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Title: Autobiography of Ma-ka-tai-me-she-kia-kiak, or Black Hawk

Author: Black Hawk

Release Date: December, 2004 [EBook #7097]
[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule]
[This file was first posted on March 10, 2003]

Edition: 10

Language: English

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BLACK HAWK ***




This etext was produced by Martin Schub from scanned pages courtesy
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                        AUTOBIOGRAPHY
                             OF

                  MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK,

                             OR

                        BLACK HAWK,

EMBRACING THE TRADITIONS OF HIS NATION, VARIOUS WARS
   IN WHICH HE HAS BEEN ENGAGED, AND HIS ACCOUNT
      OF THE CAUSE AND GENERAL HISTORY OF THE
                BLACK HAWK WAR OF 1832,

His Surrender, and Travels Through the United States.

                  DICTATED BY HIMSELF.

          ANTOINE LECLAIR, U. S. INTERPRETER.
        J.B. PATTERSON, EDITOR AND AMANUENSIS.

            ROCK ISLAND.  ILLINOIS, 1833.

                      ALSO
LIFE, DEATH AND BURIAL OF THE OLD CHIEF, TOGETHER WITH
          A History of the Black Hawk War,
        By J.B. PATTERSON, OQUAWKA, ILL, 1882.


Copyrighted by J.B. PATTERSON, 1882.



    AS A TOKEN OF HIGH REGARD,
     I DEDICATE THIS VOLUME
         TO MY FRIEND,
     HON.  BAILEY DAVENPORT,
      OF ROCK ISLAND, ILL.



AFFIDAVIT.

DISTRICT OF ILLINOIS, SS.
Be it remembered, that on this sixteenth day of November, Anno Domini
eighteen hundred and thirty-three, J.B. Patterson, of said district,
hath deposited in this office the title of a Book, the title of which
is in the words following, to wit:

"Life of Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, embracing the Traditions
of his Nation--Indian Wars in which he has been engaged--Cause of
joining the British in their late War with America, and its History--
Description of the Rock River Village--Manners and Customs--
Encroachments by the Whites contrary to Treaty--Removal from his
village in 1831.  With an account of the Cause and General History of
the Late War, his Surrender and Confinement at Jefferson Barracks, and
Travels through the United States.  Dictated by himself."

J.B. Patterson, of Rock Island, Illinois, Editor and Proprietor.

The right whereof he claims as author, in conformity with an act of
Congress, entitled "An act to amend the several acts respecting
copyrights."
                                    W.H. BROWN,
                                    Clerk of the District of Illinois



INDIAN AGENCY,
                             ROCK ISLAND, October 16, 1833.
I do hereby certify, that Makataimeshekiakiak, or Black Hawk, did call
upon me, on his return to his people in August last, and expressed a
great desire to have a History of his Life written and published, in
order (as he said) "that the people of the United States, (among whom
he had been traveling, and by whom he had been treated with great
respect, friendship and hospitality,) might know the _cause_  that had
impelled him to acts as he had done, and the _principles_ by which he
was governed."

In accordance with his request, I acted as Interpreter; and was
particularly cautious to understand distinctly the narrative of Black
Hawk throughout--and have examined the work carefully since its
completion, and have no hesitation in pronouncing it strictly correct,
in all its particulars.

Given under my hand, at the Sac and Fox agency, the day and date above
written.
                             ANTOINE LE CLAIR,
                             U.S. Interpreter for the Sacs and Foxes.



ORIGINAL DEDICATION.

NE-KA-NA-WEN.

MA-NE-SO-NO OKE-MAUT WAP-PI MAK-QUAI.

WA-TA-SAI WE-YEU,

Ai nan-ni ta co-si-ya-quai, na-katch ai she-ke she-he-nack, hai-me-ka-
ti ya-quai ke-she-he-nack, ken-e-chawe-he-ke kai-pec-kien a-cob, ai-
we-ne-she we-he-yen; ne-wai-ta-sa-mak ke-kosh-pe kai-a-poi qui-wat.
No-ta-wach-pai pai-ke se-na-mon nan-ni-yoo, ai-ke-kai na-o-pen. Ni-me-
to sai-ne-ni-wen, ne-ta-to-ta ken ai mo-he-man ta-ta-que, ne-me-to-
sai-ne-ne-wen.

Nin-a-kai-ka poi-pon-ni chi-cha-yen, kai-ka-ya ha-ma-we pa-she-to-he-
yen.  Kai-na-ya kai-nen-ne-naip, he-nok ki-nok ke-cha-kai-ya pai-no-
yen ne-ket-te-sim-mak o-ke-te-wak ke-o-che, me-ka ti-ya-quois na-kach
mai-quoi, a-que-qui pa-che-qui ke-kan-ni ta-men-nin.  Ke-to-ta we-yen,
a-que-ka-ni-co-te she-tai-hai-hai yen, nen, chai-cha-me-co kai-ke-me-
se  ai we-ke ken-na-ta-mo-wat ken-ne-wa-ha-o ma-quo-qua-yeai-quoi.
Ken-wen-na ak-che-man wen-ni-ta-hai ke-men-ne to-ta-we-yeu, ke-kog-hai
ke-ta-shi ke-kai na-we-yen, he-na-cha wai-che-we to-mo-nan, ai pe-che-
qua-chi mo-pen ma-me-co, ma-che-we-ta na-mo-nan, ne-ya-we-nan qui-a-
ha-wa pe-ta-kek, a que-year tak-pa-she-qui a-to-ta-mo-wat, chi-ye-tuk
he-ne cha-wai-chi he-ni-nan ke-o-chi-ta mow-ta-swee-pai che-qua-que.

He-ni-cha-hai poi-kai-nen na-no-so-si-yen, ai o-sa-ke-we-yen, ke-pe-
me-kai-mi-kat hai-nen hac-yai, na-na-co-si-peu, nen-a-kai-ne co-ten
ne-co-ten ne-ka chi-a-quoi ne-me-cok me-to-sai ne-ne wak-kai ne-we-
yen-nen, kai-shai ma-ni-to-ke ka-to-me-nak ke-wa-sai he-co-wai mi-a-me
ka-chi pai-ko-tai-hear-pe kai-cee wa-wa-kia he-pe ha-pe-nach-he-cha,
na-na-ke-na-way ni-taain ai we-pa-he-wea to-to-na ca, ke-to-ta-we-
yeak, he-nok, mia-ni ai she-ke-ta ma-ke-si-yen, nen-a-kai na-co-ten
ne-ka-he-nen e-ta-quois, wa toi-na-ka che-ma-ke-keu na-ta-che tai-hai-
ken ai mo-co-man ye-we-yeu ke-to-towe.  E-nok ma-ni-hai she-ka-ta-ma
ka-si-yen, wen-e-cha-hai nai-ne-mak, mai-ko-ten ke ka-cha ma-men-na-
tuk we-yowe, keu-ke-nok ai she-me ma-na-ni ta-men-ke-yowe.
MA-KA-TAI-ME-SHE-KIA-KIAK
Ma-taus-we Ki-sis, 1833.



DEDICATION.
[translation]

To Brigadier General H. Atkinson:

SIR--The changes of fortune and vicissitudes of war made you my
conqueror.  When my last resources were exhausted, my warriors worn
down with long and toilsome marches, we yielded, and I became your
prisoner.

The story of my life is told in the following pages: it is intimately
connected, and in some measure, identified, with a part of the history
of your own: I have, therefore, dedicated it to you.

The changes of many summers have brought old age upon me, and I can
not expect to survive many moons.  Before I set out on my journey to
the land of my fathers, I have determined to give my motives and
reasons for my former hostilities to the whites, and to vindicate my
character from misrepresentation.  The kindness I received from you
whilst a prisoner of war assures me that you will vouch for the facts
contained in my narrative, so far as they came under your observation.

I am now an obscure member of a nation that formerly honored and
respected my opinions.  The pathway to glory is rough, and many gloomy
hours obscure it.  May the Great Spirit shed light on yours, and that
you may never experience the humility that the power of the American
government has reduced me to, is the wish of him, who, in his native
forests, was once as proud and bold as yourself.
BLACK HAWK.
10th Moon, 1833.



ADVERTISEMENT

It is presumed that no apology will be required for presenting to the
public the life of a Hero who has lately taken such high rank among
the distinguished individuals of America.  In the following pages he
will be seen in the character of a Warrior, a Patriot and a State
prisoner; in every situation he is still the chief of his Band,
asserting their rights with dignity, firmness and courage.  Several
accounts of the late war having been published, in which he thinks
justice is not done to himself or nation, he determined to make known
to the world the injuries his people have received from the whites,
the causes which brought on the war on the part of his nation, and a
general history of it throughout the campaign.  In his opinion this is
the only method now left him to rescue his little Band, the remnant of
those who fought bravely with him, from the effects of the statements
that have already gone forth.

The facts which he states, respecting the Treaty of 1804, in virtue of
the provisions of which the government claimed the country in dispute
and enforced its arguments with the sword, are worthy of attention.
It purported to cede tot he United States all of the country,
including the village and corn-fields of Black Hawk and his band, on
the east side of the Mississippi.  Four individuals of the tribe, who
were on a visit to St. Louis to obtain the liberation of on of their
people from prison, were prevailed upon, says Black Hawk, to make this
important treaty, without the knowledge or authority of the tribes, or
nation.

In treating with the Indians for their country, it has always been
customary to assemble the whole nation; because, as has been truly
suggested by the Secretary of War, the nature of the authority of the
chiefs of the tribe is such, that it is not often that they dare make
a treaty of much consequence, and we might add, never, when involving
so much magnitude as the one under consideration, without the presence
of their young men.  A rule so reasonable and just ought never to be
violated, and the Indians might well question the right of the
Government to dispossess them, when such violation was made the basis
of its right.

The Editor has written this work according to the dictation of Black
Hawk, through the United States Interpreter, at the Sac and Fox Agency
of Rock Island.  He does not, therefore, consider himself responsible
for any of the facts, or views, contained in it, and leaves the Old
Chief and his story with the public, whilst he neither asks, nor
expects, any fame for his services as an amanuensis.
THE EDITOR.



AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF BLACK HAWK.

I was born at the Sac village, on Rock river, in the year 1767, and am
now in my 67th year.  My great grandfather, Nanamakee, or Thunder,
according to the tradition given me by my father, Pyesa, was born in
the vicinity of Montreal, Canada, where the Great Spirit first placed
the Sac nation, and inspired him with a belief that, at the end of
four years he should see a _white man_, who would be to him a father.
Consequently he blacked his face, and eat but once a day, just as the
sun was going down, for three years, and continued dreaming,
throughout all this time whenever he slept.  When the Great Spirit
again appeared to him, and told him that, at the end of one year more,
he should meet his father, and directed him to start seven days before
its expiration, and take with him his two brothers, Namah, or
Sturgeon, and Paukahummawa, or Sunfish, and travel in a direction to
the left of sun-rising.  After pursuing this course for five days, he
sent out his two brothers to listen if they could hear a noise, and if
so, to fasten some grass to the end of a pole, erect it, pointing in
the direction of the sound, and then return to him.

Early next morning they returned, and reported that they had heard
sounds which appeared near at hand, and that they had fulfilled his
order.  They all then started for the place where the pole had been
erected; when, on reaching it, Nanamakee left his party and went alone
to the place from whence the sounds proceeded, and found, that the
white man had arrived and pitched his tent.  When he came in sight,
his father came out to meet him.  He took him by the hand and welcomed
him into his tent.  He told him that he was the son of the King of
France; that he had been dreaming for four years; that the Great
Spirit had directed him to come here, where he should meet a nation of
people who had never yet seen a white man; that they should be his
children and he should be their father; that he had communicated these
things to the King, his father, who laughed at him and called him
Mashena, but he insisted on coming here to meet his children where the
Great Spirit had directed him.  The king had told him that he would
find neither land nor people; that this was an uninhabited region of
lakes and mountains, but, finding that he would have no peace without
it, he fitted out a napequa, manned it, and gave him charge of it,
when he immediately loaded it, set sail and had now landed on the very
day that the Great Spirit had told him in his dreams he should meet
his children.  He had now met the man who should, in future, have
charge of all the nation.

He then presented him with a medal which he hung round his neck.
Nanamakee informed him of his dreaming, and told him that his two
brothers remained a little way behind.  His father gave him a shirt, a
blanket and a handkerchief besides a variety of other presents, and
told him to go and bring his brethren.  Having laid aside his buffalo
robe and dressed himself in his new dress, he started to meet his
brothers.  When they met he explained to them his meeting with the
white man and exhibited to their view the presents that he had made
him.  He then took off his medal and placed it on his elder brother
Namah, and requested them both to go with him to his father.

They proceeded thither, were where ushered into the tent, and after
some brief ceremony his father opened a chest and took presents
therefrom for the new comers.  He discovered that Nanamakee had given
his medal to his elder brother Namah.  He told him that he had done
wrong; that he should wear that medal himself, as he had others for
his brothers.  That which he had given him was typical of the rank he
should hold in the nation; that his brothers could only rank as _civil
chiefs_, and that their duties should consist of taking care of the
village and attending to its civil concerns, whilst his rank, from his
superior knowledge, placed him over all.  If the nation should get
into any difficulty with another, then his puccohawama, or sovereign
decree, must be obeyed.  If he declared war he must lead them on to
battle; that the Great Spirit had made him a great and brave general,
and had sent him here to give him that medal and make presents to him
for his people.

His father remained four days, during which time he gave him guns,
powder and lead, spears and lances, and taught him their use, so that
in war he might be able to chastise his enemies, and in peace they
could kill buffalo, deer and other game necessary for the comforts and
luxuries of life.  He then presented the others with various kinds of
cooking utensils and taught them their uses.  After having given them
large quantities of goods as presents, and everything necessary for
their comfort, he set sail for France, promising to meet them again,
at the same place, after the 12th moon.

The three newly made chiefs returned to their village and explained to
Mukataquet, their father, who was the principal chief of the nation,
what had been said and done.

The old chief had some dogs killed and made a feast preparatory to
resigning his scepter, to which all the nation were invited.  Great
anxiety prevailed among them to know what the three brothers had seen
and heard. . When the old chief arose and related to them the sayings
and doings of his three sons, and concluded by saying that the Great
Spirit had directed that these, his three sons, should take the rank
and power that had once been his, and that he yielded these honors and
duties willingly to them, because it was the wish of the Great Spirit,
and he could never consent to make him angry.

He now presented the great medicine bag to Nanamakee, and told him
that he "cheerfully resigned it to him, it is the soul of our nation,
it has never yet been disgraced and I will expect you to keep it
unsullied."

Some dissensions arose among them, in consequence of so much power
being given to Nanamakee, he being so young a man.  To quiet them,
Nanamakee, during a violent thunder storm, told them that he had
caused it, and that it was an exemplification of the name the Great
Spirit had given him.  During the storm the lightning struck, and set
fire to a tree near by, a sight they had never witnessed before.  He
went to it and brought away some of its burning branches, made a fire
in the lodge and seated his brothers around it opposite to one
another, while he stood up and addressed his people as follows:

"I am yet young, but the Great Spirit has called me to the rank I hold
among you.  I have never sought to be more than my birth entitled me
to.  I have not been ambitious, nor was it ever my wish while my
father was yet among the living to take his place, nor have I now
usurped his powers.  The Great Spirit caused me to dream for four
years.  He told me where to go and meet the white man who would be a
kind father to us all.  I obeyed.  I went, and have seen and know our
new father.

"You have all heard what was said and done.  The Great Spirit directed
him to come and meet me, and it is his order that places me at the
head of my nation, the place which my father has willingly resigned.

"You have all witnessed the power that has been given me by the Great
Spirit, in making that fire, and all that I now ask is that these, my
two chiefs, may never let it go out.  That they may preserve peace
among you and administer to the wants of the needy.  And should an
enemy invade our country, I will then, and not until then, assume
command, and go forth with my band of brave warriors and endeavor to
chastise them."

At the conclusion of this speech every voice cried out for Nanamakee.
All were satisfied when they found that the Great Spirit had done what
they had suspected was the work of Nanamakee, he being a very shrewd
young man.

The next spring according to promise their French father returned,
with his napequa richly laden with goods, which were distributed among
them.  He continued for a long time to keep up a regular trade with
them, they giving him in exchange for his goods furs and peltries.

After a long time the British overpowered the French, the two nations
being at War, and drove them away from Quebec, taking possession of it
themselves.  The different tribes of Indians around our nation,
envying our people, united their forces against them and by their
combined strength succeeded in driving them to Montreal, and from
thence to Mackinac.  Here our people first met our British father, who
furnished them with goods.  Their enemies still wantonly pursued them
and drove them to different places along the lake.  At last they made
a village near Green Bay, on what is now called Sac river, having
derived its name from this circumstance.  Here they held a council
with the Foxes, and a national treaty of friendship and alliance was
agreed upon.  The Foxes abandoned their village and joined the Sacs.
This arrangement, being mutually obligatory upon both parties, as
neither were sufficiently strong to meet their enemies with any hope
of success, they soon became as one band or nation of people.  They
were driven, however, by the combined forces of their enemies to the
Wisconsin.  They remained here for some time, until a party of their
young men, who descended Rock river to its mouth, had returned and
made a favorable report of the country.  They all descended Rock
river, drove the Kaskaskias from the country and commenced the
erection of their village, determined never to leave it.

At this village I was born, being a lineal descendant of the first
chief, Nanamakee, or Thunder.  Few, if any events of note transpired
within my recollection until about my fifteenth year.  I was not
allowed to paint or wear feathers, but distinguished myself at an
early age by wounding an enemy; consequently I was placed in the ranks
of the Braves.

Soon after this a leading chief of the Muscow nation came to our
village for recruits to go to war against the Osages, our common
enemy.

I volunteered my services to go, as my father had joined him, and was
proud to have an opportunity to prove to him that I was not an
unworthy son, and that I had courage and bravery.   It was not long
before we met the enemy and a battle immediately ensued.  Standing by
my father's side, I saw him kill his antagonist and tear the scalp
from off his head.  Fired with valor and ambition, I rushed furiously
upon another and smote him to the earth with my tomahawk.  I then ran
my lance through his body, took off his scalp and returned in triumph
to my father.  He said nothing but looked well pleased.  This was the
first man I killed.  The enemy's loss in this engagement having been
very great, they immediately retreated, which put an end to the war
for the time being.  Our party then returned to the village and danced
over the scalps we had taken.  This was the first time I was permitted
to join in a scalp dance.

After a few moons had passed, being acquired considerable reputation
as a brave, I led a party of seven and attacked one hundred Osages! I
killed one man and left him for my comrades to scalp while I was
taking observations of the strength and preparations of the enemy.
Finding that they were equally well armed with ourselves, I ordered a
retreat and came off without the loss of a man.  This excursion gained
for me great applause, and enabled me, before a great while, to raise
a party of one hundred and eighty to march against the Osages.  We
left our village in high spirits and marched over a rugged country,
until we reached the land of the Osages, on the borders of the
Missouri.

We followed their trail until we arrived at the village, which we
approached with exceeding caution, thinking that they were all here,
but found, to our sorrow, that they had deserted it.  The party became
dissatisfied in consequence of this disappointment, and all, with the
exception of five noble braves, dispensed and went home.  I then
placed myself at the head of this brave little band, and thanked the
Great Spirit that so _many_ had remained. We took to the trail of our
enemies, with a full determination never to return without some trophy
of victory.  We followed cautiously on for several days, killed one
man and a boy, and returned home with their scalps.

In consequence of this mutiny in camp, I was not again able to raise a
sufficient force to go against the Osages until about my Nineteenth
year.  During this interim they committed many outrages on our nation;
hence I succeeded in recruiting two hundred efficient warriors, and
early one morning took up the line of march.  In a few days we were in
the enemy's country, and we had not gone far before we met a force
equal to our own with which to contend.  A general battle immediately
commenced, although my warriors were considerably fatigued by forced
marches.  Each party fought desperately.  The enemy seemed unwilling
to yield the ground and we were determined to conquer or die.  A great
number of Osages were killed and many wounded before they commenced a
retreat.  A band of wariors more brave, skillful and efficient than
mine could not be found.  In this engagement I killed five men and one
squaw, and had the good fortune to take the scalps of all I struck
with one exception--that of the squaw, who was accidentally killed.
The enemy's loss in this engagement was about one hundred braves.
Ours nineteen.  We then returned to our village well pleased with our
success, and danced over the scalps which we had taken.

The Osages, in consequence of their great loss in this battle, became
satisfied to remain on their own lands.  This stopped for a while
their depredations on our nation.  Our attention was now directed
towards an ancient enemy who had decoyed and murdered some of our
helpless women and children.  I started with my father, who took
command of a small party, and proceeded against the enemy to chastise
them for the wrongs they had heaped upon us. We met near the Merimac
and an action ensued; the Cherokees having a great advantage in point
of numbers.  Early in this engagement my father was wounded in the
thigh, but succeeded in killing his enemy before he fell.  Seeing that
he had fallen, I assumed command, and fought desperately until the
enemy commenced retreating before the well directed blows of our
braves.  I returned to my father to administer to his necessities, but
nothing could be done for him.  The medicine man said the wound was
mortal, from which he soon after died.  In this battle I killed three
men and wounded several.  The enemy's loss was twenty-eight and ours
seven.

I now fell heir to the great medicine bag of my forefathers, which had
belonged to my father.  I took it, buried our dead, and returned with
my party, sad and sorrowful, to our village, in consequence of the
loss of my father.

Owing to this misfortune I blacked my face, fasted and prayed to the
Great Spirit for five years, during which time I remained in a civil
capacity, hunting and fishing.

The Osages having again commenced aggressions on our people, and the
Great Spirit having taken pity on me, I took a small party and went
against them.  I could only find six of them, and their forces being
so weak, I thought it would be cowardly to kill them, but took them
prisoners and carried them to our Spanish father at St. Louis, gave
them up to him and then returned to our village.

Determined on the final and complete extermination of the dastardly
Osages, in punishment for the injuries our people had received from
them, I commenced recruiting a strong force, immediately on my return,
and stated in the third moon, with five hundred Sacs and Foxes, and
one hundred Iowas, and marched against the enemy.  We continued our
march for many days before we came upon their trail, which was
discovered late in the day.  We encamped for the night, made an early
start next morning, and before sundown we fell upon forty lodges,
killed all the inhabitants except two squaws, whom I took as
prisoners.  Doing this engagement I killed seven men and two boys with my
own hands.  In this battle many of the bravest warriors among the
Osages were killed, which caused those who yet remained of their
nation to keep within the boundaries of their own land and cease their
aggressions upon our hunting grounds.

The loss of my father, by the Cherokees, made me anxious to avenge his
death by the utter annihilation, if possible, of the last remnant of
their tribe.  I accordingly commenced collecting another party to go
against them.  Having succeeded in this, I started with my braves and
went into their country, but I found only five of their people, whom I
took prisoners.  I afterwards released four of them, the other, a
young squaw, we brought home.  Great as was my hatred of these people,
I could not kill so small a party.

About the close of the ninth moon, I led a large party against the
Chippewas, Kaskaskias and Osages.  This was the commencement of a long
and arduous campaign, which terminated in my thirty-fifth year, after
having had seven regular engagements and numerous small skirmishes.
During this campaign several hundred of the enemy were slain.  I
killed thirteen of their bravest warriors with my own hands.

Our enemies having now been driven from our hunting grounds, with so
great a loss as they sustained, we returned in peace to our village.
After the seasons of mourning and burying our dead braves and of
feasting and dancing had passed, we commenced preparations for our
winter's hunt.  When all was ready we started on the chase and
returned richly laden with the fruits of the hunter's toil.

We usually paid a visit to St. Louis every summer, but in consequence
of the long protracted war in which we had been engaged, I had not
been there for some years.

Our difficulties all having been settled, I concluded to take a small
party and go down to see our Spanish father during the summer.  We
went, and on our arrival put up our lodges where the market house now
stands.  After painting and dressing we called to see our Spanish
father and were kindly received.  He gave us a great variety of
presents and an abundance of provisions.  We danced through the town
as usual, and the inhabitants all seemed well pleased.  They seemed to
us like brothers, and always gave us good advice.  On my next and last
visit to our Spanish father, I discovered on landing, that all was not
right.  Every countenance seemed sad and gloomy.  I inquired the cause
and was informed that the Americans were coming to take possession of
the town and country, and that we were to lose our Spanish father.
This news made me and my band exceedingly sad, because we had always
heard bad accounts of the Americans from the Indians who had lived
near them.  We were very sorry to lose our Spanish father, who had
always treated us 'with great friendship.

A few days afterwards the Americans arrived.  I, in company with my
band, went to take leave for the last time of our father.  The
Americans came to see him also.  Seeing their approach, we passed out
at one door as they came in at another.  We immediately embarked in
our canoes for our village on Rock river, not liking the change any
more than our friends at St. Louis appeared to.

On arriving at our village we gave out the news that a strange people
had taken possession of St. Louis and that we should never see our
generous Spanish father again.  This information cast a deep gloom
over our people.

Sometime afterwards a boat came up the river with a young American
chief, at that time Lieutenant, and afterwards General Pike, and a
small party of soldiers aboard.  The boat at length arrived at Rock
river and the young chief came on shore with his interpreter.  He made
us a speech and gave us some presents, in return for which we gave him
meat and such other provisions as we could spare.

We were well pleased with the speech of the young chief.  He gave us
good advice and said our American father would treat us well.  He
presented us an American flag which we hoisted.  He then requested us
to lower the _British colors_, which were waving in the air, and to
give him our British medals, promising to send others on his return to
St: Louis.  This we declined to do as we wished to have two fathers.

When the young chief started we sent runners to the village of the
Foxes, some miles distant, to direct them to treat him well as he
passed, which they did.  He went to the head of the Mississippi and
then returned to St. Louis.  We did not see any Americans again for
some time, being supplied with goods by British traders.

We were fortunate in not giving up our medals, for we learned
afterwards, from our traders, that the chiefs high up the Mississippi,
who gave theirs, never received any in exchange for them.  But the
fault was not with the young American chief.  He was a good man, a
great brave, and I have since learned, died in his country's service.

Some moons after this young chief had descended the Mississippi, one
of our people killed an American, was taken prisoner and was confined
in the prison at St. Louis for the offence.  We held a council at our
village to see what could be done for him, and determined that
Quashquame, Pashepaho, Ouchequaka and Hashequarhiqua should go down to
St. Louis, see our American father and do all they could to have our
friend released by paying for the person killed, thus covering the
blood and satisfying the relations of the murdered man.  This being
the only means with us for saving a person who had killed another, and
we then thought it was the same way with the whites.

The party started with the good wishes of the whole nation, who had
high hopes that the emissaries would accomplish the object of their
mission.  The relations of the prisoner blacked their faces and
fasted, hoping the Great Spirit would take pity on them and return
husband and father to his sorrowing wife and weeping children.

Quashquame and party remained a long time absent.  They at length
returned and encamped near the village, a short distance below it, and
did not come up that day, nor did any one approach their camp.  They
appeared to be dressed in fine coats and had medals.  From these
circumstances we were in hopes that they had brought good news.  Early
the next morning the Council Lodge was crowded, Quashquame and party
came up and gave us the following account of their mission:

On our arrival at St. Louis we met our American father and explained
to him our business, urging the release of our friend.  The American
chief told us he wanted land.  We agreed to give him some on the west
side of the Mississippi, likewise more on the Illinois side opposite
Jeffreon.  When the business was all arranged we expected to have our
friend released to come home with us.  About the time we were ready to
start our brother was let out of the prison. He started and ran a
short distance when he was SHOT DEAD!

This was all they could remember of what had been said and done.  It
subsequently appeared that they had been drunk the greater part of the
time while at St. Louis.

This was all myself and nation knew of the treaty of 1804.  It has
since been explained to me.  I found by that treaty, that all of the
country east of the Mississippi, and south of Jeffreon was ceded to
the United States for one thousand dollars a year.  I will leave it to
the people of the United States to say whether our nation was properly
represented in this treaty?  Or whether we received a fair
compensation for the extent of country ceded by these four
individuals?

I could say much more respecting this treaty, but I will not at this
time.  It has been the origin of all our serious difficulties with the
whites.

Sometime after this treaty was made, a war chief with a party of
soldiers came up in keel boats, encamped a short distance above the
head of the Des Moines rapids, and commenced cutting timber and
building houses.  The news of their arrival was soon carried to all
our villages, to confer upon which many councils were held.  We could
not understand the intention, or comprehend the reason why the
Americans wanted to build homes at that place.  We were told that they
were a party of soldiers, who had brought great guns with them, and
looked like a war party of whites.

A number of people immediately went down to see what was going on,
myself among them.  On our arrival we found that they were building a
fort.  The soldiers were busily engaged in cutting timber, and I
observed that they took their arms with them when they went to the
woods.  The whole party acted as they would do in an enemy's country.
The chiefs held a council with the officers, or head men of the party,
which I did not attend, but understood from them that the war chief
had said that they were building homes for a trader who was coming
there to live, and would sell us goods very cheap, and that the
soldiers were to remain to keep him company.  We were pleased at this
information ad hoped that it was all true, but we were not so
credulous as to believe that all these buildings were intended merely
for the accommodation of a trader.  Being distrustful of their
intentions, we were anxious for them to leave off building and go back
down the river.

By this time a considerable number of Indians had arrived to see what
was doing.  I discovered that the whites were alarmed.  Some of our
young men watched a party of soldiers, who went out to work, carrying
their arms, which were laid aside before they commenced.  Having
stolen quietly to the spot they seized the guns and gave a wild yell!
The party threw down their axes and ran for their arms, but found them
gone, and themselves surrounded. Our young men laughed at them and
returned their weapons.

When this party came to the fort they reported what had been done, and
the war chief made a serious affair of it.  He called our chiefs to
council inside his fort.  This created considerable excitement in our
camp, every one wanting to know what was going to be done.  The
picketing which had been put up, being low, every Indian crowded
around the fort, got upon blocks of wood and old barrels that they
might see what was going on inside.  Some were armed with guns and
others with bows and arrows.  We used this precaution, seeing that the
soldiers had their guns loaded and having seen them load their big
guns in the morning.

A party of our braves commenced dancing and proceeded up to the gate
with the intention of, going in, but were stopped.  The council
immediately broke up, the soldiers with their guns in hands rushed out
from the rooms where they had been concealed.  The cannon were hauled
to the gateway, and a soldier came running with fire in his hand,
ready to apply the match.  Our braves gave way and retired to the
camp.  There was no preconcerted plan to attack the whites at that
time, but I am of the opinion now that had our braves got into the
fort all of the whites would have been killed, as were the British
soldiers at Mackinac many years before.

We broke up our camp and returned to Rock river.  A short time
afterward the party at the fort received reinforcements, among whom we
observed some of our old friends from St. Louis.

Soon after our return from Fort Madison runners came to our village
from the Shawnee Prophet.  Others were despatched by him to the
village of the Winnebagoes, with invitations for us to meet him on the
Wabash.  Accordingly a party went from each village.

All of our party returned, among whom came a prophet, who explained to
us the bad treatment the different nations of Indians had received
from the Americans, by giving them a few presents and taking their
land from them.

I remember well his saying: "If you do not join your friends on the
Wabash, the Americans will take this very village from you!"  I little
thought then that his words would come true, supposing that he used
these arguments merely to encourage us to join him, which we concluded
not to do.  He then returned to the Wabash, where a party Of
Winnebagoes had preceded him, and preparations were making for war.  A
battle soon ensued in which several Winnebagoes were killed.  As soon
as their nation heard of this battle, and that some of their people
had been killed, they sent several war parties in different
directions.  One to the mining county, one to Prairie du Chien, and
another to Fort Madison.  The latter returned by our village and
exhibited several scalps which they had taken.  Their success induced
several parties to go against the fort.  Myself and several of my band
joined the last party, and were determined to take the fort.  We
arrived in the vicinity during the night.  The spies that we had sent
out several days before to watch the movements of those at the
garrison, and ascertain their numbers, came to us and gave the
following information: "A keel arrived from below this evening with
seventeen men.  There are about fifty men in the fort and they march
out every morning to exercise." It was immediately determined that we
should conceal ourselves in a position as near as practicable to where
the soldiers should come out, and when the signal was given each one
was to fire on them and rush into the fort.  With my knife I dug a
hole in the ground deep enough that by placing a few weeds around it,
succeeded in concealing myself.  I was so near the fort that I could
hear the sentinels walking on their beats.  By day break I had
finished my work and was anxiously awaiting the rising of the sun.
The morning drum beat.  I examined the priming of my gun, and eagerly
watched for the gate to open.  It did open, but instead of the troops,
a young man came out alone and the gate closed after him.  He passed
so close to me that I could have killed him with my knife, but I let
him pass unharmed.  He kept the path toward the river, and had he gone
one step from it, he must have come upon us and would have been
killed.  He returned immediately and entered the gate.  I would now
have rushed for the gate and entered it with him, but I feared that
our party was not prepared to follow me.

The gate opened again when four men emerged and went down to the river
for wood.  While they were gone another man came out, walked toward
the river, was fired on and killed by a Winnebago.  The others started
and ran rapidly towards the fort, but two of them were shot down dead.
We then took shelter under the river's bank out of reach of the firing
from the fort.

The firing now commenced from both parties and was kept up without
cessation all day.  I advised our party to set fire to the fort, and
commenced preparing arrows for that purpose.  At night we made the
attempt, and succeeded in firing the buildings several times, but
without effect, as the fire was always instantly extinguished.

The next day I took my rifle and shot in two the cord by which they
hoisted their flag, and prevented them from raising it again.  We
continued firing until our ammunition was expended.  Finding that we
could not take the fort, we returned home, having one Winnebago killed
and one wounded during the siege.

I have since learned that the trader who lived in the fort, wounded
the Winnebago while he was scalping the first man that was killed.
The Winnebago recovered, and is now living, and is very friendly
disposed towards the trader, believing him to be a great brave.

Soon after our return home, news reached us that a war was going to
take place between the British and the Americans.

Runners continued to arrive from different tribes, all confirming the
reports of the expected war.  The British agent, Colonel Dixon, was
holding talks with, and making presents to the different tribes.  I
had not made up my mind whether to join the British or remain neutral.
I had not discovered yet one good trait in the character of the
Americans who had come to the country.  They made fair promises but
never fulfilled them, while the British made but few, and we could
always rely implicitly on their word.

One of our people having killed a Frenchman at Prairie du Chien, the
British took him prisoner and said they would shoot him next day.  His
family were encamped a short distance below the mouth of the
Wisconsin.  He begged for permission to go and see them that night, as
he was to die the next day.  They permitted him to go after he had
promised them to return by sunrise the next morning.

He visited his family, which consisted of his wife and six children.
I can not describe their meeting and parting so as to be understood by
the whites, as it appears that their feelings are acted upon by
certain rules laid down by their preachers, while ours are governed by
the monitor within us. He bade his loved ones the last sad farewell
and hurried across the prairie to the fort and arrived in time.  The
soldiers were ready and immediately marched out and shot him down.  I
visited the stricken family, and by hunting and fishing provided for
them until they reached their relations.

Why did the Great Spirit ever send the whites to this island to drive
us from our homes and introduce among us poisonous liquors, disease
and death?  They should have remained in the land the Great Spirit
allotted them.  But I will proceed with my story.  My memory, however,
is not very good since my late visit to the white people.  I have
still a buzzing noise in my ear from the noise and bustle incident to
travel.  I may give some parts of my story out of place, but will make
my best endeavors to be correct.

Several of our chiefs were called upon to go to Washington to see our
Great Father.  They started and during their absence I went to Peoria,
on the Illinois river, to see an old friend and get his advice.  He
was a man who always told u the truth, sad knew everything that was
going on.  When I arrived at Peoria he had gone to Chicago, and was
not at home.  I visited the Pottawattomie villages and then returned
to Rock river.  Soon after which our friends returned from their visit
to the Great Father and reported what had been said and done.  Their
Great Father told them that in the event of a war taking place with
England, not to interfere on either side, but remain neutral.  He did
not want our help, but wished us to hunt and supply our families, and
remain in peace.  He said that British traders would not be allowed to
come on the Mississippi to furnish us with goods, but that we would be
well supplied by an American trader.  Our chiefs then told him that
the British traders always gave us credit in the fall for guns, powder
and goods, to enable us to hunt and clothe our families.  He replied
that the trader at Fort Madison would have plenty of goods, and if we
should go there in the autumn of the year, he would supply us on
credit, as the British traders had done.  The party gave a good
account of what they had seen and the kind treatment they had
received.  This information pleased us all very much.  We all agreed
to follow our Great Father's advice and not interfere in the war.  Our
women were much pleased at the good news.  Everything went on
cheerfully in our village.  We resumed our pastimes of playing ball,
horse-racing and dancing, which had been laid aside when this great
war was first talked about.  We had fine crops of corn which were now
ripe, and our women were busily engaged in gathering it and making
caches to contain it.

In a short time we were ready to start to Fort Madison to get our
supply of goods, that we might proceed to our hunting grounds.  We
passed merrily down the river, all in high spirits.  I had determined
to spend the winter at my old favorite hunting ground on Skunk river.
I left part of my corn and mats at its mouth to take up as we returned
and many others did the same.

The next morning we arrived at the fort and made our encampment.
Myself and principal men paid a visit to the war chief at the fort.
He received us kindly and gave us some tobacco, pipes and provisions.

The trader came in and we all shook hands with him, for on him all our
dependence was placed, to enable us to hunt and thereby support our
families.  We waited a long time, expecting the trader would tell us
that he had orders from our Great Father to supply us with goods, but
he said nothing on the subject.  I got up and told him in a short
speech what we had come for, and hoped he had plenty of goods to
supply us. I told him that he should be well paid in the spring, and
concluded by informing him that we had decided to follow our Great
Father's advice and not go to war.

He said that he was happy to hear that we had concluded to remain in
peace.  That he had a large quantity of goods, and that if we had made
a good hunt we should be well supplied, but he remarked that he had
received no instructions to furnish us anything on credit, nor could
he give us any without receiving the pay for them on the spot!

We informed him what our Great Father had told our chiefs at
Washington, and contended that he could supply us if he would,
believing that our Great Father always spoke the truth.  The war chief
said the trader could not furnish us on credit, and that he had
received no instructions from our Great Father at Washington.  We left
the fort dissatisfied and went to camp.  What was now to be done we
knew not.  We questioned the party that brought us the news from our
Great Father, that we could get credit for our winter supplies at this
place.  They still told the same story and insisted on its truth.  Few
of us slept that night.  All was gloom and discontent.

In the morning a canoe was seen descending the river, bearing an
express, who brought intelligence that La Gutrie, a British trader,
had landed at Rock Island with two boat loads of goods.  He requested
us to come up immediately as he had good news for us, and a variety of
presents.  The express presented us with tobacco, pipes and wampum.
The news ran through our camp like fire through dry grass on the
prairie.  Our lodges were soon taken down and we all started for Rock
Island.  Here ended all hopes of our remaining at peace, having been
forced into war by being deceived.

Our party were not long in getting to Rock Island.  When we came in
sight and saw tents pitched, we yelled, fired our guns and beat our
drums.  Guns were immediately fired at the island, returning our
salute, and a British flag hoisted.  We loaded, were cordially
received by La Gutrie, and then smoked the pipe with him.  After which
he made a speech to us, saying that he had been sent by Col. Dixon.
He gave us a number of handsome presents, among them a large silk flag
and a keg of rum.  He then told us to retire, take some refreshments
and rest ourselves, as he would have more to say to us next day.

We accordingly retired to our lodges, which in the meantime had been
put up, and spent the night.  The next morning we called upon him and
told him we wanted his two boat loads of goods to divide among our
people, for which he should be well paid in the spring in furs and
peltries.  He consented for us to take them and do as we pleased with
them.  While our people were dividing the goods, he took me aside and
informed me that Colonel Dixon was at Green Bay with twelve boats
loaded with goods, guns and ammunition.  He wished to raise a party
immediately and go to him.  He said our friend, the trader at Peoria,
was collecting the Pottawattomies and would be there before us.  I
communicated this information to my braves, and a party of two hundred
warriors were soon collected and ready to depart.  I paid a visit to
the lodge of an old friend, who had been the comrade of my youth, and
had been in many war parties with me, but was now crippled and no
longer able to travel.  He had a son that I had adopted as my own, and
who had hunted with me the two winters preceding.  I wished my old
friend to let him go with me.  He objected, saying he could not get
his support if he did attend me, and that I, who had always provided
for him since his misfortune, would be gone, therefore he could not
spare him as he had no other dependence.  I offered to leave my son in
his stead but he refused to give his consent.  He said that he did not
like the war, as he had been down the river and had been well treated
by the Americans and could not fight against them.  He had promised to
winter near a white settler above Salt river, and must take his son
with him.  We parted and I soon concluded my arrangements and started
with my party for Green Bay.  On our arrival there we found a large
encampment; were well received by Colonel Dixon and the war chiefs who
were with him.  He gave us plenty of provisions, tobacco and pipes,
saying that he would hold a council with us the next day.  In the
encampment I found a great number of Kickapoos, Ottawas and
Winnebagoes.  I visited all their camps and found them in high
spirits.  They had all received new guns, ammunition and a variety of
clothing.

In the evening a messenger came to visit Colonel Dixon.  I went to his
tent, in which them were two other war chiefs and an interpreter.  He
received me with a hearty shake of the hand; presented me to the other
chiefs, who treated me cordially, expressing themselves as being much.
Pleased to meet me.  After I was seated Colonel Dixon said: "General
Black Hawk, I sent for you to explain to you what we are going to do
and give you the reasons for our coming here.  Our friend, La Gutrie,
informs us in the letter you brought from him, of what has lately
taken place.  You will now have to hold us fast by the hand.  Your
English Father has found out that the Americans want to take your
country from you and has sent me and my braves to drive them back to
their own country.  He has, likewise, sent a large quantity of arms
and ammunition, and we want all your warriors to join us."

He then placed a medal around my neck and gave me a paper, which I
lost in the late war, and a silk flag, saying: "You are to command all
the braves that will leave here the day after to-morrow, to join our
braves at Detroit."

I told him I was very much disappointed, as I wanted to descend the
Mississippi and make war upon the settlements.  He said he had been
ordered to lay in waste the country around St. Louis.  But having been
a trader on the Mississippi for many years himself, and always having
been treated kindly by the people there, he could not send brave men
to murder helpless women and innocent children.  There were no
soldiers there for us to fight, and where he was going to send us
there were a great many of them. If we defeated them the Mississippi
country should be ours.  I was much pleased with this speech, as it
was spoken by a brave.

I inquired about my old friend, the trader at Peoria, and observed,
"that I had expected that he would have been here before me."  He
shook his head and said, "I have sent express after express for him,
and have offered him great sums of money to come and bring the
Pottawatomies and Kickapoos with him."  He refused, saying, "Your
British father has not enough money to induce me to join you.  I have
now laid a trap for him.  I have sent Gomo and a party of Indians to
take him prisoner and bring him here alive.  I expect him in a few
days."

The next day arms and ammunition, knives, tomahawks and clothing were
given to my band.  We had a great feast in the evening, and the
morning following I started with about five hundred braves to join the
British army.  We passed Chicago and observed that the fort had been
evacuated by the Americans, and their soldiers had gone to Fort Wayne.
They were attacked a short distance from the fort and defeated.  They
had a considerable quantity of powder in the fort at Chicago, which
they had promised to the Indians, but the night before they marched
away they destroyed it by throwing it into a well.  If they had
fulfilled their word to the Indians, they doubtless would have gone to
Fort Wayne without molestation.  On our arrival, I found that the
Indians had several prisoners, and I advised them to treat them well.
We continued our march, joining the British below Detroit, soon after
which we had a battle.  The Americans fought well, and drove us back
with considerable loss.  I was greatly surprised at this, as I had
been told that the Americans would not fight.

Our next movement was against a fortified place. I was stationed with
my braves to prevent any person going to, or coming from the fort.  I
found two men taking care of cattle and took them prisoners.  I would
not kill them, but delivered them to the British war chief.  Soon
after, several boats came down the river fail of American soldiers.
They landed on the opposite side, took the British batteries, and
pursued the soldiers that had left them.  They went too far without
knowing the strength of the British and were defeated.  I hurried
across the river, anxious for an opportunity to show the courage of my
braves, but before we reached the scene of battle all was over.

The British had taken many prisoners and the Indians were killing
them.  I immediately put a stop to it, as I never thought it brave,
but base and cowardly to kill in unarmed and helpless foe.  We
remained here for some time.  I can not detail what took place, as I
was stationed with my braves in the woods.  It appeared, however, that
the British could not take this fort, for we marched to another, some
distance off.  When we approached it, I found a small stockade, and
concluded that there were not many men in it.  The British war chief
sent a flag of truce.  Colonel Dixon carried it, but soon returned,
reporting that the young war chief in command would not give up the
fort without fighting.  Colonel Dixon came to me and said, "you will
see to-morrow, how easily we will take that fort."  I was of the same
opinion, but when the morning came I was disappointed.  The British
advanced and commenced the attack, fighting like true braves, but were
defeated by the braves in the fort, and a great number of our men were
killed.  The British army was making preparations to retreat.  I was
now tired of being with them, our success being bad, and having got no
plunder.  I determined on leaving them and returning to Rock river, to
see what had become of my wife and children, as I had not heard from
them since I left home.  That night I took about twenty of my braves,
and left the British camp for home.  On our journey we met no one
until we came to the Illinois river.  Here we found two lodges of
Pottawattomies.  They received us in a very friendly manner, and gave
us something to eat.  I inquired about their friends who were with the
British.  They said there had been some fighting on the Illinois
river, and that my friend, the Peoria trader, had been taken prisoner.
"By Gomo and his party?" I immediately inquired.  They replied, "no,
but by the Americans, who came up with boats.  They took him and the
French settlers prisoners, and they burned the village of Peoria."
They could give us no information regarding our friends on Rock river.
In three days more we were in the vicinity of our village, and were
soon after surprised to find that a party of Americans had followed us
from the British camp.  One of them, more daring than his comrades,
had made his way through the thicket on foot, and was just in the act
of shooting me when I discovered him.  I then ordered him to
surrender, marched him into camp, and turned him over to a number of
our young men with this injunction: "Treat him as a brother, as I have
concluded to adopt him in our tribe."

A little while before this occurrence I had directed my party to
proceed to the village, as I had discovered a smoke ascending from a
hollow in the bluff, and wished to go alone to the place from whence
the smoke proceeded, to see who was there.  I approached the spot, and
when I came in view of the fire, I saw an old man sitting in sorrow
beneath a mat which he had stretched over him.  At any other time I
would have turned away without disturbing him, knowing that he came
here to be alone, to humble himself before the Great Spirit, that he
might take pity on him.  I approached and seated myself beside him.
He gave one look at me and then fixed his eyes on the ground.  It was
my old friend.  I anxiously inquired for his son, my adopted child,
and what had befallen our people.  My old comrade seemed scarcely
alive.  He must have fasted a long time. I lighted my pipe and put it
into his mouth.  He eagerly drew a few puffs, cast up his eyes which
met mine, and recognized me.  His eyes were glassy and he would again
have fallen into forgetfulness, had I not given him some water, which
revived him.  I again inquired, "what has befallen our people, and
what has become of our son?"

In a feeble voice he said, "Soon after your departure to join the
British, I descended the river with a small party, to winter at the
place I told you the white man had asked me to come to.  When we
arrived I found that a fort had been built, and the white family that
had invited me to come and hunt near them had removed to it.  I then
paid a visit to the fort to tell the white people that my little band
were friendly, and that we wished to hunt in the vicinity of the fort.
The war chief who commanded there, told me that we might hunt on the
Illinois side of the Mississippi, and no person would trouble us.
That the horsemen only ranged on the Missouri side, and he had
directed them not to cross the river.  I was pleased with this
assurance of safety, and immediately crossed over and made my winter's
camp.  Game was plenty.  We lived happy, and often talked of you.  My
boy regretted your absence and the hardships you would have to
undergo.  We had been here about two moons, when my boy went out as
usual to hunt.  Night came on and he did not return.  I was alarmed
for his safety and passed a sleepless night.  In the morning my old
woman went to the other lodges and gave the alarm and all turned out
to hunt for the missing one.  There being snow upon the ground they
soon came upon his track, and after pursuing it for some distance,
found he was on the trail of a deer, which led toward the river.  They
soon came to the place where he had stood and fired, and near by,
hanging on the branch of a tree, found the deer, which he had killed
and skinned.  But here were also found the tracks of white men.  They
had taken my boy prisoner.  Their tracks led across the river and then
down towards the fort.  My friends followed on the trail, and soon
found my boy lying dead.  He had been most cruelly murdered.  His face
was shot to pieces, his body stabbed in several places and his head
scalped.  His arms were pinioned behind him."

The old man paused for some time, and then told me that his wife had
died on their way up the Mississippi.  I took the hand of my old
friend in mine and pledged myself to avenge the death of his son.  It
was now dark, and a terrible storm was raging. The rain was descending
in heavy torrents, the thunder was rolling in the heavens, and the
lightning flashed athwart the sky.  I had taken my blanket off and
wrapped it around the feeble old man.  When the storm abated I kindled
a fire and took hold of my old friend to remove him nearer to it.  He
was dead!  I remained with him during the night.  Some of my party
came early in the morning to look for me, and assisted me in burying
him on the peak of the bluff.  I then returned to the village with my
friends.  I visited the grave of my old friend as I ascended Rock
river the last time.

On my arrival at the village I was met by the chiefs and braves and
conducted to the lodge which was prepared for me. After eating, I gave
a fall account of all that I had seen and done.  I explained to my
people the manner in which the British and Americans fought.  Instead
of stealing upon each other and taking every advantage to kill the
enemy and save their own people as we do, which, with us is considered
good policy in a war chief, they march out in open daylight and fight
regardless of the number of warriors they may lose.  After the battle
is over they retire to feast and drink wine as if nothing had
happened.  After which they make a statement in writing of what they
have done, each party claiming the victory, and neither giving an
account of half the number that have been killed on their own side
They all fought like braves, but would not do to lead a party with us.
Our maxim is: "Kill the enemy and save our own men." Those chiefs will
do to paddle a canoe but not to steer it.  The Americans shot better
than the British, but their soldiers were not so well clothed, nor so
well provided for.

The village chief informed me that after I started with my braves and
the parties who followed, the nation was reduced to a small party of
fighting men; that they would have been unable to defend themselves if
the Americans had attacked them. That all the children and old men and
women belonging to the warriors who had joined the British were left
with them to provide for.  A council had been called which agreed that
Quashquame, the Lance, and other chiefs, with the old men, women and
children, and such others as chose to accompany them, should descend
the Mississippi to St. Louis, and place themselves under the American
chief stationed there.  They accordingly went down to St. Louis, were
received as the friendly band of our nation, were sent up the Missouri
and provided for, while their friends were assisting the British!

Keokuk was then introduced to me as the war chief of the braves then
in the village.  I inquired how he had become chief?  They said that a
large armed force was seen by their spies going toward Peoria.  Fears
were entertained that they would come up and attack the village and a
council had been called to decide as to the best course to be adopted,
which concluded upon leaving the village and going to the west side of
the Mississippi to get out of the way.  Keokuk, during the sitting of
the council, had been standing at the door of the lodge, not being
allowed to enter, as he had never killed an enemy, where he remained
until old Wacome came out.  He then told him that he heard what they
had decided upon, and was anxious to be permitted to speak before the
council adjourned.  Wacome returned and asked leave for Keokuk to come
in and make a speech.  His request was granted.  Keokuk entered and
addressed the chiefs.  He said: "I have heard with sorrow that you
have determined to leave our village and cross the Mississippi, merely
because you have been told that the Americans were coming in this
direction.  Would you leave our village, desert our homes and fly
before an enemy approaches?  Would you leave all, even the graves of
our fathers, to the mercy of an enemy without trying to defend them?
Give me charge of your warriors and I'll defend the village while you
sleep in safety."

The council consented that Keokuk should be war chief.  He marshalled
his braves, sent out his spies and advanced with a party himself on
the trail leading to Peoria.  They returned without seeing an enemy.
The Ameicans did not come by our village.  All were satisfied with the
appointment of Keokuk.  He used every precaution that our people
should not be surprised.  This is the manner in which and the cause of
his receiving the appointment.

I was satisfied, and then started to visit my wife and children.  I
found them well, and my boys were growing finely.  It is not customary
for us to say much about our women, as they generally perform their
part cheerfully and never interfere with business belonging to the
men.  This is the only wife I ever had or ever will have.  She is a
good woman, and teaches my boys to be brave. Here I would have rested
myself and enjoyed the comforts of my lodge, but I could not.  I had
promised to avenge the death of my adopted son.

I immediately collected a party of thirty braves, and explained to
them the object of my making this war party, it being to avenge the
death of my adopted son, who had been cruelly and wantonly murdered by
the whites.  I explained to them the pledge I had made to his father,
and told them that they were the last words that he had heard spoken.
All were willing to go with me to fulfill my word.  We started in
canoes, and descended the Mississippi, until we arrived ear the place
where Fort Madison had stood.  It had been abandoned and burned by the
whites, and nothing remained but the chimneys.  We were pleased to see
that the white people had retired from the country.  We proceeded down
the river again.  I landed with one brave near Cape Gray, the
remainder of the party went to the mouth of the Quiver.  I hurried
across to the tail that led from the mouth of the Quiver to a fort,
and soon after heard firing at the mouth of the creek.  Myself and
brave concealed ourselves on the side of the road.  We had not
remained here long before two men, riding one horse, came at full
speed from the direction of the sound of the firing.  When they came
sufficiently near we fired; the horse jumped and both men fell.  We
rushed toward them and one rose and ran.  I followed him and was
gaining on him, when he ran over a pile of rails that had lately been
made, seized a stick and struck at me.  I now had an opportunity to
see his face, and I knew him.  He had been at Qaashquame's village to
teach his people how to plow.  We looked upon him as a good man.  I
did not wish to kill him, and pursued him no further.  I returned and
met my brave.  He said he had killed the other man and had his scalp
in his hand.  We had not proceeded far before we met the man supposed
to be killed, coming up the road, staggering like a drunken man, and
covered all over with blood.  This was the most terrible sight I had
ever seen.  I told my comrade to kill him to put him out of his
misery.  I could not look at him.  I passed on and heard a rustling in
the bushes.  I distinctly saw two little boys concealing themselves in
the undergrowth, thought of my own children, and passed on without
noticing them.  My comrade here joined me, and in a little while we
met the other detachment of our party.  I told them that we would be
pursued, and directed them to follow me.  We crossed the creek and
formed ourselves in the timber.  We had not been here long, when a
party of mounted men rushed at full speed upon us.  I took deliberate
aim and shot the leader of the party.  He fell lifeless from his
horse.  All my people fired, but without effect.  The nemy rushed upon
us without giving us time to reload.  They surrounded us and forced us
into a deep sink-hole, at the bottom of which there were some bushes.
We loaded our gum and awaited the approach of the enemy.  They rushed
to the edge of the hole, fired on us and killed one of our men.  We
instantly returned their fire, killing one of their party.  We
reloaded and commenced digging holes in the side of the bank to
protect ourselves, while a party watched the enemy, expecting their
whole force would be upon us immediately.  Some of my warriors
commenced singing their death songs.  I heard the whites talking, and
called to them to come out and fight.  I did not like my situation and
wished the matter settled.  I soon heard chopping and knocking.  I
could not imagine what they were doing.  Soon after they ran up a
battery on wheels and fired without hurting any of us. I called to
them again, and told them if they were brave men to come out and fight
us.  They gave up the siege and returned to their fort about dusk.
There were eighteen in this trap with me.  We came out unharmed, with
the exception of the brave who was killed by the enemy's fist fire,
after we were entrapped.  We found one white man dead at the edge of
the sink-hole, whom they did not remove for fear of our fire, and
scalped him, placing our dead brave upon him, thinking we could not
leave him in a better situation than on the prostrate form of a fallen
foe.

We had now effected our purpose and concluded to go back by land,
thinking it unsafe to use our canoes.  I found my wife and children,
and the greater part of our people, at the mouth of the Iowa river.  I
now determined to remain with my family and hunt for them, and to
humble myself before the Great Spirit, returning thanks to him for
preserving me through the war.  I made my hunting camp on English
river, which is a branch of the Iowa.  During the winter a party of
Pottawattomies came from the Illinois to pay me a visit, among them
was Washeown, an old man who had formerly lived in our village.  He
informed as that in the fall the Americans had built a fort at Peoria
and had prevented them from going down the Sangamon to hunt.  He said
they were very much distressed.  Gomo had returned from the British
army, and brought news of their defeat near Malden.  He told us that
he went to the American chief with a flag, gave up fighting, and told
him he desired to make peace for his nation.  The American chief gave
him a paper to the war chief at Peoria, and I visited that fort with
Gomo.  It was then agreed that there should be no more hostilities
between the Americans and the Pottawattomies.  Two of the white
chiefs, with eight Pottawattomie braves, and five others, Americans,
had gone down to St. Louis to have the treaty of peace confirmed.
This, said Washeown, is good news; for we can now go to our hunting
grounds, and, for my part, I never had anything to do with this war.
The Americans never killed any of our people before the war, nor
interfered with our hunting grounds, and I resolved to do nothing
against them.  I made no reply to these remarks as the speaker was old
and talked like a child.

We gave the Pottawattomies a great feast.  I presented Washeown with a
good horse.  My braves gave one to each of his party, and, at parting,
said they wished us to make peace, which we did not promise, but told
them that we would not send out war parties against the settlements.

A short time after the Pottawattomies had gone, a party of thirty
braves belonging to our nation, from the peace camp on the Missouri,
paid us a visit.  They exhibited five scalps which they had taken on
the Missouri, and wished us to join in a dance over them, which we
willingly did.  They related the manner in which they had taken these
scalps.  Myself and braves showed them the two we had taken near the
Quiver, and told them the cause that induced us to go out with the war
party, as well as the manner in which we took these scalps, and the
difficulty we had in obtaining them.

They recounted to us all that had taken place, the number that had
been slain by the peace party, as they were called and recognized to
be, which far surpassed what our warriors, who had joined the British,
had done.  This party came for the purpose of joining the British, but
I advised them to return to the peace party, and told them the news
which the Pottawattomies had brought.  They returned to the Missouri,
accompanied by some of my braves whose families were there.

After "sugar-making" was over in the spring, I visited the Fox village
at the lead mines.  They had nothing to do with the war, and
consequently were not in mourning.  I remained there some days,
spending my time very pleasantly with them in dancing and feasting.  I
then paid a visit to the Pottawattomie village on the Illinois river,
and learned that Sanatuwa and Tatapuckey had been to St. Louis.  Gomo
told me that "peace had been made between his people and the
Americans, and that seven of his band remained with the war chief to
make the peace stronger."  He then told me: "Washeown is dead!  He had
gone to the fort to carry some wild fowl to exchange for tobacco,
pipes and other articles.  He had secured some tobacco and a little
flour, and left the fort before sunset, but had not proceeded far when
he was _shot dead_ by a white war chief, who had concealed himself
near the path for that purpose.  He then dragged him to the lake and
threw him in, where I afterwards found him.  I have since given two
homes and a rifle to his relatives, not to break the peace, to which
they have agreed."

I remained for some time at the village of Gomo, and went with him to
the fort to pay a visit to the war chief.  I spoke the Pottawattomie
tongue well, and was taken for one of their people by him.  He treated
us friendly, and said he was very much displeased about the murder of'
Washeown. He promised us he would find out and punish the person who
killed him.  He made some inquiries about the Sacs, which I answered.
On my return to Rock river, I was informed that a party of soldiers
had gone up the Mississippi to build a fort at Prairie du Chien.  They
stopped near our village, appearing very friendly, and were treated
kindly by our people.

We commenced repairing our lodges, putting our village in order, and
clearing our cornfields.  We divided the fields belonging to the party
on the Missouri among those who wanted them, on condition that they
should be relinquished to their owners on their return from the peace
establishment.  We were again happy in our village.  Our women went
cheerfully to work and all moved on harmoniously.

Some time afterward, five or six boats arrived loaded with soldiers on
their way to Prairie du Chien to reinforce the garrison at that place.
They appeared friendly and were well received, and we held a council
with the war chief.  We had no intention of hurting him or any of his
party, for we could easily have defeated them. They remained with us
all day and gave oar people plenty of whisky. Doing the night a party
arrived, by way of Rock river, who brought us six kegs of powder.
They told us that the British had gone to Prairie du Chien and taken
the fort.  They wished us to again join them in the war, which we
agreed to do.  I collected my warriors and determined to pursue the
boats, which had sailed with a fair wind.  If we had known the day
before, we could easily have taken them all, as the war chief used no
precaution to prevent it.

I started immediately with my party, by land, in pursuit, thinking
that some of their boats might get aground, or that the Great Spirit
would put them in our power, if he wished them taken and their people
killed.  About half way up the rapids I had a full view of the boats
all sailing with a strong wind.  I discovered that one boat was badly
managed, and was suffered to be drawn ashore by the wind.  They landed
by running hard aground and lowered their sail.  The others passed on.
This boat the Great Spirit gave to us.  All that could, hurried
aboard, but they were unable to push off, being fast aground.  We
advanced to the river's bank undercover, and commenced firing on the
boat.  I encouraged my braves to continue firing.  Several guns were
fired from the boat, but without effect.  I prepared my bow and arrows
to throw fire to the sail, which was lying on the boat.  After two or
three attempts, I succeeded in setting it on fire.  The boat was soon
in flames.  About this time, one of the boats that had passed
returned, dropped anchor and swung in close to one which was on fire,
taking off all the people except those who were killed or badly
wounded.  We could distinctly see them passing from one boat to the
other, and fired on them with good effect.  We wounded the war chief
in this way.  Another boat now came down, dropped her anchor, which
did not take hold, and drifted whore.  The other boat cut her cable
and drifted down the river, leaving their comrades without attempting
to assist them.  We then commenced an attack upon this boat, firing
several rounds, which was not returned.  We thought they were afraid
or only had a few aboard.  I therefore ordered a rush toward the boat,
but when we got near enough they fired, killing two of our braves--
these being all we lost in the engagement.  Some of their men jumped
out and shoved the boat off, and thus got away without losing a man.
I had a good opinion of this war chief, as he managed so much better
than the others.  It would give me pleasure to shake him by the hand.

We now put out the fire on the captured boat to save the cargo, when a
skiff was seen coming down the river.  Some of our people cried out,
"Here comes an express from Prairie du Chien."  We hoisted the British
flag, but they would not land.  They turned their little boat around,
and rowed up the river.  We directed a few shots at them, but they
were so far off that we could not hurt them.  I found several barrels
of whisky on the captured boat, knocked in the heads and emptied the
bad medicine late the river.  I next found a box full of small bottles
and packages, which appeared to be bad medicine also, such as the
medicine men kill the white people with when they are sick.  This I
threw into the river.  Continuing my search for plunder, I found
several guns, some large barrels filled with clothing, and a number of
cloth lodges, all of which I distributed among my warriors.  We now
disposed of the dead, and returned to the Fox village opposite the
lower end of Rock Island, where we put up our new lodges, and hoisted
the British flag.  A great many of our braves were dressed in the
uniform clothing which we had taken from the Americans, which gave our
encampment the appearance of a regular camp of soldiers.  We placed
out sentinels and commenced dancing over the scalps we had taken.
Soon after several boats passed down, among them a very large one
carrying big guns.  Our young men followed them some distance, but
could do them no damage more than scare them.  We were now certain
that the fort at Prairie du Chien had been taken, as this large boat
went up with the first party who built the fort.

In the course of the day some of the British came down in a small
boat.  They had followed the large one, thinking it would get fast in
the rapids, in which case they were sure of taking her.  They had
summoned her on her way down to surrender, but she refused to do so,
and now, that she had passed the rapids in safety, all hope of taking
her had vanished. The British landed a big gun and gave us three
soldiers to manage it.  They complimented us for our bravery in taking
the boat, and told us what they had done at Prairie do Chien.  They
gave us, a keg of rum, and joined with us in our dancing and feasting.
We gave them some things which we had taken from the boat,
particularly books and papers.  They started the next morning,
promising to return in a few days with a large body of soldiers.

We went to work under the direction of the men left with us, and dug
up the ground in two places to put the big gun in, that the men might
remain in with it and be safe.  We then sent spies down the river to
reconnoitre, who sent word by a runner that several boats were coming
up filled with men. I marshalled my forces and was soon ready for
their arrival.  I resolved to fight, as we had not yet had a fair
fight with the Americans during the war.  The boats arrived in the
evening, stopping at a small willow island, nearly opposite to us.
During the night we removed our big gun further down, and at daylight
next morning commenced firing.  We were pleased to see that almost
every shot took effect.  The British being good gunners, rarely
missed.  They pushed off as quickly as possible, although I had
expected they would land and give us battle.  I was fully prepared to
meet them but was sadly disappointed by the boats all sailing down the
river.  A party of braves followed to watch where they landed, but
they did not stop until they got below the Des Moines rapids, where
they came ashore and commenced building a fort.  I did not want a fort
in our country, as we wished to go down to the Two River country in
the fall and hunt, it being our choice hunting ground, and we
concluded that if this fort was built, it would prevent us from going
there.  We arrived in the vicinity in the evening, and encamped on a
high bluff for the night.  We made no fire, for fear of being
observed, and our young men kept watch by turns while others slept.  I
was very tired, and was soon asleep.  The Great Spirit, during my
slumber, told me to go down the bluff to a creek, that I would there
find a hollow tree cut down, and by looking in at the top of it, I
would see a large snake with head erect--to observe the direction he
was looking, and I would see the enemy close by and unarmed.  In the
morning I communicated to my braves what the Great Spirit had said to
me, took one of them and went down a ravine that led to the creek.  I
soon came in sight of the place where they were building the fort,
which was on a hill at the opposite side of the creek.  I saw a great
many men.  We crawled cautiously on our hands and knees until we got
to the bottom land, then through the grass and weeds until we reached
the bank of the creek.  Here I found a tree that had been cut down; I
looked in at the top of it and saw a large snake, with his head
raised, looking across the creek.  I raised myself cautiously, and
discovered nearly opposite to me, two war chiefs walking arm in arm,
without guns.  They turned and walked back toward the place where the
men were working at the fort.  In a little while they returned,
walking directly towards the spot where we lay concealed, but did not
come so near as before.  If they had they would have been killed, for
each of us had a good rifle.  We crossed the creek and crawled to a
cluster of bushes.  I again raised myself a little to see if they were
coming; but they went into the fort, and by this they saved their
lives.

We recrossed the creek and I returned alone, going up the same ravine
I came down.  My brave went down the creek, and I, on raising the brow
of a hill to the left of the one we came down, could plainly see the
men at work.  I saw a sentinel walking in the bottom near the mouth of
the creek.  I watched him attentively, to see if he perceived my
companion, who had gone toward him.  The sentinel stopped for some
time and looked toward where my brave was concealed.  He walked first
one way and then the other.

I observed my brave creeping towards him, at last he lay still for a
while, not even moving the grass, and as the sentinel turned to walk
away, my brave fired and he fell.  I looked towards the fort, and saw
the whites were in great confusion, running wildly in every direction,
some down the steep bank toward a boat.  My comrade joined me, we
returned to the rest of the party and all hurried back to Rock river,
where we arrived in safety at our village.  I hung up my medicine bag,
put away my rifle and spear, feeling as if I should want them no more,
as I had no desire to raise other war parties against the whites
unless they gave me provocation.  Nothing happened worthy of note
until spring, except that the fort below the rapids had been abandoned
and burned by the Americans.

Soon after I returned from my wintering ground we received information
that peace had been made between the British and Americans, and that
we were required to make peace also, and were invited to go down to
Portage des Sioux, for that purpose.  Some advised that we should go
down, others that we should not.  Nomite, our principal civil chief,
said he would go, as soon as the Foxes came down from the mines.

They came and we all started from Rock river, but we had not gone far
before our chief was taken sick and we stopped with him at the village
on Henderson river.  The Foxes went on and we were to follow as soon
as our chief got better, but he rapidly became worse and soon died.
His brother now became the principal chief.  He refused to go down,
saying, that if he started, he would be taken sick and die as his
brother had done.  This seemed to be reasonable, so we concluded that
none of us would go at this time.  The Foxes returned.  They said, "we
have smoked the pipe of peace with our enemies, and expect that the
Americans will send a war party against you if you do not go down."
This I did not believe, as the Americans had always lost by their
armies that were sent against us.  La Gutrie and other British traders
arrived at our village in the fall.  La Gutrie told us that we must go
down and make peace, as this was the wish of our English father.  He
said he wished us to go down to the Two River country to winter, where
game was plenty, as there had been no hunting there for several years.

Having heard the principal war chief had come up with a number of
troops, and commenced the erection of a fort near the Rapids des
Moines, we consented to go down with the traders to visit the American
chief, and tell him the reason why we had not been down sooner.  When
we arrived at the head of the rapids, the traders left their goods,
and all of their boats with one exception, in which they accompanied
us to see the Americans. We visited the war chief on board his boat,
telling him what we had to say, and explaining why we had not been
down sooner.  He appeared angry and talked to La Gutrie for some time.
I inquired of him what the war chief said.  He told me that he was
threatening to hang him up to the yard arm of his boat.  "But" said
he, "I am not afraid of what he says.  He dare not put his threats
into execution.  I have done no more than I had a right to do a. a
British subject."

I then addressed the chief, asking permission for ourselves and some
Menomonees, to go down to the Two River country for the purpose of
hunting.  He said we might go down but must return before the ice
came, as he did not intend that we should winter below the fort.
"But," he inquired, "what do you want the Menomonee. to go with you
for?"

I did not know at first what reply to make, but told him that they had
a great many pretty squaws with them, and we wished them to go with us
on that account.  He consented.  We all went down the river and
remained all winter, as we had no intention of returning before spring
when we asked leave to go.  We made a good hunt.  Having loaded our
trader's boats with furs and peltries, they started to Mackinac, and
we returned to our village.

There is one circumstance that I did not relate at the proper place.
It has no reference to myself or people, but to my friend Gomo, the
Pottawattomie chief.  He came to Rock river to pay me a visit, and
during his stay he related to me the following story:

"The war chief at Peoria is a very good man. He always speaks the
truth and treats our people well.  He sent for me one day, told me he
was nearly out of provisions, and wished me to send my young men
hunting to supply his fort.  I promised to do so, immediately returned
to my camp and told my young men the wishes and wants of the war
chief.  They readily agreed to go and hurt for our friend and returned
with plenty of deer.  They carried them to the fort, laid them down at
the gate and returned to our camp.  A few days afterward I went again
to the fort to see if they wanted any more meat.  The chief gave me
powder and lead and said he wanted, me to send my hunters out again.
When  I returned to camp, I told my young men that the chief wanted
more meat.  Matatah, one of my principal braves, said he would take a
party and go across the Illinois, about one day's travel, where game
was plenty, and make a good hunt for our friend the war chief.  He
took eight hunters with him, and his wife and several other squaws
went with them.  They had travelled about half the day in the prairie
when they discovered a party of white men coming towards them with a
drove of cattle.  Our hunters apprehended no danger or they would have
kept out of the way of the whites, who had not yet perceived them.
Matatah changed his course, as he wished to meet and speak to the
whites.  As soon n the whites saw our party, some of them put off at
full speed, and came up to our hunters.  Matatah gave up his gun to
them, and endeavored to explain to them that he was friendly and was
hunting for the war chief.  They were not satisfied with this but
fired at and wounded him.  He got into the branches of a tree that had
blown down, to keep the horses from running over him.  He was again
fired on several times and badly wounded.  He, finding that he would
be murdered, and, mortally wounded already, sprang at the man nearest
him, seized his gun and shot him from his horse.  He then fell,
covered with blood from his wounds, and immediately expired.  The
other hunters being in the rear of Matatah attempted to escape, after
seeing their leader so basely murdered by the whites.  They were
pursued and nearly all of the party killed.  My youngest brother
brought me the news in the night, he having been with the party and
was slightly wounded.  He said the whites had abandoned their cattle
and gone back towards the settlement.  The rest of the night we spent
in mourning for our friends.  At daylight I blacked my face and
started for the fort to see the chief.  I met him at the gate and told
him what had happened.  His countenance changed and I could see sorrow
depicted in it for the death of my people.  He tied to persuade me
that I was mistaken, as he could not believe that the whites would act
so cruelly.  But when I convinced him, he said to me, 'those cowards
who murdered your people shall be punished.'  I told him that my
people would have revenge, that they would not trouble any of his
people at the fort, as we did not blame him or any of his soldiers,
but that a party of my braves would go towards the Wabash to avenge
the death of their friends and relations.  The next day I took a party
of hunters, killed several deer, and left them at the fort gate as I
passed."

Here Gomo ended his story.  I could relate many similar ones that have
come within my own knowledge and observation, but I dislike to look
back and bring on sorrow afresh.  I will resume my narrative.

The great chief at St. Louis having sent word for us to come down and
confirm the treaty, we did not hesitate, but started immediately that
we might smoke the peace pipe with him.  On our arrival we met the
great chiefs in council.  They explained to us the words of our Great
Father at Washington, accusing us of heinous crimes and many
misdemeanors, particularly in not coming down when first invited.  We
knew very well that our Great Father had deceived us and thereby
forced us to join the British, and could not believe that he had put
this speech into the mouths of those chiefs to deliver to us.  I was
not a civil chief and consequently made no reply, but our civil chiefs
told the commissioner that, "What you say is a lie.  Our Great Father
sent us no such speech, he knew that the situation in which we had
been placed was caused by him."  The white chiefs appeared very angry
at this reply and said, "We will break off the treaty and make war
against you, as you have grossly insulted us."

Our chiefs had no intention of insulting them and told them so,
saying, "we merely wish to explain that you have told us a lie,
without any desire to make you angry, in the same manner that you
whites do when you do not believe what is told you."  The council then
proceeded and the pipe of peace was smoked.

Here for the first time, I touched the goose quill to the treaty not
knowing, however, that, by the act I consented to give away my
village.  Had that been explained to me I should have opposed it and
never would have signed their treaty, as my recent conduct will
clearly prove.

What do we know of the manners, the laws, and the customs of the white
people?  They might buy our bodies for dissection, and we would touch
the goose quill to confirm it and not know what we were doing.  This
was the case with me and my people in touching the goose quill for the
first time.

We can only judge of what is proper and right by our standard of what
is right and wrong, which differs widely from the whites, if I have
been correctly informed.  The whites may do wrong all their lives, and
then if they are sorry for it when about to die, all is well, but with
us it is different.  We must continue to do good throughout our lives.
If we have corn and meat, and know of a family that have none, we
divide with them.  If we have more blankets than we absolutely need,
and others have not enough, we must give to those who are in want.
But I will presently explain our customs and the manner in which we
live.

We were treated friendly by the whites and started on our return to
our village on Rock river.  When we arrived we found that the troops
had come to build a fort on Rock Island.  This, in our opinion, was a
contradiction to what we had done--"to prepare for war in time of
peace."  We did not object, however, to their building their fort on
the island, but were very sorry, as this was the best one on the
Mississippi, and had long been the resort of our young people during
the summer.  It was our garden, like the white people have near their
big villages, which supplied us with strawberries, blackberries,
gooseberries, plums, apples and nuts of different kinds.  Being
situated at the foot of the rapids its waters supplied us with the
finest fish.  In my early life I spent many happy days on this island.
A good spirit had charge of it, which lived in a cave in the rocks
immediately under the place where the fort now stands.  This guardian
spirit has often been seen by our people.  It was white, with large
wings like a swan's, but ten times larger.  We were particular not to
make much noise in that part of the island which it inhabited, for
fear of disturbing it.  But the noise at the fort has since driven it
away, and no doubt a bad spirit has taken its place.

Our village was situated on the north side of Rock river, at the foot
of the rapids, on the point of land between Rock river and the
Mississippi.

In front a prairie extended to the Mississippi, and in the rear a
continued bluff gently ascended from the prairie.



BLACK HAWK'S TOWER.

On its highest peak our Watch Tower was situated, from which we had a
fine view for many miles up and down Rock river, and in every
direction.  On the side of this bluff we had our corn fields,
extending about two miles up parallel with the larger river, where
they adjoined those of the Foxes, whose village was on the same
stream, opposite the lower end of Rock Island, and three miles distant
from ours.  We had eight hundred acres in cultivation including what
we had on the islands in Rock river.  The land around our village
which remained unbroken, was covered with blue-grass which furnished
excellent pasture for our horses.  Several fine springs poured out of
the bluff near by, from which we were well supplied with good water.
The rapids of Rock river furnished us with an abundance of excellent
fish, and the land being very fertile, never failed to produce good
crops of corn, beans, pumpkins and squashes.  We always had plenty;
our children never cried from hunger, neither were our people in want.
Here our village had stood for more than a hundred years, during all
of which time we were the undisputed possessors of the Mississippi
valley, from the Wisconsin to the Portage des Sioux, near the mouth of
the Missouri, being about seven hundred miles in length.

At this time we had very little intercourse with the whites except
those who were traders.  Our village was healthy, and there was no
place in the country possessing such advantages, nor hunting grounds
better than those we had in possession.  If a prophet had come to our
village in those days and told us that the things were to take place
which have since come to pass, none of our people would have believed
him.  What! to be driven from our village, and our hunting grounds,
and not even to be permitted to visit the graves of our forefathers
and relatives and our friends?

This hardship is not known to the whites.  With us it is a custom to
visit the graves of our friends and keep them in repair for many
years.  The mother will go alone to weep over the grave of her child.
The brave, with pleasure, visits the grave of his father, after he has
been successful in war, and repaints the post that marks where he
lies.  There is no place like that where the bones of our forefathers
lie to go to when in grief.  Here prostrate by the tombs of our
fathers will the Great Spirit take pity on us.

But how different is our situation now from what it was in those happy
days.  Then were we as happy as the buffalo on the plains, but now, we
are as miserable as the hungry wolf on the prairie.  But I am
digressing from my story.  Bitter reflections crowd upon my mind and
must find utterance.

When we returned to our village in the spring, from our wintering
grounds, we would finish bartering with our traders, who always
followed us to our village.  We purposely kept some of our fine furs
for this trade, and, as there was great opposition among them, who
should get these furs, we always got our goods cheap.  After this
trade was met, the traders would give us a few kegs of rum, which were
generally promised in the fall, to encourage us to make a good hunt
and not go to war.  They would then start with their furs and
peltries, for their homes, and our old men would take a frolic.  At
this time our young men never drank.  When this was ended, the next
thing to be done was to bury our dead; such as had died during the
year.  This is a great medicine feast.  The relations of those who
have died, give all the goods they have purchased, as presents to
their friends, thereby reducing themselves to poverty, to show the
Great Spirit that they are humble, so that he will take pity on them.
We would next open the caches, take out the corn and other provisions
which had been put up in the fall.  We would then commence repairing
our lodges.  As soon as this was accomplished, we repair the fences
around our corn fields and clean them off ready for planting.  This
work was done by the women.  The men during this time are feasting on
dried venison, bear's meat, wild fowl and corn prepared in different
ways, while recounting to one another what took place during the
winter.

Our women plant the corn, and as soon as they are done we make a
feast, at which we dance the crane dance in which they join us,
dressed in their most gaudy attire, and decorated with feathers.  At
this feast the young men select the women they wish to have for wives.
He then informs his mother, who calls on the mother of the girl, when
the necessary arrangements are made and the time appointed for him to
come.  He goes to the lodge when all are asleep, or pretend to be, and
with his flint and steel strikes a light and soon finds where his
intended sleeps.  He then awakens her, holds the light close to his
face that she may know him, after which he places the light close to
her.  If she blows it out the ceremony is ended and he appears in the
lodge next morning as one of the family.  If she does not blow out the
light, but leaves it burning he retires from the lodge.  The next day
he places himself in full view of it and plays his flute.  The young
women go out one by one to see who he is playing for.  The tune
changes to let them know he is not playing for them. When his intended
makes her appearance at the door, he continues his courting tune until
she returns to the lodge.  He then quits playing and makes another
trial at night which mostly turns out favorable.  During the first
year they ascertain whether they can agree with each other and be
happy, if not they separate and each looks for another companion.  If
we were to live together and disagree, we would be as foolish as the
whites.  No indiscretion can banish a woman from her parental lodge;
no difference how many children she may bring home she is always
welcome--the kettle is over the fire to feed them.

The crane dance often lasts two or three days.  When this is over, we
feast again and have our national dance.  The large square in the
village is swept and prepared for the purpose.  The chiefs and old
warriors take seats on mats, which have been spread on the upper end
of the square, next come the drummers and singers, the braves and
women form the sides, leaving a large space in the middle.  The drums
beat and the singing commences.  A warrior enters the square keeping
time with the music.  He shows the manner he started on a war party,
how he approached the enemy, he strikes and shows how he killed him.
All join in the applause, and he then leaves the square and another
takes his place.  Such of our young men have not been out in war
parties and killed in enemy stand back ashamed, not being allowed to
enter the square.   I remember that I was ashamed to look where our
young men stood, before I could take my stand in the ring as a
warrior.

What pleasure it is to an old warrior, to see his son come forward and
relate his exploits.  It makes him feel young, induces him to enter
the square and "fight his battles o'er again."

This national dance makes our warriors.  When I was travelling last
summer on a steamboat on the river, going from New York to Albany, I
was shown the place where the Americans dance the war-dance, (West
Point), where the old warriors recount to their young men what they
have done to stimulate them to go and do likewise.  This surprised me,
as I did not think the whites understood our way of making braves.

When our national dance is over, our cornfields hoed, every weed dug
up and our corn about knee high, all our young men start in a
direction toward sundown, to hunt deer and buffalo and to kill Sioux
if any are found on our hunting grounds.  A part of our old men and
women go to the lead mines to make lead, and the remainder of our
people start to fish and get meat stuff.  Every one leaves the village
and remains away about forty days.  They then return, the hunting
party bringing in dried buffalo and deer meat, and sometimes Sioux
scalps, when they are found trespassing on our hunting grounds.  At
other times they are met by a party of Sioux too strong for them and
are driven in.  If the Sioux have killed the Sacs last, they expect to
be retaliated upon and will fly before them, and so with us.  Each
party knows that the other has a right to retaliate, which induces
those who have killed last to give way before their enemy, as neither
wishes to strike, except to avenge the death of relatives.  All our
wars are instigated by the relations of those killed, or by
aggressions on our hunting grounds.  The party from the lead mines
brings lead, and the others dried fish, and mats for our lodges.
Presents are now made by each party, the first giving to the others
dried buffalo and deer, and they in return presenting them lead, dried
fish and mats.  This is a happy season of the year, having plenty of
provisions, such as beans, squashes and other produce; with our dried
meat and fish, we continue to make feasts and visit each other until
our corn is ripe.  Some lodge in the village a feast daily to the
Great Spirit.  I cannot explain this so that the white people will
understand me, as we have no regular standard among us.

Every one makes his feast as he thinks best, to please the Great
Spirit, who has the care of all beings created.  Others believe in two
Spirits, one good and one bad, and make feasts for the Bad Spirit, to
keep him quiet.  They think that if they can make peace with him, the
Good Spirit will not hurt them.  For my part I am of the opinion, that
so far as we have reason, we have a right to use it in determining
what is right or wrong, and we should always pursue that path which we
believe to be right, believing that "whatsoever is, is right."  If the
Great and Good Spirit wished us to believe and do as the whites, he
could easily change our opinions, so that we could see, and think, and
act as they do.  We are nothing compared to his power, and we feel and
know it.  We have men among us, like the whites, who pretend to know
the right path, but will not consent to show it without pay.  I have
no faith in their paths, but believe that every man must make his own
path.

When our corn is getting ripe, our young people watch with anxiety for
the signal to pull roasting ears, as none dare touch them until the
proper time.  When the corn is fit for use another great ceremony
takes place, with feasting and returning thanks to the Great Spirit
for giving us Corn.

I will has relate the manner in which corn first came.  According to
tradition handed down to our people, a beautiful woman was seen to
descend from the clouds, and alight upon the earth, by two of our
ancestors who had killed a deer, and were sitting by a fire roasting a
part of it to eat.  They were astonished at seeing her, and concluded
that she was hungry and had smelt the meat.  They immediately went to
her, taking with them a piece of the roasted venison.  They presented
it to her, she ate it, telling them to return to the spot where she
was sitting at the end of one year, and they would find a reward for
their kindness and generosity.  She then ascended to the clouds and
disappeared.  The men returned to their village, and explained to the
tribe what they had seen, done ad heard, but were laughed at by their
people.  When the period had arrived for them to visit this
consecrated ground, where they were to find a reward for their
attention to the beautiful woman of the clouds, they went with a large
party, and found where her right hand had rested on the ground corn
growing, where the left hand had rested beans, and immediately where
she had been seated, tobacco.

The two first have ever since been cultivated by our people as our
principal provisions, and the last is used for smoking.  The white
people have since found out the latter, and seem to it relish it as
much as we do, as they use it in different ways:  Smoking, snuffing
and chewing.

We thank the Great Spirit for all the good he has conferred upon us.
For myself, I never take a drink of water from a spring without being
mindful of his goodness.

We next have our great ball play, from three to five hundred on a side
play this game.  We play for guns, lead, homes and blankets, or any
other kind of property we may have.  The successful party takes the
stakes, and all return to our lodges with peace and friendship.  We
next commence horse racing, and continue on, sport and feasting until
the corn is secured.  We then prepare to leave our village for our
hunting grounds.

The traders arrive and give us credit for guns, flints, powder, shot
and lead, and such articles as we want to clothe our, families with
and enable us to hunt.  We first, however, hold a council with them,
to ascertain the price they will give for our skins, and then they
will charge us for the goods.  We inform them where we intend hunting,
and tell them where to build their houses.  At this place we deposit a
part of our corn, and leave our old people.  The traders have always
been kind to them and relieved them when in want, and consequently
were always much respected by our people, and never since we were it
nation, has one of them been killed by our people.

We then disperse in small parties to make our hunt, and as soon as it
is over, we return to our trader's establishment, with our skins, and
remain feasting, playing cards and at other pastimes until the close f
the winter.  Our young men then start on the beaver hunt, others to
hunt raccoons and muskrats; the remainder of our people go to the
sugar camps to make sugar.  All leave our encampment and appoint a
place to meet on the Mississippi, so that we may return together to
our village in the spring.  We always spend our time pleasantly at the
sugar camp.  It being the season for wild fowl, we lived well and
always had plenty, when the hunters came in that we might make a feast
for them.  After this is over we return to our village, accompanied
sometimes by our traders.  In this way the time rolled round happily.
But these are times that were.

While on the subject of our manners and customs, it might be well to
relate an instance that occurred near our village just five years
before we left it for the last time.

In 1827, a young Sioux Indian got lost on the prairie, in a snow
storm, and found his way into a camp of the Sacs.  According to Indian
customs, although he was an enemy, he was safe while accepting their
hospitality.  He remained there for some time on account of the
severity of the storm.  Becoming well acquainted he fell in love with
the daughter of the Sac at whose village he had been entertained, and
before leaving for his own country, promised to come to the Sac
village for her at a certain time during the approaching summer.  In
July he made his way to the Rock river village, secreting himself in
the woods until he met the object of his love, who came out to the
field with her mother to assist her in hoeing corn.  Late in the
afternoon her mother left her and went to the village.  No sooner had
she got out of hearing, than he gave a loud whistle which assured the
maiden that he had returned.  She continued hoeing leisurely to the
end of the row, when her lover came to meet her, and she promised to
come to him as soon as she could go to the lodge and get her blanket,
and together they would flee to his country.  But unfortunately for
the lovers the girl's two brothers had seen the meeting, and after
procuring their guns started in pursuit of them.  A heavy thunderstorm
was coming on at the time.  The lovers hastened to, and took shelter
under a cliff of rocks, at Black Hawk's watchtower.  Soon after a loud
peal of thunder was heard, the cliff of rocks was shattered in a
thousand pieces, and the lovers buried beneath, while in full view of
her pursuing brothers. This, their unexpected tomb, still remains
undisturbed.

This tower to which my name had been applied, was a favorite resort
and was frequently visited by me alone, when I could sit and smoke my
pipe, and look with wonder and pleasure, at the grand scenes that were
presented by the sun's rays, even across the mighty water.  On one
occasion a Frenchman, who had been making his home in our village,
brought his violin with him to the tower, to play and dance for the
amusement of a number of our people, who had assembled there, and
while dancing with his back to the cliff accidentally fell over it and
was killed by the fall.  The Indians say that always at the same time
of the year, soft strains of the violin can be heard near that spot.

On returning in the spring from oar hunting grounds, I had the
pleasure of meeting our old friend, the trader of Peoria, at Rock
Island.  He came up in a boat from St. Louis, not as a trader, but as
our Agent.  We were well pleased to see him.  He told us that he
narrowly escaped falling into the hands of Dixon.  He remained with us
a short time, gave us good advice, and then returned to St. Louis.

The Sioux having committed depredations on our people, we sent out war
parties that summer, who succeeded in killing fourteen.

I paid several visits to Fort Armstrong, at Rock Island, during the
summer, and was always well received by the gentlemanly officers
stationed there, who were distinguished for their bravery, and they
never trampled upon an enemy's rights.  Colonel George Davenport
resided near the garrison, and being in connection with the American
Fur Company, furnished us the greater portion of our goods.  We were
not as happy then, in our village, as formerly.  Our people got more
liquor from the small traders than customary.  I used all my influence
to prevent drunkenness, but without effect.  As the settlements
progressed towards us, we became worse off and more unhappy.

Many of our people, instead of going to the old hunting grounds, when
game was plenty, would go near the settlements to hunt, and, instead
of saving their skins, to pay the trader for goods furnished them in
the fall, would sell them to the settlement for whisky, and return in
the spring with their families almost naked, and without the means of
getting anything for them.

About this time my eldest son was taken sick and died.  He had always
been a dutiful child and had just grown to manhood.  Soon after, my
youngest daughter, an interesting and affectionate child, died also.
This was a hard stroke, because I loved my children.  In my distress I
left the noise of the village and built my lodge on a mound in the
corn-field, and enclosed it with a fence, around which I planted corn
and beans.  Here I was with my family alone.  I gave everything I had
away, and reduced myself to poverty.  The only covering I retained was
a piece of buffalo robe.  I blacked my face and resolved on fasting
for twenty-four moons, for the loss of my two children--drinking only
of water during the day, and eating sparingly of boiled corn at
sunset.  I fulfilled my promise, hoping that the Great Spirit would
take pity on me.

My nation had now some difficulty with the Iowas.  Our young men had
repeatedly killed some of them, and the breaches had always been made
up by giving presents to the relations of those killed.  But the last
council we had with them, we promised that in case any more of their
people were killed ours, instead of presents, we would give up the
person or persons, who had done the injury.  We made this
determination known to our people, but notwithstanding this, one of
our young men killed an Iowa the following winter.

A party of our people were about starting for the Iowa village to give
the young man up, and I agreed to accompany them.  When we were ready
to start, I called at the lodge for the young man to go with us. He
was sick, but willing to go, but his brother, however, prevented him
and insisted on going to die in his place, as he was unable to travel.
We started, and on the seventh day arrived in sight of the Iowa
village, and within a short distance of it we halted ad dismounted.
We all bid farewell to our young brave, who entered the village
singing his death song, and sat down on the square in the middle of
the village.  One of the Iowa chiefs came out to us.  We told him that
we had fulfilled our promise, that we had brought the brother of the
young man who had killed one of his people--that he had volunteered to
come in his place, in consequence of his brother being unable to
travel from sickness.  We had no further conversation but mounted our
horses and rode off.  As we started I cast my eye toward the village,
and observed the Iowas coming out of their lodges with spears and war
clubs.  We took the backward trail and travelled until dark--then
encamped and made a fire.  We had not been there long before we heard
the sound of homes coming toward us.  We seized our arms, but instead
of an enemy it was our young brave with two horses.  He told me that
after we had left him, they menaced him with death for some time--then
gave him something to eat--smoked the pipe with him and made him a
present of the two horses and some goods, and started him after us.
When we arrived at on, village our people were much pleased, and for
their noble and generous conduct on this occasion, not one of the Iowa
people has been killed since by our nation.

That fall I visited Malden with several of my band, and was well
treated by the agent of our British Father, who gave us a variety of
presents.  He also gave me a medal, and told me there never would be
war between England and America again; but for my fidelity to the
British, during the war that had terminated some time before,
requested me to come with my band and get presents every year, as
Colonel Dixon had promised me.

I returned and hunted that winter on the Two Rivers.  The whites were
now settling the country fast.  I was out one day hunting in a bottom,
and met three white men.  They accused me of killing their hogs.  I
denied it, but they would not listen to me.  One of them took my gun
out of my hand and fired it off--then took out the flint, gave it back
to me and commenced beating me with sticks, ordering me at the same
time to be off.  I was so much bruised that I could not sleep for
several nights.

Some time after this occurrence, one of my camp cut a bee tree and
carried the honey to his lodge.  A party of white men soon followed
him, and told him the bee tree was theirs, and that he had no right to
cut it.  He pointed to the honey and told them to take it.  They were
not satisfied with this, but took all the packs of skins that he had
collected during the winter, to pay his trader and clothe his family
with in the spring, and carried them off.

How could we like a people who treated us so unjustly?  We determined
to break up our camp for fear they would do worse, and when we joined
our people in the spring a great many of them complained of similar
treatment.

This summer our agent came to live at Rock Island.  He treated us well
and gave us good advice.  I visited him and the trader very often
during the summer, and for the first time heard talk of our having to
leave our village.  The trader, Colonel George Davenport, who spoke
our language, explained to me the terms of the treaty that had been
made, and said we would be obliged to leave the Illinois side of the
Mississippi, and advised us to select a good place for our village and
remove to it in the spring.  He pointed out the difficulties we would
have to encounter if we remained at our village on Rock river.  He had
great influence with the principal Fox chief, his adopted brother,
Keokuk.  He persuaded him to leave his village, go to the west side of
the Mississippi and build another, which he did the spring following.
Nothing was talked of but leaving our village.  Keokuk had been
persuaded to consent to go, and was using all his influence, backed by
the war chief at Fort Armstrong and our agent and trader at Rock
Island, to induce others to go with him.  He sent the crier through
our village, to inform our people that it was the wish of our Great
Father that we should remove to the west side of the Mississippi, and
recommended the Iowa river as a good place for the new village.  He
wished his party to make such arrangements, before they started on
their winter's hunt, an to preclude the necessity of their returning
to the village in the spring.

The party opposed to removing called on me for my opinion.  I gave it
freely, and after questioning Quashquame about the sale of our lands,
he assured me that he "never had consented to the sale of our
village."  I now promised this party to be the leader, and raised the
standard of opposition to Keokuk, with a full determination not to
leave our village.  I had an interview with Keokuk, to see if this
difficulty could not be settled with our Great Father, and told him to
propose to give any other land that our Great Father might choose,
even our lead mines, to be peaceably permitted to keep the small point
of land on which our village was situated.  I was of the opinion that
the white people had plenty of land and would never take our village
from us.  Keokuk promised to make an exchange if possible, and applied
to our agent, and the great chief at St. Louis, who had charge of all
the agents, for permission to go to Washington for that purpose.

This satisfied us for a time.  We started to our hunting grounds with
good hopes that something would be done for us. Doing the winter I
received information that three families of whites had come to our
village and destroyed some of our lodges, were making fences and
dividing our cornfields for their own use.  They were quarreling among
themselves about their lines of division.  I started immediately for
Rock river, a distance of ten days' travel, and on my arrival found
the report true.  I went to my lodge and saw a family occupying it. I
wished to talk to them but they could not understand me.  I then went
to Rock Island; the agent being absent, I told the interpreter what I
wanted to say to these people, viz: "Not to settle on our lands, nor
trouble our fences, that there was plenty of land in the country for
them to settle upon, and that they must leave our village, as we were
coming back to it in the spring."  The interpreter wrote me a paper, I
went back to the village and showed it to the intruders, but could not
understand their reply.  I presumed, however, that they would remove
as I expected them to.  I returned to Rock Island, passed the night
there and had a long conversation with the trader.  He advised me to
give up and make my village with Keokuk on the Iowa river.  I told him
that I would not.  The next morning I crossed the Mississippi on very
bad ice, but the Great Spirit had made it strong, that I might pass
over safe.  I traveled three days farther to see the Winnebago sub-
agent and converse with him about our difficulties.  He gave no better
news than the trader had done.  I then started by way of Rock river,
to see the Prophet, believing that he as a man of great knowledge.
When we met, I explained to him everything as it was.  He at once
agreed that I was right, and advised me never to give up our village,
for the whites to plow up the bones of our people.  He said, that if
we remained at our village, the whites would not trouble us, and
advised me to get Keokuk, and the party that consented to go with him
to the Iowa in the spring, to return and remain at our village.

I returned to my hunting ground, after an absence of one moon, and
related what I had done. In a short time we came up to our village,
and found that the whites had not left it, but that others had come,
and that the greater part of our cornfields had been enclosed.  When
we landed the whites appeared displeased because we came back.  We
repaired the lodges that hid been left standing and built others.
Keokuk came to the village, but his object was to persuade others to
follow him to the Iowa.  He had accomplished nothing towards making
arrangements for us to remain, or to exchange other lands for our
village.  There was no more friendship existing between us. I looked
upon him as a coward and no brave, to abandon his village to be
occupied by strangers.  What right had these people to our village,
and our fields, which the Great Spirit had given us to live upon?

My reason teaches me that land cannot be sold.  The Great Spirit gave
it to his children to live upon and cultivate as far as necessary for
their subsistence, and so long as they occupy and cultivate it they
have the right to the soil, but if they voluntarily leave it, then any
other people have a right to settle on it.  Nothing can be sold but
such things as can be carried away.

In consequence of the improvements of the intruders on our fields, we
found considerable difficulty to get ground to plant a little corn.
Some of the whites permitted us to plant small patches in the fields
they had fenced, keeping all the best ground for themselves.  Our
women had great difficulty in climbing their fences, being
unaccustomed to the kind, and were ill treated if they left a rail
down.

One of my old friends thought he was safe.  His cornfield was on a
small island in Rock river.  He planted his corn, it came up well, but
the white man saw it; he wanted it, and took his teams over, ploughed
up the crop and replanted it for himself.  The old man shed tears, not
for himself but on account of the distress his family would be in if
they raised no corn.  The white people brought whisky to our village,
made our people drink, and cheated them out of their homes, guns and
traps. This fraudulent system was carried to such an extent that I
apprehended serious difficulties might occur, unless a stop was put to
it.  Consequently I visited all the whites and begged them not to sell
my people whisky.  One of them continued the practice openly; I took a
party of my young men, went to his house, took out his barrel, broke
in the head and poured out the whisky.  I did this for fear some of
'the whites might get killed by my people when they were drunk.

Our people were treated very badly by the whites on many occasions.
At one time a white man beat one of our women cruelly, for pulling a
few suckers of corn out of his field to suck when she was hungry.  At
another time one of our young men was beat with clubs by two white
men, for opening a fence which crossed our road to take his horse
through.  His shoulder blade was broken and his body badly braised,
from the effects of which be soon after died.

Bad and cruel as our people were treated by the whites, not one of
them was hurt or molested by our band.  I hope this will prove that we
are a peaceable people--having permitted ten men to take possession of
our corn fields, prevent us from planting corn, burn our lodges, ill-
treat our women, and beat to death our men without offering resistance
to their barbarous cruelties.  This is a lesson worthy for the white
man to learn: to use forebearance when injured.

We acquainted our agent daily with our situation, and through him the
great chief at St. Louis, and hoped that something would be done for
us.  The whites were complaining at the same time that we were
intruding upon their rights.  They made it appear that they were the
injured party, and we the intruders.  They called loudly to the great
war chief to protect their property.

How smooth must be the language of the whites, when they can make
right look like wrong, and wrong like right.

During this summer I happened at Rock Island, when a great chief
arrived, whom I had known as the great chief of Illinois, (Governor
Cole) in company with another chief who I have been told is a great
writer (judge James Hall.)  I called upon them and begged to explain
the grievances to them, under which my people and I were laboring,
hoping that they could do something for us. The great chief however,
did not seem disposed to council with, me.  He said he was no longer
the chief of Illinois; that his children had selected another father
in his stead, and that he now only ranked as they did.  I was
surprised at this talk, as I had always heard that he was a good brave
and great chief.  But the white people appear to never be satisfied.
When they get a good father, they hold councils at the suggestion of
some bad, ambitious man, who wants the place himself, and conclude
among themselves that this man, a, some other equally ambitious, would
make a better father than they have, and nine times out of ten they
don't get as good a one again.

I insisted on explaining to these chiefs the true situation of my
people.  They gave their assent.  I rose and made a speech, in which I
explained to them the treaty made by Quashquame, and three of our
braves, according to the manner the trader and others had explained it
to me. I then told them that Quashquame and his party positively
denied having ever sold my village, and that as I had never known them
to lie, I was determined to keep it in possession.

I told them that the white people had already entered our village,
burned our lodges, destroyed on, fences, ploughed up our corn and beat
our people.  They had brought whisky into our country, made our people
drunk, and taken from them their homes, guns and traps, and that I had
borne all this injury, without suffering any of my braves to raise a
hand against the whites.

My object in holding this council was to get the opinion of these two
chiefs as to the best course for me to pursue.  I had appealed in
vain, time after time to our agent, who regularly represented our
situation to the chief at St. Louis, whose duty it was to call upon
the Great Father to have justice done to us, but instead of this we
are told that the white people wanted our county and we must leave it
for them!

I did not think it possible that our Great Father wished us to leave
our village where we had lived so long, and where the bones of so many
of our people had been laid.  The great chief said that as he no
longer had any authority he could do nothing for us, and felt sorry
that it was not in his power to aid us, nor did he know how to advise
us.  Neither of them could do anything for us, but both evidently were
very sorry.  It would give e great pleasure at ail times to take these
two chiefs by the hand.

That fall I paid a visit to the agent before we started to our hunting
grounds, to hear if he had any good news for me.  He had news.  He
said that the land on which our village now stood was ordered to be
sold to individuals, and that when sold our right to remain by treaty
would be at an end, and that if we returned next spring we would be
forced to remove.

We learned during the winter, that part of the land where our village
stood had been sold to individuals, and that the trader at Rock
Island, Colonel Davenport, had bought the greater part that had been
sold.  The reason was now plain to me why he urged us to remove.  His
object, we thought, was to get our lands.  We held several councils
that winter to determine what we should do.  We resolved in one of
them, to return to our village as usual in the spring.  We concluded
that if we were removed by force, that the trader, agent and others
must be the cause, and that if they were found guilty of having driven
us from our village they should be killed.  The trader stood foremost
on this list.  He had purchased the land on which my lodge stood, and
that of our graveyard also.  We therefore proposed to kill him and the
agent, the interpreter, the great chief at St. Louis, the war chiefs
at Forts Amstrong, Rock Island and Keokuk, these being the principal
persons to blame for endeavoring to remove us.  Our women received bad
accounts from the women who had been raising corn at the new village,
of the difficulty of breaking the new prairie with hoes, and the small
quantity of corn raised.  We were nearly in the same condition with
regard to the latter, it being the first time I ever knew our people
to be in want of provisions.

I prevailed upon some of Keokuk's band to return this spring to the
Rock river village, but Keokuk himself would not come.  I hoped that
he would get permission to go to Washington to settle our affairs with
our Great Father.  I visited the agent at Rock Island.  He was
displeased because we had returned to our village, and told me that we
must remove to the west of the Mississippi.  I told him plainly that
we would not.  I visited the interpreter at his house, who advised me
to do as the agent had directed me.  I then went to see the trader and
upbraided him for buying our lands.  He said that if he had not
purchased them some person else would, and that if our Great Father
would make an exchange with us, he would willingly give up the land he
had purchased to the government.  This I thought was fair, and began
to think that he had not acted so badly as I had suspected.  We again
repaired our lodges and built others, as most of our village had been
burnt and destroyed.  Our women selected small patches to plant corn,
where the whites had not taken them in their fences, and worked hard
to raise something for our children to subsist upon.

I was told that according to the treaty, we had no right to remain on
the lands sold, and that the government would force us to leave them.
There was but a small portion however that had been sold, the balance
remaining in the hands of the government.  We claimed the right, if we
had no other, to "live and hunt upon it as long as it remained the
property of the government," by a stipulation in the treaty that
required us to evacuate it after it had been sold.  This was the land
that we wished to inhabit and thought we had a right to occupy.

I heard that there was a great chief on the Wabash, and sent a party
to get his advice.  They informed him that we had not sold our
village.  He assured them then, that if we had not sold the land on
which our village stood, our Great Father would not take it from us.

I started early to Malden to see the chief of my British Father, and
told him my story.  He gave the same reply that the chief on the
Wabash had given, and in justice to him I must say he never gave me
any bad advice, but advised me to apply to our American Father, who,
he said, would do us justice.  I next called on the great chief at
Detroit and made the same statement to him that I had made to the
chief of our British Father.  He gave me the same reply.  He said if
we had not sold our lands, and would remain peaceably on them, that we
would not be disturbed.  This assured me that I was right, and
determined me to hold out as I had promised my people.  I returned
from Malden late in the fall.  My people were gone to their hunting
ground, whither I followed.  Here I learned that they had been badly
treated all summer by the whites, and that a treaty had been held at
Prairie du Chien.  Keokuk and some of our people attended it, and
found that our Great Father had exchanged a small strip of the land
that had been ceded by Quashquame and his party, with the
Pottowattomies for a portion of their lead near Chicago.  That the
object of this treaty was to get it back again, and that the United
States had agreed to give them sixteen thousand dollars a year,
forever for this small strip of land, it being less than a twentieth
part of that taken from our nation for one thousand dollars a year.
This bears evidence of something I cannot explain.  This land they say
belonged to the United States.  What reason then, could have induced
them to exchange it with the Pottowattomies if it was so valuable?
Why not keep it?  Or if they found they had made a bad bargain with
the Pottowattomies, why not take back their land at a fair proportion
of what they gave our nation for it!  If this small portion of the
land that they took from us for one thousand dollars a year, be worth
sixteen thousand dollars a year forever to the Pottowattomies, then
the whole tract of country taken from us ought to be worth, to our
nation, twenty times as much a this small fraction.

Here I was again puzzled to find out how the white people reasoned,
and began to doubt whether they had any standard of right and wrong.

Communication was kept up between myself and the Prophet.  Runners
were sent to the Arkansas, Red river and Texas, not on the subject of
our lands, but on a secret mission, which I am not at present
permitted to explain.

It was related to me that the chiefs and head men of the Foxes had
been invited to Prairie du Chien, to hold a Council for the purpose of
settling the difficulties existing between them and the Sioux.

The chiefs and head men, amounting to nine, started for the place
designated, taking with them one woman, and were met by the Menonomees
and Sioux, near the Wisconsin and killed, all except one man.  Having
understood that the whole matter was published shortly after it
occurred, and is known to the white people, I will say no more about
it.

 I would here remark, that our pastimes and sports had been laid aside
for two years.  We were a divided people, forming two parties.  Keokuk
being at the head of one, willing to barter our rights merely for the
good opinion of the whites, and cowardly enough to desert our village
to them.  I was at the head of the other division, and was determined
to hold on to my village, although I had been ordered to leave it.
But, I considered, as myself and band had no agency in selling our
county, and that, as provision had been made in the treaty, for us all
to remain on it as long as it belonged to the United States, that we
could not be forced away.  I refused therefore to quit my village.  It
was here that I was born, and here lie the bones of many friends and
relations.  For this spot I felt a sacred reverence, and never could
consent to leave it without being forced therefrom.

When I called to mind the scenes of my youth and those of later days,
when I reflected that the theatre on which these were acted, had been
so long the home of my fathers, who now slept on the hills around it,
I could not bring my mind to consent to leave this country to the
whites for any earthly consideration.

The winter passed off in gloom.  We made a bad hunt for want of guns,
traps and other necessaries which the whites had taken from our people
for whisky.  The prospect before me was a bad one.  I fasted and
called upon the Great Spirit to direct my steps to the right path.  I
was in great sorrow because all the whites with whom I was acquainted
and had been on terms of intimacy, advised me contrary to my wishes,
that I began to doubt whether I had a friend among them.

Keokuk, who has a smooth tongue, and is a great speaker, was busy in
persuading my band that I was wrong, and thereby making many of them
dissatisfied with me.  I had one consolation, for all the women were
on my side on account of their cornfields.

On my arrival again at my village, with my band increased, I found it
worse than before.  I visited Rock Island and the agent again ordered
me to quit my village.  He said that if we did not, troops would be
sent to drive us off.  He reasoned with me and told me it would be
better for us to be with the rest of our people, so that we might
avoid difficulty and live in peace.  The interpreter joined him and
gave me so many good reasons that I almost wished I had not undertaken
the difficult task I had pledged myself to my brave band to perform.
In this mood I called upon the trader, who is fond of talking, and had
long been my friend, but now amongst those who advised me to give up
my village.  He received me very friendly and went on to defend Keokuk
in what he had done, endeavoring to show me that I was bringing
distress on our women and children.  He inquired if some terms could
not be made that would be honorable to me and satisfactory to my
braves, for us to remove to the west side of the Mississippi.  I
replied that if our Great Father could do us justice and make the
proposition, I could then give up honorably.  He asked me "if the
great chief at St. Louis would give us six thousand dollars to
purchase provisions and other articles, if I would give up peaceably
and remove to the west side of the Mississippi?"  After thinking some
time I agreed that I could honorably give up, being paid for it,
according to our customs, but told hij that I could not make the
proposal myself, even if I wished, because it would be dishonorable in
me to do so.  He said that he would do it by sending word to the great
chief at St. Louis that he could remove us peaceably for the amount
stated, to the west side of the Mississippi.  A steamboat arrived at
the island during my stay.  After its departure the trader told me
that he had requested a war chief, who was stationed at Galena, and
was on board the steamboat, to make the offer to the great chief at
St. Louis, and that he would soon be back and bring his answer.  I did
not let my people know what had taken place for fear they would be
displeased.  I did not much like what had been done myself, and tried
to banish it from my mind.

After a few days had passed the war chief returned and brought an
answer that "the great chief at St. Louis would give us nothing, and
that if we did not remove immediately we would be driven off."

I was not much displeased with the answer they brought me, because I
would rather have laid my bones with those of my forefathers than
remove for any consideration.  Yet if a friendly offer had been made
as I expected, I would, for the sake of our women and children have
removed peaceably.

I now resolved to remain in my village, and make no resistance if the
military came, but submit to my fate.  I impressed the importance of
this course on all my band, and directed them in case the military
came not to raise an arm against them.

About this time our agent was put out of office, for what reason I
could never ascertain.  I then thought it was for wanting to make us
leave our village and if so it was right, because I was tired of
hearing him talk about it.  The interpreter, who had been equally as
bad in trying to persuade us to leave our village was retained in
office, and the young man who took the place of our agent, told the
same old story over about removing us.  I was then satisfied that this
could not have been the cause.

Our women had planted a few patches of corn which was growing finely,
and promised a subsistence for our children, but the white people
again commenced ploughing it up.  I now determined to put a stop to it
by clearing our county of the intruders.  I went to their principal
men and told them that they should and must leave our country, giving
them until the middle of the next day to remove. The worst left within
the time appointed, but the one who remained, represented that his
family, which was large, would be in a starving condition, if he went
and left his crop.  He promised to behave well, if I would consent to
let him remain until fall, in order to secure his crop.  He spoke
reasonably and I consented.

We now resumed some of our games and pastimes, having been assured by
the prophet that we would not be removed.  But in a little while it
was ascertained that a great war chief, General Gaines, was on his way
to Rock river with a great number of soldiers.  I again called upon
the prophet, who requested a little time to see into the matter.
Early next morning he came to me and said he had been dreaming; that
he saw nothing bad in this great war chief, General Gaines, who was
now near Rock river.  That his object was merely to frighten us from
our village, that the white people might get our land for nothing. He
assured us that this great war chief dare not, and would not, hurt any
of us.  That the Americans were at peace with the British, and when
they made peace, the British required, and the Americans agreed to it,
that they should never interrupt any nation of Indians that was at
peace, and that all we had to do to retain our village was to refuse
any and every offer that might be made by this war chief.

The war chief arrived and convened a council at the agency.  Keokuk
and Wapello were sent for, and with a number of their band were
present.

The council house was opened and all were admitted, and myself and
band were sent for to attend.  When we arrived at the door singing a
war song, and armed with lances, spears, war clubs, bows and arrows,
as if going to battle, I halted and refused to enter, as I could see
no necessity or propriety in having the room crowded with those who
were already there.  If the council was convened for us, why then have
others in our room.  The war chief having sent all out except Keokuk,
Wapello and a few of their chiefs and braves, we entered the council
in this warlike appearance, being desirous of showing the war chief
that we were not afraid.  He then rose and made a speech.  He said:

"The president is very sorry to be put to the trouble and expense of
sending so large a body of soldiers here to remove you from the lands
you have long since ceded to the United States.  Your Great Father has
already warned you repeatedly, through your agent, to leave the
country, and he is very sorry to find that you have disobeyed his
orders.  Your Great Father wishes you well, and asks nothing from you
but what is reasonable and right.  I hope you will consult your own
interests, and leave the country you are occupying, and go to the
other side of the Mississippi."

    I replied:

 "We have never sold our country.  We never received any annuities
from our American father, and we are determined to hold on to our
village."

The war chief, apparently angry, rose and said

 "Who is _Black Hawk_? Who is _Black Hawk_?"

I replied:

 "I am a _Sac_! My forefather was a SAC!  I and all the nations call
me a SAC!!"

The war chief said:

 "I came here neither to beg nor hire you to leave your village.  My
business is to remove you, peaceably if I can, forcibly if I must!  I
will now give you two days in which to remove, and if you do not cross
the Mississippi by that time, I will adopt measures to force you
away."

I told him that I never would consent to leave my village and was
determined not to leave it.

The council broke up and the war chief retired to his fort.  I
consulted the prophet again.  He said he had been dreaming, and that
the Great Spirit had directed that a woman, the daughter of Mattatas,
the old chief of the village, should take a stick in her hand and go
before the war chief, and tell him that she is the daughter of
Mattatas, and that he had always been the white man's friend.  That he
had fought their battles, been wounded in their service and had always
spoken well of them, and she had never heard him say that he had sold
their village.  The whites are numerous, and can take it from us if
they choose, but she hoped they would not be so unfriendly.  If they
were, he had one favor to ask; she wished her people to be allowed to
remain long enough to gather their provisions now growing in their
fields; that she was a woman and had worked hard to raise something to
support her children.  And now, if we are driven from our village
without being allowed to save our corn, many of our little children
must perish with hunger.

Accordingly Mattatas' daughter was sent to the fort, accompanied by
several of our young men and was admitted.  She went before the war
chief and told the story of the prophet.  The war chief said that the
president did not send him here to make treaties with the women, nor
to hold council with them. That our young men most leave the fort, but
she might remain if she wished.

All our plans were defeated.  We must cross the river, or return to
our village and await the coming of the war chief with his soldiers.
We determined on the latter, but finding that our agent, interpreter,
trader and Keokuk, were determined on breaking my ranks, and had
induced several of my warriors to cross the Mississippi, I sent a
deputation to the agent, at the request of my band, pledging myself to
leave the county in the fall, provided permission was given us to
remain, and secure our crop of corn then growing, as we would be in a
starving situation if we were driven off without the means of
subsistence.

The deputation returned with an answer from the war chief, "That no
further time would be given than that specified, and if we were not
then gone he would remove us."

I directed my village crier to proclaim that my orders were, in the
event of the war chief coming to our village to remove us, that not a
gun should be fired or any resistance offered. . That if he determined
to fight, for them to remain quietly in their lodges, and let him kill
them if he chose.

I felt conscious that this great war chief would not hurt our people,
and my object was not war.  Had it been, we would have attacked and
killed the war chief and his braves, when in council with us, as they
were then completely in our power.  But his manly conduct and
soldierly deportment, his mild yet energetic manner, which proved his
bravery, forbade it.

Some of our young men who had been out as spies came in and reported
that they had discovered a large body of mounted men coming toward our
village, who looked like a war party.  They arrived and took a
position below Rock river, for their place of encampment.  The great
war chief, General Gaines, entered Rock river in a steamboat, with his
soldiers and one big gun.  They passed and returned close by our
village, but excited no alarm among my braves.  No attention was paid
to the boat; even our little children who were playing on the bank of
the river, as usual, continued their amusement.  The water being
shallow, the boat got aground, which gave the whites some trouble.  If
they had asked for assistance, there was not a brave in my band who
would not willingly have aided them.  Their people were permitted to
pass and repass through our village, and were treated with friendship
by our people.

The war chief appointed the next day to remove us.  I would have
remained and been taken prisoner by the regulars, but was afraid of
the multitude of pale faced militia, who were on horse back, as they
were under no restraint of their chiefs.

We crossed the river during the night, and encamped some distance
below Rock Island.  The great war chief convened another council, for
the purpose of making a treaty with as.  In this treaty he agreed to
give us corn in place of that we had left growing in our fields.  I
touched the goose quill to this treaty, and was determined to live in
peace.

The corn that had been given us was soon found to be inadequate to our
wants, when loud lamentations were heard in the camp by the women and
children, for their roasting ears, beans and squashes.  To satisfy
them, a small party of braves went over in the night to take corn from
their own fields.  They were discovered by the whites and fired upon.
Complaints were again made of the depredations committed by some of my
people, on their own corn fields.

I understood from our agent, that there had been a provision made in
one of our treaties for assistance in agriculture, and that we could
have our fields plowed if we required it.  I therefore called upon
him, and requested him to have a small log home built for me, and a
field plowed that fall, as I wished to live retired.  He promised to
have it done.  I then went to the trader, Colonel Davenport, and asked
for permission to be buried in the graveyard at our village, among my
old friends and warriors, which he gave cheerfully.  I then returned
to my people satisfied.

A short time after this, a party of Foxes went up to Prairie du Chien
to avenge the murder of their chiefs and relations, which had been
committed the summer previous, by the Menomonees and Sioux.  When they
arrived in the vicinity of the encampment of the Menomonees, they met
with a Winnebago, and inquired for the Menomonee camp.  They requested
him to go on before them and see if there were any Winnebagoes in it,
and if so, to tell them that they had better return to their own camp.
He went and gave the information, not only to the Winnebagoes, but to
the Menomonees, that they might be prepared.  The party soon followed,
killed twenty-eight Menomonees, and made their escape.

This retaliation which with us is considered lawful and right, created
considerable excitement among the whites.  A demand was made for the
Foxes to be surrendered to, and tried by, the white people.  The
principal men came to me during the fall and asked my advice.  I
conceived that they had done right, and that our Great Father acted
very unjustly in demanding them, when he had suffered all their chiefs
to be decoyed away, and murdered by the Menomonees, without ever
having made a similar demand of them.  If he had no right in the first
instance he had none now, and for my part, I conceived the right very
questionable, if not an act of usurpation in any case, where a
difference exists between two nations, for him to interfere.  The
Foxes joined my band with the intention to go out with them on the
fall hunt.

About this time, Neapope, who started to Malden when it was
ascertained that the great war chief, General Gaines, was coming to
remove us, returned.  He said he had seen the chief of our British
Father, and asked him if the Americans could force us to leave our
village.  He said:  "If you had not sold your land the Americans could
not take your village from you.  That the right being vested in you
only, could be transferred by the voice and will of the whole nation,
and that as you have never given your consent to the sale of your
country, it yet remains your exclusive property, from which the
American government never could force you away, and that in the event
of war, you should have nothing to fear, as we would stand by and
assist you."

He said that he had called at the prophet's lodge on his way down, and
there had learned for the first time, that we had left our village.
He informed me privately, that the prophet was anxious to see me, as
he had much good news to tell me, and that I would hear good news in
the spring from our British Father.  "The prophet requested me to give
you all the particulars, but I would much rather you would see him
yourself and learn all from him.  But I will tell you that he has
received expresses from our British Father, who says that he is going
to send us guns, ammunition, provisions and clothing early in the
spring.  The vessels that bring them will come by way of Milwaukee.
The prophet has likewise received wampum and tobacco from the
different nations on the lakes, Ottawas, Chippewas, and
Pottowattomies, and as to the Winnebagoes he has them all at his
command.  We are going to be happy once more."

I told him I was pleased that our British Father intended to see us
righted.  That we had been driven from our lands without receiving
anything for them, and I now began to hope from his talk, that my
people would once more be happy.  If I could accomplish this I would
be satisfied.  I am now growing old and could spend the remnant of my
time anywhere.  But I wish first to see my people happy.  I can then
leave them cheerfully.  This has always been my constant aim, and I
now begin to hope that our sky will soon be clear.

Neapope said:

"The prophet told me that all the tribes mentioned would fight for us
if necessary, and the British father will support us.  If we should be
whipped, which is hardly possible, we will still be safe, the prophet
having received a friendly talk from the chief of Wassicummico, at
Selkirk's settlement, telling him, that if we were not happy in our
own country, to let him know and he would make us happy.  He had
received information from our British father that we had been badly
treated by the Americans.  We must go and see the prophet.  I will go
first; you had better remain and get as many of your people to join
you as you can.  You know everything that we have done.  We leave the
matter with you to arrange among your people as you please.  I will
return to the prophet's village to-morrow.  You can in the meantime
make up your mind an to the course you will take and send word to the
prophet by me, as he is anxious to assist us, and wishes to know
whether you will join us, and assist to make your people happy."

During the night I thought over everything that Neapope had told me,
and was pleased to think that by a little exertion on my part, I could
accomplish the object of all my wishes.  I determined to follow the
advice of the prophet, and sent word by Neapope, that I would get all
my braves together, explain everything that I had heard to them, and
recruit as many as I could from the different villages.

Accordingly I sent word to Keokuk's band and the Fox tribe, explaining
to them all the good news I had heard.  They would not hear.  Keokuk
said that I had been imposed upon by liars, and had much better remain
where I was and keep quiet.  When he found that I was determined to
make an attempt to recover my village, fearing that some difficulty
would arise, he made application to the agent and great chief at St.
Louis, asking permission for the chiefs of our nation to go to
Washington to see our Great Father, that we might have our
difficulties settled amicably.  Keokuk also requested the trader,
Colonel Davenport, who was going to Washington, to call on our Great
Father and explain everything to him, and ask permission for us to
come on and see him.

Having heard nothing favorable from the great chief at St. Louis, I
concluded that I had better keep my band together, and recruit as many
as possible, so that I would be prepared to make the attempt to rescue
my village in the spring, provided our Great Father did not send word
for us to go to Washington.  The trader returned.  He said he had
called on our Great Father and made a full statement to him in
relation to our difficulties, and had asked leave for us to go to
Washington, but had received no answer.

I had determined to listen to the advice of my friends, and if
permitted to go to see our Great Father, to abide by his counsel,
whatever it might be.  Every overture was made by Keokuk to prevent
difficulty, and I anxiously hoped that something would be done for my
people that it might be avoided.  But there was bad management
somewhere, or the difficulty that has taken place would have been
avoided.

When it was ascertained that we would not be permitted to go to
Washington, I resolved upon my course, and again tied to recruit some
braves from  Keookuk's band, to accompany me, but could not.

Conceiving that the peaceable disposition of Keokuk and his people had
been in a great measure the cause of our having been driven from our
village, I ascribed their present feelings to the same cause, and
immediately went to work to recruit all my own band, and making
preparations to ascend Rock river, I made my encampment on the
Mississippi, where Fort Madison had stood.  I requested my people to
rendezvous at that place, sending out soldiers to bring in the
warriors, and stationed my sentinels in a position to prevent any from
moving off until all were ready.

My party having all come in and got ready, we commenced our march up
the Mississippi; our women and children in canoes, carrying such
provisions as we had, camp equipage, &c.  My braves and warriors were
on horseback, armed and equipped for defence.  The prophet came down
and joining us below Rock river, having called at Rock Island on his
way down, to consult the war chief, agent and trader; who, he said,
used many arguments to dissuade him from going with us, requesting him
to come and meet us and turn us back.  They told him also there was a
war chief on his way to Rock Island with a large body of soldiers.

The prophet said he would not listen to this talk, because no war
chief would dare molest us so long as we were at peace.  That we had a
right to go where we pleased peaceably, and advised me to say nothing
to my braves and warriors until we encamped that night.  We moved
onward until we arrived at the place where General Gaines had made his
encampment the year before, and encamped for the night.  The prophet
then addressed my braves and warriors.  He told them to "follow us and
act like braves, and we have nothing to fear and much to gain. The
American war chief may come, but will not, nor dare not interfere with
us so long as we act peaceably.  We are not yet ready to act
otherwise.  We must wait until we ascend Rock river and receive our
reinforcements, and we will then be able to withstand any army."

That night the White Beaver, General Atkinson, with a party of
soldiers passed up in a steamboat.  Our party became alarmed,
expecting to meet the soldiers at Rock river, to prevent us going up.
On our arrival at its mouth, we discovered that the steamboat had
passed on.

I was fearful that the war chief had stationed his men on some high
bluff, or in some ravine, that we might be taken by surprise.
Consequently, on entering Rock river we commenced beating our drums
and singing, to show the Americans that we were not afraid.

Having met with no opposition, we moved up Rock river leisurely for
some distance, when we were overtaken by an express from White Beaver,
with an order for me to return with my band and recross the
Mississippi again. I sent him word that I would not, not recognizing
his right to make such a demand, is I was acting peaceably, and
intended to go to the prophet's village at his request, to make corn.

The express returned.  We moved on and encamped some distance below
the prophet's village.  Here another express came from the White
Beaver, threatening to pursue us and drive us back, if we did not
return peaceably.  This message roused the spirit of my band, and all
were determined to remain with me and contest the ground with the war
chief, should he come and attempt to drive us.  We therefore directed
the express to say to the war chief "if he wished to fight us he might
come on."  We were determined never to be driven, and equally so, not
to make the first attack, our object being to act only on the
defensive.  This we conceived to be our right.

Soon after the express returned, Mr. Gratiot, sub-agent for the
Winnebagoes, came to our encampment.  He had no interpreter, and was
compelled to talk through his chiefs.  They said the object of his
mission was to persuade us to return.  But they advised us to go on--
assuring us that the further we went up Rock river the more friends we
would meet, and our situation would be bettered.  They were on our
side and all of their people were our friends.  We must not give up,
but continue to ascend Rock river, on which, in a short time, we would
receive reinforcements sufficiently strong to repulse any enemy.  They
said they would go down with their agent, to ascertain the strength of
the enemy, and then return and give us the news.  They had to use some
stratagem to deceive their agent in order to help us.

During this council several of my braves hoisted the British flag,
mounted their horses and surrounded the council lodge.  I discovered
that the agent was very much frightened.  I told one of his chiefs to
tell him that he need not be alarmed, and then went out and directed
my braves to desist.  Every warrior immediately dismounted and
returned to his lodge.  After the council adjourned I placed a
sentinel at the agent's lodge to guard him, fearing that some of my
warriors might again frighten him.  I had always thought he was a good
man and was determined that he should not be hurt.  He started with
his chiefs to Rock Island.

Having ascertained that White Beaver would not permit us to remain
where we were, I began to consider what was best to be done, and
concluded to keep on up the river, see the Pottowattomies and have a
talk with them. Several Winnebago chiefs were present, whom I advised
of my intentions, as they did not seem disposed to render us any
assistance.  I asked them if they had not sent us wampum during the
winter, and requested us to come and join their people and enjoy all
the rights and privileges of their country.  They did not deny this;
and said if the white people did not interfere, they had no objection
to our making corn this year, with our friend the prophet, but did not
wish us to go any further up.

The next day I started with my party to Kishwacokee. That night I
encamped a short distance above the prophet's village.  After all was
quiet in our camp I sent for my chiefs, and told them that we had been
deceived.  That all the fair promises that had been held out to us
through Neapope were false.  But it would not do to let our party know
it.  We must keep it secret among ourselves, move on to Kishwacokee,
as if all was right, and say something on the way to encourage our
people.  I will then call on the Pottowattomies, hear what they say,
and see what they will do.

We started the next morning, after telling our people that news had
just come from Milwaukee that a chief of our British Father would be
there in a few days.  Finding that all our plans were defeated, I told
the prophet that he must go with me, and we would see what could be
done with the Pottowattomies.  On our arrival at Kishwacokee an
express was sent to the Pottowattomie villages.  The next day a
deputation arrived.  I inquired if they had corn in their villages.
They said they had a very little and could not spare any.  I asked
them different questions and received very unsatisfactory answers.
This talk was in the presence of all my people.  I afterwards spoke to
them privately, and requested them to come to my lodge after my people
had gone to sleep.  They came and took seats.  I asked them if they
had received any news from the British on the lake.  They said no.  I
inquired if they had heard that a chief of our British Father was
coming to Milwaukee to bring us guns, ammunition, goods and
provisions.  They said no.  I told them what news had been brought to
me, and requested them to return to their village and tell the chiefs
that I wished to see them and have a talk with them.

After this deputation started, I concluded to tell my people that if
White Beaver came after us, we would go back, as it was useless to
think of stopping or going on without more provisions and ammunition.
I discovered that the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies were not disposed
to render us any assistance.  The next day the Pottowattomie chiefs
arrived in my camp.  I had a dog killed, and made a feast.  When it
was ready, I spread my medicine bags, and the chiefs began to eat.
When the ceremony was about ending, I received news that three or four
hundred white men on horse-back had been seen about eight miles off.
I immediately started three young men with a white flag to meet them
and conduct them to our camp, that we might hold a council with them
and descend Rock river again.  I also directed them, in case the
whites had encamped, to return, and I would go and see them.  After
this party had started I sent five young men to see what might take
place.  The first party went to the camp of the whites, and were taken
prisoners.  The last party had not proceeded far before they saw about
twenty men coming toward them at full gallop.  They stopped, and,
finding that the whites were coming toward them in such a warlike
attitude, they turned and retreated, but were pursued, and two of them
overtaken and killed.  The others then made their escape.  When they
came in with the news, I was preparing my flags to meet the war chief.
The alarm was given.  Nearly all my young men were absent ten miles
away.  I started with what I had left, about forty, and had proceeded
but a short distance, before we saw a part of the army approaching.  I
raised a yell, saying to y braves, "Some of our people have been
killed.  Wantonly and cruelly murdered!  We must avenge their death!"

In a little while we discovered the whole army coming towards us at a
full gallop.  We were now confident that our first party had been
killed.  I immediately placed my men behind a cluster of bushes, that
we might have the first fire when they had approached close enough.
They made a halt some distance from us.  I gave another yell, and
ordered my brave warriors to charge upon them, expecting that they
would all be killed.  They did charge.  Every man rushed towards the
enemy and fired, and they retreated in the utmost confusion and
consternation before my little but brave band of warriors.

After following the enemy for some distance, I found it useless to
pursue them further, as they rode so fast, and returned to the
encampment with a few braves, as about twenty-five of them continued
in pursuit of the flying enemy. I lighted my pipe and sat down to
thank the Great Spirit for what he had done.  I had not been
meditating long, when two of the three young men I had seat with the
flag to meet the American war chief, entered.  My astonishment was not
greater than my joy to see them living and well.  I eagerly listened
to their story, which was as follows:

"When we arrived near the encampment of the whites, a number of them
rushed out to meet us, bringing their guns with them.  They took us
into their camp, where an American who spoke the Sac language a little
told us that his chief wanted to know how we were, where we were
going, where our camp was, and where was Black Hawk?  We told him that
we had come to see his chief, that our chief had directed us to
conduct him to our camp, in case he had not encamped, and in that
event to tell him that he, Black Hawk, would come to see him; he
wished to hold a council with him, as he had given up all intention of
going to war."

This man had once been a member of our tribe, having been adopted by
me many years before and treated with the same kindness as was shown
to our young men, but like the caged bird of the woods, he yearned for
freedom, and after a few years residence with us an opportunity for
escape came and he left us.  On this occasion he would have respected
our flag and carried back the message I had sent to his chief, had he
not been taken prisoner, with a comrade, by some of my braves who did
not recognize him, and brought him into camp.  They were securely tied
with cords to trees and left to meditate, but were occasionally
buffeted by my young men when passing near them.  When I passed by him
there was a recognition on the part of us both, but on account of
former friendship I concluded to let him go, and some little time
before the sun went down I released him from his captivity by untying
the cords that bound him and accompanied him outside of our lines so
that he could escape safely.  His companion had previously made a
desperate effort to escape from his guards and was killed by them.

They continued their story:

"At the conclusion of this talk a party of white men came in on
horseback.  We saw by their countenances that something had happened.
A general tumult arose.  They looked at us with indignation, talked
among themselves for a moment, when several of them cocked their guns
and fired at us in the crowd.  Our companion fell dead.  We rushed
through the crowd and made our escape.  We remained in ambush but a
short time, before we heard yelling like Indians running an enemy.  In
a little while we saw some of the whites in full speed.  One of them
came near us.  I threw my tomahawk and struck him on the head which
brought him to the ground; I ran to him and with his own knife took
off his scalp.  I took his gun, mounted his horse, and brought my
friend here behind me.  We turned to follow our braves, who were
chasing the enemy, and had not gone far before we overtook a white
man, whose horse had mired in a swamp.  My friend alighted and
tomahawked the man, who was apparently fast under his horse.  He took
his scalp, horse and gun.  By this time our party was some distance
ahead.  We followed on and saw several white men lying dead on the
way.  After riding about six miles we met our party returning.  We
asked them how many of our men had been killed. . They said none after
the Americans had retreated.  We inquired how many whites had been
killed.  They replied that they did not know, but said we will soon
ascertain, as we must scalp them as we go back.  On our return we
found ten men, besides the two we had killed before we joined our
friends.  Seeing that they did not yet recognize us, it being dark, we
again asked how many of our braves had been killed?  They said five.
We asked who they were?  They replied that the first party of three
who went out to meet the American war chief, had all been taken
prisoners and killed in the encampment, and that out of a party of
five, who followed to see the meeting of the first party with the
whites, two had been killed.  We were now certain that they did not
recognize us, nor did we tell who we were until we arrived at our
camp.  The news of our death had reached it some time before, and all
were surprised to see us again."

The next morning I told the crier of my village to give notice that we
must go and bury our dead.  In a little while all were ready.  A small
deputation was sent for our absent warriors, and the remainder started
to bury the dead.  We first disposed of them and then commenced an
examination in the enemy's deserted encampment for plunder.  We found
arms and ammunition and provisions, all of which we were sadly in want
of, particularly the latter, as we were entirely without.  We found
also a variety of saddle bags, which I distributed among my braves, a
small quantity of whisky and some little barrels that had contained
this bad medicine, but they were empty.  I was surprised to find that
the whites carried whisky with them, as I had understood that all the
pale faces, when acting is soldiers in the field, were strictly
temperate.

The enemy's encampment was in a skirt of woods near a run, about half
a day's travel from Dixon's ferry.  We attacked them in the prairie,
with a few bushes between us, about sundown, and I expected that my
whole party would be killed.  I never was so much surprised in all the
fighting I have seen, knowing, too, that the Americans generally shoot
well, as I was to see this army of several hundreds retreating,
without showing fight, and passing immediately through their
encampment, I did think they intended to halt there, as the situation
would have forbidden attack by my party if their number had not
exceeded half of mine, as we would have been compelled to take the
open prairie whilst they could have picked trees to shield themselves
from our fire.

I was never so much surprised in my life as I was in this attack.  An
army of three or four hundred men, after having learned that we were
sueing for peace, to attempt to kill the flag bearers that had gone
unarmed to ask for a meeting of the war chiefs of the two contending
parties to hold a council, that I might return to the west side of the
Mississippi, to come forward with a full determination to demolish the
few braves I had with me, to retreat when they had ten to one, was
unaccountable to me.  It proved a different spirit from any I had ever
before seen among the pale faces.  I expected to see them fight as the
Americans did with the British during the last war, but they had no
such braves among them.  At our feast with the Pottowattomies I was
convinced that we had been imposed upon by those who had brought in
reports of large re-enforcements to my band and resolved not to strike
a blow; and in order to get permission from White Beaver to return and
re-cross the Mississippi, I sent a flag of peace to the American war
chief, who was reported to be close by with his army, expecting that
he would convene a council and listen to what we had to say.  But this
chief, instead of pursuing that honorable and chivalric course, such
as I have always practiced, shot down our flag-bearer and thus forced
us into war with less than five hundred warriors to contend against
three or four thousand soldiers.

The supplies that Neapope and the prophet told us about, and the
reinforcements we were to have, were never more heard of, and it is
but justice to our British Father to say were never promised, his
chief being sent word in lieu of the lies that were brought to me,
"for us to remain at peace as we could accomplish nothing but our own
ruin by going to war."

What was now to be done?  It was worse than folly to turn back and
meet an enemy where the odds were so much against us and thereby
sacrifice ourselves, our wives and children to the fury of an enemy
who had murdered some of our brave and unarmed warriors when they were
on a mission to sue for peace.

Having returned to our encampment, and found that all our young men
had come in, I sent out spies to watch the movements of the army, and
commenced moving up Kishwacokee with the balance of my people.  I did
not know where to go to find a place of safety for my women and
children, but expected to find a good harbor about the head of Rock
river.  I concluded to go there, and thought my best route would be to
go round the head of Kishwacokee, so that the Americans would have
some difficulty if they attempted to follow us.

On arriving at the head of Kishwacokee, I was met by a party of
Winnebagoes, who seemed to rejoice at our success.  They said they had
come to offer their services, and were anxious to join an.  I asked
them if they knew where there was a safe place for our women and
children. They told us that they would send two old men with us to
guide us to a good safe place.

I arranged war parties to send out in different directions, before I
proceeded further.  The Winnebagoes went alone. The war parties having
all been fitted out and started, we commenced moving to the Four
Lakes, the place where our guides were to conduct us.  We had not gone
far before six Winnebagoes came in with one scalp.  They said they had
killed a man at a grove, on the road from Dixon's to the lead mines.
Four days after, the party of Winnebagoes who had gone out from the
head of Kishwacokee, overtook us, and told me that they had killed
four men and taken their scalps: and that one of them was Keokuk's
father, (the agent).  They proposed to have a dance over their scalps.
I told them that I could have no dancing in my camp, in consequence of
my having lost three young braves; but they might dance in their own
camp, which they did.  Two days after, we arrived in safety at the
place where the Winnebagoes had directed us.  In a few days a great
number of our warriors came in.  I called them all around me, and
addressed them.  I told them:  "Now is the time, if any of you wish to
come into distinction, and be honored with the medicine bag!  Now is
the time to show you, courage and bravery, and avenge the murder of
our three braves !"

Several small parties went out, and returned again in a few days, with
success--bringing in provisions for our people.  In the mean time,
some spies came in, and reported that the army had fallen back to
Dixon's ferry; and others brought news that the horsemen had broken up
their camp, disbanded, and returned home.

Finding that all was safe, I made a dog feast, preparatory to leaving
my camp with a large party, (as the enemy were stationed so far off).
Before my braves commenced feasting, I took my medicine bags, and
addressed them in the following language:

"BRAVES AND WARRIORS: These are the medicine bags of our forefather,
Mukataquet, who was the father of the Sac nation. They were handed
down to the great war chief of our nation, Nanamakee, who has been at
war with all the nations of the plains, and have never yet been
disgraced!  I expect you all to protect them!"

After the ceremony was over and our feasting done I started, with
about two hundred warriors following my great medicine bags.  I
directed my, course toward sunset and dreamed, the second night after
we started, that there would be a great feast prepared for us after
one day's travel.  I told my warriors my dream in the morning and we
started for Moscohocoynak, (Apple river).  When we arrived in the
vicinity of a fort the white people had built there we saw four men on
horseback.  One of my braves fired and wounded a man when the others
set up a yell as if a large force were near and ready to come against
us.  We concealed ourselves and remained in this position for some
time watching to see the enemy approach, but none came.  The four men,
in the mean time, ran to the fort and gave the alarm.  We followed
them and attacked their fort.  One of their braves, who seemed more
valiant than the rest, raised his head above the picketing to fire at
us when one of my braves, with a well-directed shot, put an end to his
bravery.  Finding that these people could not be killed without
setting fire to their houses and fort I thought it more prudent to be
content with what flour, provisions, cattle and horses we could find
than to set fire to their buildings, as the light would be seen at a
distance and the army might suppose we were in the neighborhood and
come upon us with a strong force.  Accordingly we opened a house and
filled our bags with flour and provisions, took several horses and
drove off some of their cattle.

We started in a direction toward sunrise.  After marching a
considerable time I discovered some white men coming towards us.  I
told my braves that we would go into the woods and kill them when they
approached.  We concealed ourselves until they came near enough and
then commenced yelling and firing and made a rush upon them.  About
this time their chief, with a party of men, rushed up to rescue the
men we had fired upon.  In a little while they commenced retreating
and left their chief and a few braves who seemed willing and anxious
to fight.  They acted like men, but were forced to give way when I
rushed upon them with my braves.  In a short time the chief returned
with a lager party.  He seemed determined to fight, and anxious for a
battle.  When he came near enough I raised the yell and firing
commenced from both sides.  The chief, who seemed to be a small man,
addressed his warriors in a loud voice, but they soon retreated,
leaving him and a few braves on the battle field.  A great number of
my warriors pursued the retreating party and killed a number of their
horses as they ran.

The chief and his few braves were unwilling to leave the field.  I
ordered my braves to rush upon them, and had the mortification of
seeing two of my chiefs killed before the enemy retreated.

This young chief deserves great praise for his courage and bravery,
but fortunately for us, his army was not all composed of such brave
men.

During this attack we killed several men and about forty horses and
lost two young chiefs and seven warriors.  My braves were anxious to
pursue them to the fort, attack and burn it, but I told them it was
useless to waste our powder as there was no possible chance of success
if we did attack them, and that as we had ran the bear into his hole
we would there leave him and return to our camp.

On arriving at our encampment we found that several of our spies had
returned, bringing intelligence that the army had commenced moving.
Another party of five came in and said they had been pursued for
several hours, and were attacked by twenty-five or thirty whites in
the woods; that the whites rushed in upon them as they lay concealed
and received their fire without seeing them.  They immediately
retreated whilst we reloaded.  They entered the thicket again and as
soon as they came near enough we fired.  Again they retreated and
again they rushed into the thicket and fired.  We returned their fire
and a skirmish ensued between two of their men and one of ours, who
was killed by having his throat cut.  This was the only man we lost,
the enemy having had three killed; they again retreated.

Another party of three Sacs had come in and brought two young white
squaws, whom they had given to the Winnebagoes to take to the whites.
They said they had joined a party of Pottowattomies and went with them
as a war party against the settlers of Illinois.

The leader of this party, a Pottowattomie, had been severely whipped
by this settler, some time before, and was anxious to avenge the
insult and injury. While the party was preparing to start, a young
Pottowattomie went to the settler's house and told him to leave it,
that a war party was coming to murder them.  They started, but soon
returned again, as it appeared that they were all there when the war
party arrived.  The Pottowattomies killed the whole family, except two
young squaws, whom the Sacs took up on their horses and carried off,
to save their lives.  They were brought to our encampment, and a
messenger sent to the Winnebagoes, as they were friendly on both
sides, to come and get them, and carry them to the whites.  If these
young men, belonging to my band, had not gone with the Pottowittomies,
the two young squaws would have shared the same fate as their friends.

During our encampment at the Four Lakes we were hard pressed to obtain
enough to eat to support nature.  Situated in a swampy, marshy
country, (which had been selected in consequence of the great
difficulty required to gain access thereto,) there was but little game
of any sort to be found, and fish were equally scarce.  The great
distance to any settlement, and the impossibility of bringing supplies
therefrom, if any could have been obtained, deterred our young men
from making further attempts.  We were forced to dig roots and bark
trees, to obtain something to satisfy hunger and keep us alive.
Several of our old people became so reduced, as to actually die with
hunger!  Learning that the army had commenced moving, and fearing that
they might come upon and surround our encampment, I concluded to
remove our women and children across the Mississippi, that they might
return to the Sac nation again.  Accordingly, on the next day we
commenced moving, with five Winnebagoes acting as our guides,
intending to descend the Wisconsin.

Neapope, with a party of twenty, remained in our rear, to watch for
the enemy, whilst we were proceeding to the Wisconsin, with our women
and children.  We arrived, and had commenced crossing over to an
island, when we discovered a large body of the enemy coming towards
us. We were now compelled to fight, or sacrifice our wives and
children to the fury of the whites.  I met them with fifty warriors,
(having left the balance to assist our women and children in crossing)
about a mile from the river, When an attack immediately commenced, I
was mounted on a fine horse, and was pleased to see my warriors so
brave.  I addressed them in a load voice, telling them to stand their
ground and never yield it to the enemy.  At this time I was on the
rise of a hill, where I wished to form my warriors, that we might have
some advantage over the whites.  But the enemy succeeded in gaining
this point, which compelled us to fall into a deep ravine, from which
we continued firing at them and they at us, until it began to grow
dark.  My horse having been wounded twice during this engagement, and
fearing from his loss of blood that he would soon give out, and
finding that the enemy would not come near enough to receive our fire,
in the dusk of the evening, and knowing that our women and children
had had sufficient time to reach the island in the Wisconsin, I
ordered my warriors to return, by different routes, and meet me at the
Wisconsin, and was astonished to find that the enemy were not disposed
to pursue us.

In this skirmish with fifty braves, I defended and accomplished my
passage over the Wisconsin, with a loss of only six men, though
opposed by a host of mounted militia.  I would not have fought there,
but to gain time for our women and children to cross to an island.  A
warrior will duly appreciate the embarrassments I labored under--and
whatever may be the sentiments of the white people in relation to this
battle, my nation, though fallen, will award to me the reputation of a
great brave in conducting it.

The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by our party; but I am
of the opinion that it was much greater, in proportion, than mine. We
returned to the Wisconsin and crossed over to our people.

Here some of my people left me, and descended the Wisconsin, hoping to
escape to the west side of the Mississippi, that they might return
home.  I had no objection to their leaving me, as my people were all
in a desperate condition, being worn out with traveling and starving
with hunger.  Our only hope to save ourselves was to get across the
Mississippi. But few of this party escaped.  Unfortunately for them, a
party of soldiers from Prairie du Chien were stationed on the
Wisconsin, a short distance from its mouth, who fired upon our
distressed people.  Some were killed, others drowned, several taken
prisoners, and the balance escaped to the woods and perished with
hunger.  Among this party were a great many women and children.

I was astonished to find that Neapope and his party of spies had not
yet come in, they having been left in my rear to bring the news, if
the enemy were discovered.  It appeared, however, that the whites had
come in a different direction and intercepted our trail but a short
distance from the place where we first saw them, leaving our spies
considerably in the rear.  Neapope and one other retired to the
Winnebago village, and there remained during the war.  The balance of
his party, being brave men, and considering our interests as their
own, returned, and joined our ranks.

Myself and band having no means to descend the Wisconsin, I started
over a rugged country, to go to the Mississippi, intending to cross it
and return to my nation.  Many of our people were compelled to go on
foot, for want of horses, which, in consequence of their having had
nothing to eat for a long time, caused our march to be very slow.  At
length we arrived at the Mississippi, having lost some of our old men
and little children, who perished on the way with hunger.

We had been here but a little while before we saw a steamboat (the
"Warrior,") coming.  I told my braves not to shoot, as I intended
going on board, so that we might save our women and children.  I knew
the captain (Throckmorton) and was determined to give myself up to
him.  I then sent for my white flag.  While the messenger was gone, I
took a small piece of white cotton and put it on a pole, and called to
the captain of the boat, and told him to send his little canoe ashore
and let me come aboard.  The people on board asked whether we were
Sacs or Winnebagoes.  I told a Winnebago to tell them that we were
Sacs, and wanted to give ourselves up!  A Winnebago on the boat called
out to us  "to run and hide, that the whites were going to shoot!"
About this time one of my braves had jumped into the river, bearing a
white flag to the boat, when another sprang in after him and brought
him to the shore.  The firing then commenced from the boat, which was
returned by my braves and continued for some time.  Very few of my
people were hurt after the first fire, having succeeded in getting
behind old logs and trees, which shielded them from the enemy's fire.

The Winnebago on the steamboat must either have misunderstood what was
told, or did not tell it to the captain correctly; because I am
confident he would not have allowed the soldiers to fire upon us if he
had known my wishes.  I have always considered him a good man, and too
great a brave to fire upon an enemy when sueing for quarters.

After the boat left us, I told my people to cross if they could, and
wished; that I intended going into the Chippewa country.  Some
commenced crossing, and such as had determined to follow them,
remained; only three lodges going with me.  Next morning, at daybreak,
a young man overtook me, and said that all my party had determined to
cross the Mississippi--that a number had already got over safely and
that he had heard the white army last night within a few miles of
them.  I now began to fear that the whites would come up with my
people and kill them before they could get across.  I had determined
to go and join the Chippewas; but reflecting that by this I could only
save myself, I concluded to return, and die with my people, if the
Great Spirit would not give us another victory.  During our stay in
the thicket, a party of whites came close by us, but passed on without
discovering us.

Early in the morning a party of whites being in advance of the army,
came upon our people, who were attempting to cross the Mississippi.
They tried to give themselves up; the whites paid no attention to
their entreaties, but commenced slaughtering them.  In a little while
the whole army arrived.  Our braves, but few in umber, finding that
the enemy paid no regard to age or sex, and seeing that they were
murdering helpless women and little children, determined to fight
until they were killed.  As many women as could, commenced swimming
the Mississippi, with their children on their backs.  A number of them
were drowned, and some shot before they could reach the opposite
shore.

One of my braves, who gave me this information, piled up some saddles
before him, (when the fight commenced), to shield himself from the
enemy's fire, and killed three white men.  But seeing that the whites
were coming too close to him, he crawled to the bank of the without
being perceived, and hid himself under the bank until the enemy
retired.  He then came to me and told me what had been done.  After
hearing this sorrowful news, I started with my little party to the
Winnebago village at Prairie La Cross.  On my arrival there I entered
the lodge of one of the chiefs, and told him that I wished him to go
with me to his father, that I intended giving myself up to the
American war chief and die, if the Great Spirit saw proper.  He said
he would go with me.  I then took my medicine bag and addressed the
chief.  I told him that it was "the soul of the Sac nation--that it
never had been dishonored in any battle, take it, it is my life--
dearer than life--and give it to the American chief!"  He said he
would keep it, and take care of it, and if I was suffered to live, he
would send it to me.

During my stay at the village, the squaws made me a white dress of
deer skin.  I then started with several Winnebagoes, and went to their
agent, at Prairie du Chien, and gave myself up.

On my arrival there, I found to my sorrow, that a large body of Sioux
had pursued and killed a number of our women and children, who had got
safely across the Mississippi.  The whites ought not to have permitted
such conduct, and none but cowards would ever have been guilty of such
cruelty, a habit which had always been practiced on our nation by the
Sioux.

The massacre, which terminated the war, lasted about two hours.  Our
loss in killed was about sixty, besides a number that was drowned.
The loss of the enemy could not be ascertained by my braves, exactly;
but they think that they killed about sixteen during the action.

I was now given up by the agent to the commanding officer at Fort
Crawford, the White Beaver having gone down the river.  We remained
here a short time, and then started for Jefferson Barracks, in a steam
boat, under the charge of a young war chief, (Lieut. Jefferson Davis)
who treated us all with much kindness.  He is a good and brave young
chief, with whose conduct I was much pleased.  On our way down we
called at Galena and remained a short time.  The people crowded to the
boat to see us: but the war chief would not permit them to enter the
apartment where we were--knowing, from what his feelings would have
been if he had been placed in a similar situation, that we did not
wish to have a gaping crowd around us.

We passed Rock Island without stopping.  The great war chief, Gen.
Scott, who was then at Fort Armstrong, came out in a small boat to see
us, but the captain of the steamboat would not allow anybody from the
fort to come on board his boat, in consequence of the cholera raging
among the soldiers.  I did think that the captain ought to have
permitted the war chief to come on board to see me, because I could
see no danger to be apprehended by it.  The war chief looked well, and
I have since heard was constantly among his soldiers, who were sick
and dying, administering to their wants, and had not caught the
disease from them and I thought it absurd to think that any of the
people on the steamboat could be afraid of catching the disease from a
well man.  But these people are not brave like war chiefs, who never
fear anything.

On our way down, I surveyed the country that had cost us so much
trouble, anxiety and blood, and that now caused me to be a prisoner of
war.  I reflected upon the ingratitude of the whites when I saw their
fine houses, rich harvests and everything desirable around them; and
recollected that all this land had been ours, for which I and my
people had never received a dollar, and that the whites were not
satisfied until they took our village and our graveyards from us and
removed us across the Mississippi.

On our arrival at Jefferson Barracks we met the great war chief, White
Beaver, who had commanded the American army against my little band.  I
felt the humiliation of my situation; a little while before I had been
leader of my braves, now I was a prisoner of war, but had surrendered
myself.  He received us kindly and treated us well.

We were now confined to the barracks and forced to wear the ball and
chain.  This was extremely mortifying and altogether useless.  Was the
White Beaver afraid I would break out of his barracks and run away?
Or was he ordered to inflict this punishment upon me?  If I had taken
him prisoner on the field of battle I would not have wounded his
feelings so much by such treatment, knowing that a brave war chief
would prefer death to dishonor.  But I do not blame the White Beaver
for the course he pursued, as it is the custom among the white
soldiers, and I suppose was a part of his duty.

The time dragged heavily and gloomily along throughout the winter,
although the White Beaver did everything is his power to render us
comfortable.  Having been accustomed, throughout a long life, to roam
the forests o'er, to go and come at liberty, confinement, and under
such circumstances, could not be less than torture.

We passed away the time making pipes until spring, when we were
visited by the agent, trader and interpreter, from Rock Island, Keokuk
and several chiefs and braves of our nation, and my wife and daughter.
I was rejoiced to see the two latter and spent my time very agreeably
with them and my people as long as they remained.

The trader, Sagenash, (Col. Davenport) presented me with some dried
venison, which had been killed and cured by some of my friends.  This
was a valuable present, and although he had given me many before, none
ever pleased me so much.  This was the first meat I had eaten for a
long time that reminded me of the former pleasures of my own wigwam,
which had always been stored with plenty.

Keokuk and his chiefs, during their stay at the barracks, petitioned
our Great Father, the president, to release us, and pledged themselves
for our good conduct.  I now began to hope I would soon be restored to
liberty and the enjoyment of my family and friends, having heard that
Keokuk stood high in the estimation of our Great Father, because he
did not join me in the war, but I was soon disappointed in my hopes.
An order came from our Great Father to the White Beaver to send us on
to Washington.

In a little while all were ready and left Jefferson Barracks on board
of a steamboat, under charge of a young war chief and one soldier,
whom the White Beaver sent along as a guide to Washington.  We were
accompanied by Keokuk, wife and son, Appanooce, Wapello, Poweshiek,
Pashippaho, Nashashuk, Saukee, Musquaukee, and our interpreter.  Our
principal traders, Col. Geo.  Davenport, of Rock Island, and S. S.
Phelps and clerk, William Cousland, of the Yellow Banks, also
accompanied us.  On our way up the Ohio we passed several large
villages, the names of which were explained to me.  The first is
called Louisville, and is a very petty village, situated on the bank
of the Ohio River.  The next is Cincinnati, which stands on the bank
of the same river.  This is a large and beautiful village and seemed
to be in a thriving condition.  The people gathered on the bank as we
passed, in great crowds, apparently anxious to see us.

On our arrival at Wheeling the streets and river banks were crowded
with people, who flocked from every direction to see us.  While we
remained here many called upon us and treated us with kindness, no one
offering to molest or misuse us.  This village is not so large as
either of those before mentioned, but is quite a pretty one.

We left the steamboat then, having traveled a long distance on the
prettiest river I ever saw (except our Mississippi) and took the
stage.  Being unaccustomed to this mode of traveling, we soon got
tired and wished ourselves seated in a canoe on one of our own rivers,
that we might return to our friends.  We had traveled but a short
distance before our carriage turned over, from which I received a
slight injury, and the soldier had one arm broken.  I was sorry for
this accident, as the young man had behaved well.

We had a rough and mountainous country for several days, but had a
good trail for our carriage.  It is astonishing what labor and pains
the white people have had to make this road, as it passes over several
mountains, which are generally covered with rocks and timber, yet it
has been made smooth and easy to travel upon.

Rough and mountainous as this country is there are many wigwams and
small villages standing on the roadside.  I could see nothing in the
country to induce the people to live in it, and was astonished to find
so many whites living on the hills.

I have often thought of them since my return to my own people, and am
happy to think that they prefer living in their own country to coming
out to ours and driving us from it, as many of the whites have already
done.  I think with them, that wherever the Great Spirit places his
people they ought to be satisfied to remain, and be thankful for what
He has given them, and not drive others from the country He has given
them because it happens to be better then theirs.  This is contrary to
our way of thinking, and from my intercourse with the whites, I have
learned that one great principle of their religion is "to do unto
others as you wish them to do unto you."  Those people in the
mountains seem to act upon this principle, but the settlers on our
frontiers and on our lands seem never to think of it, if we are to
judge by their actions.

The first village of importance that we came to, after leaving the
mountains, is called Hagerstown.  It is a large village to be so far
from a river and is very pretty.  The people appear to live well and
enjoy themselves much.

We passed through several small villages on the way to Fredericktown,
but I have forgotten their names.  This last is a large and beautiful
village.  The people treated us well, as they did at all other
villages where we stopped,

Here we came to another road much more wonderful than that through the
mountains.  They call it a railroad, (the Baltimore and Ohio).  I
examined it carefully, but need not describe it, as the whites know
all about it. It is the most astonishing sight I ever saw.  The great
road over the mountains will bear no comparison to it, although it has
given the white people much trouble to make. I was surprised to see so
much money and labor expended to make a good road for easy traveling.
I prefer riding horse back, however, to any other way, but suppose
these people would not have gone to so much trouble and expense to
make a road if they did not prefer riding in their new fashioned
carriages, which seem to run without any trouble, being propelled by
steam on the same principle that boats are on the river.  They
certainly deserve great praise for their industry.

On our arrival at Washington, we called to see our Great Father, the
President.  He looks as if he had seen as many winters as I have, and
seems to be a great brave.  I had very little talk with him, as he
appeared to be busy and did not seem to be much disposed to talk. I
think he is a good man; and although he talked but little, he treated
us very well.  His wigwam is well furnished with every thing good and
pretty, and is very strongly built.

He said he wished to know the cause of my going to war against his
white children.  I thought he ought to have known this before; and
consequently said but little to him about it, as I expected he knew as
well as I cold tell him.

He said he wanted us to go to Fortress Monroe and stay awhile with the
war chief who commanded it.  But having been so long from my people, I
told him that I would rather return to my nation; that Keokuk had come
here once on a visit to him, as we had done, and he had let him return
again, as soon as he wished, and that I expected to be treated in the
same manner.  He insisted, however, on our going to Fortress Monroe;
and as the interpreter then present could not understand enough of our
language to interpret a speech, I concluded it was best to obey our
Great Father, and say nothing contrary to his wishes.

During our stay at the city, we were called upon by many of the
people, who treated us well, particularly the squaws; we visited the
great council home of the Americans; the place where they keep their
big guns; and all the public buildings, and then started for Fortress
Monroe.  The war chief met us on our arrival, and shook hands, and
appeared glad to see me.  He treated us with great friendship, and
talked to me frequently.  Previous to our leaving this fort, he made
us a feast, and gave us some presents, which I intend to keep for his
sake.  He is a very good man and a great brave.  I was sorry to leave
him, although I was going to return to my people, because he had
treated me like a brother, during all the time I remained with him.

Having got a new guide, a war chief (Maj. Garland), we started for our
own country, taking a circuitous route.  Our Great Father being about
to pay a visit to his children in the big towns towards sunrise, and
being desirous that we should have an opportunity of seeing them, had
directed our guide to take us through.

On our arrival at Baltimore, we were much astonished to see so large a
village; but the war chief told us we would soon see a larger one.
This surprised us more.  During our stay here, we visited all the
public buildings and places of amusement, saw much to admire, and were
well entertained by the people who crowded to see us.  Our Great
Father was there at the same time, and seemed to be much liked by his
white children, who flocked around him, (as they had around us) to
shake him by the hand.  He did not remain long, having left the city
before us. In an interview, while here, the President said:

"When I saw you in Washington, I told you that you had behaved very
badly in going to war against the whites.  Your conduct then compelled
me to send my warriors against you, and your people were defeated with
great loss, and several of you surrendered, to be kept until I should
be satisfied that you would not try to do any more injury.  I told
you, too, that I would inquire whether your people wished you to
return, and whether, if you did return, there would be any danger to
the frontier.  Gen. Clark and Gen. Atkinson, whom you know, have
informed me that your principal chief and the rest of your people are
anxious you should return, and Keokuk has asked me to send you back.
Your chiefs have pledged themselves for your good conduct, and I have
given directions that you should be taken to your own country.

"Major Garland, who is with you, will conduct you through some of our
towns.  You will see the strength of the white people.  You will see
that our young men are as numerous as the leaves in the woods.  What
can you do against us?  You may kill a few women and children, but
such a force would seen be sent against you as would destroy your
whole tribe.  Let the red men hunt and take care of their families.  I
hope they will not again raise the tomahawk against their white
brethren.  We do not wish to injure you.  We desire your prosperity
and improvement.  But if you again make war against our people, I
shall send a force which will severely punish you.  When you go back,
listen to the councils of Keokuk and the other friendly chiefs; bury
the tomahawk and live in peace with the people on the frontier.  And I
pray the Great Spirit to give you a smooth path and a fair sky to
return."

I was pleased with our Great Father's talk and thanked him.  Told him
that the tomahawk had been buried so deep that it would never be
resurrected, and that my remaining days would be spent in peace with
all my white brethren.

We left Baltimore in a steamboat, and traveled in this way to the big
village, where they make medals and money, (Philadelphia.) We again
expressed surprise at finding this village so much larger than the one
we had left; but the war chief again told us we would see another much
larger than this. I had no idea that the white people had such large
villages, and so many people.  They were very kind to us, showed us
all their great public works, their ships and steamboats.  We visited
the place where they make money, (the mint) and saw the men engaged at
it.  They presented each of us with a number of pieces of the coin as
they fell from the mint, which are very handsome.

I witnessed a militia training in this city, in which were performed a
number of singular military feats.  The chiefs and men were all well
dressed, and exhibited quite a warlike appearance.  I think our system
of military parade far better than that of the whites, but as I am now
done going to war I will not describe it, or say anything more about
war, or the preparations necessary for it.

We next started for New York, and on our arrival near the wharf, saw a
large collection of people gathered at Castle Garden.  We had seen
many wonderful sights in our way--large villages, the great national
road over the mountains, the railroad, steam carriages, ships,
steamboat, and many other things; but we were now about to witness a
sight more surprising than any of these.  We were told that a man was
going up in the air in a balloon.  We watched with anxiety to see if
this could be true; and to our utter astonishment, saw him ascend in
the air until the eye could no longer perceive him.  Our people were
all surprised and one of our young men asked the Prophet if he was
going up to see the Great Spirit?

After the ascension of the balloon, we landed and got into a carriage
to go to the house that had been provided for our reception.  We had
proceeded but a short distance before the street was so crowded that
it was impossible for the carriage to pass.  The war chief then
directed the coachman to take another street, and stop at a different
house from the one we had intended.  On our arrival here we were
waited upon by a number of gentlemen, who seemed much pleased to see
us.  We were furnished with good rooms, good provisions, and
everything necessary for our comfort.

The chiefs of this big village, being desirous that all their people
should have an opportunity to see us, fitted up their great council
home for this purpose, where we saw an immense number of people; all
of whom treated us with great friendship, and many with great
generosity.  One of their great chiefs, John A. Graham, waited upon us
and made a very pretty talk, which appeared in the village papers, one
of which I now hand you.



MR. GRAHAM'S SPEECH.

"BROTHERS: Open your ears.  You are brave men.  You have fought like
tigers, but in a bad cause.  We have conquered you.  We were sorry
last year that you raised the tomahawk against us; but we believe you
did not know us then as you do now.  We think, in time to come, you
will be wise, and that we shall be friends forever.  You see that we
are a great people, numerous as the flowers of the field, as the
shells on the sea shore, or the fishes in the sea, We put one hand on
the eastern, and at the same time the other on the western ocean.  We
all act together.  If some time our great men talk long and loud at
our council fires, but shed one drop of white men's blood, our young
warriors, as thick as the stars of the night, will leap aboard of our
great boats, which fly on the waves and over the lakes--swift as the
eagle in the air--then penetrate the woods, make the big guns thunder,
and the whole heavens red with the flames of the dwellings of their
enemies.  Brothers, the President has made you a great talk.  He has
but one mouth.  That one has sounded the sentiments of all the people.
Listen to what he has said to you.  Write it on your memories, it is
good, very good.

"Black Hawk, take these jewels, a pair of topaz earrings, beautifully
set in gold, for your wife or daughter, as a token of friendship,
keeping always in mind, that women and children are the favorites of
the Great Spirit.  These jewels are from an old man, whose head is
whitened with the snows of seventy winters, an old man who has thrown
down his bow, put off his sword, and now stands leaning on his staff,
waiting the commands of the Great Spirit.  Look around you, see all
this mighty people, then go to your homes, open your arms to receive
your families.  Tell them to buy the hatchet, to make bright the chain
of friendship, to love the white men, and to live in peace with them,
as long as the rivers run into the sea, and the sun rises and sets.
If you do so, you will be happy.  You will then insure the prosperity
of unborn generations of your tribes, who will go hand in hand with
the sons of the white men, and all shall be blessed by the Great
Spirit.  Peace and happiness by the blessing of the Great Spirit
attend you.  Farewell."

In reply to this fine talk, I said, "Brother: We like your talk.  We
like the white people.  They are very kind to us.  We shall not forget
it.  Your council is good.  We shall attend to it.  Your valuable
present shall go to my squaw.  We shall always be friends."

The chiefs were particular in showing us everything that they thought
would be pleasing or gratifying to us.  We went with them to Castle
Garden to see the fire-works, which was quite an agreeable
entertainment, but to the whites who witnessed it, less magnificent
than would have been the sight of one of our large prairies when on
fire.

We visited all the public buildings and places of amusement, which, to
us, were truly astonishing yet very gratifying.

Everybody treated us with friendship, and many with great liberality.
The squaws presented us many handsome little presents that are said to
be valuable.  They were very kind, very good, and very pretty--for
pale-faces.

Among the men, who treated us with marked friendship, by the
presentation of many valuable presents, I cannot omit to mention the
name of my old friend Crooks, of the American Fur Company.  I have
known him long, and have always found him to be a good chief, one who
gives good advice, and treats our people right.  I shall always be
proud to recognize him as a friend, and glad to shake him by the hand.

Being anxious to return to our people, our guide started with us for
our own country.  On arriving at Albany, the people were so anxious to
see us, that they crowded the streets and wharfs, where the steamboats
landed, so much, that it was almost impossible for us to pass to the
hotel which had been provided for our reception.  We remained here but
a short time, it being a comparatively small village, with only a few
large public buildings.  The great council home of the state is
located here, and the big chief (the governor) resides here, in an old
mansion.  From here we went to Buffalo, thence to Detroit, where I had
spent many pleasant days, and anticipated, on my arrival, to meet many
of my old friends, but in this I was disappointed.  What could be the
cause of this? Are they all dead?  Or what has become of them?  I did
not see our old father them, who had always given me good advice and
treated me with great friendship.

After leaving Detroit it was but a few days before we landed at
Prairie du Chien.  The war chief at the fort treated us very kindly,
as did the people generally.  I called on the agent of the
Winnebagoes, (Gen. J. M. Street), to whom I had surrendered myself
after the battle at Bad Axe, who received me very friendly.  I told
him that I had left my great medicine bag with his chiefs before I
gave myself up; and now, that I was to enjoy my liberty again, I was
anxious to get it, that I might head it down to my nation unsullied.

He said it was safe; he had heard his chiefs speak of it, and would
get it and send it to me.  I hope he will not forget his promise, as
the whites generally do, because I have always heard that he was a
good man, and a good father, and made no promise that he did not
fulfill.

Passing down the Mississippi, I discovered a large collection of
people in the mining country, on the west side of the river, and on
the ground that we had given to our relation, DUBUQUE, a long time
ago.  I was surprised at this, As I had understood from our Great
Father that the Mississippi was to be the dividing line between his
red and white children, and he did not wish either to cross it.  I was
much pleased with this talk, and I knew it would be much better for
both parties.  I have since found the country much settled by the
whites further down, and near to our people, on the west side of the
river.  I am very much afraid that in a few years they will begin to
drive and abuse our people, as they have fomerly done.  I may not live
to see it, but I feel certain the day is not far distant.

When we arrived at Rock Island, Keokuk and the other chiefs were sent
for.  They arrived the next day with a great number of their young
men, and came over to see me. I was pleased to see them, and they all
appeared glad to see me.  Among them were some who had lost relations
the year before.  When we met, I perceived the tear of sorrow gush
from their eyes at the recollection of their loss, yet they exhibited
a smiling countenance, from the joy they felt at seeing me alive and
well.

The next morning, the war chief, our guide, convened a council at Fort
Armstrong.  Keokuk and his party went to the fort; but, in consequence
of the war chief not having called for me to accompany him, I
concluded that I would wait until I was sent for.  Conseqently, the
interpreter came and said, "they were ready, and had been waiting for
me to come to the fort."  I told him I was ready and would accompany
him.  On our arrival there the council commenced.  The war chief said
that the object of this council was to deliver me up to Keokuk.  He
then read a paper, and directed me to follow Keokuk's advice, and be
governed by his counsel in all things!  In this speech he said much
that was mortifying to my feelings, and I made an indignant reply.

I do not know what object the war chief had in making such a speech;
or whether he intended what he said; but I do know that it was
uncalled for, and did not become him.  I have addressed many war
chiefs and listened to their speeches with pleasure, but never had my
feelings of pride and honor insulted on any other occasion.  But I am
sorry I was so hasty in reply to this chief, because I said that which
I did not intend.

In this council I met my old friend (Col. Wm. Davenport,) whom I had
known about eighteen years.  He is a good and brave chief.  He always
treated me well, and gave me good advice.  He made me a speech on this
occasion, very different from that of the other chief.  It sounded
like coming from a brave.  He said he had known me a long time, that
we had been good friends during that acquaintance, and, although he
had fought against my braves, in our late war, he still extended the
hand of friendship to me, and hoped that I was now satisfied, from
what I had seen in my travels, that it was folly to think of going to
war against the whites, and would ever remain at peace.  He said he
would be glad to see me at all times, and on all occasions would be
happy to give me good advice.

If our Great Father were to make such men our agents he would much
better subserve the interests of our people, as well as his own, than
in any other way.  The war chiefs all know our people, and are
respected by them.  If the war chiefs at the different military posts
on the frontier were made agents, they could always prevent
difficulties from arising among the Indians and whites; and I have no
doubt, had the war chief above alluded to been our agent, we would
never have had the difficulties with the whites we have had.  Our
agents ought always to be braves.  I would, therefore, recommend to
our Great Father the propriety of breaking up the present Indian
establishment, and creating a new one, and make the commanding
officers at the different frontier posts the agents of the Government
for the different nations of Indians.

I have a good opinion of the American war chiefs generally with whom I
am acquainted, and my people, who had an opportunity of seeing and
becoming well acquainted with the great war chief (Gen.  Winfield
Scott), who made the last treaty with them, in conjunction with the
great chief of Illinois (Governor Reynolds), all tell me that he is
the greatest brave they ever saw, and a good man--one who fulfills his
premises.  Our braves spoke more highly of him than of any chief that
had ever been among us, or made treaties with us.  Whatever he says
may be depended upon.  If he had been our Great Father we never would
have been compelled to join the British in the last war with America,
and I have thought that as our Great Father is changed every few
years, that his children would do well to put this great war chief in
his place, for they cannot find a better chief for a Great Father
anywhere.

I would be glad if the village criers (editors), in all the villages I
passed through, would let their people know my wishes and opinions
about this great war chief.

During my travels my opinions were asked for on different subjects,
but for want of a good interpreter (our regular interpreter having
gone home on a different route), were seldom given.  Presuming that
they would be equally acceptable now, I have thought it a part of my
duty to lay the most important before the public.

The subject of colonizing the negroes was introduced and my opinion
asked as to the best method of getting clear of these people.  I was
not fully prepared at that time to answer, as I knew but little about
their situation.  I have since made many inquiries on the subject, and
find that a number of States admit no slaves, whilst the balance hold
these negroes as slaves, and are anxious, but do not know how to get
clear of them. I will now give my plan, which, when understood, I hope
will be adopted.

Let the free States remove all the male negroes within their limits to
the slave States; then let our Great Father buy all the female negroes
in the slave States between the ages of twelve and twenty, and sell
them to the people of the free States, for a term of years, say those
under fifteen until they are twenty-one, and those of and over
fifteen, for five years, and continue to buy all the females in the slave
States as soon as they arrive at the age of twelve, and take them to
the free States and dispose of them in the same way as the first, and
it will not be long before the country is clear of the black-skins,
about which I am told they have been talking for a long time, and for
which they have expended a large amount of money.

I have no doubt but our Great Father would willingly do his part in
accomplishing this object for his children, as he could not lose much
by it, and would make them all happy.  If the free States did not want
them all for servants, we would take the balance in our nation to help
our women make corn.

I have not time now, or is it necessary to enter more into detail
about my travels through the United States.  The white people know all
about them, and my people have started to their hunting grounds and I
am anxious to follow them.

Before I take leave of the public, I must contradict the story of some
of the village criers, who, I have been told, accuse me of having
murdered women ad children among the whites.  This assertion is false!
I never did, nor have I any knowledge that any of my nation ever
killed a white woman or child.  I make this statement of truth to
satisfy the white people among whom I have been traveling, and by whom
I have been treated with great kindness, that, when they shook me by
the hand so cordially, they did not shake the hand that had ever been
raised against any but warriors.

It has always been our custom to receive all strangers that come to
our village or camps in time of peace on terms of friendship, to share
with them the best provisions we have, and give them all the
assistance in our power.  If on a journey or lost, to put them on the
right trail, and if in want of moccasins, to supply them.  I feel
grateful to the whites for the kind manner they treated me and my
party whilst traveling among them, and from my heart I assure them
that the white man will always be welcome in our village or camps, as
a brother.  The tomahawk is buried forever!  We will forget what has
passed, and may the watchword between the Americans and he Sacs and
Foxes ever be--FRIENDSHIP.

I am done now.  A few more moons and I must follow my fathers to the
shades.  May the Great Spirit keep our people and the whites always at
peace, is the sincere wish of
                     BLACK HAWK.



STARTS FOR A NEW HOME.

After we had finished his autobiography the interpreter read it over
to him carefully, and explained it thoroughly, so that he might make
any needed corrections, by adding to, or taking from the narrations;
but he did not desire to change it in any material matter.  He said,
"It contained nothing but the truth, and that it was his desire that
the white people in the big villages he had visited should know how
badly he had been treated, and the reason that had impelled him to act
as he had done."   Arrangements having been completed for moving to
his new home, he left Rock Island on the 10th of October with his
family and a small portion of his band, for his old hunting grounds on
Skunk river, on the west side of the Mississippi river below Shokokon.
Here he had a comfortable dwelling erected, and settled down with the
expectation of making it his permanent home, thus spending the evening
of his days in peace and quietude.

Our next meeting with the Chief was in the Autumn Of 1834 while on our
way to the trading house of Captain William Phelps (now of Lewistown,
Ills.), at Sweet Home, located on the bank of the Des Moines river.
This was soon after the payment of the annuities at Rock Island, where
the chiefs and head men had been assembled and received the money and
divided it among their people by such rule as they saw fit to adopt;
but this mode of distribution had proved very unsatisfactory to a
large number of Indians who felt that they had been sorely wronged.
The Sacs held a convocation at Phelps' trading house soon after our
arrival, and petitioned their Great Father to change the mode of
payment of their annuities.  Black Hawk was a leading spirit in this
movement, but thought best not to be present at the meeting.  The
writer of this drew up a petition in advance of the assembling of the
meeting, in accordance with the views of the Messrs. Phelps, and after
a short council, in which the Indians generally participated, the
interpreter read and explained to them the petition, which was a
simple prayer to their Great Father, to charge the mode of payment so
that each head of a family should receive and receipt for his
proportion of the annuity.  They were all satisfied and the entire
party "touched the goose quill," and their names were thus duly
attached to this important document.

The Secretary of War had long favored this mode of payment of the
annuities to the Indians, and at a meeting of the Cabinet to consider
this petition the prayer of the Indians was granted, and in due time
the Indian department received instructions, so that upon the payment
of 1835 this rule was adopted.  On his return from Rock Island, Black
Hawk, with a number of his band, called on his old friend
Wahwashenequa (Hawkeye), Mr. Stephen S. Phelps, to buy their necessary
supplies for making a fall hunt, and to learn at what points trading
houses would be established for the winter trade.  During their stay
the old chief had frequent interviews with the writer (his former
amanuensis). He said he had a very comfortable home, a good corn
field, and plenty of game, and had been well treated by the few whites
who had settled in his neighborhood.  He spent several days with us
and then left for home with a good winter outfit.

The change in the manner of payment of annuities would have been
opposed by Keokuk and his head men, had they been let into the secret,
as the annuity money when paid over was principally controlled by him,
and always to the detriment of the Sacs' traders who were in
opposition to the American Fur Company, the former having to rely
almost entirely upon the fall and winter trade in furs and peltries to
pay the credits given the Indians before leaving for their hunts.



BLACK HAWK'S LAST VISIT

To Yellow Banks was in the fall of 1836, after the town of Oquawka had
been laid out, and when told that the town had taken the Indian name,
instead of its English interpretation, he was very much gratified, as
he had known it as Oquawka ever since his earliest recollection and
had always made it a stopping place when going out to their winter
camps.  He said the Skunk river country was dotted over with Cabins
all the way down to the Des Moines river, and was filling up very fast
by white people.  A new village had been started at Shokokon (Flint
Hills) by the whites, and some of its people have already built good
houses, but the greater number are still living in log cabins.  They
should have retained its Indian name, Shokokon, as our people have
spent many happy days in this village.  Here too, we had our council
house in which the braves of the Sac nation have many times assembled
to listen to my words of counsel.  It was situated in a secluded but
romantic spot in the midst of the bluffs, not far from the river, and
on frequent occasions, when it became necessary to send out parties to
make war on the Sioux to redress our grievances, I have assembled my
braves here to give them counsel before starting on he war-path.  And
here, too, we have often met when starting out in the fall for our
fall and winter's hunt, to counsel in regard to our several locations
for the winter.  In those days the Fur Company had a trading house
here and their only neighbors were the resident Indians of Tama's
town, located a few miles above on the river.

The Burlington _Hawk-Eye_, of a late date, in reference to this
council house, says:

"A little distance above the water works, and further around the turn
of the bluff is a natural amphitheater, formed by the action of the
little stream that for ages has dripped and gurgled down its deep and
narrow channel to the river.  It is a straight, clear cut opening in
the hill side, slightly rising till at a distance of seventy-five or
one hundred yards from the face of the bluff it terminates as suddenly
and sharply as do the steeply sloping sides.

"Well back in this grassy retreat, upon a little projection of earth
that elevates it above the surrounding surface, lies a huge granite
boulder.  In connection with the surroundings it gives to the place
the appearance of a work of man, everything is so admirably arranged
for a council chamber.  Here, it is rumored by tradition, the dusky
warriors of the Sacs gathered to listen in attentive silence to the
words of their leader, Black Hawk, who from his rocky rostrum
addressed the motionless groups that strewed the hill sides;
motionless under his addresses and by them aroused to deeds of
darkness and crafty daring that made the name of their chief a synonym
with all things terrible.

"Whatever of truth this story may contain we cannot say, and it may be
no one knows.  Certain it is, however, that Black Hawk's early history
is intimately linked and interwoven with that of our city, and in
justice to a brave man and a soldier, as well as a 'first settler' and
a citizen, his name and his last resting place should be rescued from
the oblivion that will soon enshroud them."

Another village has been commenced by the whites on the Mississippi
river, at Fort Madison, which is being built up very rapidly.  The
country, too, is fast settling up by farmers, and as the Sacs have
made a settlement on the frontier farther west, on our old hunting
grounds, he said he would have to move farther back so as to be near
his people; and on bidding us farewell, said it might be the last
time, as he was growing old, and the distance would be too great from
the point at which he intended to build a house and open a little farm
to make a visit on horseback, and as the Des Moines river is always
low in the fall of the year he could not come in his canoe.

At the close of the summer of 1837 the President of the United States
invited deputations from several tribes Of Indians residing on the
Upper Mississippi to visit him at Washington. Among those who
responded to his invitation were deputations from the Sacs and Foxes
and Sioux, who had been at enmity, and between whom hostilities had
been renewed, growing out of their inhuman treatment of many of the
women and children of the Sacs, after they had made their escape from
the battle of Bad Axe, at the close of the war.

Keokuk, principal chief of the Sacs and Foxes, (by the advice of his
friend, Sagenash, Col. George Davenport, of Rock Island) invited Black
Hawk to join his delegation, which invitation he readily accepted, and
made one of the party; whilst the Sioux were represented by several of
their crafty chiefs.  Several counsels were held, the object of which
was to establish peace between the Sacs and Foxes and Sioux, and in
order to perpetuate it, make a purchase of a portion of the country of
the Sioux, which territory should be declared neutral, and on which
neither party should intrude for any purpose; but the Sioux, whose
domain extends far and wide, would not consent to sell any of their
land; hence nothing was accomplished.

Before returning to their county the Sac and Fox delegation visited
the large cities in the East, in all of which Black Hawk attracted
great attention; but more particularly in Boston, as he did not visit
it during his former tour.  The delegation embraced Keokuk, his wife
and little son, four chiefs of the nation, Black Hawk and son, and
several warriors.  Here they were received and welcomed by the mayor
of the city, and afterwards by Governor Everett as the representative
of the State.  On the part of the city, after a public reception, the
doors of Faneuil Hall were opened to their visitors to hold a levee
for the visits of the ladies, and in a very short time the "old cradle
of liberty" was jammed full.

After dinner the delegation was escorted to the State House by a
military company, and on their arrival were conspicuously seated in
front of the Speakers' desk, the house being filled with ladies,
members of the legislature, and dignitaries of the city council.

Governor Everett then addressed the audience, giving a brief history
of the Sac and Fox tribe, whose principal chiefs (including the great
war chief) were then present, and then turning to them hi said:
"Chiefs and warriors of the united Sacs and Foxes, you are welcome to
our hall of council.  Brothers, you have come a long way from your
home to visit your white brethren; we rejoice to take you by the hand.
Brothers, we have heard the names of your chiefs and warriors. Our
brethren who have traveled in the West have told us a great deal about
the Sacs and Foxes. We rejoice to see you with our own eyes.

"Brothers, we are called the Massachusetts.  This is the name of the
red men who once lived here.  Their wigwams were scattered on yonder
fields, and their council fire was kindled on this spot.  They were of
the same great race as the Sacs and Foxes.

 "Brothers, when our fathers came over the great water they were a
small band.  The red man stood upon the rock by the seaside and saw
our fathers.  He might have pushed them into the water and drowned
them; but he stretched out his hand to them and said:  'Welcome, white
man.'  Our fathers were hungry, and the red man gave them corn and
venison.  They were cold, and the red man wrapped them in his blanket.
We are now numerous and powerful, but we remember the kindness of the
red men to our fathers.  Brothers, you are welcome; we are glad to see
you.

"Brothers, our faces are pale, and your faces are dark, but our hearts
are alike.  The Great Spirit has made His children of different
colors, but He loves them all.

"Brothers, you dwell between the Mississippi and Missouri.  They are
mighty rivers.  They have one branch far East in the Alleghanies and
another far West in the Rocky Mountains, but they flow together at
last into one great stream and ran down into the sea.  In like manner
the red man dwells in the West and the white man in the East, by the
great water; but they are all one band, one family.  It has many
branches; but one head.

"Brothers, as you entered our council house, you beheld the image of
our great father, Washington.  It is a cold stone; it cannot speak to
you, but he was the friend of the red man, and bade his children live
in friendship with their red brethren.  He is gone to the world of
spirits, but his words have made a very deep print in our hearts, like
the step of a strong buffalo on the soft clay of the prairie.

"Brother, (addressing Keokuk) I perceive your little son between your
knees.  May the Great Spirit preserve his life, my, brother.  He grows
up before you, like the tender sapling by the side of the great oak.
May they flourish for a long time together; and when the mighty oak is
fallen on the ground may the young tree fill its place in the forest,
and spread out its branches over the tribe.

"Brothers, I make you a short talk and again bid you welcome to our
council hall."

Keokuk rose and made an eloquent address.  Several of the other chiefs
spoke, and after them the old war chief, Black Hawk, on whom the large
crowd were looking with intense interest, arose and delivered a short
but dignified address.

Presents were then distributed to them by the Governor.  Keokuk
received a splendid sword and a brace of pistols, his son a nice
little rifle, the other chiefs long swords, and Black Hawk a sword and
brace of pistols.

After the close of ceremonies in the Capitol, the Indians gave a
exhibition of the war dance, in the common in front of the Capitol, in
presence of thirty thousand spectators, and then returned to their
quarters.



BLACK HAWK'S REMOVAL TO THE DES MOINES RIVER.

Soon after his return from Boston he removed his family and little
band farther West, on the Des Moines river, near the storehouse of an
Indian trader, where he had previously erected a good house for his
future home.  His family embraced his wife, two sons, Nashashuk and
Gamesett, and an only daughter and her husband.  As he had given up
the chase entirely--having sufficient means from the annuities--he now
turned his attention to the improvement of his grounds, and soon had
everything comfortably around him.  Here he had frequent visits from
the whites, who came out in large numbers to look at the country, many
of whom called through curiosity to see the great war chief, but all
were made welcome and treated with great hospitality.

In 1838 Fort Madison had grown to be a little village, and its
inhabitants were not only enterprising and industrious, but patriotic
citizens.  On the 4th of July of that year they had a celebration and
having known and respected Black Hawk while residing in that part of
the country, invited him to join them as a guest on that occasion.

In reply to a letter of B.F. Drake, Esq., of Cincinnati, asking for
such incidents in the life of Black Hawk as he knew, Hon. W. Henry
Starr, of Burlington, Iowa, whom we knew for many years as a highly
honorable and intelligent gentleman, gave the following account of the
celebration in his reply, dated March 21, 1839:

"On the 4th of July, 1838, Black Hawk was present by special
invitation, and was the most conspicuous guest of the citizens
assembled in commemoration of that day.  Among the toasts called forth
by the occasion was the following:

"'Our illustrious guest, Black Hawk: May his declining years be as
calm and serene as his previous life has been boisterous and full of
warlike incidents.  His attachment and great friendship to his white
brethren, fully entitle him to a seat at our festive board.'"

"So soon as this sentiment was drank, Black Hawk arose and delivered
the following speech, which was taken down at the time by two
interpreted, and by them furnished for publication:

"It has pleased the Great Spirit that I am here to-day.  I have eaten
with my white friends.  The earth is our mother--we are now on it--
with the Great Spirit above us--it is good.  I hope we are all friends
here.  A few summers ago I was fighting against you--I did wrong,
perhaps; but that is past--it is buried--let it be forgotten.

"Rock river was a beautiful country--liked my towns, my cornfields,
and the home of my people.  I fought for it. It is now yours--keep it
as we did--it will produce you good crops.

"I thank the Great Spirit that I am now friendly with my white
brethren--we are here together--we have eaten together--we are
friends--it is his wish and mine.  I thank you for your friendship.

"I was once a great warrior-I am now poor.  Keokuk has been the cause
of my present situation--but do not attach blame to him.  I am now
old.  I have looked upon the Mississippi since I have been a child.  I
love the Great river.  I have dwelt upon its banks from the time I was
an infant.  I look upon it now.  I shake hands with you, and as it is
my wish, I hope you are my friends.'

"In the course of the day he was prevailed upon to drink several
times, and became somewhat intoxicated, an uncommon circumstance, as
he was generally temperate.

"In the autumn of 1837, he was at the house of an Indian trader, in
the vicinity of Burlington, when I became acquainted and frequently
convened with him in broken English, and through the medium of
gestures and pantomine.  A deep seated melancholy was apparent in his
countenance, and conversation.  He endeavored to make me comprehend,
on one occasion, his former greatness, and represented that he was
once master of the country, east, north, and south of us--that he had
been a very successful warrior-called himself, smiting his breast,
'big Captain Black Hawk,' 'nesso Kaskaskias,' (killed the Kaskaskias,)
'nesso Sioux a heap,' (killed a great number of Sioux). He then
adverted to the ingratitude of his tribe, in permitting Keokuk to
supercede him, who, he averred, excelled him in nothing but drinking
whisky.

"Toward Keokuk he felt the most unrelenting hatred.  Keokuk was,
however, beyond his influence, being recognized as chief of the tribe
by the government of the United States.  He unquestionably possessed
talents of the first order, excelled as an orator, but his authority
will probably be short-lived, on account of his dissipation and his
profligacy in spending the money paid him for the benefit of his
tribe, and which he squanders upon himself and a few favorites,
through whose influence he seeks to maintain his authority.

"You inquire if Black Hawk was at the battle of the Thames?  On one
occasion I mentioned Tecumthe to him and he expressed the greatest joy
that I had heard of him, and pointing away to the East, and making a
feint, as if aiming a gun, said, 'Chemocoman (white man) nesso,'
(kill.) From which I had no doubt of his being personally acquainted
with Tecumthe, and I have been since informed, on good authority, that
he was in the battle of the Thames and in several other engagements
with that distinguished chief."

In September, 1838, he started with the head men of his little band to
go to Rock Island, the place designated by the Agent, to receive their
annuities, but was taken sick on the way and had to return to his
home.  He was confined to his bed about two weeks, and on the 3d day
of October, 1838, he was called away by the Great Spirit to take up
his abode in the happy grounds of the future, at the age of seventy-
one years.  His devoted wife and family were his only and constant
attendants during his last sickness, and when brought home sick, she
had a premonition that he would soon be called away.

The following account of his death and burial we take from the
Burlington Hawk-Eye, and as we knew the writer as a reliable
gentleman, many years ago, we have no doubt of it being strictly
correct.

Captain James H. Jordan, a trader among the Sacs and Foxes before
Black Hawk's death, was present at his burial, and is now residing on
the very spot where he died.  In reply to a letter of inquiry he
writes as follows:



ELDON, Iowa, July 15, 1881.

Black Hawk was buried on the northeast quarter of the southeast
quarter of section 2, township 70, range 12, Davis county, Iowa, near
the northeast corner of the county, on the Des Moines river bottom,
about ninety rods from where he lived when he died, and the north side
of the river.  I have the ground on which he lived for a door yard, it
being between my house and the river.  The only mound over the gave
was some puncheons split out and set over his grave and then sodded
over with blue gross, making a ridge about four feet high.  A flag-
staff, some twenty feet high, was planted at the head, on which was a
silk flag, which hung there until the wind wore it out.  My house and
his were only about four rods apart when he died.  He was sick only
about fourteen days.  He was buried right where he sat the year
before, when in council with Iowa Indians, and was buried in a suit of
military clothes, made to order and given to him when in Washington
City by General Jackson, with hat, sword, gold epaulets, etc., etc.

The Annals of Iowa of 1863 and 1864 state that the old chief was
buried by laying his body on a board, his feet fifteen inches below
the surface of the ground, and his head raised three feet above the
ground.  He was dressed in a military uniform, said to have been
presented to him by a member of General Jackson's cabinet, with a cap
on his head ornamented with feathers.  On his left side was a sword
presented him by General Jackson; on his right side a cane presented
to him by Henry Clay, and one given to him by a British officer, and
other trophies.  Three medals hung about his neck from President
Jackson, ex-President John Quincy Adams and the city of Boston,
respectively.  The body was covered with boards on each side, the
length of the body, which formed a ridge, with an open space below;
the gables being closed by boards, and the whole was covered with sod.
At the head was a flag-staff thirty-five feet high which bore an
American flag worn out by exposure, and near by was the usual hewn
post inscribed with Indian characters representing his war-like
exploits, etc.  Enclosing all was a strong circular picket fence
twelve feet high.  His body remained here until July, 1839, when it
was carried off by a certain Dr. Turner, then living at Lexington, Van
Buren county, Iowa.  Captain Horn says the bones were carried to
Alton, Ills., to be mounted with wire.  Mr. Barrows says they were
taken to Warsaw, Ills.  Black Hawk's sons, when they heard of this
desecration of their father's grave, were very indignant, and
complained of it to Governor Lucas of Iowa Territory, and his
excellency caused the bones to be brought back to Burlington in the
fall of 1839, or the spring of 1840. When the sons came to take
possession of them, finding them safely stored "in a good dry place"
they left them there.  The bones were subsequently placed in the
collection of the Burlington Geological and Historical Society, and it
is certain that they perished in the fire which destroyed the building
and all the society's collections in 1855; though the editor of the
Annals, (April, 1865, p. 478) says there is good reason to believe
that the bones were not destroyed by the fire, and he is "creditably
informed that they are now at the residence of a former officer of
said society and thus escaped that catastrophe."

Another account, however, and probably a more reliable one, states
that the last remains of Black Hawk were consumed as stated, in the
burning building containing the collections and properties of the
Burlington Geological and Historical Society.

In closing this narrative of the life of this noble old chief it may
be but just to speak briefly of his personal traits.  He was an
Indian, and from that standpoint we must judge him.  The make-up of
his character comprised those elements in a marked degree which
constitutes a noble nature.  In all the social relations of life he
was kind and affable.  In his house he was the affectionate husband
and father.  He was free from the many vices that others of his race
had contracted from their associations with the white people, never
using intoxicating beverages to excess.  As a warrior he knew no fear,
and on the field of battle his feats of personal prowess stamped him
as the "bravest of the brave."

But it was rather as a speaker and counsellor that he was
distinguished.  His patriotism, his love of his country, his home, his
lands and the rights of his people to their wide domain, moved his
great soul to take up arms to protect the rights of his people.
Revenge and conquest formed no part of his purpose.  _Right_ was all
that he demanded, and for _that_ he waged the unequal contests with
the whites.  With his tribe he had great personal influence and his
young men received his counsel and advice, and yielded ready
acquiescence in his admonitions.  With other tribes he was held in
high esteem, as well as by English and American soldiers, who had
witnessed his prowess on the field of battle.



THE BLACK HAWK TOWER.

This favorite resort of Black Hawk, situated on the highest bank of
Rock river, had been selected by his father as a lookout, at the first
building up of their village.  From this point they had an
unobstructed view up and down Rock river for many miles, and across
the prairies as far as the vision could penetrate, and since that
country has been settled by the whites, for more than half a century,
has been the admiration of many thousands of people.

The village of Black Hawk, including this grand "look out," was
purchased from the Government by Col. George Davenport, at Black
Hawk's particular request, for the reason, as he afterwards told us,
that he could leave it with an abiding assurance that the graves of
their people would be protected from vandal hands.

This property including hundreds of acres lying between Rock river and
the Mississippi, is now owned by Hon. B. Davenport, and as it has long
been a pleasure resort for picnic and other parties, he has erected an
elegant pavilion on its site, with a good residence for a family, who
have charge of it, which will now make it the finest pleasure resort
in that part of the country.  And in order to make it more easy of
access, he has constructed a branch from the Rock Island and Milan
railroad, leading directly to the Tower.  Now its many visitors in the
future can sit on the veranda, and while enjoying the elegant scenery,
can take ease and comfort in the cool shade.  And for this high
privilege the name of Davenport will receive many hearty greetings.

Fifty years ago (1832) we made, our first visit to Black Hawk's Tower
with Col. George Davenport, and listened with intense interest to his
recital of scenes that had been enacted there may years before; and
one year later had them all repeated, with may more, from the lips of
Black Hawk himself.  How changed the scene.  Then it was in its rustic
state, now this fine pavilion, being a long, low structure, built
somewhat after the Swiss cottage plan, with broad sloping roofs, and
wide, long porches on the north and south sides, the one facing the
road and the other fronting the river and giving a view of a beautiful
stretch of country up and down Rock river, greatly enhances its beauty
and adds much to the comfort of visitors.

The following beautiful word paintings by a recent visitor to the
Tower, we take from the Rock Island Union:



BLACK HAWK'S WATCH TOWER.
BY JENNIE M. FOWLER

  Beautiful tower! famous in history
  Rich in legend, in old-time mystery,
  Graced with tales of Indian lore,
  Crowned with beauty from summit to shore.

  Below, winds the river, silent and still,
  Nestling so calmly 'mid island and hill,
  Above, like warriors, proudly and grand,
  Tower the forest trees, monarchs of land.

  A land mark for all to admire and wonder,
  With thy history ancient, for nations to ponder,
  Boldly thou liftest they head to the breeze,
  Crowned with they plumes, the nodding trees.

  Years are now gone--forever more fled,
  Since the Indians crept, with cat-like tread,
  With mocasined foot, with eagle eye--
  The red men our foes in ambush lie.

  The owl, still his nightly vigil keeps,
  While the river, below him, peacefully sleeps,
  The whip-poor-will utters his plaintive cry,
  The trees still whisper, and gently sigh.

  The pale moon still creeps from her daily rest,
  Throwing her rays o'er the river's dark breast,
  The katy-did and cricket, I trow,
  In days gone by, chirruped, even as now.

  Indian! thy camp-fires no longer are smoldering,
  They bones 'neath the forest moss long have been mouldering,
  The "Great Spirit" claims thee.  He leadeth they tribe,
  To new hunting-grounds not won with a bribe.

  On thy Watch Tow'r the pale face his home now makes,
  His dwelling, the site of the forest tree takes,
  Gone are thy wigwams, the wild deer now fled,
  Black Hawk, with his tribe, lie silent and dead.

ROCK ISLAND, August 18, 1882.



THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

PREFACE.

On the 12th of April, 1832, soon after our arrival at Rock Island on a
visit to relatives, (the family of Col. Geo.  Davenport) a steamboat
came down from Galena with officers to Fort Armstrong, for the purpose
of laying in supplies and medical stores for a brigade then being
formed at that place.  One regiment, composed principally of miners,
who had abandoned their mines and came in to offer their services as
soldiers in the field, were unanimous in the election of Henry Dodge
as Colonel.  They had long known him as a worthy, brave and
accomplished gentleman, the soul of honor, and hence would be an
intrepid soldier.

Among the officers on this trip was Dr. A. K. Philleo, well known to
Col. Dodge as a social gentleman, a skilled physician and an
accomplished surgeon, who had accepted the position of surgeon at his
urgent request, with a _proviso:_  Being editor of the _Galenian,_
(the only paper printed in the town) he considered the position a very
important one, as it was the only paper within hundreds of miles of
the seat of war, and the only one on the Mississippi above Alton,
Ill.; hence he must procure a substitute or decline the appointment of
surgeon.  Having made his acquaintance after he had learned that we
had been engaged in newspaper life, he insisted that we should take a
position on the _Galenian_ for a few weeks, or until the close of the
war, so that he could accept the offer of Col. Dodge, and seeing that
he was a great favorite among the officers, and anxious to go to the
field, we accepted the position and accompanied him to Galena the same
evening.

Here we found an infantry regiment, commanded by Col. J.M. Strode,
composed principally of miners and citizens of Galena, which had been
hurriedly organized for home protection, whilst that of Col.  Dodge,
being well mounted, were making preparations to take the field.  After
taking charge of the _Galenian_ we made the acquaintance of Col.
Strode, and found him to be a whole-souled Kentuckian, who advised us
to enroll our name on the company list of Capt. M. M. Maughs, and as
our time would mostly be devoted to the paper, he would detail us
_Printer to the Regiment,_ by virtue of which appointment we would
become an honorary member of his staff.  We retained our position on
the paper and that on the staff of the Colonel throughout the war, and
was made the recipient of dispatches of the regular movement of the
army, its skirmishes and battles from officers of the regular army as
well as that of the volunteers, from which we made our weekly report,
and from these data we have made up most of our history of the war.



FOX MURDERERS WANTED.

Early in April, 1832, Brig.-General Atkinson, with about three hundred
troops, was ordered to Fort Armstrong to prevent a threatened war
between the Menominees and Fox Indians, on account of a massacre,
committed by a band of the latter on a small band of drunken
Menominees the previous summer at a point near Fort Crawford.  To
prevent bloodshed he was directed to demand the murderers of the
Foxes; but on arriving at Rock Island he soon learned that there was
imminent danger of a war of a different character--that Black Hawk,
with his entire band, was then on his way to invade the State of
Illinois and would probably be joined by the Pottowattamies and
Winnebagoes.  In order to ascertain the facts in the case, he called
upon the Indian Agent and Col. George Davenport, both located here,
and requested them to furnish, in writing, all the information they
had in relation to the movements and intentions of Black Hawk in
coming to the State of Illinois.  Both gentlemen replied to his
inquiries immediately as follows:


ROCK ISLAND, April 12, 1832.

My opinion is that the squaws and old men have gone to the Prophet's
town, on Rock river, and the warriors are now only a few miles below
the mouth of Rock river, within the limits of the State of Illinois.
That these Indians are hostile to the whites there is no doubt.  That
they have invaded the State of Illinois, to the great injury of her
citizens, is equally true.  Hence it is that that the public good
requires that strong as well as speedy measures should be taken
against Black Hawk and his followers.

Respectfully, I have the honor to be your obedient servant,
[Signed,]                                ANDREW S. HUGHES.
To Brig-Gen. Atkinson.



ROCK ISLAND, April 13, 1832.

"DEAR SIR:--In reply to your inquiry of this morning, respecting the
Indians, I have to state that I have been informed by the man I have
wintering with the Indians that the British band of Sac Indians are
determined to make war upon the frontier settlements.  The British
band of Sac Indians did rendezvous at old Fort Madison, and induced a
great many of the young men to join them on their arrival at the
Yellow Banks.  They crossed about five hundred head of horses into the
State of Illinois, and sent about seventy horses through the country
toward Rock River.  The remainder, some on horseback the others in
canoes, in a fighting order, advanced up the Mississippi, and were
encamped yesterday five or six miles below Rock river and will no
doubt endeavor to reach their stronghold in the Rock river swamps if
they are not intercepted.  From every information that I have
received, I am of the opinion that the intentions of the British band
of Sac Indians is to commit depredations on the inhabitants of the
frontier."
Respectfully, your obedient servant,
GEORGE DAVENPORT.
[Signed,]
"To Brig. Gen. Atkinson."



Being satisfied from the information thus acquired, that there was
danger ahead for the small settlements of whites in the Northern
portion of the State, he immediately addressed a letter to Gov.
Reynolds, of Illinois, from which we take the following:


FORT ARMSTRONG, April 13, 1832.

DEAR SIR:--The band of Sacs, under Black Hawk, joined by about one
hundred Kickapoos and a few Pottowattomies, amounting in all to about
five hundred men, have assumed a hostile attitude.  They crossed the
river at the Yellow, Banks on the sixth inst., and are now moving up
on the east side of Rock river, towards the Prophet's village.

"The regular force under my command is too small to justify me in
pursuing the hostile party.  To make an unsuccessful attempt to coerce
them would only irritate them to acts of hostility on the frontier
sooner than they probably contemplate.

"Your own knowledge of the character of these Indians, with the
information herewith submitted, will enable you to judge of the course
proper to pursue.  I think the frontier is in great danger, and will
use all the means at my disposal to co-operate with you in its
protection and defense.  With great respect,
Your most obedient servant,
H. ATKINSON,
Brigadier General of the U. S. Army,
His Excellency, Gov. Reynolds, Belleville, Ills."


On receipt of Gen. Atkinson's letter, Gov. Reynolds issued his
proclamation, calling out a strong detatchment of militia to
rendezvous at Beardstown on the 22d of April.  In obedience to this
command a large number of citizens assembled and offered their
services.  They were met by Gov. Reynolds, and after bring organized
into a brigade, he appointed Brig. Gen. Samuel Whitesides commander.
His brigade embraced 1600 horsemen and two hundred footmen--being four
regiments and an odd spy battalion.

First regiment, Col. Dewitt; second, Col. Fry; third, Col. Thomas;
fourth, Col. Thompson; Col.  James D. Henry, commanded the spy
battalion.

The troops took up their line of march at once, under command of Gen.
Whitesides, accompanied by the Commander-in-Chief, Gov.  Reynolds.
For the purpose of laying in provisions for the campaign they went to
Yellow Banks, on the Mississippi river, where Major S. S. Phelps, who
had been appointed quarter master, supplied them.  They arrived on the
3d of May, and left for Rock river on the 7th.



THE BLACK HAWK WAR.

About the first of April Black Hawk's band assembled at Fort Madison
for the purpose of making arrangements to ascend the Mississippi, and
soon after the entire party started.  The old men, women and children,
with their provisions and camp equipage, in canoes, and the men all
armed, came on horseback.  On the sixth day of April, the braves, on
horseback, made a call at Yellow Banks, one day after the canoes had
passed the same point, and told Josiah Smart, Mr. Phelps' interpreter,
where they were going, and the object of their visit.  They said they
had observed a great war chief, with a number of troops going up on a
steamboat, and thought it likely that the mission of this war chief
was to prevent them going up Rock river, but they were bound to go.
Messrs.  Phelps and Smart tried to persuade them to recross the river
and return to their country, assuring them that the Government would
not permit them to come into Illinois in violation of the treaty they
had made last year, in which they had agreed to remain on the west
side of the river.  But they would not listen to their advice.  On the
next day they took up the line of march for Rock river, and on the
10th of April, 1832, Black Hawk, with a portion of his band of Sacs,
reached the mouth of Rock river a few miles below Rock Island.  The
old men, women and children with their provisions and camp equipage,
who came up in canoes, arrived on the 9th, and the men all armed, came
up on horseback, reaching the camp on the 10th.  While encamped there
they were joined by the Prophet, who had previously invited them to
come up to the country of the Winnebagoes and raise a crop.  He called
on his way at Fort Armstrong and had talks with the Agent and Col.
Davenport, the trader, both of whom advised him to persuade Black Hawk
and party to return to their own country, or they would be driven back
by the soldiers then at Fort Armstrong, under the command of Gen.
Atkinson, who had just arrived.  The Prophet would not listen to their
advice, but assured Black Hawk that he had a right to go forward with
his entire party to the Winnebago country; and as he expected large
reinforcements to his little army as he ascended Rock river, he was
determined to go forward, but had given positive orders to his band,
under no circumstances, to strike a blow until they had been
reinforced by warriors from the Winnebagoes and Pottowattomies.

Early next morning they broke camp and started up Rock river, but were
soon overtaken by a small detachment of soldiers, who held a council
with Black Hawk and communicated to him the orders of Gen. Atkinson.
These were for him to return with his band and re-cross the
Mississippi.  Black Hawk said, as he was not on the war path, but
going on a friendly visit to the Prophet's village, he intended to go
forward, and continued on his journey.  On receipt of his answer, Gen.
Atkinson sent another detachment to Black Hawk with imperative orders
for him to return, or he would pursue him with his entire army and
drive him back.  In reply, Black Hawk said the General had no right to
make the order so long as his band was peaceable, and that he intended
to go on to the Prophet's village.

In the meantime the forces under the command of Gen. Whitesides had
arrived, and were turned over to Gen. Atkinson by the Governor.  The
brigade, under the command of Gen. Whitesides, was ordered up Rock
river to Dixon's Ferry, and as soon as boats could be got ready, Gen.
Atkinson started for the same destination with 300 regulars and about
the same number of Illinois militia.  Black Hawk with his party had
already reached a point some thirty or forty miles above Dixon's
Ferry, where they were met in council by some Pottowattomies and
Winnebago chiefs.  They assured Black Hawk that their people would not
join him in making war against the United States, and denied the
Prophet's story to him.  During this council Black Hawk became
convinced that he had been badly imposed upon by the Prophet, and
resolved at once to send a flag of truce to Gen. Atkinson and ask
permission to descend Rock river, re-cross the Mississippi and go back
to their country.



STILLMAN'S DEFEAT.

About this time, Gen. Whitesides had concentrated a large force of
militia at Dixon's Ferry, and at the solicitation of Major Stillman,
permitted him to take out a scouting party of nearly 300 mounted men.
They went up Rock river, about thirty miles to Sycamore creek, and
encamped within a few miles of Black Hawk's camp, but were not aware
of its position at the time.  Indian scouts having intercepted their
coming reported at once to Black Hawk that a large army of mounted
militia were coming towards his camp; and before the volunteers had
entirely completed their arrangements for encampment, outside guards
espied three Indians coming in with a white flag.  After holding a
parley with them, (one of the guards being able to talk a little with
them in their own language), they were hurried into camp, and before
any explanations were made, the flag bearer was shot and instantly
killed, whilst his comrades made their escape during the confusion in
getting the regiment ready to pursue the fleeing Indians.  These had
secreted themselves in ambush as the army rushed by, helter skelter,
after another small party of Indians who had followed the flag
bearers, and who, when hearing the uproar in camp made a hasty
retreat.  The entire regiment was soon mounted and started out in
squads towards the camp of Black Hawk.  The latter having learned by a
scout that the army was coming, started at once with less than fifty
mounted warriors, his entire force then in camp, to meet the enemy,
and on arriving at a copse of timber and underbrush near Sycamore
creek, made ready to meet them.

Capt. Eads' company, who were the first to start out, killed two of
the five fleeing Indians.  Soon after crossing Sycamore creek they
were surprised by a terrific war whoop from the Indians, who were
concealed in the bushes near by, and with deadly aim commenced firing
into the front ranks of the regiment, and with unearthly yells (as one
of the fleeing party told us on arriving at Galena), charged upon our
ranks, with tomahawks raised, ready to slaughter all who might come
within their reach.  Judging from the yelling of the Indians, their
number was variously estimated at from one thousand to two thousand.

The entire party was thrown into such confusion that Major Stillman
had no control of any of them, and, with one exception, the entire
army continued their flight to Dixon's Ferry, thirty miles distant,
whilst some went back to their homes.

The retreating army passed through their camping ground near Sycamore
creek, where they should have halted, and under cover of the timber,
could have shot down their pursuers while yet in open prairie.  Black
Hawk and a small portion of his command gave up the chase, and
returned to his camp, while the remainder pursued the fugitives for
several miles, occasionally overtaking and killing some soldiers,
whose horses had given out.

Among the retreating party was a Methodist preacher, whose horse was
too slow to keep out of the reach of the Indians, who adopted a novel
plan to save himself and horse.  On coming to a ravine he left the
track of his pursuers name distance, and followed down the ravine
until he found a place deep enough to shelter himself and horse from
view, and remained there for two hours in safety.  He had the
precaution to keep a strict count of the Indians as they went forward,
and waited their return.  Being satisfied that all had returned and
continued on the way to their camp, he quietly left his hiding place,
trotted leisurely along and reached Dixon's Ferry about sunrise next
morning.

He reported his mode of procedure and the strategy used to render his
safety certain from the Indians who had dispersed and driven the army
before them.  He was interrogated into the number, and when he
reported TWENTY, great indignation was manifested by some of the
_brave_ volunteers who had got into camp some hours before him, and
reported the number at fifteen hundred to two thousand!  But as he was
well known to many of the volunteers and highly respected as a meek
and lowly Christian gentleman, they stood by him and prevented any
personal violence.

When the report of this fiasco came into Galena the next morning about
8 o'clock, on the 15th of May, our regiment was immediately called to
arms, as great danger was apprehended by the citizens.  The general
supposition was that the Pottowattomies and Winnebagoes had joined
Black Hawk, it being well known that his entire band, including women
and children, that had gone up Rock river, did not exceed one thousand
persons.  Dwellings were vacated and most of the inhabitants repaired
to the stockades for safety.

The news of Stillman's defeat "by 2,000 blood-thirsty Indian warriors"
spread fast, far and wide, and the Governor of Illinois called for
more volunteers; and when the news reached Washington, the Secretary
of War ordered Gen. Scott, then at New York, to take a thousand
soldiers and proceed to the seat of war and take command of the army.

This violation of a flag of truce, the wanton murder of its bearers,
and the attack upon a mere remnant of Black Hawk's band when sueing
for peace, precipitated a war that should have been avoided.

[In confirmation of the dastardly act of the volunteers in killing the
bearer of a white flag, and by which the war was precipitated, we give
the following letter of Mr. Elijah Kilbourn, one of the scouts
connected with Stillman's command.  Mr. K. is the man Black Hawk makes
mention of in his narrative as having been taken captive during our
last war with Great Britain, and by him adopted into the Sac tribe;
and again taken prisoner by three of his braves at the battle of
Sycamore creek.]



KILBOURN'S NARRATIVE.

A REMINISCENCE OF BLACK HAWK.

[From the Soldier's Cabinet.]

Much has been said both for and against the Indian character; but we
doubt whether greater or nobler qualities have ever been exhibited in
the conduct of civilized rulers or commanders than are shown in the
incidents we are about to relate concerning Black Hawk, whose deeds
upon the northwestern frontier will render his name illustrious while
history exists.

Elijah Kilbourn, the subject of the great chieftain's kindness, and to
whom we are indebted for the present sketch, was a native of
Pennsylvania.  Just before the outbreak of the late war with Great
Britain, he left the place of his birth to join the stirring scenes of
adventure on the borders; and although now an old man, he still
remembers, and loves to recount, the deed, and perils of his younger
days, and especially those we are about to record.

"We had been," commenced Kilbourn, in whose own language the story
shall be given, "scouting through the country that lay about Fort
Stephenson, when early one morning one of our number came in with the
intelligence that the Fort was besieged by a combined force of British
and Indians.  We were very soon after in our saddles, bearing down
with all speed in that direction for the express purpose of joining in
the fight--but on arriving, we found that the enemy had been signally
repulsed by the brave little garrison under the command of Major
Crogan.  Our disappointment at learning this was, however, in a
measure lessened, when we learned that Black Hawk, the leader of the
savages, had, soon after the termination of the battle, gone with some
twenty of his warriors back to his village on Rock river, whither we
instantly determined to follow him.

"At sunrise the next morning we were on his trail, and followed it
with great care to the banks of a stream.  Here we ascertained that
the savages had separated into nearly equal parties--the one keeping
straight down the banks of the stream, while the other had crossed to
the other side and continued on toward Rock river.  A council was now
held, in which the oldest members of our party gave it as their
opinion that Black Hawk had changed his intention of going to his
village, and had, with the greater part of his followers, pursued his
way down the stream, while the rest had been sent by him for some
purpose to the town.  In this opinion all coincided; but still our
leader, who was a very shrewd man, had some doubts on his mind
concerning the movements of the chief, and therefore, to make
everything sure, he detailed four of us to follow the trail across the
stream, while he with the rest, some seven or eight in number,
immediately took the one down the bank.

"We soon after found ourselves alone and in the vicinity of Indian
settlements, and we were therefore obliged to move with the utmost
caution, which had the effect of rendering our progress extremely
slow.  During the course of the following morning we came across a
great many different trails and by these we were so perplexed that we
resolved to return to the main body; but from the signs we had already
seen we knew that such a step would be attended with the greatest
risk, and so it was at last decided that it would be far more safe for
all hands to separate, and each man look out for himself.  This
resolve was no sooner made than it was put into execution, and a few
minutes later found me alone in the great wilderness.  I had often
been so before, but never before had I been placed in a situation as
dangerous as the present one, for now on all sides I was surrounded by
foes, who would rejoice in the shedding of my blood.  But still I was
not gong to give up easily, and looking well to my weapons and
redoubling my caution, I struck off at an angle from the course I had
first chosen, why I hardly knew.

"I encountered nothing very formidable till some two hours before
sunset, when, just as I emerged from a tangled thicket, I perceived an
Indian on his knees at a clear, sparkling spring, from which he was
slaking his thirst.  Instinctively I placed my rifle to my shoulder,
drew a bead upon the savage and pulled the trigger.  Imagine, if you
can, my feelings as the flint came down and was shivered to pieces
while the priming remained unignited.

"The next moment the savage was up on his feet, his piece levelled
directly at me and his finger pressing the trigger.  There was no
escape; I had left my horse in the woods some time before.  The
thicket behind me was too dense to permit me to enter it again
quickly, and there was no tree within reach of sufficient size to
protect me from the aim of my foe, who, now finding me at his mercy,
advanced, his gun still in its threatening rest, and ordered me to
surrender.  Resistance and escape were alike out of the question, and
I accordingly delivered myself up his prisoner, hoping by some means
or other to escape at some future period.  He now told me, in good
English, to proceed in a certain direction.  I obeyed him, and had not
gone a stone's throw before, just as I turned a thick clump of trees,
I came suddenly upon an Indian camp, the one to which my captor
undoubtedly belonged.

"As we came up all the savages, some six or eight in number, rose
quickly and appeared much surprised at my appearing thus suddenly
amongst their umber; but they offers d me no harm, and they behaved
with most marked respect to my captor, whom, upon a close inspection,
I recognized to be Black Hawk himself.

"'The White mole digs deep, but Makataimeshekiakiak (Black Hawk) flies
high and can see far off,' said the chieftain is a deep, gutteral
tone, addressing me.

"He then related to his followers the occasion of my capture, and as
he did so they glared on me fiercely and handled their weapons in a
threatening manner, but at the conclusion of his remarks they appeared
better pleased, although I was the recipient of many a passing frown.
He now informed me that he had told his young men that they were to
consider me a brother, as he was going to adopt me into the tribe.

"This was to me but little better than death itself, but there was no
alternative and so I was obliged to submit, with the hope of making my
escape at some future time.  The annunciation of Black Hawk, moreover,
caused me great astonishment, and after pondering the matter I was
finally forced to set down as its cause one of those unaccountable
whims to which the savage temperment is often subject.

"The next morning my captors forced me to go with them to their
village on Rock river, where, after going through a tedious ceremony,
I was dressed and painted, and thus turned from a white man into an
Indian.

"For nearly three years ensuing it was my constant study to give my
adopted brothers the slip, but during the whole of that time I was so
carefully watched and guarded that I never found an opportunity to
escape.

"However, it is a long lane that has no turning, and so it proves in
my case.  Pretending to be well satisfied with my new mode of life, I
at last gained upon the confidence of the savages, and one day when
their vigilance was considerably relaxed, I made my escape and
returned in safety to my friends, who had mourned for me as dead.

"Many years after this I was a participant in the battle at Sycamore
Creek, which, as you know, is a tributary of Rock river.  I was
employed by the government as a scout, in which capacity it was
acknowledged that I had no superior; but I felt no pride in hearing
myself praised, for I knew I was working against Black Hawk, who,
although he was an Indian, had once spared my life, and I was one
never to forget a kindness.  And besides this I had taken a great
liking to him, for there was something noble and generous in his
nature.  However, my first duty was to my country, and I did my duty
at all hazards.

"Now you must know that Black Hawk, after moving west of the
Mississippi, had recrossed, contrary to his agreement, not, however,
from any hostile motive, but to raise a crop of corn and beans with
the Pottowattomies and Winnebagoes, of which his own people stood in
the utmost need.  With this intention he had gone some distance up
Rock river, when an express from General Atkinson ordered him
peremptorily to return.  This order the old chief refused to obey,
saying that the General had no right to issue it.  A second express
from Atkinson threatened Black Hawk that if he did not return
peaceably, force would be resorted to.  The aged warrior became
incensed at this and utterly refused to obey the mandate, but at the
same time sent word to the General that he would not be the first one
to commence hostilities.

"The movement of the renowned warrior was immediately trumpeted abroad
as an invasion of the State, and with more rashness thin wisdom,
Governor Reynolds ordered the Illinois militia to take the field, and
these were joined by the regulars, under General Atkinson, at Rock
Island.  Major Stillman, having under his command two hundred and
seventy-five mounted men, the chief part of whom were volunteers,
while a few like myself were regular scouts, obtained leave of General
Whitesides, then lying at Dixon's Ferry, to go on a scouting
expedition.

"I knew well what would follow; but still, as I was under orders, I
was obliged to obey, and together with the rest proceeded some thirty
miles up Rock river to where Sycamore creek empties into it.  This
brought us to within six or eight miles of the camp of Black Hawk,
who, on that day--May 14th-was engaged in preparing a dog feast for
the purpose of fitly celebrating a contemplated visit of some
Pottawattomie chiefs.

"Soon after preparing to camp we saw three Indians approach us bearing
a white flag; and these, upon coming up, were made prisoners.  A
second deputation of five were pursued by some twenty of our mounted
militia, and two of them killed, while the other three escaped.  One
of the party that bore the white flag was, out of the most cowardly
vindictiveness, shot down while standing a prisoner in camp.  The
whole detachment, after these atrocities, now bore down upon the camp
of Black Hawk, whose braves, with the exception of some forty or
fifty, were away at a distance.

"As we rode up, a galling and destructive fire was poured in upon us
by the savages, who, after discharging their guns, sprung from their
coverts on either side, with their usual horrible yells, and continued
the attack with their tomahawks and knives.  My comrades fell around
me like leaves; and happening to cast my eyes behind me, I beheld the
whole detachment of militia flying from the field.  Some four or five
of us were left unsupported in the very midst of the foe, who,
renewing their yells, rushed down upon us in a body.  Gideon Munson
and myself were taken prisoners, while others were instantly
tomahawked and scalped.  Munson, during the afternoon, seeing, as he
supposed, a good opportunity to escape, recklessly attempted to do so,
but was immediately shot down by his captor.  And I now began to wish
that they would serve me in the same manner, for I knew that if
recognized by the savages, I should be put to death by the most
horrible tortures.  Nothing occurred, however, to give me any real
uneasiness upon this point till tile following morning, when Black
Hawk, passing by me, turned and eyed me keenly for a moment or so.
Then, stepping close to me, he said in a low tone: _'Does the mole
think that Black Hawk forgets?'_

"Stepping away with a dignified air, he now left me, as you may well
suppose, bordering in despair, for I knew too well the Indian
character to imagine for a single instant that my life would be spared
under the circumstances.  I had been adopted into the tribe by Black
Hawk, had lived nearly three years among them, and by escaping had
incurred their displeasure, which could only be appeased with my
blood.  Added to this, I was now taken prisoner at the very time that
the passions of the savages were most highly wrought upon by tile mean
and cowardly conduct of the whites.  I therefore gave up all hope, and
doggedly determined to meet stoically my fate.

"Although the Indians passed and repassed me many times during the
day, often bestowing on me a buffet or a kick, yet not one of them
seemed to remember me as having formerly been one of the tribe.  At
times this infused me with a faint hope, which was always immediately
after extinguished, as I recalled to mind my recognition by Black Hawk
himself.

"Some two hours before sunset Black Hawk again came to where I was
bound, and having loosened the cords with which I was fastened to a
tree, my arms still remaining confined, bade me follow him.  I
immediately obeyed him, not knowing what was to be my doom, though I
expected none other than death by torture.  In silence we left the
encampment, not one of the savages interfering with us or offering me
the slightest harm or indignity.  For nearly an hour we strode on
through the gloomy forest, now and then starting from its retreat some
wild animal that fled upon our approach.  Arriving at a bend of the
river my guide halted, and turning toward the sun, which was rapidly
setting, he said, after a short pause:

"'I am going to send you back to your chief, though I ought to kill
you for running away a long time ago, after I had adopted you as a
son--but Black Hawk can forgive as well as fight.  When you return to
your chief I want you to tell him all my words.  Tell him that Black
Hawk's eyes have looked upon many sum, but they shall not see many
more; and that his back is no longer straight, as in his youth, but is
beginning to bend with age.  The Great Spirit has whispered among the
tree tops in the morning and evening and says that Black Hawk's days
are few, and that he is wanted in the spirit land.  He is half dead,
his arm shakes and is no longer strong, and his feet are slow on the
war path.  Tell him all this, and tell him, too,' continued the
untutored hero of the forest, with trembling emotion and marked
emphasis, 'that Black Hawk would have been a friend to the whites, but
they would not let him, and that the hatchet was dug up by themselves
and not by the Indians.  Tell your chief that Black Hawk meant no harm
to the pale faces when he came across the Mississippi, but came
peaceably to raise corn for his starving women and children, and that
even then he would have gone back, but when he sent his white flag the
braves who carried it were treated like squaws and one of them
inhumanly shot.  Tell him too,' he concluded with terrible force,
while his eyes fairly flashed fire, _'that Black Hawk will have
revenge,_ and that he will never stop until the Great Spirit shall say
to him, _'come away.'_

"Thus saying he loosened the cord that bound my arms, and after giving
me particular directions as to the best course to pursue to my own
camp, bade me farewell and struck off into the trackless forest, to
commence that final struggle which was decided against the Indians.

"After the war was over, and the renowned Black Hawk had been taken
prisoner, he was sent to Washington and the largest cities of the
seaboard, that he might be convinced how utterly useless it was for
him to contend against fate.  It was enough, and the terrible warrior
returned to the seclusion of his wilderness home, while the scepter of
his chieftainship was given to the celebrated Keokuk.

"On the occasion of the ceremony by which Black Hawk was shorn of his
power, and which took place on Rock Island, in the Mississippi, I
shook the hand of the great chief, who appeared highly pleased to meet
me once more; and upon parting with me he said with mournful dignity,
as he cast above him a glance of seeming regret: 'My children think I
am too old to lead them any more!'

"This was the last time I ever saw him; and the next I learned of him
was that he had left his old hunting grounds forever, and his spirit
had gone to that bar where the balance will be rightly adjusted
between the child of the forest and his pale face brethren."

Although the Winnebagoes and the Pottowattomies had resolved to take
no part in the war, a few young men from each of these tribes, being
emboldened by Black Hawk's victory in the engagement with Stillman's
regiment, concluded to join him.  As the party moved up the river, war
parties were sent out, in one of which the Winnebagoes joined, whilst
the Pottowattomies, some twenty-five or thirty, went alone on the war
path into a settlement that had been made on Indian creek, not far
from its entrance into Fox river, and killed fifteen men, women and
children, and took two young ladies prisoners, the Misses Hall, whom
two young Sacs, who had just rode up, took upon their horses and
carried them to a Winnebago camp, with a request that they be
delivered to the whites.  They were returned soon after, and to the
writer said they had been well treated by the Winnebagoes.

On the 19th of Jane a message came into Galena from Kellogg's Grove,
with a report that a party of Indians had been seen in that
neighborhood and that they had stolens some horses. Captain James
Stephenson, with twelve picked men from his company, started
immediately in pursuit of the Indians.  On seeing him approach they
took to the brush, when the Captain and his men dismounted.  Leaving
one to hold the horses, the balance entered the thicket, and two of
them were killed at the first fire of the Indians, while three of the
enemy were laid prostrate.  For the purpose of re-loading, Capt.
Stephenson ordered a retreat, which was a bad move, as it gave the
Indians time to re-load and seek trees for safety.  Capt. Stephenson*
and party again advanced, both parties firing simultaneously, each
losing a man, when an Indian who had been secreted behind a tree
rushed forward with his knife, but was suddenly checked by one of the
soldiers running his bayonet through him.  While in this position he
seized the bayonet with both hands and had almost succeeded in pushing
it out, when another soldier rushed forward, and with one stroke of
his knife almost severed the head from his body.  In this engagement
Capt.  S. lost three of the best men of his company and the Indians
five, just one-half of their number.


* Capt. Stephenson was held in high estimation as a brave and
accomplished gentleman, and at the organization of Rock Island county
the county commissioners honored his name by calling the county seat
Stephenson, which name it retained until after his death, when that of
Rock Island was adopted.


On the return of Capt. Stephenson and party the news of his loss of
three men, who were well known and highly respected, soon spread over
town and caused much sorrow among their many friends.  After learning
the mode of attack, military men generally criticized it severely.



BATTLE OF PECATONICA.

On the 14th of June, a mall scouting party of Sacs killed five men at
the Spafford farm, and on reception of the news next day, Gen.
Atkinson ordered Col. Henry Dodge to take command of Posey's bigade,
then stationed near Fort Hamilton, and while on his way from Fort
Union, where his regiment was in camp, to visit the brigade, he heard
the sharp crack of a rifle, and instantly looking in the direction of
the sound, saw a man fall from his horse, who had been shot by Indians
nearby. Instead of going forward as he set out to do, he hastily
returned to his command, mustered a portion of his cavalry and went in
pursuit of the Indians, and soon got on the trail of twenty-five
warriors, who had commenced their retreat soon after shooting, and
espying him, hastened back to the front.  The Indians crossed and
recrossed the Pecatonica river several times, being closely pushed by
Col. Dodge and his men, and finding escape hopeless, made a stand.
The colonel immediately dismounted his men and picked his way
cautiously, with the intention of firing and then charging upon them.
But the Indians, being on the lookout, watched their opportunity and
got the first fire, by which a brave soldier named Apple was killed,
and another by the name of Jenkins was wounded.  The fight continued
vigorously until the last Indian was killed, several of them having
been shot while trying to escape by swimming.  At the commencement of
the fight, the forces on each side were nearly equal, but the Indians,
in swimming the river, had got their powder wet, and although they
made desperate efforts to close in on our men with knives, they were
shot down in their endeavors.

Col. Dodge, in speaking of this engagement, at Galena, after the close
of the war, said he was amazed at the desperation displayed by a big,
burly brave, who came towards him with gun at his shoulder and halted
quickly when only a few paces from him, drew the trigger, and was
sorely disappointed in his gun not going off.  Quick as thought the
colonel brought his rifle in position, pulled the trigger, but, owing
to the dampness of the powder, it failed to go off.  In the meantime
the brave was coming towards him, knife in hand and desperation in his
eye, and when only a few feet from him the colonel shot him down with
his revolver.  At the same time one of his brave boys, by the name of
Beach, was engaged in a desperate encounter with the last remaining
savage, in which both used knives; the Indian was killed and Beach
very badly wounded.

Thus ended one of the most sanguinary engagements of the war.



FIGHT AT APPLE RIVER FORT.

Capt. A.W. Snyder's Company, of Col. Henry's Regiment, was detailed to
guard the country between Galena and Fox and Rock rivers, and was
surprised on the night of the 17th of June, while encamped in the
vicinity of Burr Oak Grove.  His sentinels, while on duty, were fired
upon by Indians, who did not deem it prudent to continue the attack,
but immediately fled.  As soon as it was light enough next morning to
follow their trail, Capt. Snyder started with his company, but on
reaching their camp, found that they had fled on his approach.  He
redoubled his speed and continued on their trail until he overtook
them.  Finding that there was no escape, the Indians got into a deep
gully for protection, but were soon surrounded, when Capt. Snyder
ordered his men to charge upon them.  The Indians fired as they
approached and mortally wounded one of his men, Mr. William B.
Mekemson, a brave volunteer from St. Clair county, (whose father's
family afterwards settled in this, Henderson county, all of whom,
except one brother, Andrew, a highly respected Christian gentleman,
have, long since, gone to meet their kinsman in another world.)   Mr.
M. being unable to ride, a rude litter was made and men detailed to
carry him back to camp, at Kellogg's Grove.  The company had not
proceeded far before they were attacked by about seventy-five Indians,
and two men, Scott and McDaniel, killed, and a Mr. Cornelius wounded.
The company was soon formed into line by the aid of Gen. Whiteside,
who was then acting merely as a private, and using the precaution of
Indians, each man got behind a tree, and the battle waxed furiously
for sometime without any serious results, until the Indian commander
was seen to fall, from the well directed aim of Gen. Whiteside's
rifle.  Having now no leader the Indians ingloriously fled, but for
some reason were not pursued.  Our reporter, however, said that most
of the company refused, for the reason that the second term of their
enlistment had expired, and they were anxious to be mustered out of
service, although the officers were eager to pursue.

 The company then commenced their march to camp, and on approaching
the litter on which Mekemson lay, found that the Indians had cut off
his head and rolled it down the hill.  Soon after, Major Riley, with a
small force of regulars, came up, and after consultation with Capt.
Snyder, it was deemed best not to follow the retreating Indians, as
their route probably led to the main army of Black Hawk.



APPLE RIVER FORT.

On the 23d of June scouts came into Galena, and reported at
headquarters that a large body of Indians had been seen about thirty
miles distant, but not being on the march, they were not able to
conjecture to what point they were going.  Col. Strode immediately
made all necessary preparations to receive them, should Galena be the
point of attack, and dispatched an express early next morning for
Dixon's Ferry.  On their arrivall at Apple River Fort they halted for
a short time, and then proceeded on their journey, and while yet in
sight, at the crack of a gun the foremost man was seen to fall from
his horse and two or three Indians rushed upon him with hatchets
raised ready to strike, while his comrades galloped up, and with guns
pointed towards the Indians kept them at bay until the wounded man
reached the Fort.  But had the Indians known these guns were _not
loaded,_ (as afterwards reported) they could have dispatched all three
of them with their tomahawks.

In a very short time after hearing the crack of the gun a large body
of Indians surrounded the fort, yelling and shooting, when the
inmates, under command of Capt. Stone, prepared for defence, every
port hole being manned by sharp-shooters.  One man, Mr. George
Herclurode, was shot through a port hole and instantly killed, and Mr.
James Nutting wounded in the same way, but not seriously; which was
the only loss sustained during the engagement of more than one hour's
duration.  A number of Indians were wounded and carried off the field.
Capt. Stone had only twenty-five men, with a large number of women and
children in the fort, but had providentially received a quantity of
lead and provisions from Galena only an hour before the attack, and as
he was short of bullets, the ladies of the fort busied themselves in
melting lead and running balls as long as the battle lasted.  Black
Hawk, finding the fort impregnable from assault without firing it--an
act that he well knew would, in a very short time, have brought a
large body of troops on his path--concluded that it would be better to
return and carry with them all the flour they could, killed a number
of cattle and took choice pieces of beef, and all the homes that were
in the stable.  One of the expressmen, not deeming the fort a place of
safety, hurried back to Galena, but getting lost on the way did not
get in until early next morning.  On hearing the news, Col. Strode
took one hundred picked men, well mounted, and went to the relief of
the fort, and was much gratified to find that its noble defenders had
put to flight about one hundred and fifty Indians who had been under
the command of Black Hawk himself.



KELLOGG'S GROVE FORT.

After leaving Apple River Fort, being well supplied with provisions,
the Indians moved leisurely toward the fort at Kellogg's Grove, with
the intention of taking it, as scouts had come in and reported that it
was not very strongly garrisoned on the day pevious to their arrival
on the 23d of June.  At this time the Illinois troops were rendez-
voused at a place known as Fort Wilbourn on the Illinois river, at or
near where now stands the city of LaSalle.  What was then called the
new levy, after Stillman's defeat, were assembled there, numbering
about three thousand men, being formed into military organizations
consisting of three brigades.  The first brigade was commanded by Gen.
Alexander Posey.  The second by Gen. M. K. Alexander, and the third by
Gen. James D. Henry. Major John Dement, of Vandalia, was elected to
the command of a spy battalion composed of three companies.  Gen.
Atkinson, of the United States Regulars, commanding, while these
organizations were progressing.

The Indians had made a raid on Bureau creek, situated between the
Illinois and Rock rivers.  John Dement had been chosen major by the
members of three companies of Gen. Posey's brigade, which was a spy
battalion.  The Major's battalion being ready for duty when the news
reached the fort of the attack upon the settles on Bureau creek, it
was ordered to march at once to the scene of danger for protection of
the settlers, and to discover and watch the movements of the Indians,
if possible.  The Major was ordered to scour the country through to
Rock river, and then to report to Col. Zackary Taylor, who commanded a
small force of United States troops at a small fortification at
Dixon's Ferry on Rock river.

On the 22d of June, 1832, Major Dement reached Colonel Taylor's
command, having performed the duties to which he was assigned by
General Atkinson. On his arrival Colonel Taylor informed the Major
that he had arrived at an opportune time, as he wished him to take his
command, swim their horses across the river, and promptly occupy the
country between his position and the Lead Mines at Galena, a distance
of about sixty miles, with headquarters at Kellogg's Grove, thirty-
seven miles in the direction of Galena and Apple River Fort.  There
had been stationed at the grove two companies of Regulars, commanded
by Major Riley, and three companies of Volunteers that had abandoned
this position the day before the arrival of Major Dement, and left the
country without protection and entirely unguarded.  These troops had
been engaged in two or three skirmishes with the Indians, and
according to the reports of the soldiers, had been worsted in each.
Major Dement's command numbered one hundred and forty men, all told,
not one of whom had ever seen any military experience, but they were
men to be relied upon.  They were citizen soldiers, brave and
intelligent, equal to any emergency, and had no superiors in the
service.  This being an odd battalion, Major Dement was entitled to
the staff of a Colonel.  His staff was composed of Zadoc Casey,
Paymaster; ------ Anderson, Colonel Hicks, and others.  The Captains
of the companies, and the staff officers, were leading citizens, who
had, at short warning, left their several avocations to engage in
defending the country against the attacks of the Indians.



MAJOR DEMENT'S BATTLE WITH THE INDIANS.

On the evening of the second day, after crossing Rock river, the
Major's command marched to the stockade at Kellogg's Grove and
encamped.  In the morning, learning that Indian traces had been seen
four or five miles from the grove, twenty-five volunteers were called
for to go out and reconnoitre.  This number was quickly filled, nearly
every one volunteering being an officer, and, as it afterward turned
out, they were unfortunately accepted.  These volunteers had not yet
gotten out of sight of their camp, before three Indians were seen on
their ponies between the fort and a small grove on the prairie, riding
backward and forward.  The reconnoitreing party started after them in
one, two and three order, according to the speed of their horses,
while the Indians made straight for the small grove.  Major Dement,
who was watching the movements of the volunteers from his camp, and
seeing the movements of the Indians, at once suspected a trap, mounted
with a portion of his men, and went to their aid.  His men that had
first started were a mile out upon the prairie in pursuit of those few
Indians.  Being well mounted, the Major and his relief party soon
overtook the hindermost of the little band, but several were too far
in advance in their mad pursuit of the fleeing Indians for him to
reach them in time.  The fleeing Indians were making for a grove some
three miles away, hotly pursued by the Major's men.  In this grove, as
the commander feared, a large number of the Indians were concealed.
When within four or five hundred yards of this grove he halted and
dismounted his men and formed them in line.  Some six or seven of his
men were still in advance following the Indians toward this grove.  On
nearing the grove, his men who were in advance, were received with a
galling fire, which killed two and wounded a third.  With hideous
yells the Indians emerged from the grove and rapidly approached.  They
were all mounted, stripped to their waists and painted for battle.  As
they reached the bodies of the dead soldiers, a large number
surrounded them, clubbing and stabbing their lifeless remains.  A
volley from the rifles of the whites killed two or three at this
point, but by the time the last of the little band had reached the
ridge upon which their comrades were drawn up in line, the Indians
were close upon them and on both flanks.  At this point three men who
had been out of their camp hunting for their homes, came in sight and
were massacred in sight of their friends.  The main portion of the
battalion had been ordered to hold themselves in readiness for any
emergency, but hearing the yelling, instead of obeying the order,
mounted in hot haste and started to the rescue of their companions.
On discovering the force of the Indians, they retreated to the grove,
and almost neck and neck with the Indians, sprang over their horses
and occupied the Block House.

On the least exposed side of the Fort was a work bench; over this the
Major threw the bridle rein of his horse, and most of the horses
huddled around this as if conscious of their danger.  The Indians
swarmed around the Block House under cover; an ominous stillness
pervaded the air, which was soon broken by the crack of the rifles of
the white men.  The best marksmen with the best guns were stationed at
the port holes, and a lively fire was kept up by the little garrison.
The Indians finding that they were making no impression, turned their
attention to shooting the horses, twenty-five of which they succeeded
in killing.  After sharp firing for two hours they retreated, leaving
nine of their men dead on the field.  This was the first engagement in
this war, in which the whites had held their position until
reinforcements arrived, without retreating.  If the main force had
remained in the grove at this Block House after the volunteers went
out, without making any demonstration when the Indians came charging
up and still in the open prairie, they could have been easily
repulsed.  This was the Major's plan of action, but the men became
excited by the firing, and having no commissioned officers to guide
them, started without order to assist their exposed comrades in the
open prairie, when they were flying for their lives to the block
house.

That evening Gen. Posey came up with his brigade, and although the
Indians were encamped a short distance away, he made no effort to
attack them but contented himself with reporting the situation to Col.
Z. Taylor at Dixon's Ferry.  Gen. Whiteside had said to Major Dement
before crossing Rock river, that he was going into the Indian
rendezvous, where he could have an Indian for breakfast every morning,
and he found it literally true.

It seems strange that Major Dement should have been ordered by Col.
Taylor into the enemy's country, across Rock river, with so small a
force of volunteers, while a large force of Regulars and Volunteers,
commanded by regular United States officers, remained securely
entrenched in the rear.  It was Major Dement's opinion that there were
more fighting men of Black Hawk's band of warriors in the engagement
at Kellogg's Grove than ever afterwards made a stand during the war.
It was easy for Gen. Posey to have moved up and attacked the Indians
on his arrival at the Grove, and then have dealt them a fatal blow by
forcing them to battle then, but he refused to do so, and the war was
not terminated until the fight at Bad Axe some two months later, in
which the Illinois troops did not engage.  During this engagement at
the Block House, four whites and eleven Indians were killed.  The
whites lost a large part of their horses--the Indians shooting them
from the timber, while the poor animals were huddled about the Block
House.

Although in command, Black Hawk remained in the Grove doing the
engagement, looking on to see that his principal aid, whose voice was
like a trumpet call, carried out his orders.

While reciting the incidents of this battle to the author, when
writing his Autobiography, Black Hawk spoke in high praise of Major
Dement as a commander, who had shown not only good military skill in
coming to the rescue of his party, but in withdrawing his little party
to the Fort.
After Dement's engagement General Posey's brigade started for Fort
Hamilton and remained there a short time.  News of Dement's engagement
and march of Posey's brigade having been received at Dixon's Ferry,
where the two other brigades were stationed, Gen. Alexander, with the
2d brigade was ordered to cross Rock river and march to Plum river to
intercept the Indians, as it was deemed probable that they would make
for that point to cross the Mississippi.  Gen.  Atkinson, with
regulars, and Gen. Fry with his brigade, remained at Dixon waiting for
news of the route taken by the Indians.  Next day Capt.  Walker and
three Pottowottamie Indians came into Dixon and reported seventy-five
Pottowottamies ready to join the army now encamped at Sycamore creek,
and they were afraid that Black Hawk and his army was not far off.
For their protection, and to await the coming of the balance of the
second brigade, Col. Fry, of Henry's brigade, was sent forward
immediately.  The next morning Gen. Henry's brigade moved forward with
Gen. Atkinson at the head, intending to march up Rock river, to the
Four Lakes, and camped at Stillwell's battle-ground the first night
and joined Col. Fry and his Pottowottamie Indians on the 29th, and
continued their march.  On the 30th, when going into camp, they saw
signs of Sac Indians, but the sentinels were undisturbed during the
night.  The next day they saw one Indian, but he was on the other side
of Plum river.  On the 2d of July, Major Ewing being in front, spied a
fresh trail, and soon after came upon the fresh trail of Black Hawk's
entire force, at a point near Keeshkanawy Lake.  Scouts from the
battalion came up to Black Hawk's encampment, from which they had
apparently taken their departure a few days before.  Here they found
five white men's scalps which had been left hung up to dry.  This
battalion continued to march around the lake in detachments, one of
which found where there had been another encampment, but on returning
to camp and comparing notes they began to despair of finding the main
body of Black Hawk's army in that region.  On the 5th of July, Gen.
Atkinson with his army took a rest.  During the day some scouts
brought in an old Indian nearly blind and half famished with hunger,
whom the Indians had left in their flight.  After eating, Gen.
Atkinson questioned him closely as to the whereabouts of Black Hawk
and his army, but was satisfied from his replies and helpless
condition, that he did not know, but on taking up his line of march
the near morning, Gen. Atkinson did not leave him as the Indians had
done, alone and without any means of subsistence, but left him an
abundance of food, and as we afterwards learned, the old man recruited
and afterwards got back to his tribe.,

On the evening of the 9th the army encamped at White Water, and the
next morning Indians were seen on the other side of this stream which
was not fordable, one of whom shot and wounded a regular. After
breaking camp, Gen. Atkinson ordered a move up the river, and that
night camped with his entire force--all having met at the same point.
Gen. Dodge's corps had taken a Winnebago prisoner and brought him into
camp for the purpose of finding out if he knew where Black Hawk's
forces were.  He said they were encamped on an island near Burnt
Village.  Col. William S. Hamilton, a brave and honored son of
Alexander Hamilton, in command of a company of Menomonees, who had
joined the main army the day before, with Captain Early and his
command, after scouring the island thoroughly, reported there were no
Indians on the island.

Governor Reynolds, who had been on the march up Rock River with his
volunteers and the main army, together with Colonel Smith, Major
Sidney Breese and Colonel A. P. Field, left the army and came into
Galena on the 12th, from whom we obtained our information of the
movements of the army.  They were firmly of the opinion that the
Indians had taken to the swamps, and gotten entirely out of reach of
the army, and that no farther danger need be apprehended.  Colonel
Field, who is an eloquent speaker, at the solicitation of Colonel
Strode, although nearly worn out with hard marches, made an able and
soul-stirring speech to our regiment, and a large number of the
inhabitants of Galena.

At this time the army was nearly out of provisions, and Fort
Winnebago, about seventy-five miles distant, the nearest point at
which they could replenish.  General Atkinson then ordered General
Posey with his brigade, to Fort Hamilton, General Henry's and
Alexander's brigade and General Dodge's squadron to Fort Winnebago for
provisions; and sent General Ewing and his regiment to Dixon with
Colonel Dunn, who had been seriously wounded by one of his own
sentinels, but who afterwards recovered.  General Atkinson then built
a fort near the camping ground, which was Fort Keeshkanong.  General
Alexander returned on the 15th with provisions to the fort, while
Generals Dodge and Henry thought best to go with their commands to the
head of Fox river, and while on the way stopped at a Winnebago village
and had a talk with their head men, who assured them that Black Hawk
was then at Cranberry Lake, a point higher up Rock river.  After a
consultation by the Generals, it was deemed best to send an express to
General Atkinson at Fort Keeshkanong, to let him know of the
information they had got, and their intention of moving on the enemy
the next morning.  Dr. Merryman, of Colonel Collins' regiment, and
Major Woodbridge, Adjutant of General Dodge's corps, volunteered to
go, and with Little Thunder, a Winnebago chief, as pilot, started out
to perform this dangerous service, and after traveling a few miles,
came on fresh Indian trails, which Little Thunder pronounced to have
been made by Black Hawk's party, and fearing that they would be
intercepted, insisted on returning to camp.  Night was then
approaching, and having no guide to lead them forward, they
reluctantly followed Little Thunder back to camp.  Orders were then
given for an early move next morning, and at daylight the bugle
sounded, and the army moved onwards.  The trail was followed for two
days, leading for Four Lakes.  On the second day, July 21st, scouts
from General Dodge's corps came in and reported Indians, and as a
confirmation of the fact, Dr. A.K. Philleo exhibited a scalp that he
had taken from the head of one that he had shot.  Dr. Philleo was
brave as the bravest, and whenever a scouting party started out to
look for Indians (unless his services were required in camp), was
always in the lead, and this being his first Indian, took his scalp,
and sent it to the writer, with written instructions how to preserve
it.  To this end we handed over both to a deaf and dumb printer in the
office, who boasted somewhat of his chemical knowledge, who spent
considerable time for a number of days in following the Doctor's
instructions.  After the killing of this Indian, some of the scouts
discovered fresh signs of more Indians, and after pursuing it for some
miles, Dr. Philleo and his friend Journey, equally as brave, being in
the lead, espied two more Indians, when each picked his man and fired,
and both fell; one of them, although badly wounded, fired as he fell,
and wounded one of the scouts.  The Doctor's attention was now
directed to his wounded companion, hence his second Indian was allowed
to retain his scalp.

The scouts, finding that the trail was fresh, and the Indians were
rapidly retreating, having strewed their trail with camp equipage, in
order to facilitate their movements, sent an express back to camp,
when the army hastily took up the line of march, with Dodge's corps
and Ewing's Spy battalion in the front.  By fast riding they soon came
up with the Indians, whom they found already in line to receive them.



AT WISCONSIN HEIGHTS.

Orders were at once given to dismount (leaving enough to hold the
horses) and charge upon the Indians.  They had scarcely time to form
into line when they were met by the yelling Indians and a heavy volley
from their guns.

Dodge and Ewing ordered a charge, and as they moved forward, returned
the fire at close quarters, with deadly effect.  The Indians then
commenced a flank movement, and by securing a position in the high
grass where they could in a measure conceal themselves, fought
bravely, until Dodge and Ewing gave orders to charge upon them at the
point of the bayonet.  In this engagement Col. Jones had his horse
shot from under him, and one man killed--but at the word _"charge,"_
he went forward with his brave men, and all performed their duty nobly
and fearlessly, and soon dislodged the Indians from their hiding place
and forced them into a hasty retreat.  It being then too late to
pursue them, orders were given to camp on the battle-ground.

In this engagement Neapope had command, who was not only brave and
fearless, but well skilled in strategy.  Having become well acquainted
with him after the war, he told the writer that he knew Gen.  Dodge
personally, and had met him on the field of battle, and considered him
one of the bravest men he had ever met, although in this engagement
all the officers showed great skill and bravery, and thus encouraged
their men to acts of noble daring to a degree that he had never before
witnessed in common--not regular--soldiers.  He said in this
engagement, the command had been entrusted to him of this small force--
about two hundred--Indians, in order to give Black Hawk and the
remainder of his party, time to cross the river.  He reported his loss
at twenty-eight (28) killed.

The newt morning a portion of the army was ordered forward to pursue
the fleeing enemy, but on reaching the river, found that they had
taken to the swamps, when it was deemed prudent to return to camp
without attempting to follow them.

Here the army rested for one day, and made comfortable provisions to
carry the wounded, after having consigned the remains of John Short,
who had been killed the day before, to mother Earth, with the honors
of war.

In the meantime, Gen. Atkinson arrived with his regulars and the
brigades of Generals Posey and Alexander; and on the 28th of July,
took up the line of march with Gen. Atkinson at the head.  Their route
led through a mountainous country for several days, as the Indiana
seemed to have selected the most difficult route they could find in
order to gain time, and reach the river in advance, and then secure
the best possible positions to defend themselves.

Having learned from an old Indian that had been left behind, that the
enemy was only a short distance ahead, Gen. Atkinson, on breaking camp
at an early hour in the morning, gave orders for the march towards the
river, with Gen. Dodge's squadron in front; Infantry next; Second
brigade, under command of Gen. Alexander, next; Gen. Posey's brigade
next, and Gen. Henry's in the rear.

After marching a few miles Gen.  Dodge's scouts discovered the rear
guard of the enemy, when an express was sent immediately to Gen.
Atkinson, who ordered troops to proceed at double quick.  In the
meantime Gen. Dodge's command pushed forward and opened a heavy fire,
from which many Indians were shot down while retreating toward the
Mississippi, where their main body was stationed.  Dodge's squadron
being in the lead, were first to open upon the main army of the
Indians, whilst Gen. Henry's brigade, that had been placed in the rear
in the morning, came first to his aid.  The battle waged furiously for
more than two hours, and until the last visible Indian warrior was
killed.  The Indians had commenced crossing before the battle opened,
and a number took to their canoes and made good their escape as the
battle progressed.  The number killed was estimated at something over
one hundred, but the Indians afterward reported their loss at seventy-
eight killed and forty-two wounded.  Our loss was seventeen killed and
about the same number wounded.

During the engagement several squaws were killed accidentally and a
number wounded, including children, who were taken prisoners.  Among
the latter, Dr. Philleo reported a boy with one arm badly broken, who
exhibited a greater degree of stoicism during the operation of
amputation, than he had ever before witnessed.  Being very hungry,
they gave him a piece of bread to eat, which he ravenously masticated
during the entire operation, apparently manifesting no pain whatever
from the work of the surgeon.

Many of the Indians who got across the river in safety were afterwards
killed by the Menomonees.



STEAMBOAT WARRIOR'S FIGHT.

On the 2d of August, 1832, the steamboat, Warrior, was lying at
Prairie du Chien, and word having been received at the fort that Black
Hawk's main army was then at, or near the river above, at a point
designated for all to meet for the purpose of crossing the river,
Lieut.  Kingsbury took her in charge, and started up with one company,
in order to intercept the Indians and prevent their crossing before
the main army arrived, as he knew it was in close pursuit of them.
The boat soon came in view of Indians on both sides of the river--
Black Hawk and several lodges having already crossed over-when they
were hailed by Lieut.  Kingsbury.  A white flag was hoisted by the
Indians, and Black Hawk directed the Winnebago interpreter on board
the Warrior, to say to his chief that he wanted him to send out his
small boat so as he could go on board, a he desired to give himself
up.  The Winnebago, however, reported to the commander that they
refused to bring their flag aboard.  He then directed his interpreter
to say that if they still refused he would open fire upon them.  In
reply, the interpreter said they still refused, when the Lieutenant
directed his six-pounder to be fired among them, and also opened a
musketry fire by his company.  This was returned by the Indians, and
the battle continued for some time.  Several Indians were killed at
the first fire, after which the remainder sought protection behind
trees, stumps, etc.  It was then getting late in the afternoon, and as
the boat was nearly out of wood they dropped down to the fort to
replenish, and started back again the next morning.  On reaching an
island some miles above their battle-ground of the day before, they
commenced to rake it with their six-pounder, supposing the Indians had
taken shelter there, and the army considering it a salute, Gen.
Atkinson returned it.  Soon after the boat landed and took on board
Gen. Atkinson and the regulars and then returned to Prairie du Chien.
The Illinois volunteers were ordered to Dixon, at which place they
were discharged, while the troops of the lead mines were mustered out
at Galena.  After the boat started down the evening before, Black Hawk
and a few of his people left for the lodge of a Winnebago friend, and
gave himself up.  Thus ended a bloody war which had been forced upon
Black Hawk by Stillman's troops violating a flag of truce, which was
contrary to the rules of war of all civilized nations, and one that
had always been respected by the Indians.  And thus, by the treachery
or ignorance of the Winnebago interpreter on board of the Warrior, it
was bought to a close in the same ignoble way it commenced--
disregarding a flag of truce--and by which Black Hawk lost more than
half of his army.  But in justice to Lieut. Kingsbury, who commanded
the troops on the Warrior, and to his credit it must be said, that
Black Hawk's flag would have been respected if the Winnebago, who
acted as his interpreter on the boat, had reported him correctly.



GENERAL ATKINSON'S REPORT.

HEADQUARTERS FIRST ARTILLERY CORPS, NORTH-WESTERN ARMY, Prairie du
Chiens, Aug. 25, 1832.

SIR:--I have the honor to report to you that I crossed the Ouisconsin
on the 27th and 28th ultimo, with a select body of troops, consisting
of the regulars under Colonel Taylor, four hundred in number, part of
Henry's, Posey's and Alexander's brigades, amounting in all to 1,300
men, and immediately fell upon the trail of the enemy, and pursued it
by a forced march, through a mountainous and difficult country, till
the morning of the 2d inst., when we came up with his main body on the
left bank of the Mississippi, nearly opposite the mouth of the Ioway,
which we attacked, defeated and dispensed, with a loss on his part of
about a hundred and fifty men killed, thirty men, women and children
taken prisoners--the precise number could not be ascertained, as the
greater potion was slain after being forced into the river.  Our loss
in killed and wounded, which is stated below, is very small in
comparison with the enemy, which may be attributed to the enemy's
being forced from his position by a rapid charge the commencement, and
throughout the engagement the remnant of the enemy, cut up and
disheartened, crossed to the opposite side of the river, and had fled
into the interior, with a view, it is supposed, of joining Keokuk and
Wapello's bands of Sacs and Foxes.

The horses of the volunteer troops being exhausted by long marches,
and the regular troops without shoes, it was not thought advisable to
continue the pursuit; indeed, a stop to the further effusion of blood
seemed to be called for, till it might he ascertained if the enemy
would surrender.

It is ascertained from our prisoners that the enemy lost in the battle
of the Ouisconsin sixty-eight killed and a very large number wounded;
his whole loss does not fall short of three hundred.  After the battle
on the Ouisconsin, those of the enemy's women and children, and some
who were dismounted, attempted to make their escape by descending that
river, but judicious measures being taken by Captain Loomis and
Lieutenant Street, Indian Agent, thirty-two women and children and
four men have been capured, and some fifteen men killed by the
detachment under Lieutenant Ritner.

The day after the battle on the river, I fell down with the regular
troops to this place by water, and the wounded men will join us to-
day.  It is now my purpose to direct, Keokuk to demand a surrender of
the remaining principal men of the hostile party, which, from the
large number of women and children we hold prisoners, I have every
reason to believe will be compiled with.  Should it not, they should
be pursued and subdued, a step Major-General Scott will take upon his
arrival.

 I cannot speak too highly of the brave conduct of the regular and
volunteer forces engaged in the last battle, and the fatiguing march
that preceded it, and as soon as the reports of officers of the
brigades and corps are handed in, they shall be submitted with further
remarks:
   5 killed, 6 wounded, 6th inft.
   2 wounded, 5th inft.
   1 Captain, 5 privates, Dodge's Bat., mounted.
   1 Lieutenant, 6 privates, Henry's Bat.
   1 private wounded, Alexander's.
   1 private wounded Posey's.

   I have the great honor to be, with great respect,
Your obedient servant,
   H. ATKINSON,
Brevet Brig.  Gen. U.S.A.
Maj. Gen. Macomb, Com. in Chief, Washington.



APPENDIX.

AT YELLOW BANKS.

Among the many hundreds of troops that came to Yellow Bank--Oquawka--
on their way to the sea of war, Major S. S. Phelps always spoke in
high terms of their good discipline and gentlemanly conduct, except in
one instance--that of a few persons in a company from McDonough
county, who came over at a time when old chief Tama and his wife, who
was noted for being the white man's friend, came over to get
provisions for his little band.  On seeing an Indian some of these
soldiers, who had been using their canteens rather frequently, were
eager to slay him, and not only threatened him but Major P. also, for
harboring him.  The officers seemed to have no control of these men--
and just at a time when their threats were loudest of what they
intended to do at the close of three minutes, Major P. and one of his
clerks, Mr. Joseph Smart, were standing with their rifles cocked ready
to make the first shot, a cry came from outside of the building, by
one of the more peaceable soldiers, "Here comes another company, Capt.
Peter Butler's, from  Monmouth," when these would-be braves instantly
retreated.

We are assured by one of Capt. B.'s company, Mr. James Ryason, that
the foregoing is literally true, and that Major P. and Mr. Smart,
afterwards, amid the threats of these same soldiers, escorted Tama and
wife to the river bank to take their canoe to cross the river, and
stood there with their guns, ready to protect the Indians until they
got out of reach of gunshot--Smart threatening all the time to put a
ball though the first man that attempted to shoot.

In order to appease the wrath of these soldiers and prevent some of
them being killed, Capt. B. advised Maj. P. not to give Tama any
provisions; but on the way down, Mr. Ryason says, Smart (who talked
their language equal to a native born) told them to meet them at a
certain point after night and they would be supplied; and that for the
purpose of assisting Mr. Smart in taking supplies to Tama, he got
leave of absence from the Captain until next morning.

Messrs. James Ryason and Gabriel Shot, both honorable and highly
respected Christian gentlemen, are the only survivors of that company
now residing in this county.

Tama's village, located on South Henderson, half a mile below the farm
of Mr. John T. Cook, at Gladstone, was always noted as being the abode
of friendy Indians.  In the fall of 1829, some write men came in and
made improvements on the land in the vicinity, and at the advice of
Mr. Phelps, Tama crossed the river and made a new town at the mouth of
Flint river on the Mississippi, and at the time of Black Hawk's raid
into Illinois, it was the rendezvous of many young men who had been
persuaded by Tama not to join Black Hawk.  But when the news reached
them of the indignities offered to their good old chief, they secretly
determined to go upon the war path, and soon after four young Foxes
started to cross the river and avenge the insult.  On going up
Henderson creek they espied Mr. William Martin while in the act of
mowing, at a point near Little York, whom they shot and killed, and
for fear of detection, immediately took to the brush.  It being late
when they got through the woods, they made a fire and camped just at
the edge of the prairie.

Some time after the shooting, friends of Mr. Martin discovered his
lifeless body and after removing it to the home, started on the trail
of his murderers, and followed it some distance through the
underbrush, but wisely concluded, as it was growing late, to return
and give the alarm.  An express was sent to Capt. Butler during the
night, who started out with his company early in the morning, and on
emerging into the prairie discovered the camp fire of the Indians, add
followed their trail to a slough in the Mississippi two miles below
Keithsburgh.  Here the Indians embarked in their canoes and were
probably on the other side of the river by this time.  A demand was
immediately made upon Keokuk for the murderers, as they belonged to
his band of Foxes, who surrendered two men to the commanding officer
at Rock Island.

These Indians soon afterwards made their escape, and before the time
fixed for their trial, Keokuk delivered four young men to Maj. Phelps,
then sheriff of Warren county, to be tried for the offence.  Maj. P.
and his deputy, Mr. James Ryason, took them to Monmouth jail, where
the following proceedings were had before the Circuit Court (for a
copy of which we are indebted to George C. Rankin, Esq., now Circuit
Clerk):



WARREN COUNTY CIRCUIT COURT.

William Martin was shot and scalped by two Indians, near Little York,
Warren county, August 9th, 1832.  In their report at the October term
of the Warren Circuit Court, the Grand jurors say:

"Six or seven Indians of Keokuk's band of Sac and Fox Indians who were
not included in the war path under Black Hawk and other chiefs of the
Sac and Fox, nation, came over from the western bank of the
Mississippi river to the inhabited parts of Warren county, in said
State. and unlawfully and feloniously murdered the said William Martin
in the most barbarous manner.  That the names of the said Indians are
unknown to the Grand Jury.  That two of the said Indians have been
heretofore given up by the chiefs of said Indians, that they were
confined in the Fort at Rock Island for some time but have made their
escape, and are now at large in their own country.  That the Grand
jury cannot now find an indictment because the names of the said
Indiana are unknown to said jury.  But they recommend that the
Governor of the State be furnished with a copy of this presentment,
and that he be desired to request of the President of the United
States that the whole of the said Indians concerned in the said murder
may be demanded of the said Sac and Fox nation that they may be
indicted and punished for murder under the authority of the laws of
this State."

In compliance with the demand of the President, the chiefs surrendered
four Indians, namely, with their Interpretations;
 Sa-sa-pi-ma (he that troubleth).
 Ka-ke-mo (he that speaks with something in his mouth).
 I-o-nah (stay here).
 Wa-pa-sha-kon (the white string).

Concerning which, the Grand jury at the June term 1833 say:

"From an examination made by this Grand Jury they we now able to state
that the four Indians lately surrendered by the chiefs at the request
of the President of the United States, are not the real murderers of
Martin.  The chiefs represent that at the time the demand was made the
real offenders had escaped from the territory and power of their
nation.  That the prisoners now in custody volunteered themselves to
be surrendered in place of those who escaped, and that from custom
amongst Indians, they supposed this would be a sufficient compliance
with the requisition of the President.  The Grand jury will not
positively say that the chiefs have prevaricated, but they do say that
the demand already made has been eluded."

By a writ of habeas corpus, the four Indians above named were brought
before the judge, presiding, Hon. Richard M. Young, June 14th, 1833,
and released.

Indictment was returned against the real murderers, Shash-quo-washi,
Muck-que-che-qua, Muck-qua-pal-ashah, and Was-a-wau-a-quot, who, "not
having the fear of God before their eyes, but being moved and seduced
by the instigations of the devil," killed Wm. Martin.  The indictment
was drawn by Thomas Ford, States Attorney, and recites that William
Martin was shot a little below the shoulder blade.  Among the
witnesses named were Keokuk and Stabbing Chief.  The guilty parties
were never arrested, and a _nolle prosequi_ was entered at the October
term at court, 1835.



GEN.  SCOTT ARRIVES AT CHICAGO.

Gen. Scott, with a full regiment of regulars, came up the lake and
landed at Chicago about the 10th of July--the cholera in the meantime
having broken out among his troops, from which several had died.
While encamped at that point, it continued its virulence to such an
extent, and in a number of cases fatally, that he deemed it best to
much out on the high land, and soon after continued his journey, by
slow marches, to Rock Island.  On reaching Rock river, where Milan is
now situated, the cholera had disappeared, and he went into camp with
his entire regiment.  The clear water of this beautiful stream was a
Godsend to the many tired men, for the ablution of their bodies and
the cleansing of their apparel, tents, etc., and seemed to have a
general invigorating effect upon the entire regiment.

Gen. Scott then went over to Rock Island with two companies to
garrison Fort Armstrong, and there learned the situation of affairs in
the army, and the great reduction made in the ranks of Black Hawk's
band of Indians, so that a final close of the war was daily expected.

A few days after their arrival at Fort Armstrong, symptoms of cholera
again appeared among the troops of the company, and the physician in
charge tried every known remedy to check it, but failed in every
instance, and after running its course, which was usually about
twenty-four hours, the patient died.  During the first three or four
days of its ravages, about one-half of that company had been consigned
to their last resting place in the soldiers' cemetery.

 Being on a visit to Rock Island at the time the cholera was raging,
the writer, at the request of Col. Wm. Berry, (who had also come down
from Galena to pay his respects to Gen. Scott,) accompanied him to the
Fort and introduced him to the General.  It was a very warm, but
beautiful Sabbath, when we were admitted to the General's quarters,
about 10 o'clock in the morning, and after the introduction of our
friend and the usual salutations of the day, the General, after
expressing his doubts of the propriety of admitting us into the Fort,
forcibly and touchingly detailed the ravages that the cholera was
making in his ranks.  Medicine, in the hands of a skillful physician,
seemed to have no effect to stay its progress, and he was just on the
eve of trying a different remedy as we came in, and if we would join
him in a glass of brandy and water, he would proceed at once to put it
into execution.  He said he was satisfied that brandy was a good
antidote to cholera, and by its use many of his soldiers were still
well.



THE GENERAL'S REMEDY.

The General pulled off his coat, rolled up his sleeves, and directed
an orderly to tear off strips of red flannel, fill a bucket with
brandy and carry them to the hospital.  On arriving at the bedside of
a patient he directed him to be stripped, and then with flannel soaked
in brandy he rubbed his chest thoroughly, in order to bring on a
reaction, in the meantime administering a little brandy with a spoon.
In the course of half an hour he returned and reported progress.  He
said he left his patient free from pain, and directed a small portion
of the brandy to be given occasionally.

The well soldiers, seeing that their General was not afraid of
cholera, nor too proud to act as nurse to a sick soldier, took courage
and insisted on his retiring, so that they could fill his place.
Seeing that new life had been infused among the well soldiers, and a
gleam of hope seeming to inspire the sick, he gave directions for them
to continue, as he had commenced, and then retired.

On returning to his quarters he washed his hands, rolled down his
sleeves, put on his uniform, and then invited us to take a little
brandy.  After listening to his mode of treatment, we casually
remarked that it looked feasible, but at the same time reprehensible
in the General of the army exposing himself in the performance of a
duty that could be done as well by a common soldier.  He gave us a
look, and kept his eyes upon us as his giant form raised up, and, with
a sweep of his sword arm, said in majestic tones: "Sir, it is the duty
of a General to take care of his army; should he fall another can take
his place; but, without an army his occupation is gone!"

The General's treatment was continued right along, and the result was
that many of those attacked got well.

Soon after the close of the war, which terminated with the battle of
Bad Axe, on the second day of August, 1832, he came to Galena, and, in
conference with Governor John Reynolds, ordered the chiefs head men
and warriors of the Winnebago Nation to meet them at Fort Armstrong,
Rock Island, on the 15th day of September, 1832, for the purpose of
holding a treaty.

At the time fixed by the Commissioners they were met by the chiefs,
head men and warriors of the Winnebago Nation, with whom a treaty was
made and concluded, by which the Winnebagoes ceded to the United
States all the lands claimed by them lying to the south and east of
Wisconsin river and the Fox river of Green Bay.  The consideration of
this cession on the part of the United States, to be a grant to the
Winnebago Nation of a tract on the west side of the Mississippi river
known as the neutral ground and annual annuities for twenty-seven
years of $10,000 in specie and a further sum, not to exceed $3,000
annually, for the purposes of maintaining a farm and a school for the
education of Winnebago children during the same period of twenty-seven
years.



TREATY WITH SACS AND FOXES.

After concluding the treaty with the Winnebagoes, and for the purpose
of making a lasting peace with the Sacs and Foxes, these Commissioners
held a treaty at the same place, and a week later, on the 21st day of
September, with chiefs, head men and warriors of that confederate
tribe.  The Commissioners demanded, partly as indemnity for expenses
incurred in the late war with Black Hawk's band and to secure future
tranquility, a cession of a large portion of their country bordering
on the frontiers.  In consideration thereof the United States agree to
pay to said confederate tribes annually, for thirty years, $20,000 in
specie; also, to pay Messrs. Farnham and Davenport, Indian traders at
Rock Island, the sum of $40,000, to be receipted for in full of all
demands against said Indians.  And, further, at the special request of
said confederate tribes, the United States agree to grant, by letters
patent, to their particular friend, Antoine LeClair, interpreter, one
section of land opposite Rock Island and one section at the head of
the rapids of the Mississippi river.



THE CITY OF DAVENPORT, IOWA.

This beautiful city now covers that "Section of land opposite Rock
Island" that was donated by treaty to Antoine LeClair by the Sacs and
Foxes, and also three or four more sections.  At that time it was
wholly uninhabited, the Foxes having removed their village from that
point some three years before.  As a town site it was regarded by
strangers and travelers on steamboats as the most beautiful west of
the Mississippi between St. Louis and St. Paul, and now, with its
twenty-three thousand inhabitants, elegant residences, magnificent
public buildings, fine churches, schoolhouses, extensive
manufactories, and large business blocks, it Stands unrivalled as a
beautiful city.  It has ten miles of street railroads, affording easy
access to all parts of the city.  It has two daily papers, the
_Gazette_ and _Democrat_, (morning and evening) both ably conducted;
and also a German daily and two weeklies.  The river is spanned by an
elegant bridge that was built at the cost of nearly a million dollars,
which is used by the various railroads from East to West, and has a
roadway for teams and pedestrians.



THE CITY OF ROCK ISLAND

Is located on the bank of the river in Illinois, immediately opposite
to Davenport, and is a large and flourishing city, with a population
of about twelve thousand inhabitants.  It has fine public buildings,
elegant churches and residences, substantial business blocks,
extensive manufactories and elegant water works. The city is lighted
by electric lights, from high towers, that cast their refulgent rays
over the entire city, which makes it the finest lighted city in the
west.  There are two daily papers, (morning and evening) _The Union_
and _The Argus_, both enjoying the privilege of Press dispatches, and
both issue weeklies. _The Rock Islander_ is also published weekly, and
all have the appearance of great prosperity.  The professions are
represented by men of fine ability, including some of wide reputation.
The banking business is done principally by two National Banks, that
have a deservedly high reputation, and are doing a large business.
There are two first-class hotels--the Harper House and Rock Island
House--and several of less pretentions.  The city has large coal
fields, in close proximity, with railroads running daily to and from
the banks, by which the three cities are supplied.



THE CITY OF MOLINE

Is located two miles up the river from Rock Island, but connected with
it by street railways.  It has a population of over 8,000 inhabitants,
and is extensively known from its many manufacturing establishments,
which are supplied with water power from a dam across the river from
the Island.

FIFTY YEARS AGO,

When the writer first visited this most beautiful Island in the
Mississippi river, then and now known as Rock Island, the ground on
which the triplet cities of Davenport, Rock Island, and Moline now
stands, was covered with prairie grass, and apparently a sterile waste
as regards to the two former, whilst the latter was principally
covered with timber.  Now how changed!  Then the site of Davenport was
claimed to be the most beautiful on the west bank of the Mississippi,
between St. Paul and St. Louis by Black Hawk and his confreres, who
had traveled up and down the river in canoes, whilst his judgment was
confirmed by thousands of passengers who viewed it from steamboats in
after years.  Now

THE TRIPLE CITIES

are widely known as the leading manufacturing cities of the great
west, with railroads stretching out from ocean to ocean, and although
the Mississippi makes a dividing line, they are united by a
magnificent bridge, which makes their intercourse easier than over
paved streets.

Rock Island, at that time, was excluded from settlement by the orders
of Government, as it had been reserved, on the recommendation of Hon.
Lewis Cass, whilst he was in the Senate and Cabinet, as a site for a
United States Arsenal and Armory.  Fort Armstrong was situated on the
lower end of the Island, and was then in command of Col. William
Davenport.  The Sac and Fox agency (Maj. Davenport, agent,) stood on
the bank of the river about half a mile above the Fort; next came the
residence and office of Antoine Le Clair, United States Interpreter
for the Sam and Foxes, and a little higher up, the residence, store-
house and out buildings of Col. George Davenport, who had by an act of
Congress, preempted a claim of two hundred acres of land running
across the Island from bank to bank of the river.  The Island is about
two miles long, and being at the foot of the rapids has the best water
power on the river, capable of running a much greater amount of
machinery than is at present in operation.  The entire Island is now
owned and occupied by the Government, (the heirs of Col. Davenport
having sold and deeded their interest), and is now used as an

ARMORY AND ARSENAL,

which are destined to be in the near future, the most extensive works
of the kind probably in the world.  Indeed, army officers who have
traveled extensively in the Old World, say they have never seen
anything to compare with it, in elegant grounds, water power and
buildings, and with such facilities for moving anything to and from
the Arsenal.  These works were commenced under the supervision of Gen.
Rodman, the inventor of the Rodman gun, and since the death of the
General, D. W. Flagler, Lieut. Col. of Ordinance, has been in command,
and a more efficient and better qualified officer for the place could
not have been found in the army.

There are already completed ten massive stone buildings, which are
used for work shops, storage, etc., officers' quarters, both durable
and comfortable, and many other buildings.  The former residence of
Col.  George Davenport, (the House in which he as killed for money
many years ago) built in 1831, of solid hewed timber, and afterwards
weather-boarded, still stands unoccupied.

The Island is mostly covered with trees of different varieties, which
are kept neatly trimmed, and is laid out like a park, with wide
avenues extending its whole length, which makes the most elegant
drives and shady walks for the thousands of visitors who flock to the
Island to feast their eyes upon its magnificence.



THE CITY OF KEOKUK, IOWA,

Is located at the foot of the Lower Rapids, 139 miles from Rock
Island, and bears the name of the distinguished chief of the Sacs and
Foxes.  At our first visit there, in 1832, there was a long row of
one-story buildings fronting on the river, that were used by Col.
Farnham, agent of the American Fur Company, as a store and warehouse--
this being the principal depot for trade with the Sacs and Foxes, who
were then the sole proprietors of the country and its principal
inhabitants, with the exception of a few individuals who had got
permission to put up shanties for occupation during the low-water
season, while they were engaged in lighting steamers passing up and
down the river, but unable to cross the rapids while loaded.

At that day the old chief, Keokuk, boasted of having the handsomest
site for a big village that could be found on the river, and since
that day it has grown to be a large and elegant city, with wide
streets, fine public buildings, nice churches, school-houses, elegant
residences, extensive business houses, wholesale and retail stores,
manufactories, and a flourishing Medical University with elegant
buildings, which has been in successful operation for more than twenty
years.  The United States District Court for Southern Iowa is also
located here.  The city is well provided with good hotels.  The
Patterson House, an immense building, five stories high, being chief,
which has always ranked as first-class-with a number of hotels of
smaller dimensions, but well kept--affording ample accommodation for
the thousands of travelers that frequently congregate at this place.
The various professions are represented by men of fine ability--some
of them of wide reputation.  They have two daily papers, _The Gale
City,_ and _The Constitution_, which are ably conducted.

A fine canal, running the entire length of the Rapids, from Montrose
to Keokuk, has been built by the United States, through which
steamboats can now pass at any stage of water--but designed more
particularly for low water--so that there is no longer any detention
to lighten steamboats over the Rapids.



THE CITY OF MUSCATINE, IOWA.

Muscatine was first settled as a wood yard by Col. John Vanater, in
July, 1834, and was laid out as a town by him in 1836, and called
Bloomington.  The county was organized in 1837, under the name of
Muscatine, and Bloomington made the county seat.  The name of the town
was changed to correspond with that of the county in 1851.  Its
population at the last census was 8,294; present population not less
than 10,000.  Besides being the centre of a large trade in
agricultural products, it is extensively engaged in manufacturing
lumber, sash, doors and blinds, and possesses numerous large
manufactories, oat-meal mills, and the finest marble works in the
State.  It is also the centering point of a very large wholesale and
retail trade.  It is situated at the head of the rich Muscatine
Island, the garden spot of the Northwest, and is the shipping point
for millions of melons and sweet potatoes annually.

Muscatine is a good town, with a good business and good newspapers.
The _Journal_ and _Tribune_ are published daily, semi-weekly and
weekly.  Hon. John Mahin has been the editor of the _Journal_ since
1852, and there is no editor in the State whose service dates further
back than his.



THE CITY OF DUBUQUE.

Soon after the close of the war and the discharge of the volunteer
army, the writer, with some twenty others who had served through the
war, formed a company for the purpose of laying out the town of
Dubuque.  One of their number, Capt. James Craig, being a surveyor, he
was selected to survey the lines and lay out the town.  About the
middle of September, 1832, he started out from Galena with his chain-
carriers, stake-drivers, etc., (stakes having been previously sawed
and split on an island opposite, all ready for use), and in due time
completed the survey.  Blocks fronting the river on three or four
streets back were completed, each lot receiving its stakes, whilst
those farther back were staked as blocks, and not subdivided.  A few
of the original proprietors built and took possession at once.  Among
them were the Messrs. Langworthy, enterprising and energetic young
gentlemen, who commenced business as grocers in a small way, with
supplies for miners.  Their faith was strong that adventurers would
come in, and that the time was not far distant when the town would
take a start, and in a few years become a populous city.  Miners and
prospectors soon took possession of claims in the immediate vicinity,
and in one instance a claim was made and ore struck within the limits
of our survey.

It was well known that the Indians had been in the habit, for many
years, of visiting this portion of their country, for the purpose of
getting their supplies of lead; hence the supposition of miners, who
had long been engaged in prospecting for lead-mining, that lead would
be found on this side of the river and in the vicinity of Dubuque.
This caused a great rush to the new fields, of hundreds, who expected
to strike it rich with less labor and expense.  All were aware,
however, that under the treaty just made with the Sacs and Foxes by
Gen. Scott and Gov.  Reynolds, they had no right to enter upon these
lands, and stood in daily fear of being ordered off by United States
troops.  But their numbers steadily increased.  At length the long
expected order came.  Major Davenport, Indian Agent at Rock Island,
was ordered to go forward, and, with one company of infantry in two
Mackinaw boats, commanded by Lieut. Beach, they landed near the mouth
of Fever river (Galena) about the first of October.  The Major came up
to Galena with a letter from Col. George Davenport to the writer, to
assist him in the discharge of his delicate duty.  Word was sent to
Lieut. Beach not to proceed up the river until the afternoon of the
next day, as the sight of troops by the miners might make them hard to
manage; otherwise, I assured the Major, he would have no trouble.  We
proceeded at once to a point opposite Dubuque, where we found a
comfortable stopping place with the ferryman, and he being a man of
considerable influence, I suggested to him the propriety of going over
to Dubuque to send men to all the mining camps, requesting a meeting
the next morning, at nine o'clock, of all the miners, with the agent,
to hear what he had to say, and to assure them at the same time that
his mission was a peaceable one, and that there should be no objection
manifested to disobey the orders of the Government.

After the departure of our messenger we took a private room to talk
over the programme for the meeting, when we suggested that, on
assembling, the Major should make a little speech explanatory of his
visit, in which he should express sorrow for the hardships it would be
to leave their claims, with the hope that the time was not distant
when all might lawfully return, etc.  The Major said he was not a
speech-maker, or a very good talker, but would read the orders sent to
him to dispossess them, and see that they crossed the river.

After some discussion, the writer, at his request, wrote out a short
address for the Major, and on going over the next morning, we met some
four or five hundred miners at the grocery store, who had assembled to
listen to the orders sent for their removal.  There being no boards or
boxes into which to improvise a stand for the speaker, a whisky-barrel
was introduced, from the head of which, after apologizing to the
miners for the disagreeable duty that had been placed upon the Major,
and in consequence of his suffering from a bad cold, we had taken the
stand to read to them his short address, and as most of them had spent
the summer in the service of the Government as soldiers in the field,
and had been honorably discharged, the Major felt satisfied that there
would be no objection manifested by any one in the large crowd before
us to disobey an order from the Government.  After the close of the
Major's address, the question was put to vote by raising of hands.
There was a general upraising of hands, which was declared to be
unanimous for immediate removal.  Owing to the good treatment received
by the Major, he proposed to treat the entire party, and, to
facilitate the matter, buckets of whisky with tin cups were passed
around, and after all had partaken they shook hands with the Major and
commenced Crossing over in flatboats.

At three o'clock in the afternoon we crossed over on the last boat,
and took our departure for Galena.  During the evening the Major's
report of how his peaceable removal of a large body of intruders from
the west to the east bank of the Mississippi had been accomplished,
was made out and mailed.  But the further fact that all those miners
had recrossed the river, and were then in their mining camps, was not
recorded, for the reason that the Major had not been posted as to
their intentions.

Owing to the provisions of the treaty, it was a long time before
Congress passed an act for the sale of these lands, and confirmation
to the titles of town sites, hence, many of those who had laid out the
town of Dubuque had left the county, and at the time of proving up
their claims failed to put in an appearance--the writer being one of
them--whilst those who remained, with the Messrs. Langworthy, became
sole proprietors--the latter having lived to see the town rise in
importance, and at this time become one of the most populous cities on
the west side of the Mississippi.





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