798" class="label">[798]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii. 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_799" href="#FNanchor_799" class="label">[799]</a> The salutation of the letter is merely “N. dilecto et fideli suo,” without
any name.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_800" href="#FNanchor_800" class="label">[800]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii. 131, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_801" href="#FNanchor_801" class="label">[801]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7038-58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_802" href="#FNanchor_802" class="label">[802]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ll. 7051-60; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 285. For locality see note in index to <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>,
<em>s.v.</em> “Seint Abacuc.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_803" href="#FNanchor_803" class="label">[803]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7061-6; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_804" href="#FNanchor_804" class="label">[804]</a> Bohadin, 270.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_805" href="#FNanchor_805" class="label">[805]</a> Natroun is the form used by Bohadin; but Quatremère, <cite lang="fro">Hist. des
Sultans Mamelouks de l’Egypte</cite>, t. ii, I<sup>ère</sup> partie, p. 256, no. 10, says, “<span lang="fro">La
forme la plus régulière de ce nom est Alatroun</span>,” and quotes a MS. Arabic
geographical lexicon which gives the name thus. It is better known in
the corrupt form Latroun. The place seems to be identical with a ruined
castle which the Christian inhabitants of the land told early pilgrims was
the abode of the Penitent Thief. This raises a question whether the
story was derived from Alatroun by way of <i lang="fro">Latroun</i> and <i lang="fro">latro</i>, or <i lang="fro">latro</i>
gave rise to Alatroun. Quatremère inclines to the latter view.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_806" href="#FNanchor_806" class="label">[806]</a> Bohadin, 270, 271.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_807" href="#FNanchor_807" class="label">[807]</a> On October 13; Bohadin, 273.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_808" href="#FNanchor_808" class="label">[808]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7067-82; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 286.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_809" href="#FNanchor_809" class="label">[809]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7075-7, with Bohadin, 279, who says some Frankish ships
with, “it was said,” five hundred men on board were captured by the
Turkish fleet on October 26.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_810" href="#FNanchor_810" class="label">[810]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_811" href="#FNanchor_811" class="label">[811]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7083-175; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 286-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_812" href="#FNanchor_812" class="label">[812]</a> Bohadin, 274, 275.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_813" href="#FNanchor_813" class="label">[813]</a> Bohadin, 277-80.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_814" href="#FNanchor_814" class="label">[814]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 289.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_815" href="#FNanchor_815" class="label">[815]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7207-32; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 290.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_816" href="#FNanchor_816" class="label">[816]</a> “<span lang="fro">Car si a vos mescheiet E qui issi fust escheiet, Cristente sereit tuee</span>,”
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7341-3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_817" href="#FNanchor_817" class="label">[817]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7233-66; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 291-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_818" href="#FNanchor_818" class="label">[818]</a> Bohadin, 284, 285.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_819" href="#FNanchor_819" class="label">[819]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 286.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_820" href="#FNanchor_820" class="label">[820]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_821" href="#FNanchor_821" class="label">[821]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 296.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_822" href="#FNanchor_822" class="label">[822]</a> Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em>; cf. Ibn Alathyr, 53.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_823" href="#FNanchor_823" class="label">[823]</a> Ibn Alathyr, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_824" href="#FNanchor_824" class="label">[824]</a> Bohadin, 286, 287.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_825" href="#FNanchor_825" class="label">[825]</a> In the French edition of Bohadin the date is given as “<span lang="fro">le 11 Chouwal</span>,”
<em>i. e.</em> November 1. But evidently this is impossible; it must mean 21
Shawal = November 11.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_826" href="#FNanchor_826" class="label">[826]</a> Bohadin, 287-91. The accounts of these negotiations given in
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7370-428, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 295-7, are obviously less trustworthy.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_827" href="#FNanchor_827" class="label">[827]</a> Bohadin, 292, says he went to Tell el Jezer, <em>i. e.</em> “the Hill of the Bridge,”
Stubbs, note 1 to <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 298; possibly a bridge over the little river that runs
through the Wady Ali, between Natroun and Amwas. The Frank
chroniclers say he went “dreit al Toron as Chevalers,” <em>i. e.</em> Natroun,
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7456-62; “versus Darum,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 298. Stubbs in a note suggested
that “Darum” here was a phonetic error for “Toron”; this the
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> practically proves; and I venture to think the passage furnishes
a little bit of evidence on another question, for if the Latin “translator”
had “al Toron as Chevalers” before his eyes, how came he to misrender
it “versus Darum”? whereas if Ambrose found “Darum” in his friend’s
notes, and noticed that it was a mistake, he would of course correct it in
his own version of the story.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_828" href="#FNanchor_828" class="label">[828]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_III">Note III</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_829" href="#FNanchor_829" class="label">[829]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7429-41; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 297.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_830" href="#FNanchor_830" class="label">[830]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7471-6; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 298.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_831" href="#FNanchor_831" class="label">[831]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7477-8; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 299, “verum non in deliciis.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_832" href="#FNanchor_832" class="label">[832]</a> Bohadin, 292.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_833" href="#FNanchor_833" class="label">[833]</a> The later high road to Jerusalem from Joppa goes by Ramlah, but
not by Amwas and Beit Nuba; it passes further south, through the Wady
Ali.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_834" href="#FNanchor_834" class="label">[834]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 305.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_835" href="#FNanchor_835" class="label">[835]</a> See, <em>e. g.</em>, the story of the fight in which the Earl of Leicester was nearly
lost, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7480-604, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 300-3.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_836" href="#FNanchor_836" class="label">[836]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_IV">Note IV</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_837" href="#FNanchor_837" class="label">[837]</a> Cf. R. Howden, iii. 17, with Ibn Alathyr, 54, who makes the day
December 22, while Roger makes it the 23rd.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_838" href="#FNanchor_838" class="label">[838]</a> Abu Shama, <cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, V., 49; seemingly from “<span lang="fro">récit du Cadi</span>,” <em>i. e.</em>
Bohadin, but the passage does not occur in either the French or the Dutch
edition of Bohadin’s work.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_839" href="#FNanchor_839" class="label">[839]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7617-25; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_840" href="#FNanchor_840" class="label">[840]</a> “E li Turc qui bien conisseient Le rei Richart e sa baniere E sa vistece
e sa maniere,” Est., ll. 7738-40. For “e sa baniere” the <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 307, has
“<span lang="la"><em>ex</em> ejus imminente baneria</span>.” Probably <em>e</em> in l. 7739 should be <em>a</em>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_841" href="#FNanchor_841" class="label">[841]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7717-60; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 306, 307. On the localities mentioned in this
incident see <a href="#NOTE_IV">Note IV</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_842" href="#FNanchor_842" class="label">[842]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7627-704; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 305.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_843" href="#FNanchor_843" class="label">[843]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7705-16; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 305, 306.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_844" href="#FNanchor_844" class="label">[844]</a> Place from R. Howden, iii. 179, who gives the date as S. Hilary’s Day,
January 13. The <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 308, say merely that it was after
Epiphany.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_845" href="#FNanchor_845" class="label">[845]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7761-80; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_846" href="#FNanchor_846" class="label">[846]</a> Ibn Alathyr, <cite lang="fro">Recueil Hist. Orient.</cite>, II. i. 55, 56. The comments on the
difficulties in the way of an effective blockade which he ascribes to Richard
are almost verbally identical with those of the Knights as reported in
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_847" href="#FNanchor_847" class="label">[847]</a> Ibn Alathyr, <em>l.c.</em>, 55; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7841-2; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 310. The exact
date of the retirement is questionable, owing to the doubt as to the date
of the council. Ibn Alathyr (<em>l.c.</em>) says the host withdrew from Beit Nuba
on 20 Dulheggia = January 8; Abu Shama (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, V. 49) quotes from
“<cite lang="fro">Récit du Cadi</cite>” a statement that the withdrawal was on 22 Dulheggia
(= January 10), but there is no such thing in the printed editions of
Bohadin. Perhaps Ibn Alathyr and Roger of Howden may have erred
in different ways from making one and the same mistake, viz., assuming that
the return to Ramlah took place on the same day as the council, which is
not necessarily implied in any of the chronicles, Frank or Mussulman.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_848" href="#FNanchor_848" class="label">[848]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7799-810; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 309.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_849" href="#FNanchor_849" class="label">[849]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7811-42; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 310.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_850" href="#FNanchor_850" class="label">[850]</a> Otherwise called Yabneh, Jafna, in older days Jamnia, and, earlier
still, Jabneel (Joshua xv. 2).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_851" href="#FNanchor_851" class="label">[851]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 7843-95; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 311, 312. Both these writers say the host
spent a night at Ibelin on its way to Ascalon. Imad-ed-Din (<i lang="la">apud</i> Abu
Shama, 51) says “the Franks marched upon Ascalon on 3 Moharrem,”
<em>i. e.</em> January 20, the date given in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 312, as that of the arrival there. I
venture to think that the difficulty suggested by Stubbs (<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, note 2),
as to reconciling these dates with the statement in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 311, that the duke
of Burgundy stayed eight days at the Casal des Plains, is an imaginary one.
Those eight days need not be crowded in before the setting out of the rest
of the host; the two parties may have gone in opposite directions almost
at the same time, since we shall find that they did not come together again
until several weeks later.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_852" href="#FNanchor_852" class="label">[852]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite> ll. 7967-8077; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 315-17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_853" href="#FNanchor_853" class="label">[853]</a> “<span lang="la">Ipse manibus aedificando</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 317. We shall presently find an
unimpeachable eye-witness testifying to having seen the king performing
a no less arduous manual labour at Darum.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_854" href="#FNanchor_854" class="label">[854]</a> Imad-ed-Din, <i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama, 50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_855" href="#FNanchor_855" class="label">[855]</a> See William of Tyre’s description of Darum: “<span lang="la">Castrum in Idumaea
(ipsa est Edom) situm, trans torrentem illum qui dicitur Ægypti, qui
etiam terminus est Palestinae et praedictae regionis</span>,” lib. xx. c. 19.
The earlier frontier—like the later one—was further to the south-west,
and the “river of Egypt” then was the Wady el Arish, or, earlier still,
another stream yet further westward.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_856" href="#FNanchor_856" class="label">[856]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8092-141; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 318, 319.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_857" href="#FNanchor_857" class="label">[857]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8143-54; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 319, 320.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_858" href="#FNanchor_858" class="label">[858]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 5329-50; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 239. R. Coggeshall, 37, says 30,000 bezants.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_859" href="#FNanchor_859" class="label">[859]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8160-77; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 320, 321.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_860" href="#FNanchor_860" class="label">[860]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8177-224; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 321, 322.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_861" href="#FNanchor_861" class="label">[861]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, 8225-34; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 322, 323. The latter gives the date: “<span lang="la">Rex ...
postquam Achon pervenerat in crastino Cinerum, postera die</span>,” etc. The
morrow of Ash Wednesday 1192 was February 20.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_862" href="#FNanchor_862" class="label">[862]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8238-46; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 323.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_863" href="#FNanchor_863" class="label">[863]</a> The <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, ll. 8247-60, has in this passage a hiatus which has to
be supplied from <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 323, 324.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_864" href="#FNanchor_864" class="label">[864]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 324; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8265-70, where again there is a hiatus.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_865" href="#FNanchor_865" class="label">[865]</a> This is the version of Richard’s proceedings given by Bohadin, 293,
who was with Saladin at Jerusalem all the time.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_866" href="#FNanchor_866" class="label">[866]</a> Bohadin, 292, 293.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_867" href="#FNanchor_867" class="label">[867]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 293, 294.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_868" href="#FNanchor_868" class="label">[868]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 325.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_869" href="#FNanchor_869" class="label">[869]</a> Bohadin, 294.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_870" href="#FNanchor_870" class="label">[870]</a> The <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 324, says he left Acre on the Tuesday before Easter, <em>i. e.</em>,
March 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_871" href="#FNanchor_871" class="label">[871]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8325-35; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 326.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_872" href="#FNanchor_872" class="label">[872]</a> “<span lang="fro">De ses Peitevins E de Mansels e de Angevins E des barons de Normandie</span>,”
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8336-9; of Templars and Hospitaliers, with Count
Henry “and many others,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_873" href="#FNanchor_873" class="label">[873]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8340-52; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 326, 327.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_874" href="#FNanchor_874" class="label">[874]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8429-42; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 329, 330.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_875" href="#FNanchor_875" class="label">[875]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8287-304; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 325.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_876" href="#FNanchor_876" class="label">[876]</a> Bohadin, 293. He reckons the captured sheep at a thousand.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_877" href="#FNanchor_877" class="label">[877]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 330.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_878" href="#FNanchor_878" class="label">[878]</a> “Post Pascha completum,” <em>i. e.</em>, after April 12; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 333.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_879" href="#FNanchor_879" class="label">[879]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8519-646; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 333-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_880" href="#FNanchor_880" class="label">[880]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8650-6, 8715-66; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 336, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_881" href="#FNanchor_881" class="label">[881]</a> Bohadin, 297; R. Diceto, ii. 104. Roger of Howden, iii. 181, gives the date as April 27.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_882" href="#FNanchor_882" class="label">[882]</a> Bohadin, 297; Imad-ed-Din, <i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama, 53.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_883" href="#FNanchor_883" class="label">[883]</a> Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_884" href="#FNanchor_884" class="label">[884]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8879-99; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 341; R. Coggeshall, 35.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_885" href="#FNanchor_885" class="label">[885]</a> Ibn Alathyr, 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_886" href="#FNanchor_886" class="label">[886]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8788-814; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 339-41.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_887" href="#FNanchor_887" class="label">[887]</a> R. Coggeshall, <em>l.c.</em>; R. Howden, iii. 181.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_888" href="#FNanchor_888" class="label">[888]</a> “Encore ne fu çou mie voirs,” Ernoul, 290.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_889" href="#FNanchor_889" class="label">[889]</a> <cite lang="fro">Livre d’Eracle, Rec. Hist. Croisades, Hist. Occid.</cite>, ii. 190-3. William
of Newburgh, lib. v. c. 16, and Roger of Wendover, ed. Coxe, iii. 74, 75,
give a letter purporting to have been written by the “Old Man” to
exculpate Richard from the charge of having contrived Conrad’s death.
In William’s version the letter is addressed “<span lang="la">principibus et omni populo
Christianae religionis</span>,” and professes to have been written spontaneously;
in Roger’s version it is addressed to Duke Leopold of Austria, and Roger
says (though the letter itself does not say) that it was written at the request of
Richard during his imprisonment in Germany. William says, “<span lang="la">Has [literas]
nimirum se vidisse atque legisse vir fide dignus mihi protestatus est cum
regi Francorum Parisius constituto solemniter fuissent oblatae</span>”; he
adds that Philip formally accepted the document as proof of Richard’s
innocence; and he dates this transaction 1195. The contents of the letter
differ slightly in the two versions, but both are substantially in agreement
with the accounts in Ernoul and Eracle of the circumstances which led
to Conrad’s death. The letter is unquestionably a forgery. It may have
been circulated in the East as well as in the West, and the “ultramarine”
chroniclers may have taken their story from it; there is, however, also a
possibility that both they and the composers of the letter—whoever these
may have been—all alike derived their information from a genuine source.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_890" href="#FNanchor_890" class="label">[890]</a> “<span lang="fro">Li baron de France esteient En lor tentes hors de la vile, Que haut
que bas, plus que dis mile; E li haut ensemble parlerent E a la marchise
manderent Qu’ele lor rendist la citie Trestut en peis e en quitie En guarde
a l’oes le reis de France; E el respondi sanz dotance Que quant li reis la
revendreit Que mult volenters li rendreit, Si ainz n’i ad autre seignor.</span>”
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8912-23. For the last four lines the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> (342) has:
“<span lang="la">Quibus ipsa respondit quod quando rex Ricardus ipsam visere veniret,
ipsi potius redderet civitatem et nulli alii, sicut dominus suus moriens ei
praeciperat.</span>” The context in <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> clearly shows that by “<span lang="fro">li reis</span>” in
l. 8921 Ambrose meant not Richard but Philip; and it seems most likely
that this version is the correct one, although Ambrose, as well as the
Latin chronicler, has previously stated that Conrad when dying had bidden
Isabel “<span lang="fro">que la citie ne rendist Fors al cors le rei d’Engleterre Ou al dreit
seignor de la terre</span>” (ll. 8858-64)—“<span lang="la">ut civitati Tyro conservandae
vigilanter intenderet, nec cuiquam hominum resignaret nisi regi Ricardo
sive illi quem regnum jure contingebat haereditario</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 340. Whom
Conrad can have meant by the last seven words (if indeed he really spoke
them) is a puzzle of which I can suggest no solution.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_891" href="#FNanchor_891" class="label">[891]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8774-7; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_892" href="#FNanchor_892" class="label">[892]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8928-50, 8973-9016; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 342, 343, 346, 347.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_893" href="#FNanchor_893" class="label">[893]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9021-62; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 348, 349. The date of the wedding is given
by R. Diceto, ii. 104.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_894" href="#FNanchor_894" class="label">[894]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8961-70; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 343.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_895" href="#FNanchor_895" class="label">[895]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 299.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_896" href="#FNanchor_896" class="label">[896]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 344, 345.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_897" href="#FNanchor_897" class="label">[897]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 343, 346.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_898" href="#FNanchor_898" class="label">[898]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8956-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_899" href="#FNanchor_899" class="label">[899]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9127-45; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 351.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_900" href="#FNanchor_900" class="label">[900]</a> Bohadin, 295, 296, 298.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_901" href="#FNanchor_901" class="label">[901]</a> The <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9323-4, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 355, however, mention some Genoese
and Pisans as taking part in the final storming.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_902" href="#FNanchor_902" class="label">[902]</a> The authorities say merely “un diemaine,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 9175; “<span lang="la">quadam
dominica</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 352; but we shall see later that it must have been May 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_903" href="#FNanchor_903" class="label">[903]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9173-240; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 352-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_904" href="#FNanchor_904" class="label">[904]</a> Bohadin, 301.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_905" href="#FNanchor_905" class="label">[905]</a> Bohadin’s version (<em>l.c.</em>) of this is that they asked for time to communicate
with Saladin.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_906" href="#FNanchor_906" class="label">[906]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9174-368; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 354-6; cf. Bohadin, 301. This last, Ibn
Alathyr (60), and Imad-ed-Din (in Abu Shama, 54), date the surrender
May 23; as it seems to have been made late in the evening, and the
Mohammedan day begins at sunset, this date really agrees with that given
by the western writers.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_907" href="#FNanchor_907" class="label">[907]</a> We hear nothing of a taking of Gaza; but Gaza had long ceased to be
a place of any military importance. Richard and his companions passed
through it on their way back to Ascalon (<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 9389, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 356), so its
Moslem garrison, if it had had one, had evidently been withdrawn.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_908" href="#FNanchor_908" class="label">[908]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 8369-86; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_909" href="#FNanchor_909" class="label">[909]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_910" href="#FNanchor_910" class="label">[910]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9387-94; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 356, 357.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_911" href="#FNanchor_911" class="label">[911]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9395-407, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 357, 358. For Cassaba, see G. Paris,
note in Glossary to <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, <em>s.v.</em> “<span lang="fro">Canoie as Estornels</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_912" href="#FNanchor_912" class="label">[912]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9408-32; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 358.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_913" href="#FNanchor_913" class="label">[913]</a> The first version is Bohadin’s, 301, 302; the second, that of Imad-ed-Din,
<i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama, 54. Bohadin calls the castle Mejdel Yaba; in Abu
Shama’s compilation the name appears as Mejdel Djenab, but the compiler
adds: “This is the name given by El Imad in the <cite>Book of the Conquest</cite>,
but in <cite>The Lightning</cite> we find ‘Mejdel Yaba’”; while the text of Imad-ed-Din
published by Count Landsberg has “Mejdel el Habab” (footnote to Abu
Shama, <em>l.c.</em>). Of these Arabic names only one has been located—Mejdel
Yaba, called by the Franks Mirabel, which is so far from the Wady el Hesy
that it cannot possibly be the place meant (G. Paris, Glossary to <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>,
<em>s.v.</em> “Fiier”). I am indebted to a distinguished Arabic scholar for the
information that Mejdel Yaba means “Glory of Yaba,” Mejdel Djenab
“Glory of the district,” Mejdel el Habab “Glory of the lover”; and
that the Arabic for Castle of Figs or Figtrees would be Kalat-el-Tinat. It
is possible that a place bearing one of the three former Arabic names
might be called Fig or Figtree Castle by the Franks for some reason quite
independent of its native appellation, and that the narratives of the
Christian and Moslem writers may be only two different versions of one
event; but there is also another possibility. Imad-ed-Din dates the disaster
of the Franks at Mejdel Djenab (or Yaba, or El Habab) 14 Jomada I, <em>i. e.</em>
May 28, the date given by Ambrose and the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> for the capture
of Figtree Castle; but Bohadin says it occurred “when the host had spent
the fourteenth day of Jomada I” at El Hesy. This should apparently mean
that it took place on the following day, <em>i. e.</em> 15 Jomada I = May 29. To
me it seems more probable that this version is the correct one, and that
the Frank and the Moslem writers are here relating two distinct events,
one of which took place on May 28 and the other on May 29. If so, it
would not be unnatural that of two expeditions made within such a short
period, each party should record only the one which terminated in their
own favour.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_914" href="#FNanchor_914" class="label">[914]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9433-508; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 358-61.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_915" href="#FNanchor_915" class="label">[915]</a> “<span lang="fro">E dist a sei: S’or ne retornes, Veirement as terre perdue</span>.” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>,
ll. 9464-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_916" href="#FNanchor_916" class="label">[916]</a> Lib. xiv. c. 22.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_917" href="#FNanchor_917" class="label">[917]</a> “<span lang="fro">Ço fu en juin</span>” (“<span lang="fro">intrante jam mense Junio</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>) “<span lang="fro">Lors s’esmut
l’ost de la Canoie Par mi les plains tut contre val Vers Ybelin de l’Ospital,
Joste Ebron</span>,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9509-14; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 360. Bohadin places this movement
a little earlier; after mentioning an event which he dates 17 Jomada
I (= May 31) he continues “The enemy meanwhile had moved from El
Hesy, and was at the diverging-point of the ways of which one leads to
Ascalon, one to Beit Djibrin, another to the tents of Islam” (303). Stubbs
(note to <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 360) suggests Galatia, in Arabic Keratieh, as the place indicated.
As Bohadin frequently antedates by a day or two the movements
of the Franks, he may have done so in this instance. “El Hesy”
here, as in a later passage, seems to stand for the Wady el Hesy as a whole;
thus including of course the Canebrake.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_918" href="#FNanchor_918" class="label">[918]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9519-52; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 361.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_919" href="#FNanchor_919" class="label">[919]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9553-680; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 361-4. On one passage, omitted in
my summary of William’s speech, one would like to have more light.
“<span lang="fro">Remembre te de l’aventure De la riche descomfiture E de Haltfort que
rescussis, Que li cuens de Seint Gile assis Aveit, que tu desbaretas E
vileinement l’en jetas</span>” (ll. 9609-14). The editors of Bertrand de
Born and of the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> know nothing of the event here alluded to, and
there seems to be no mention of it elsewhere and no clue to its date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_920" href="#FNanchor_920" class="label">[920]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9681-90. The last line is: “Devant les barons d’Escalone.”
<i lang="fro">Barons</i> here is nonsense. G. Paris suggests “<span lang="fro">bailles</span>,” a possible equivalent
for the Latin, “<span lang="la">extra pomoeria Ascaloniae foris</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 365.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_921" href="#FNanchor_921" class="label">[921]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9692-720; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em>, giving the date, June 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_922" href="#FNanchor_922" class="label">[922]</a> Bohadin, 299, 300.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_923" href="#FNanchor_923" class="label">[923]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_924" href="#FNanchor_924" class="label">[924]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9817-21; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 369.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_925" href="#FNanchor_925" class="label">[925]</a> Bohadin, 310.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_926" href="#FNanchor_926" class="label">[926]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9813-17; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_927" href="#FNanchor_927" class="label">[927]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9748-88; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 367. “A close Pentecoste, mien escient le
samedi,” says Ambrose, l. 9748; the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> says “<span lang="la">Die Dominica,
scilicet in octavis Sanctae Trinitatis</span>”; but Bohadin, 303, says 23 Jomada I,
which agrees with Ambrose. The French translation of Bohadin has
erroneously “<span lang="fro">8 juin</span>.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_928" href="#FNanchor_928" class="label">[928]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9797-802; Bohadin, 304.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_929" href="#FNanchor_929" class="label">[929]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 368; Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_930" href="#FNanchor_930" class="label">[930]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9806-10; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_931" href="#FNanchor_931" class="label">[931]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9809-13; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 368, 369. Bohadin, 304, says the Franks left
Natroun and advanced to Beit Nuba on Wednesday, 27 Jomada I; <em>i. e.</em>
June 10.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_932" href="#FNanchor_932" class="label">[932]</a> Bohadin, 304, 305.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_933" href="#FNanchor_933" class="label">[933]</a> Bohadin, 305. The French translation gives the date as “<span lang="fro">le 19 de
Jomada premier</span>,” which would be June 2. Possibly “19” is a misprint
for “29.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_934" href="#FNanchor_934" class="label">[934]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9835-64; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 359.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_935" href="#FNanchor_935" class="label">[935]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9885-922, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 371, 372.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_936" href="#FNanchor_936" class="label">[936]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 9947-10088; Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em>; Imad-ed-Din, <i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama,
55; all with date June 16; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 373, with date June 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_937" href="#FNanchor_937" class="label">[937]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10140-210; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 379-81.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_938" href="#FNanchor_938" class="label">[938]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10213-59; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 381, 382.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_939" href="#FNanchor_939" class="label">[939]</a> Bohadin, 306.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_940" href="#FNanchor_940" class="label">[940]</a> Imad-ed-Din, <i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama, 55, says Saladin heard on 9 Jomada II
(= Monday, June 22) that the Franks had set out in the night. Ambrose
(l. 10304) says merely “Sunday.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_941" href="#FNanchor_941" class="label">[941]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10265-312; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 383-5; cf. Bohadin, 306.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_942" href="#FNanchor_942" class="label">[942]</a> Bohadin, 306, 307; cf. Imad-ed-Din, 55, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10313-23, and
<cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 385.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_943" href="#FNanchor_943" class="label">[943]</a> Bohadin, 307.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_944" href="#FNanchor_944" class="label">[944]</a> Among the Saracens, according to Bohadin (<em>l.c.</em>), it was reported that
one of this second party of scouts was Richard himself, who, disguised as
an Arab, made a circuit of the Egyptians’ encampment and then, having
found them all sound asleep, rode back and called up his men. Such a
thing is by no means impossible; but if it were a fact, it would probably
have been known to the Franks, whereas it was evidently not known even
as a rumour to Ambrose, who would surely have made the most of it in his
poetic story.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_945" href="#FNanchor_945" class="label">[945]</a> Bohadin, 306, 307.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_946" href="#FNanchor_946" class="label">[946]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 385-7; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10329-421.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_947" href="#FNanchor_947" class="label">[947]</a> Bohadin, 307, 308.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_948" href="#FNanchor_948" class="label">[948]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 308, 309, with <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10435-511, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 387-90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_949" href="#FNanchor_949" class="label">[949]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10512-64; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 390, 391.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_950" href="#FNanchor_950" class="label">[950]</a> Bohadin, 309. He calls the day “Tuesday, 11th of Jomada II”;
but as 11 Jomada II in that year was a Wednesday, it is doubtful whether
he means Tuesday 10 (= June 23) or Wednesday 11 (= June 24). The
former is almost certainly the true date. Roger of Howden, iii. 182, says
the affair occurred “on the eve of S. John”; Imad-ed-Din, <i lang="la">apud</i> Abu
Shama, 55, says the Frank army set out on the night preceding June 22;
the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, l. 10304, says it set out “<span lang="fro">un seir de diemaine</span>,” which thus
seems to have been Sunday June 21; and both <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>
clearly indicate that the fight took place on the second morning after.
Imad-ed-Din, <em>l.c.</em>, locates it at “El Hesy”; but we cannot possibly set
aside the plain and unanimous testimony of Bohadin and the Frank writers
as to Kuweilfeh. The Franks do not mention El Hesy at all on this occasion;
Bohadin makes it clear that both parties passed through that
locality on their way. It seems plain also that in this case, as in an earlier
one, “El Hesy” stands not for the village now so called, but for the Wady,
and more especially for its western end, or head. In one place the actual
phrase used is “the source of El Hesy” (“<span lang="fro">la source d’El Hasy</span>,” French
edition of Bohadin, <em>l.c.</em>; “caput El Hissi,” Schultens’ edition, 232).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_951" href="#FNanchor_951" class="label">[951]</a> Bohadin, 311-15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_952" href="#FNanchor_952" class="label">[952]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 309, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10565-75, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 392. Bohadin says
they got back to their camp on “Friday, 16 Jomada II,” which is self-contradictory,
as 16 Jomada II (= June 26) that year was Monday.
He may have meant either Monday June 26 or Friday 30; he may even
have meant both, and confused them together. The indications in
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> are vague, but they seem to imply a two days’
journey from the Round Cistern to Ramlah; thus Ramlah may have been
reached on the 26th and the “camp” proper, at Beit Nuba, on the 30th.
Richard seems not to have gone to Beit Nuba at all, but to his former
quarters at Castle Arnold; R. Coggeshall, 40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_953" href="#FNanchor_953" class="label">[953]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10576-626; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 393, 394.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_954" href="#FNanchor_954" class="label">[954]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10639-64; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 394, 395.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_955" href="#FNanchor_955" class="label">[955]</a> R. Coggeshall, 39, 40. Ralf says Richard caused Saladin’s captured
envoys to be shot to death with arrows by his own servants in the sight
of the host, neither portion of it (that is, his own adherents or those of
Burgundy) knowing whence the victims came nor why they were thus
slain. It seems hardly possible that Ambrose should have omitted to
mention so strange an incident if it really was seen by the Crusaders of
whom he was one. Ralf further represents Hugh as setting out for Acre
with his forces immediately, and Richard with the rest of the host following
next day; whereas Ambrose distinctly says that the French quitted Beit
Nuba at the same time as the king (<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10709-10). The <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>,
397, says the same.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_956" href="#FNanchor_956" class="label">[956]</a> Bohadin, 315.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_957" href="#FNanchor_957" class="label">[957]</a> “<span lang="fro">Quatre liues</span>,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, l. 10690; “quatuor tantum nunc distabant
millia,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 396. Beit Nuba is about thirteen miles from Jerusalem.
Seemingly “liues” and “millia” here must stand for hours of march,
as Stubbs says they often do in Crusade history.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_958" href="#FNanchor_958" class="label">[958]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 376. This passage follows the account of an event which the
same writer dates June 17, and other authorities June 16.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_959" href="#FNanchor_959" class="label">[959]</a> “<span lang="fro">Par la Porte David estoit la voie qui maine en Belleem. Em mi
voie estoit une Esglyze ou Seint Elie fu mananz</span>,” <cite lang="fro">Contin. W. Tyr.</cite>,
MS. Rothelin, <cite lang="fro">Recueil Hist. Occid.</cite>, ii. 512. R. Howden, iii. 182, calls
the place “<span lang="fro">capellam S. Elyae quae distat a Jerusalem per tres leucas</span>.”
As the distance between Jerusalem and Bethlehem is about six miles,
Roger must here have used the word <i lang="fro">leuca</i> as equivalent to a mile (as the
author of the <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite> seems to have done frequently). On the other
hand, there appears to be a mistake in the passage from the Rothelin
MS.; seeing that “David’s Gate” was the west gate of Jerusalem, and
that Bethlehem lies south of that city, the natural “way that leads to
Bethlehem” would be by the “Gate of Sion.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_960" href="#FNanchor_960" class="label">[960]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10089-135; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 377, 378. Both writers give the date as
“the third day before S. John’s,” and the Latin one adds “die S. Albani,”
<em>i. e.</em> June 22. On June 22, however, Richard was, as we have seen, at
Galatia. Roger of Howden’s account of the affair (iii. 182) is obviously
confused. He gives no date; but in his work, as in the <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> and the
<cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, the story is immediately followed by that of the Egyptian
caravan. Probably therefore the true date is Sunday, June 21.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_961" href="#FNanchor_961" class="label">[961]</a> R. Coggeshall, 40, 41.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_962" href="#FNanchor_962" class="label">[962]</a> Joinville, c. 108.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_963" href="#FNanchor_963" class="label">[963]</a> Bohadin, 315; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10704-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_964" href="#FNanchor_964" class="label">[964]</a> Bohadin, 316.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_965" href="#FNanchor_965" class="label">[965]</a> Bohadin, 316-22; obviously more authentic than the version in
<cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10747-63, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 398, 399.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_966" href="#FNanchor_966" class="label">[966]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10706-14; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 397, giving the date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_967" href="#FNanchor_967" class="label">[967]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10768-85; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 399-401. The date of leaving Joppa
comes from Bohadin, 322, that of the arrival at Acre from <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 400-1.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_968" href="#FNanchor_968" class="label">[968]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10935-55; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 403-4. (The dates will appear from the
sequel.) The former writer seems to imply, and the latter distinctly
states, that Richard had really and avowedly called his ships together
for the purpose of sailing at once for Europe, the attack on Beyrout being
intended as a mere incident on the way. I cannot believe this view of
the matter to be based on anything else than an erroneous impression
current among the lower ranks of the host. Richard may very likely
have hoped that the capture of Beyrout would lead to fresh overtures
for peace on the part of the Moslems, and to such concessions from them
as might enable him to make a treaty which would end the war for a
time, and thus set him honourably free to depart before the date which
he had fixed; he may have made preparations for such a contingency,
and if so, he would no doubt make them openly because a possibility of
their purpose being misconstrued could hardly occur to his mind. Richard
might break a treaty or a contract without scruple, and also without
appreciable damage to his reputation in his own day; but a sudden desertion
of the Holy Land such as these writers supposed him to have contemplated
would have been a flagrant breach of what he and every other
man of the world of chivalry held far more sacred than any treaty or
contract—his knightly word, solemnly and publicly pledged only a few
weeks before. Such an act must infallibly have brought upon him, in
his own eyes and in the eyes of all true knights, a double share of the
“shame and everlasting contempt” which he had once denounced against
Philip Augustus, and would be utterly irreconcileable with his whole
character. The Beyrout project seems really to have been much more
definite and important than we should gather from the casual way in which
it is mentioned by the two Frank chroniclers. It had evidently been
planned in concert with the other leaders before Richard left Joppa,
since as early as July 22—five days before the king reached Acre—Saladin
had learned from his spies that “the Franks were moving on
Beyrout”; Bohadin, 322.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_969" href="#FNanchor_969" class="label">[969]</a> Bohadin, 322, 323; dates, which he gives in his usual self-contradictory
fashion, corrected by help of <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10807-10, and <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 400, 401.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_970" href="#FNanchor_970" class="label">[970]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 327, 328, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 401-3, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10815-25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_971" href="#FNanchor_971" class="label">[971]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10910, 10911.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_972" href="#FNanchor_972" class="label">[972]</a> Both <cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite>, ll. 10957-63, and <cite lang="la">Itinerarium</cite>, 404, say the messengers
reported that Joppa was already taken and the garrison shut up in the
citadel; but the sequel shows that they reached Acre on the date given
above, July 28, three days before matters had come to this pass.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_973" href="#FNanchor_973" class="label">[973]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10968-76; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 504. Cf. R. Coggeshall, 41, 42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_974" href="#FNanchor_974" class="label">[974]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 404, 405, <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10979-11037, and R. Coggeshall, 42. The
<cite lang="fro">Estoire</cite> (ll. 11033-7) says they lay off Joppa “<span lang="fro">tote la nuit del <em>samedi</em></span>”;
which can be correct only if Ambrose has here fallen, as some of the Frank
chroniclers of the Crusade seem to have occasionally done, into the
eastern way of reckoning days, from evening to evening.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_975" href="#FNanchor_975" class="label">[975]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 10021-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_976" href="#FNanchor_976" class="label">[976]</a> Bohadin, 328-31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_977" href="#FNanchor_977" class="label">[977]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 405, 406; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11040-54.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_978" href="#FNanchor_978" class="label">[978]</a> Bohadin, 331, 332.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_979" href="#FNanchor_979" class="label">[979]</a> Cf. Bohadin, 332, with <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 407, 408, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11079-11113.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_980" href="#FNanchor_980" class="label">[980]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11114-26.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_981" href="#FNanchor_981" class="label">[981]</a> Bohadin, 333.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_982" href="#FNanchor_982" class="label">[982]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 407, 408; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11127-53; Bohadin, 332; R. Coggeshall, 43.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_983" href="#FNanchor_983" class="label">[983]</a> Bohadin, 333.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_984" href="#FNanchor_984" class="label">[984]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11154-8; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 408.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_985" href="#FNanchor_985" class="label">[985]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 410, 411; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11164-238; cf. Bohadin, 333.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_986" href="#FNanchor_986" class="label">[986]</a> R. Coggeshall, 43.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_987" href="#FNanchor_987" class="label">[987]</a> Cf. the French translation of Bohadin, 334, with the Latin in Schultens’s
edition, 252: “<span lang="la">Cognitamque meam in bello operam praestabo.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_988" href="#FNanchor_988" class="label">[988]</a> Bohadin, 333-5. He dates the negotiations “evening of Saturday
19 Rajab” and the removal to Ramlah “Sunday 20 Rajab.” Saturday
was really 20 Rajab = August 1. Here, as usual with eastern writers,
“evening” stands for “eve,” <em>i. e.</em> the “vigil” or evening <em>before</em>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_989" href="#FNanchor_989" class="label">[989]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 335.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_990" href="#FNanchor_990" class="label">[990]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 412; Est., ll. 11295-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_991" href="#FNanchor_991" class="label">[991]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 413; Est., ll. 11318-27.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_992" href="#FNanchor_992" class="label">[992]</a> Bohadin, 336; cf. R. Coggeshall, 44.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_993" href="#FNanchor_993" class="label">[993]</a> Cf. R. Coggeshall, 44, 45, <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 414, 415, and <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11379-407.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_994" href="#FNanchor_994" class="label">[994]</a> R. Coggeshall, 44, cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 420. The latter writer puts the episode
of the Saracens re-occupying the town and Richard re-taking it at the end
of his narrative of the fight, <em>i. e.</em> after the victory outside the walls; but
as he introduces it with “<span lang="la">Interea</span>,” we cannot be sure where in the order
of events he really meant to place it; and as R. Coggeshall’s information
is derived from Hugh de Neville, who was in close attendance on the king
during the fight, his narrative is probably correct.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_995" href="#FNanchor_995" class="label">[995]</a> See details of the array in <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 416.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_996" href="#FNanchor_996" class="label">[996]</a> R. Coggeshall, 44, 45; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_997" href="#FNanchor_997" class="label">[997]</a> “Ferme quinquaginta milites,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 413; “milites octoginta,”
R. Coggeshall, 50.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_998" href="#FNanchor_998" class="label">[998]</a> The <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 413, says fifteen, but R. Coggeshall, 46, says six horses and
one mule. Bohadin—after remarking “I was not there, thank God!”—says
some who were there told him the Christian knights numbered only
nine, or at most seventeen (337); he, or his informants, doubtless reckoned
as “knights” only those who were horsed. According to the <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 420,
Richard gained two more horses, as soon as he entered the town, by killing
their Turkish riders.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_999" href="#FNanchor_999" class="label">[999]</a> “<span lang="fro">Un hardi serjant e nobile, Henri le Tyois, el conroi Portoit la baniere
le roi</span>,” <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11432-4. “<span lang="la">Serviens probissimus Hernicus Teutonicus,
regis signifer</span>,” <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 415. “<span lang="la">Rex ... assumptis secum sex strenuis
militibus cum regio vexillo</span>,” R. Coggeshall, 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1000" href="#FNanchor_1000" class="label">[1000]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 420. This writer reduces the king’s mounted followers at this
time to two, which of course is absurd.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1001" href="#FNanchor_1001" class="label">[1001]</a> R. Coggeshall, 46.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1002" href="#FNanchor_1002" class="label">[1002]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 420, 421.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1003" href="#FNanchor_1003" class="label">[1003]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 417.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1004" href="#FNanchor_1004" class="label">[1004]</a> R. Coggeshall, 47.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1005" href="#FNanchor_1005" class="label">[1005]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 416, 417, and Bohadin, 337.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1006" href="#FNanchor_1006" class="label">[1006]</a> R. Coggeshall, 48.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1007" href="#FNanchor_1007" class="label">[1007]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; cf. <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 417.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1008" href="#FNanchor_1008" class="label">[1008]</a> Bohadin, 337; cf. Ibn Alathyr, 64.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1009" href="#FNanchor_1009" class="label">[1009]</a> Ibn Alathyr, 65.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1010" href="#FNanchor_1010" class="label">[1010]</a> Bohadin, 337.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1011" href="#FNanchor_1011" class="label">[1011]</a> R. Coggeshall, 49.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1012" href="#FNanchor_1012" class="label">[1012]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 418; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11510-32.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1013" href="#FNanchor_1013" class="label">[1013]</a> R. Coggeshall, 49-51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1014" href="#FNanchor_1014" class="label">[1014]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 423.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1015" href="#FNanchor_1015" class="label">[1015]</a> Bohadin, 338.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1016" href="#FNanchor_1016" class="label">[1016]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 412. This seems to have been a not uncommon practice of the
Turks.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1017" href="#FNanchor_1017" class="label">[1017]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 425; R. Coggeshall, 51.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1018" href="#FNanchor_1018" class="label">[1018]</a> Bohadin, 336.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1019" href="#FNanchor_1019" class="label">[1019]</a> “Saturday, 26 Rajab” says Bohadin, 338, but 26 Rajab was a Friday.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1020" href="#FNanchor_1020" class="label">[1020]</a> Bohadin, 338, 339.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1021" href="#FNanchor_1021" class="label">[1021]</a> Bohadin, 339-41.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1022" href="#FNanchor_1022" class="label">[1022]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11725-49; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 425-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1023" href="#FNanchor_1023" class="label">[1023]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 427; cf. R. Devizes, 75.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1024" href="#FNanchor_1024" class="label">[1024]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11750-60; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1025" href="#FNanchor_1025" class="label">[1025]</a> Bohadin, 341, 342.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1026" href="#FNanchor_1026" class="label">[1026]</a> “Houat,” Bohadin, 342. Stubbs, in a note to <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 428, suggests this
identification, which is rendered highly probable by the mention in R.
Devizes, 69, of Hubert as concerned in the making of the truce.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1027" href="#FNanchor_1027" class="label">[1027]</a> Bohadin, 342-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1028" href="#FNanchor_1028" class="label">[1028]</a> Bohadin, 344.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1029" href="#FNanchor_1029" class="label">[1029]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 344-6. He says the truce was for three years and eight months
from Wednesday 22 Shaban = October 1. Ibn Alathyr (<cite lang="fro">Recueil</cite>, II. i. 65)
says three years and eight months from September 1; Imad-ed-Din
(<i lang="la">apud</i> Abu Shama, 78) says three years and three months, without any
date; R. Diceto, ii. 305, and W. Newburgh, lib. iv. c. 29, make the period
three years, three months, three weeks, three days and three hours from
Easter 1193. Bohadin is unquestionably the best authority on the matter,
especially as the final proposals on the Moslem side appear to have been
actually written either by his own hand, or by the hand of the writer—whoever
this may have been—who made the revised edition of his work,
published with a Latin translation by Dr. Schultens at Leyden; so at
least we gather from Schultens, 259—“<span lang="la"><em>Conscripsi</em> quae convenerant,
<em>exaravique</em> conditiones pacis.</span>” The French version, which represents
Bohadin’s original text, has merely “<span lang="fro"><em>On</em> rédigea</span>,” etc.; so we are left
in doubt whether the first person in the Leyden version represents Bohadin
himself or his reviser.</p>

<p>Richard of Devizes (69-77) has a long and curious account of the circumstances
relating to the truce. According to him, the first overtures were
made and the preliminaries arranged by Hubert of Salisbury and Henry of
Champagne without the knowledge of King Richard, and the matter was
only referred to the king when it was so far advanced that, sick and bewildered
as he was, he could do nothing but leave it in their hands and
sanction their arrangements. This in itself is not impossible, nor is it
irreconcileable with Bohadin’s narrative; but there are in Richard’s story
details which are certainly incorrect—<em>e. g.</em>, he makes Hubert and Henry
apply to Safadin instead of Bedr-ed-Din, and introduces visits of Safadin
in person to the camp at Joppa and to the king himself, all of which are
unquestionably fictitious or imaginary.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1030" href="#FNanchor_1030" class="label">[1030]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11801-26; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 429, 430.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1031" href="#FNanchor_1031" class="label">[1031]</a> Bohadin, 348.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1032" href="#FNanchor_1032" class="label">[1032]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 349, 350; <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11868-75; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 432.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1033" href="#FNanchor_1033" class="label">[1033]</a> R. Devizes, 78.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1034" href="#FNanchor_1034" class="label">[1034]</a> Bohadin, 350.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1035" href="#FNanchor_1035" class="label">[1035]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 11835-8; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 430.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1036" href="#FNanchor_1036" class="label">[1036]</a> <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 12257-70; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 440.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1037" href="#FNanchor_1037" class="label">[1037]</a> <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 441; cf. <cite lang="fro"><abbr title="Estoire">Est.</abbr></cite>, ll. 12271-2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1038" href="#FNanchor_1038" class="label">[1038]</a> Rigord, 118.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1039" href="#FNanchor_1039" class="label">[1039]</a> Rigord (<em>l.c.</em>), says “<span lang="la">secundo vendidit</span>”; R. Howden, iii. 306, when
recording Guy’s death in 1195, says “<span lang="la">cui Rex Angliae vendiderat insulam
Cypri.</span>” But Roger himself says elsewhere (181), that when Henry was
chosen King of Jerusalem “<span lang="la">rex Angliae dedit in excambium regi Guidoni
insulam de Cypre in vita sua tenendam.</span>” Ralf of Coggeshall, who also
(36) places the transaction after Henry’s election in April 1192, says,
“<span lang="la">Regi Guidoni concessit, accepto ejus homagio</span>”; and W. Newburgh
(lib. iv. c. 29) says, “<span lang="la">mera liberalitate donavit.</span>” The version given by
all these latter writers can hardly fail to be the correct one; it is inconceivable
that Guy could have had means for the purchase.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1040" href="#FNanchor_1040" class="label">[1040]</a> This in an inference from Rigord, 118, who seems to place the whole
transaction at this time.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1041" href="#FNanchor_1041" class="label">[1041]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 106; <cite lang="la"><abbr title="Itinerarium">Itin.</abbr></cite>, 441.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1042" href="#FNanchor_1042" class="label">[1042]</a> <em>Ll.cc</em>; R. Howden, iii. 185, says October 8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1043" href="#FNanchor_1043" class="label">[1043]</a> Bohadin, 348.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1044" href="#FNanchor_1044" class="label">[1044]</a> <cite lang="fro">Eracle, Recueil, Hist. Occid.</cite>, ii. 189.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1045" href="#FNanchor_1045" class="label">[1045]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 513.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1046" href="#FNanchor_1046" class="label">[1046]</a> R. Coggeshall, 53.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1047" href="#FNanchor_1047" class="label">[1047]</a> <cite lang="la">Ann. Colon. Max.</cite>, Pertz, xvii. 796; cf. Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 115
(Stubbs, R. Howden, iii. introd. cxli). “<span lang="de">Allein die Glaubwürdigkeit dieser
Zeugnisse unterliegt gegründeten Bedenken</span>”; Kellner, <cite lang="de">Ueber die deutsche
Gefangenschaft Richards I</cite>, 44.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1048" href="#FNanchor_1048" class="label">[1048]</a> “<span lang="la">Applicuit in insula de Cuverfu, et navigavit usque ad tres galeas
quas vidit ex opposito in Rumania</span>,” R. Howden, iii. 185. Roger dates the
arrival at Corfu, “<span lang="la">infra mensem post diem illum</span>,” <em>i. e.</em> the day on which
Richard left Acre, October 9. R. Coggeshall, whose information, being
partly derived from the chaplain Anselm who accompanied the king on
his voyage, is probably more accurate, says (53) that Richard had been six
weeks at sea when he turned back to Corfu; so the date would be about
November 20. According to the same writer (<em>l.c.</em>) the pirate galleys
numbered two, not three as Roger says.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1049" href="#FNanchor_1049" class="label">[1049]</a> Twenty-one according to R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em> One of the party was
Anselm, who told the story to R. Coggeshall, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1050" href="#FNanchor_1050" class="label">[1050]</a> R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1051" href="#FNanchor_1051" class="label">[1051]</a> Document, dated 1598, from the archives of Ragusa, “<span lang="la">ex lib. Div.
Cancellariae n. 98</span>,” in Farlati, <cite lang="la">Illyricum Sacrum</cite>, vi. 90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1052" href="#FNanchor_1052" class="label">[1052]</a> Appendini, <i lang="it">Notizie istorico-critiche sulle antichita, etc., di Ragusa</i>, i. 272;
Farlati, vi. 90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1053" href="#FNanchor_1053" class="label">[1053]</a> “It is not Great Britain who will fail in keeping her promises. Great
Britain has known us ever since Richard received our hospitality and built
for us a most beautiful church on the spot where our ancestors had saved
him from shipwreck on his way back from the Crusade,” said M. Vesnitch,
the representative of Serbia, at a great public meeting in Paris on January
27, 1916.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1054" href="#FNanchor_1054" class="label">[1054]</a> None of the authorities for Richard’s voyage mention more than one
landing after his departure from Corfu. “<span lang="la">Accidit ut ventus, rupta nave
sua in qua ipse erat, duceret eam versus partes Histriae, ad locum qui
est inter Aquileiam et Venetiam, ubi rex Dei permissione passus naufragium
cum paucis evasit</span>,” says the Emperor in a letter to Philip of France
(R. Howden, iii. 195). Ansbert (ed. Dobrowsky, 114; Stubbs, R. Howden,
iii. introd. cxl.) says, “<span lang="la">Ad Polam, civitatem Ystriae, ad litus fertur et
applicare cogitur.</span>” R. Diceto (ii. 106) makes the voyage end “in Sclavonia”;
R. Coggeshall (54), “<span lang="la">in partes Sclavoniae, ad quandam villam
nomine Gazaram</span>”; R. Howden (iii. 105) “prope Gazere apud Raguse.”
This word <i lang="la">Gazere</i>, misunderstood as intended to represent Zara, has
puzzled commentators, but is explained by Wilkinson (<cite>Dalmatia and
Montenegro</cite>, i. 301) as being a corruption of an Arabic word meaning
“island”; that is, it really stands here for Lacroma. The final landing
was evidently not anywhere in “Slavonic parts” but in Istria, as the
German authorities say; and of these the Emperor is the most likely to
be correct.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1055" href="#FNanchor_1055" class="label">[1055]</a> The narrative which we are here following—that of Richard’s chaplain
and companion Anselm, as reported by R. Coggeshall, 53-5—calls this
personage merely “<span lang="la">Dominus provinciae illius, qui nepos extitit Marchisii.</span>”
That he was the Count of Gorizia appears from the Emperor’s letter in
R. Howden, iii. 195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1056" href="#FNanchor_1056" class="label">[1056]</a> R. Coggeshall, 54, 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1057" href="#FNanchor_1057" class="label">[1057]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 513.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1058" href="#FNanchor_1058" class="label">[1058]</a> It comprised, besides Baldwin de Béthune and the king, “<span lang="la">Magister
Philippus regis clericus, atque Anselmus capellanus qui haec omnia nobis
ut vidit et audivit retulit, et quidam fratres Templi</span>,” R. Coggeshall, 54;
and also, as appears later (<em>ib.</em>, 55), some personal attendants of Richard’s.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1059" href="#FNanchor_1059" class="label">[1059]</a> Letter of Henry VI, in R. Howden, iii. 195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1060" href="#FNanchor_1060" class="label">[1060]</a> Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 104; Stubbs, R. Howden, iii. introd. cxl.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1061" href="#FNanchor_1061" class="label">[1061]</a> Letter of Henry VI, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1062" href="#FNanchor_1062" class="label">[1062]</a> R. Coggeshall, 55. The name of the town, Freisach, and that
of the German lord, Frederic of Pettau, are not given by Ralf; they
are supplied from the Emperor’s letter, <em>l.c.</em> Ralf makes the final
halting-place and the scene of the capture Vienna itself: “<span lang="la">ad quandam
villam nomine Ginanam in Austria prope Danubium</span>”; but the German
accounts, including that of the Emperor, which must have been derived
from Leopold of Austria, make it a neighbouring village: “<span lang="la">juxta Wenam
in villa viciniori, in domo despecta</span>,” letter in R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>; “<span lang="la">in quoddam
diversorium juxta Viennam civitatem</span>,” Otto of S. Blaise (Pertz, xx.
334); “<span lang="la">circa Wiennam ... in vili hospitio</span>,” Ansbert (ed. Dobrowsky,
114, R. Howden, iii. cxl). Kellner (<cite lang="de">Gefangenschaft Richards I</cite>, 29), calls
the place “<span lang="de">Erdberg, Dörfchen bei Wien</span>”; but I can find no authority
for the name. Trivet, to whom he seems to refer for it, says “<span lang="la">in civitate
Wienna</span>” (ed. Eng. Hist. Soc., p. 148).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1063" href="#FNanchor_1063" class="label">[1063]</a> R. Coggeshall, 56. R. Howden, iii, 186, says Richard was captured
asleep; according to Otto of S. Blaise (Pertz, xx. 324), he was roasting
meat on a spit, thinking by this servile employment to avoid recognition,
and was betrayed by a splendid ring which he had forgotten to remove
from his finger. This account of the matter has a somewhat characteristic
air; but it may have been founded on a confused version of Ralf’s story
of the ring offered to Mainard of Gorizia. W. Newburgh’s narrative of
Richard’s adventures (lib. iv. c. 31) seems to be based on the Emperor’s
letter, which says nothing about the circumstances of the capture; the
details and speeches added by William are obviously mere rhetoric of his
own. The date is given by R. Coggeshall as December 21, by R. Diceto (ii.
106) as December 22.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1064" href="#FNanchor_1064" class="label">[1064]</a> <cite lang="la">Ann. Marbac.</cite>, Pertz, xvii. 165; Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 112; R.
Howden, iii., introd. cxl.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1065" href="#FNanchor_1065" class="label">[1065]</a> R. Coggeshall, 56.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1066" href="#FNanchor_1066" class="label">[1066]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii, 195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1067" href="#FNanchor_1067" class="label">[1067]</a> <cite lang="la">Ann. Magn. Reichensberg.</cite>, Pertz, xvii. 520.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1068" href="#FNanchor_1068" class="label">[1068]</a> Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 115; R. Howden, iii. introd. cxli.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1069" href="#FNanchor_1069" class="label">[1069]</a> Otto of S. Blaise, Pertz, xx. 324.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1070" href="#FNanchor_1070" class="label">[1070]</a> Agreement in Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 115-19, and Stubbs’s R. Howden,
iii. introd. cxli.-iii.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1071" href="#FNanchor_1071" class="label">[1071]</a> Kellner, <cite lang="de">Gefangenschaft</cite>, 39.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1072" href="#FNanchor_1072" class="label">[1072]</a> Rigord, 116; <cite lang="la">Gesta Ric.</cite>, 192-9, 203, 204, 227-30.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1073" href="#FNanchor_1073" class="label">[1073]</a> Ansbert, ed. Dobrowsky, 78; for date see Kellner, 18, note 2. Milan
does not appear in Philip’s itinerary in <cite lang="la">Gesta Ric.</cite>, unless in the form of
“Cassem Milan” (230), and this identification is doubtful, as the
name comes between “Monte Bardon” and “Furnos,” <em>i. e.</em> Farinovo.
Some of the other names, however, seem to be out of geographical
order.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1074" href="#FNanchor_1074" class="label">[1074]</a> This probably referred to Richard’s dealings with Saladin.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1075" href="#FNanchor_1075" class="label">[1075]</a> R. Howden, iii. 198, 199; cf. W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 33. The date of
the assembly is from R. Diceto, ii. 106. The place was probably Spire;
Richard was there on Easter day and on the Tuesday in Easter week
(March 28 and 30), <cite lang="la">Epp. Cantuar.</cite>, 362-4. The statement of the
Emperor’s poetical panegyrist, Peter of Eboli, that Richard offered to clear
himself by ordeal of battle, a proposal by which Henry was so greatly
impressed in his favour that he set him at liberty (<cite lang="la">Petr. Ansolini de
Ebulo Carmen</cite>, <i lang="la">apud</i> Muratori, <cite lang="la">Rer. Ital. Scriptt.</cite> xxxi. 142), is probably
a misunderstanding or a poetical embellishment of Richard’s offer to
stand to right in the court of his French overlord.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1076" href="#FNanchor_1076" class="label">[1076]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 106, 107.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1077" href="#FNanchor_1077" class="label">[1077]</a> Stubbs, note to R. Howden, iii. 210.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1078" href="#FNanchor_1078" class="label">[1078]</a> R. Coggeshall, 58. Ralf says Richard was imprisoned “primo <em>Treviris</em>,
deinde Warmatiae.” <i lang="la">Treviris</i> here seems to mean Triffels, as there is
no other indication that Richard was ever at Treves; we shall see that
he was at Worms later. Ralf is perhaps the best authority as to the
character of Richard’s imprisonment, as he probably heard about it from
Anselm the chaplain, who may very likely have been, for a time at least,
one of the attendants imprisoned with their sovereign. William of
Newburgh (lib. iv. c. 37, lib. v. c. 31) is less to be trusted on the subject.
Two German chroniclers say that Richard was kept “<span lang="la">sub honorabili
custodia</span>” (<cite lang="la">Ann. Aquicinct.</cite>, <cite lang="la">Rer. Gall. Scriptt.</cite>, xviii. 456), “in libera
clausus custodia” (<cite lang="la">Andr. Marchian.</cite>, <em>ib.</em> 557); but the chief German
historian of the time, Otto of S. Blaise, says “<span lang="la">Henricus [regem] Wormatiam
asportari vinctum ferroque onustum praecepit</span>” (Pertz, xx. 324).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1079" href="#FNanchor_1079" class="label">[1079]</a> R. Howden, iii. 197, a letter which shows that Savaric was at the
Imperial court before February 28.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1080" href="#FNanchor_1080" class="label">[1080]</a> <cite lang="fro">Récits d’un ménéstrel de Reims</cite>, 41-4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1081" href="#FNanchor_1081" class="label">[1081]</a> R. Howden, iii. 198.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1082" href="#FNanchor_1082" class="label">[1082]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, iii. 194.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1083" href="#FNanchor_1083" class="label">[1083]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 230, 236.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1084" href="#FNanchor_1084" class="label">[1084]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 236. The actual “treaty of Messina” is not extant; all we
know about it is from Philip’s charter, dated March 1190 (<em>i. e.</em> before
March 25, 1191, the French year beginning on Lady Day), proclaiming
certain conditions on which he and Richard had made “a firm peace.”
This charter, in its existing form, contains no mention of either Eu or
Aumale, nor of any conditions about the restitution of Aloysia or of her
dower-lands. No original copy of it is known; it is printed in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>,
I. i. 54 from a fragment of an English Treasury Roll dating from the second
half of the thirteenth century. Powicke, <cite>Loss of Normandy</cite>, 126, 127.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1085" href="#FNanchor_1085" class="label">[1085]</a> <cite lang="la">Gesta</cite>, 236, 237.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1086" href="#FNanchor_1086" class="label">[1086]</a> R. Howden, iii. 204.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1087" href="#FNanchor_1087" class="label">[1087]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, iii. 205.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1088" href="#FNanchor_1088" class="label">[1088]</a> “<span lang="la">Imperator vero iratum animum ac ferocem erga regem diutius
conservans nullatenus eum in praesentia sua convocare vel alloqui voluit.</span>”
R. Coggeshall, 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1089" href="#FNanchor_1089" class="label">[1089]</a> R. Coggeshall, 58.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1090" href="#FNanchor_1090" class="label">[1090]</a> French version in Leroux de Lincy, <cite lang="fro">Recueil de Chansons Historiques</cite>,
i. 56-9, and Sismondi, <cite>Literature of S. Europe</cite>, trans. Roscoe, i. 152
<em>et seq.</em>; Provençal version in Raynouard, <cite lang="fro">Choix de Poésies des Troubadours</cite>,
iv. 183 <em>et seq.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1091" href="#FNanchor_1091" class="label">[1091]</a> <em>I. e.</em> Philip of France.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1092" href="#FNanchor_1092" class="label">[1092]</a> “<span lang="fro">Mes compaignons cui j’amoie e cui j’aim, Ces dou Cahiul” (“Chacu,”
Sismondi) “e ces dou Porcherain</span>” (“<span lang="fro">Percherain</span>,” Sismondi). Leroux
de Lincy translates “<span lang="fro">Ceux de Cahors et ceux du Perche.</span>” Feeling doubtful
about the identification, I have tried to turn the difficulty by using
a vague phrase and omitting the names altogether.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1093" href="#FNanchor_1093" class="label">[1093]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 33.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1094" href="#FNanchor_1094" class="label">[1094]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 517.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1095" href="#FNanchor_1095" class="label">[1095]</a> He landed in England on April 20; <em>ib.</em>, 516.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1096" href="#FNanchor_1096" class="label">[1096]</a> “<span lang="la">Honeste circa ipsum Imperatorem moram facimus.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1097" href="#FNanchor_1097" class="label">[1097]</a> Letter of Richard, in R. Howden, iii. 209, 210.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1098" href="#FNanchor_1098" class="label">[1098]</a> R. Howden, iii. 206.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1099" href="#FNanchor_1099" class="label">[1099]</a> Rigord, 123.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1100" href="#FNanchor_1100" class="label">[1100]</a> Cf. R. Howden, iii. 206; R. Coggeshall, 61, 62; Rigord, 123, 125, 126;
<cite lang="la">Chron. Rothomag., Rev. Gall. Scriptt.</cite>, xvii. 358; <cite lang="la">Ann. Aquicinct</cite>, <em>ib.</em>, xviii.
546. The dates are conflicting, and Rigord’s chronology, in particular,
is even more confused than usual just here; the other writers, especially
the English ones, are safer guides.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1101" href="#FNanchor_1101" class="label">[1101]</a> “<span lang="la">Misit nuncios ad Imperatorem cum infinita pecunia, rogans attentius
regem Angliae utpote hominem suum ei mitteret liberum, vel diutius
retineret incarceratum.</span>” Gerv. Cant., i. 516.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1102" href="#FNanchor_1102" class="label">[1102]</a> Richard was there on May 26 and June 8; <cite lang="la">Epp. Cant.</cite>, 364, 365; cf.
Otto of S. Blaise, Pertz, xx. 324.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1103" href="#FNanchor_1103" class="label">[1103]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 37, says 24th; R. Howden, iii. 212, says 25th.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1104" href="#FNanchor_1104" class="label">[1104]</a> R. Howden, iii. 214; date, June, <cite lang="la">Vita Alb. Leod.</cite>, Pertz, xxv. 168.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1105" href="#FNanchor_1105" class="label">[1105]</a> “<span lang="la">Totius Alemanniae generalis conventus magnates solos comprehendens</span>,”
says R. Diceto, ii. 110, who dates it July 5; but R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>, is
obviously more accurate.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1106" href="#FNanchor_1106" class="label">[1106]</a> William Brewer and Baldwin de Béthune. These latter arrived on
June 28; R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1107" href="#FNanchor_1107" class="label">[1107]</a> R. Howden, iii. 214, 215.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1108" href="#FNanchor_1108" class="label">[1108]</a> R. Howden, iii. 215, 216.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1109" href="#FNanchor_1109" class="label">[1109]</a> John—whose restoration, however, was conditional; see R. Howden,
iii. 217, 218;—the count of Angoulême, who in 1192-3 had stirred up
another revolt in Aquitaine, invaded Poitou, and been made prisoner by
its seneschal; see <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Albini</cite>, a. 1192, and R. Howden, iii. 194;—and
the counts of Perche and Meulan, who had supported John’s intrigues in
Normandy.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1110" href="#FNanchor_1110" class="label">[1110]</a> Treaty in R. Howden, iii. 217-20.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1111" href="#FNanchor_1111" class="label">[1111]</a> Letters in R. Howden, iii. 226, 227.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1112" href="#FNanchor_1112" class="label">[1112]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 229.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1113" href="#FNanchor_1113" class="label">[1113]</a> R. Howden, iii. 228-32.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1114" href="#FNanchor_1114" class="label">[1114]</a> Letter of Archbishop Walter of Rouen in R. Diceto, ii. 112, 113.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1115" href="#FNanchor_1115" class="label">[1115]</a> R. Howden, iii. 233.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1116" href="#FNanchor_1116" class="label">[1116]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_V">Note V</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1117" href="#FNanchor_1117" class="label">[1117]</a> Letter in R. Diceto, ii. 113.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1118" href="#FNanchor_1118" class="label">[1118]</a> R. Howden, iii. 233, 234.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1119" href="#FNanchor_1119" class="label">[1119]</a> R. Howden, iii. 234; cf. Gislebert of Mons, Pertz’s small edition, 250.
The duke of Suabia was the emperor’s brother; the marquis of Montferrat
was Boniface, brother and successor to Conrad. To the duke of Louvain
Richard also granted the lands in England which had belonged to count
Matthew of Boulogne, father of the duke’s wife, “<span lang="la">ipsique duci contra
comitem Flandriae et Hanoniae et marchisum Namurcensi auxilium
promisit, ita quod saltem tantum comiti Flandriae et Hanoniae guerram
facerent quod comes nequaquam domino regi Franciae auxilium ferre
posset</span>” (Gislebert, <em>l.c.</em>). The Flemish chronicler adds: “<span lang="la">Conventiones
tamen eorum in nulla parte fuerunt observatae; nec mirum, cum rex
Angliae nemini unquam vel fidem vel pactum servasset, nec omnes illi
nominati cum quibus foedus firmaverat conventiones suas observare
consuevissent</span>” (<em>ib.</em>, 250, 251). This is rather too sweeping, in view of
the conduct of the allies in after-years. One of them at least, Boniface of
Montferrat, received three hundred marks “<span lang="la">de feodo suo</span>” and ten marks
as a present from Richard in 1197 (Stapleton, <cite>Norman Exchequer Rolls</cite>, ii.
301).</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1120" href="#FNanchor_1120" class="label">[1120]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 41.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1121" href="#FNanchor_1121" class="label">[1121]</a> R. Howden, iii. 235.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1122" href="#FNanchor_1122" class="label">[1122]</a> R. Coggeshall, 62.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1123" href="#FNanchor_1123" class="label">[1123]</a> “<span lang="la">Circa horam tertiam recessit a portu de Swine, et in crastino post
horam diei nonam applicuit in Angliam apud Sandicum portum, diei
dominica tertio idus Martii</span>”; <em>i. e.</em> he left Swine on Saturday March 12,
and reached Sandwich on Sunday the 13th, R. Howden, iii. 235. R. Diceto,
ii. 114, makes it a week later, Sunday March 20; but that this is wrong is
clear from Gervase of Canterbury, i. 524, where we are told that Richard
was received at Canterbury on the 13th, having landed at Sandwich on the
12th. Ralf of Coggeshall, 62, says he landed “<span lang="la">secunda hora diei</span>,” on the
Sunday after S. Gregory’s day, <em>i. e.</em> on March 13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1124" href="#FNanchor_1124" class="label">[1124]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 114; cf. R. Coggeshall, 63.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1125" href="#FNanchor_1125" class="label">[1125]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1126" href="#FNanchor_1126" class="label">[1126]</a> R. Coggeshall, 63.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1127" href="#FNanchor_1127" class="label">[1127]</a> It was seemingly on the march to Nottingham that, according to a
marginal note in two MSS. of Ralf of Coggeshall, “<span lang="la">Robertus Brito a rege
captus, jussit ut fame in carcere interiret</span>” (63). I have failed to discover
who this man was, or what he had done to incur such a doom.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1128" href="#FNanchor_1128" class="label">[1128]</a> R. Howden, iii. 237-9.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1129" href="#FNanchor_1129" class="label">[1129]</a> W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 42.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1130" href="#FNanchor_1130" class="label">[1130]</a> R. Howden, iii. 239.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1131" href="#FNanchor_1131" class="label">[1131]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le. Mar.</cite>, ll. 10236-64.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1132" href="#FNanchor_1132" class="label">[1132]</a> R. Howden, iii. 240; cf. R. Diceto, ii. 114.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1133" href="#FNanchor_1133" class="label"> [1133]</a> R. Coggeshall, 63.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1134" href="#FNanchor_1134" class="label">[1134]</a> R. Howden, iii. 240, 241.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1135" href="#FNanchor_1135" class="label">[1135]</a> For details see R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>, 241.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1136" href="#FNanchor_1136" class="label">[1136]</a> <em>Ib.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1137" href="#FNanchor_1137" class="label">[1137]</a> R. Howden, iii. 242, 243, 245.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1138" href="#FNanchor_1138" class="label">[1138]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 247, 248.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1139" href="#FNanchor_1139" class="label">[1139]</a> “<span lang="la">Ut regnum innovaret.</span>” Gerv. Cant., i. 524.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1140" href="#FNanchor_1140" class="label">[1140]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 524, 525.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1141" href="#FNanchor_1141" class="label">[1141]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 524-6; cf. R. Howden, iii. 247, 248.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1142" href="#FNanchor_1142" class="label">[1142]</a> Gerv. Cant., 525.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1143" href="#FNanchor_1143" class="label">[1143]</a> “<span lang="la">Tantaque solemnitas facta est <em>propter praecedentis captionis contumeliam</em></span>,”
<em>ib.</em>, 526, “<span lang="la">In octavis Paschae Wintoniae regni diademate
fulgidus, <em>detersa captivitatis ignominia</em>, quasi rex novus apparuit</span>,”
W. Newb., lib. iv. c. 42. “<span lang="la">Rex Ricardus ... consilio procerum
suorum, <em>licet aliquantulum</em> renitens, coronatus est</span>,” R. Coggeshall, 64.
It is hard to conceive what “ignominy” or “contumely” could be
thought to attach to the mere fact of Richard’s captivity, or why Richard
should have been “reluctant” to revive a time-honoured custom which
would surely have appealed with double force to his well-known love of
pomp and splendour and of grand Church services, unless its revival was
urged upon him for some special reason whose cogency he was unwilling
to admit. On the other hand, it is curious that R. Diceto (ii. 114) says
nothing about this crown-wearing beyond the bare statement that the
king “<span lang="la">in octavis Paschae regni diadema suscepit de manibus Huberti
Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1144" href="#FNanchor_1144" class="label">[1144]</a> R. Howden, iii. 249, 250.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1145" href="#FNanchor_1145" class="label">[1145]</a> R. Howden, iii. 251. R. Diceto, ii. 114, and Gerv. Cant., i. 527,
give the same date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1146" href="#FNanchor_1146" class="label">[1146]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 10431-52.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1147" href="#FNanchor_1147" class="label">[1147]</a> Cf. Rigord, 127, R. Diceto, ii. 115, with date Whitsun Eve (May 27),
and R. Howden, iii. 252.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1148" href="#FNanchor_1148" class="label">[1148]</a> Cf. <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 10,353-518, R. Howden, Rigord, <em>ll.cc.</em>, and R.
Diceto, ii. 115, 116.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1149" href="#FNanchor_1149" class="label">[1149]</a> <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 10491-550.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1150" href="#FNanchor_1150" class="label">[1150]</a> <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Albini</cite>, a. 1192; under this year all the events of 1192-5
are lumped together in this Chronicle.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1151" href="#FNanchor_1151" class="label">[1151]</a> R. Howden, iii. 252.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1152" href="#FNanchor_1152" class="label">[1152]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 116.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1153" href="#FNanchor_1153" class="label">[1153]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, ii. 117; R. Howden and <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Alb.</cite>, <em>ll.cc.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1154" href="#FNanchor_1154" class="label">[1154]</a> R. Howden, iii. 252, 253.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1155" href="#FNanchor_1155" class="label">[1155]</a> Rigord, 127; <cite lang="la">Chron. Turon.</cite>, a. 1194, with date June 11. This spoliation
was only temporary; on November 11 of the same year Richard,
at Alençon, restored into the hands of the legate all that he had taken
from the canons and other clerks of S. Martin at Tours. R. Diceto, ii. 122.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1156" href="#FNanchor_1156" class="label">[1156]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 117; R. Howden, iii. 252.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1157" href="#FNanchor_1157" class="label">[1157]</a> R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1158" href="#FNanchor_1158" class="label">[1158]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>, giving date; <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Alb.</cite>, a. 1192.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1159" href="#FNanchor_1159" class="label">[1159]</a> R. Howden, iii. 253; cf. R. Diceto, ii. 116.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1160" href="#FNanchor_1160" class="label">[1160]</a> R. Howden, iii. 253, 254; cf. Rigord, 127, who gives the date, June 14.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1161" href="#FNanchor_1161" class="label">[1161]</a> R. Howden, iii. 254, 255.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1162" href="#FNanchor_1162" class="label">[1162]</a> Cf. <em>ib.</em>, iii. 255, 256; R. Diceto, ii. 117; W. Newb., lib. v. c. 2; Rigord,
129, and <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Alb.</cite>, a. 1192. William the Breton’s description of
the captured documents (<cite lang="la">Philippis</cite>, lib. iv. ll. 530-68) is surely a poetical
exaggeration. The date is from R. Diceto, who says the affair took place
thirty-seven days after Philip’s retirement from Verneuil.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1163" href="#FNanchor_1163" class="label">[1163]</a> R. Howden, iii. 256.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1164" href="#FNanchor_1164" class="label">[1164]</a> Peter was made seneschal between February 12 and May 5, 1190;
see Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes de Poitou</cite>, ii. 263-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1165" href="#FNanchor_1165" class="label">[1165]</a> <cite lang="la">Chron. S. Alb.</cite>, a. 1192.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1166" href="#FNanchor_1166" class="label">[1166]</a> Elias V, 1166-1204.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1167" href="#FNanchor_1167" class="label">[1167]</a> R. Howden, iii. 194; cf. R. Devizes, 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1168" href="#FNanchor_1168" class="label">[1168]</a> Teulet, <cite lang="fro">Layettes du Trésor des Chartes</cite>, i. 176.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1169" href="#FNanchor_1169" class="label">[1169]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 117.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1170" href="#FNanchor_1170" class="label">[1170]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii. 257. Cf. W. Newb., lib. v. c. 2.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1171" href="#FNanchor_1171" class="label">[1171]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 118, 119.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1172" href="#FNanchor_1172" class="label">[1172]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iii. 257-60.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1173" href="#FNanchor_1173" class="label">[1173]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_VI">Note VI</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1174" href="#FNanchor_1174" class="label">[1174]</a> The ordinance concerning tourneys; dated “<span lang="la">apud Villam Episcopi</span>,”
<cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 65.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1175" href="#FNanchor_1175" class="label">[1175]</a> R. Howden, iii. 259.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1176" href="#FNanchor_1176" class="label">[1176]</a> Madox, <cite>Hist. Exchequer</cite>, i. 637, 638.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1177" href="#FNanchor_1177" class="label">[1177]</a> See <a href="#NOTE_VI">Note VI</a> at end.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1178" href="#FNanchor_1178" class="label">[1178]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 119.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1179" href="#FNanchor_1179" class="label">[1179]</a> R. Howden, iii. 267.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1180" href="#FNanchor_1180" class="label">[1180]</a> <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 65; also in Appendix to Preface to R. Diceto, ii. pp.
lxxx., lxxxi.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1181" href="#FNanchor_1181" class="label">[1181]</a> R. Howden, iii. 288-90.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1182" href="#FNanchor_1182" class="label">[1182]</a> W. Newb., lib. v. c. 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1183" href="#FNanchor_1183" class="label">[1183]</a> R. Howden, iii. 290.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1184" href="#FNanchor_1184" class="label">[1184]</a> R. Howden, iii. 276.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1185" href="#FNanchor_1185" class="label">[1185]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 121.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1186" href="#FNanchor_1186" class="label">[1186]</a> R. Howden, iii. 283. Roger places the story “<span lang="la">eodem anno</span>” between
two events of which one is dated January and the other February 1195.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1187" href="#FNanchor_1187" class="label">[1187]</a> R. Howden, iii. 300, 301.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1188" href="#FNanchor_1188" class="label">[1188]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 302, 303.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1189" href="#FNanchor_1189" class="label">[1189]</a> R. Howden, iii. 301; W. Newb., lib. v. c. 15; cf. Rigord, 130, 131.
The two latter give the date “<span lang="la">mense Julio.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1190" href="#FNanchor_1190" class="label">[1190]</a> <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 66.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1191" href="#FNanchor_1191" class="label">[1191]</a> R. Howden, iii. 303, 304.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1192" href="#FNanchor_1192" class="label">[1192]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, iii. 304.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1193" href="#FNanchor_1193" class="label">[1193]</a> Rigord, 131. Arques had been in Philip’s hands since July 1193,
when it was pledged to him and placed under the control of the archbishop
of Reims by the treaty which William of Ely made during Richard’s
captivity.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1194" href="#FNanchor_1194" class="label">[1194]</a> <em>Ib.</em>; R. Howden, iii. 304.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1195" href="#FNanchor_1195" class="label">[1195]</a> Rigord, 131, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1196" href="#FNanchor_1196" class="label">[1196]</a> R. Howden, iii. 305.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1197" href="#FNanchor_1197" class="label">[1197]</a> Rigord, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1198" href="#FNanchor_1198" class="label">[1198]</a> W. Newb., lib. v. c. 15.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1199" href="#FNanchor_1199" class="label">[1199]</a> R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>; cf. W. Newb., lib. v. c. 17.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1200" href="#FNanchor_1200" class="label">[1200]</a> W. Newb., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1201" href="#FNanchor_1201" class="label">[1201]</a> Rigord, 132.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1202" href="#FNanchor_1202" class="label">[1202]</a> Cf. Rigord, 132, 133, W. Newb., lib. v. c. 17, and R. Howden, iii. 305.
The last-named gives the date of the meeting at Issoudun as December 9;
Rigord and William make it December 5, and are confirmed by Delisle’s
<cite lang="fro">Catal. des Actes de Ph. Aug.</cite>, nos. 462-464.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1203" href="#FNanchor_1203" class="label">[1203]</a> Treaty in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 66; cf. R. Howden, iv. 3, W. Newb., lib. v. c.
18, Rigord, 133, and Delisle, <cite lang="fro">Catal.</cite>, nos. 463, 464.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1204" href="#FNanchor_1204" class="label">[1204]</a> R. Howden, iv. 3, 4.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1205" href="#FNanchor_1205" class="label">[1205]</a> Letter in R. Diceto, ii. 135-137; cf. R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1206" href="#FNanchor_1206" class="label">[1206]</a> Letter in Appendix to Preface to R. Diceto, ii. lxxix., lxxx.; dated
April 15. The context shows the year to be 1196.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1207" href="#FNanchor_1207" class="label">[1207]</a> R. Howden, iv. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1208" href="#FNanchor_1208" class="label">[1208]</a> Cf. R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em> Gerv. Cant., i. 532, and W. Newb., lib. v. c. 18.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1209" href="#FNanchor_1209" class="label">[1209]</a> R. Howden and Gerv. Cant., <em>ll.cc.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1210" href="#FNanchor_1210" class="label">[1210]</a> W. Armor. <cite lang="la">Philippis</cite>, lib. v. vv. 147-60.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1211" href="#FNanchor_1211" class="label">[1211]</a> W. Newb. and R. Howden, <em>ll.cc.</em>; W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv.
161-65.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1212" href="#FNanchor_1212" class="label">[1212]</a> W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 74-96; cf. Rigord, 135, who dates the
latter event “<span lang="la">brevi temporis elapso spatio</span>” after an event which occurred
in June.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1213" href="#FNanchor_1213" class="label">[1213]</a> R. Howden, iv. 4, 5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1214" href="#FNanchor_1214" class="label">[1214]</a> Rigord, 135, 136; W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 168-242, 254-69.
There is documentary evidence of Philip’s presence at Aumale in July
1196; Delisle, <cite lang="fro">Catal.</cite>, no. 502. Gervase of Canterbury, i. 532, has confused
the chronology.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1215" href="#FNanchor_1215" class="label">[1215]</a> W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. v. 269.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1216" href="#FNanchor_1216" class="label">[1216]</a> Cf. <cite lang="la">Mag. Vita S. Hugonis</cite>, 248-51, and R. Howden, iv. 40.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1217" href="#FNanchor_1217" class="label">[1217]</a> Letter of Walter in R. Diceto, ii. 149, 150; cf. R. Howden, iv. 14,
W. Newb., lib. v. c. 28, R. Coggeshall, 70, and Gerv. Cant., i. 544.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1218" href="#FNanchor_1218" class="label">[1218]</a> “<span lang="la">Precipitans sevus alta de rupe deorsum Littore Sequanio, muros
ubi <em>postea</em> rupis Gaillarde struxit</span>,” W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 311-13.
This dates the story 1196-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1219" href="#FNanchor_1219" class="label">[1219]</a> Such is the story as told by Philip’s poet-historiographer, W. Armor.,
<cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 276-324. Roger of Howden, iv. 54, tells it in less detail
under the year 1198, without specifying its occasion; according to him
Philip was the originator of this “<span lang="la">novum genus grassandi in populo</span>,”
“and thus provoked the king of England, though unwilling, to a like
impious act.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1220" href="#FNanchor_1220" class="label">[1220]</a> R. Howden, iv. 18, 19; cf. letters of Walter and Richard in R. Diceto,
ii. 153-8.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1221" href="#FNanchor_1221" class="label">[1221]</a> Letter in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I. i. 71, dated “apud Bellum Castellum de Rupe,”
July 11, 1198.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1222" href="#FNanchor_1222" class="label">[1222]</a> J. Brompton, Twysden, <cite lang="la">X. Scriptt.</cite>, col. 1276.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1223" href="#FNanchor_1223" class="label">[1223]</a> Delisle, <cite lang="fro">Catal.</cite>, nos. 497, 499.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1224" href="#FNanchor_1224" class="label">[1224]</a> Rigord, 137; <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I., i. 67, 68.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1225" href="#FNanchor_1225" class="label">[1225]</a> R. Howden, iv. 19.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1226" href="#FNanchor_1226" class="label">[1226]</a> R. Howden, iv. 7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1227" href="#FNanchor_1227" class="label">[1227]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 13.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1228" href="#FNanchor_1228" class="label">[1228]</a> D’Achéry, <cite lang="la">Spicilegium</cite>, vii. 343; cf. Vaissète, <cite lang="fro">Hist. de Languedoc</cite> (new
ed.), vi. 173, 179.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1229" href="#FNanchor_1229" class="label">[1229]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 152, giving date April 15; cf. R. Howden, iv. 19 and
W. Newb., lib. v. c. 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1230" href="#FNanchor_1230" class="label">[1230]</a> R. Diceto, <em>l.c.</em>, R. Howden iv. 16, Gerv. Cant. i. 544, W. Newb., <em>l.c.</em>
The first two give the day, May 19; Roger makes the year 1196, but the
other three all distinctly place the event in 1197.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1231" href="#FNanchor_1231" class="label">[1231]</a> R. Howden, iv. 20.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1232" href="#FNanchor_1232" class="label">[1232]</a> Cf. <em>ib.</em>, iv. 20 and W. Newb., lib. v. c. 32. Gerv. Cant., <em>l.c.</em> gives the
date of Philip’s release “post Assumptionem B. Mariae.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1233" href="#FNanchor_1233" class="label">[1233]</a> Gervase, i. 544, who alone mentions Hubert, dates the conference
September 8; R. Howden, iv. 20, 21, dates it September 17. The former
makes the truce start from Christmas, the latter (p. 24) from S. Hilary’s
day <ins class="corr" id="tfn-1233" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: '[1198]'">
(1198)</ins>. This second version seems to be the one implied by W. Newb.,
lib. v. c. 32, who says that “<span lang="la">mense Septembri</span>” the kings made “<span lang="la">treuiam
unius anni et quatuor mensium.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1234" href="#FNanchor_1234" class="label">[1234]</a> “<span lang="la">Ita tamen ut qui tenet teneat donec de medio fiat</span>,” says Gervase,
<em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1235" href="#FNanchor_1235" class="label">[1235]</a> R. Howden, iv. 21.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1236" href="#FNanchor_1236" class="label">[1236]</a> Gerv. Cant., <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1237" href="#FNanchor_1237" class="label">[1237]</a> Gir. Cambr., <cite lang="la">De Instr. Princ.</cite>, dist. iii. c. 25.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1238" href="#FNanchor_1238" class="label">[1238]</a> Charter, dated October 16, 1197, in R. Diceto, ii. 153-6.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1239" href="#FNanchor_1239" class="label">[1239]</a> Letter of Celestine, in Magn. Reichersp., Pertz., xvii. 524.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1240" href="#FNanchor_1240" class="label">[1240]</a> R. Howden, iv. 37.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1241" href="#FNanchor_1241" class="label">[1241]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 31.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1242" href="#FNanchor_1242" class="label">[1242]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 545.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1243" href="#FNanchor_1243" class="label">[1243]</a> R. Howden, iv. 37, 38.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1244" href="#FNanchor_1244" class="label">[1244]</a> R. Diceto, ii. 163.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1245" href="#FNanchor_1245" class="label">[1245]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 545.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1246" href="#FNanchor_1246" class="label">[1246]</a> Delisle, <cite lang="fro">Catal.</cite>, no. 535; cf. Rigord, 143.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1247" href="#FNanchor_1247" class="label">[1247]</a> R. Howden, iv. 55.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1248" href="#FNanchor_1248" class="label">[1248]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 59.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1249" href="#FNanchor_1249" class="label">[1249]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 54.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1250" href="#FNanchor_1250" class="label">[1250]</a> R. Howden, iv. 55; R. Diceto, ii. 163, giving date.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1251" href="#FNanchor_1251" class="label">[1251]</a> Cf. Richard’s letter, dated Dangu, September 30, in R. Howden, iv.
58, 59, with Roger’s own account, <em>ib.</em>, 55, 56, 59, 60, R. Diceto, ii. 164,
and Rigord, 141, 142.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1252" href="#FNanchor_1252" class="label">[1252]</a> Letter in R. Howden, iv. 58, 59.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1253" href="#FNanchor_1253" class="label">[1253]</a> “<span lang="fro">Saviez qu’à Chinon Non a argent ni denier.</span>” Leroux de Lincy,
<cite lang="fro">Rec. de Chansons Historiques</cite>, i. 65-7.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1254" href="#FNanchor_1254" class="label">[1254]</a> R. Howden, iv. 66; R. Coggeshall, 93; <cite lang="la">Ann. Waverley</cite>, a. 1198;
M. Paris, <cite lang="fro">Chron. Maj.</cite>, ii. 451.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1255" href="#FNanchor_1255" class="label">[1255]</a> Wyon, <cite>Great Seals</cite>, 19. The last known grant under the old seal is
dated April 1, 1198; <em>ib.</em>, 149.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1256" href="#FNanchor_1256" class="label">[1256]</a> The last confirmation is dated April 5, 1199; Round, <cite>Feudal England</cite>,
542.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1257" href="#FNanchor_1257" class="label">[1257]</a> R. Howden, iv. 60; cf. Rigord, 142.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1258" href="#FNanchor_1258" class="label">[1258]</a> R. Howden, iv. 78. The latter place was afterwards called Le Goulet.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1259" href="#FNanchor_1259" class="label">[1259]</a> “<span lang="la">In costamento campionum Regis qui fuerunt ducti in Insulam de
Andeleia contra Regem Francie xxx libras.</span>” Roll of <span class="allsmcap">A.D.</span> 1198, <cite lang="fro">Rot.
Scacc. Norm.</cite>, ii. 481.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1260" href="#FNanchor_1260" class="label">[1260]</a> R. Howden, iv. 61, 68.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1261" href="#FNanchor_1261" class="label">[1261]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 80; Rigord, 144; letters of Innocent in <cite lang="la">Fœdera</cite>, I, i. 73. See
also the long account of this last conference in <cite lang="fro">Hist. G. le Mar.</cite>, ll. 11399-726.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1262" href="#FNanchor_1262" class="label">[1262]</a> Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1263" href="#FNanchor_1263" class="label">[1263]</a> R. Howden, iv. 80, 81.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1264" href="#FNanchor_1264" class="label">[1264]</a> Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes de Poitou</cite>, ii. 259.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1265" href="#FNanchor_1265" class="label">[1265]</a> Otto seems to have occasionally styled himself duke of Aquitaine
but never in his uncle’s presence. Richard, <cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii, 300, 301, 312, 313.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1266" href="#FNanchor_1266" class="label">[1266]</a> <em>Ib.</em>, 300, 301.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1267" href="#FNanchor_1267" class="label">[1267]</a> R. Howden, iii. 308.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1268" href="#FNanchor_1268" class="label">[1268]</a> Cf. R. Coggeshall, 94, and <cite lang="la">Mag. Vita S. Hugonis</cite>, 280.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1269" href="#FNanchor_1269" class="label">[1269]</a> Cf. Rigord’s description, 144, with the story of the discovery in
W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 492-9. I suppose <i lang="la">census</i> in l. 498—“<span lang="la">Census
absconsos in arato repperit agro</span>”—stands for coins. As to the figures
and the “table,” M. Richard (<cite lang="fro">Comtes</cite>, ii. 322 note) suggests that the
treasure was a gilded shield—the “table” being the central knob or
<i lang="fro">umbo</i>, with the figures arranged round it—buried for safety in the time
of the Bagaudes or of the Barbarian invasion, and that Châlus was chosen
as a safe hiding-place because “<span lang="fro">Châlus, c’est le <i>castrum luci</i>, le château
du luc, autrement dit du bois sacré.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1270" href="#FNanchor_1270" class="label">[1270]</a> Of La Boissière, according to G. Guiart, <cite lang="fro">Branche des Royaux Lignages</cite>,
l. 2601.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1271" href="#FNanchor_1271" class="label">[1271]</a> Cf. W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 499-508; Rigord, <em>l.c.</em>; and R.
Howden, iv. 82, 83.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1272" href="#FNanchor_1272" class="label">[1272]</a> R. Howden, iv. 82.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1273" href="#FNanchor_1273" class="label">[1273]</a> Cf. <em>ib.</em>, with R. Coggeshall, 94, and W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv.
509-12. Gervase of Canterbury, i. 593, calls the place “Nantrun”;
a mistake which is explained by a “<span lang="la">Fragmentum aliunde assutum</span>”
to the chronicle of Geoffrey of Vigeois, Labbe, <cite lang="fro">Thesaur.</cite>, ii. 342, where we
are told that Richard while lying sick before Châlus sent some of his
troops to besiege two other castles in the Limousin, Nontron and Montagut.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1274" href="#FNanchor_1274" class="label">[1274]</a> Rigord, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1275" href="#FNanchor_1275" class="label">[1275]</a> W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 513-19.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1276" href="#FNanchor_1276" class="label">[1276]</a> Addition to Geoff. Vigeois, 342. W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v., v. 529, says
there were six knights and nine “<span lang="la">clientes.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1277" href="#FNanchor_1277" class="label">[1277]</a> R. Coggeshall, 94, 95.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1278" href="#FNanchor_1278" class="label">[1278]</a> R. Howden, iv. 82.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1279" href="#FNanchor_1279" class="label">[1279]</a> R. Coggeshall, 95.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1280" href="#FNanchor_1280" class="label">[1280]</a> W. Arm., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v, vv. 572-6; cf. R. Howden, iv. 82.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1281" href="#FNanchor_1281" class="label">[1281]</a> R. Coggeshall, <em>l.c.</em>; cf. R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>; Gerv. Cant., i. 592, and
W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. v. 589.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1282" href="#FNanchor_1282" class="label">[1282]</a> R. Howden, iv. 82.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1283" href="#FNanchor_1283" class="label">[1283]</a> R. Coggeshall, 95; cf. R. Howden, iv. 83.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1284" href="#FNanchor_1284" class="label">[1284]</a> “<span lang="la">Rege ... præcepta <em>medicorum</em> non curante.</span>” R. Coggeshall, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1285" href="#FNanchor_1285" class="label">[1285]</a> R. Coggeshall, 95, 96; W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 600-5.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1286" href="#FNanchor_1286" class="label">[1286]</a> R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1287" href="#FNanchor_1287" class="label">[1287]</a> Addition to G. Vigeois, 342.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1288" href="#FNanchor_1288" class="label">[1288]</a> R. Coggeshall, 96.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1289" href="#FNanchor_1289" class="label">[1289]</a> R. Howden, iv. 83.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1290" href="#FNanchor_1290" class="label">[1290]</a> R. Howden, iv. 83; cf. Gerv. Cant., i. 593, and R. Coggeshall, 96.
Howden gives the name of Richard’s slayer as Bertrand de Gourdon; in
the MSS. of W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite> (lib. v. v. 587), it appears in different forms,
which M. Delaborde takes to be misreadings of “Gurdo.” Gervase of
Canterbury, i. 592, calls the man “<span lang="la">juvenis quidem Johannes Sabraz
agnomine</span>”; R. Diceto, ii. 166, calls him “Petrus Basilii,” and is supported
by the anonymous continuator of G. Vigeois, 342, who says:
“<span lang="la">Unus de militibus</span>” [<em>i. e.</em> the two knights in the castle] “<span lang="la">vocatus Petrus
Bru, alter Petrus Basilii, de quo dicitur quod sagittam cum arbalista
tractam emisit qua percussus rex intra duodecimam diem vitam finivit.</span>”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1291" href="#FNanchor_1291" class="label">[1291]</a> R. Coggeshall, 96.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1292" href="#FNanchor_1292" class="label">[1292]</a> Charter of Eleanor—summarized in Round’s <em>Calendar of Documents
relating to France</em>, i. 472—to the abbey of S. Mary at Torpenay, to which
she grants an endowment “for the welfare of the soul of her dearest son
Richard, king of England, and for the yearly celebration of his anniversary,”
“because her beloved [Luke, abbot of Torpenay,] was present
with her at the illness and funeral of her dearest son the king, and laboured
above all others at his obsequies.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1293" href="#FNanchor_1293" class="label">[1293]</a> R. Howden, iv. 84.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1294" href="#FNanchor_1294" class="label">[1294]</a> R. Coggeshall, 96. “<span lang="la">Septima hora noctis</span>,” says the continuator of
G. Vigeois, 342. R. Coggeshall gives the day as April 7, but his own next
words—“<span lang="la">scilicet undecimo die a vulnere sibi illato</span>”—show this to be
an error for April 6, the date given by the best English authorities, R.
Diceto, ii. 166, Gerv. Cant., i. 593, and R. Howden, <em>l.c.</em>, and also by the
Cont. G. Vigeois, <em>l.c.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1295" href="#FNanchor_1295" class="label">[1295]</a> <cite lang="la">Ann. Winton</cite>, a. 1199.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1296" href="#FNanchor_1296" class="label">[1296]</a> <cite lang="la">Magna Vita S. Hugonis</cite>, 286.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1297" href="#FNanchor_1297" class="label">[1297]</a> Gerv. Cant., i. 593.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1298" href="#FNanchor_1298" class="label">[1298]</a> W. Armor., <cite lang="la">Phil.</cite>, lib. v. vv. 611-17.</p>

</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<div class="p4 transnote">
<a id="TN"></a>
<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>

<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.</p>

<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p>

<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p>

<p>
<a href="#tn-24">Pg 24</a>: ‘contract of mariage’ replaced by ‘contract of marriage’.<br>
<a href="#tn-40">Pg 40</a>: ‘out of Augoulême’ replaced by ‘out of Angoulême’.<br>
<a href="#tn-92">Pg 92</a>: ‘They came foward’ replaced by ‘They came forward’.<br>
<a href="#tn-167">Pg 167</a>: ‘king had deen’ replaced by ‘king had been’.<br>
<a href="#tn-169">Pg 169</a>: ‘two thousand kinghts’ replaced by ‘two thousand knights’.<br>
<a href="#tn-169a">Pg 169</a>: ‘An August 2’ replaced by ‘On August 2’.<br>
<a href="#tn-312">Pg 312</a>: ‘to the developement’ replaced by ‘to the development’.<br>
<a href="#tn-323">Pg 323</a>: ‘the appointed term’ replaced by ‘the appointed time’.<br>
<a href="#tn-331">Pg 331</a>: ‘Gefangenshaft’ replaced by ‘Gefangenschaft’.<br>
<a href="#tn-348">Pg 348</a>: ‘slayer, 832’ replaced by ‘slayer, 328’.<br>
<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-41">[41]</a>: ‘was a Proven al’ replaced by ‘was a Provençal’.<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-43">[43]</a>: ‘Geoff. Vi eois’ replaced by ‘Geoff. Vigeois’.<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-113">[113]</a>: ‘Gir. Camb.’ replaced by ‘Gir. Cambr.’.<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-120">[120]</a>: ‘Gir. Camb.’ replaced by ‘Gir. Cambr.’.<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-134">[134]</a>: ‘this pasaage is’ replaced by ‘this passage is’.<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-372">[372]</a>: ‘seems to hav’ replaced by ‘seems to have’.<br>
<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-458">[458]</a>: ‘[1190]’ replaced by ‘(1190)’;<br>
Footnote <a href="#tfn-1233">[1233]</a>: ‘[1198]’ replaced by ‘(1198)’ to avoid confusion
with Footnote numbering.<br>
</p>
</div>

<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 71283 ***</div>
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