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diff --git a/old/69978-0.txt b/old/69978-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 99263f1..0000000 --- a/old/69978-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,937 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Types of prehistoric Southwestern -architecture, by Jesse Walter Fewkes - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Types of prehistoric Southwestern architecture - -Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes - -Release Date: February 7, 2023 [eBook #69978] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Bob Taylor and The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TYPES OF PREHISTORIC -SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE *** - - - - - - Transcriber’s Note - Italic text displayed as: _italic_ - - - - - American Antiquarian Society - - - TYPES OF PREHISTORIC - SOUTHWESTERN - ARCHITECTURE - - BY - J. WALTER FEWKES - - - REPRINTED FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY - FOR APRIL, 1917. - - - WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. - PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY - 1917 - - - - - THE DAVIS PRESS - WORCESTER, MASS. - - - - -TYPES OF PREHISTORIC SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE - -BY J. WALTER FEWKES - - -Among primitive peoples the calendar, sun worship and agriculture are -closely connected. When man was just emerging from the hunting or -fishing stages into early agricultural conditions it rarely happened -that he replanted the same fields year after year, for it was early -recognized that the land, however fertile, would not yield good crops -in successive years but should lie fallow one or more years before -replanting. The primitive agriculturist learned by experience that a -change was necessary to insure good crops. To effect this change the -agriculturist moved his habitation and planted on the sites where the -soil was found to be fertile. There was thus a continual shifting of -planting places which accounts in part for frequent migrations. In -our Southwest this nomadic condition was succeeded by a stationary -agricultural stage. Necessary water was supplied by irrigation -which also contributed nourishment necessary for the enrichment of -the soil. When an agricultural population is thus anchored to one -locality, permanent, well-constructed habitations are built near -farms that are tilled year after year. - -The following ideas on the relation of agricultural people, the -calendar and sun worship were practically adopted from Mr. E. J. -Payne’s “History of the New World called America.” - -It is obligatory for the agriculturist, especially when the country -is arid, to have a reliable calendar; he must know the best time for -planting that the seeds may germinate, the epoch when the rains are -most abundant that the plants may grow, and the season when the hot -sun may mature the growing corn. Agricultural life necessitates an -exact calendar. - -Several methods are used by the primitive agriculturist to determine -the time for planting, the most reliable of which is the position -of the sun and moon on the horizon rising or setting. The movements -of the latter, especially the phases of the new moon, although -important, do not serve as the best basis of the annual calendar. -The time of the year cannot be told by observations of the moon. The -phases of the moon play a certain rôle among agricultural people, -since this planet takes a subordinate place in determining the -calendar. The positions of the sun, or the points of its rising and -setting on the horizon and its altitude at midday, afforded the -primitive agriculturist data that could be relied upon from year to -year to determine the season. The position of the sun at midsummer -and midwinter, rising or setting, is associated with most important -events; the winter solstice indicates the time when the fields -should be prepared for cultivation; when the irrigating ditches -should be cleared out and prepared for planting. We consequently -find the winter solstice, which occurs at the close of December, is -practically set aside by all agricultural people as an occasion of -a great festival in which sun-worship is dominant. At this time we -also find a complicated ceremony, the object of which is to draw back -the sun and prepare the people for the work before them. Around this -midwinter festival were crowded rites of the purification of the -earth from evil influences of winter, a dramatic personation of the -return of the sun god, preliminary to the call to the husbandman to -begin his work. The planting itself occurs somewhat later, or when -the sun reaches the vernal equinox, the determination of which is -less important than the solstice. - -When agricultural man had discovered a reliable calendar and was -able to definitely determine the time for planting, growth, and -harvesting of his crops, his life became still more rigidly fixed -in sedentary conditions; he no longer was a hunter or shepherd; he -ceased to have a nomadic tendency. The consciousness of being able -to rely upon a definite food supply expresses itself in the art of -building. He is led to construct more durable habitations. Successful -agriculture, stable architecture, and a reliable calendar are thus -closely connected. The most successful agriculture in aboriginal -North America is found in regions where knowledge of the calendar -was most highly developed. Early efforts to perfect the calendar by -studies of the sun intensified sun worship. The most highly developed -expressions of solar worship as well as the best constructed masonry -on the American continent are associated with the highest development -of the calendar. There can be adduced no better illustration than -the masonry of Peruvian temples which compares favorably with any in -the world. The surface ornamentation of these buildings is not as -elaborate as in those of Central America, but there are few examples -of masonry in the Old World with stones more accurately fitted -together, the walls more enduring—a remarkable fact when we consider -that the people who built these colossal structures in the New -World were unfamiliar with the metals, iron and steel. Sun worship -is the basis of the ancient Peruvian culture expressed by these -extraordinary buildings. Although our knowledge of Peruvian calendric -signs is not as accurate as of that of Central America, all evidence -goes to show that the calendar of the Incas was not inferior to that -of the Mayas. - -In prehistoric North America we find remains of buildings constructed -of masonry quite equal to that of the same epoch in the Old World. -This may be illustrated by reference to the cliff-dwellers’ towers -in our Southwest. If some of the towers of Sardinia were placed -side by side with those of southwestern Colorado, any impartial -observer would say that the masonry in the latter was equal to that -in the former. The megalithic dolmens of England exhibit no walls -superior in masonry to massive walls in the mountain canyons of Utah -and Arizona constructed before the advent of the whites. In other -words it is evident that the architecture of a people is not wholly -an index of stage of culture. If the prehistoric aborigines of our -Southwest be judged by buildings we may say they had progressed in -historic development into a stage attained by nations more advanced -because they were acquainted with metals. - -The prehistoric people of our Southwest called pueblos and -cliff-dwellers constructed many different forms of rooms which can -be compared and reduced to a few types. It is the object of the -following pages to examine the morphology of these buildings. - -It will be found on examination that these prehistoric buildings were -constructed on certain universal lines, reproducing with startling -similarity types which are world-wide. It will also be found that -habitations or buildings devoted to certain utilitarian purposes -have one form, while sacred buildings have another, following a -law geographically widespread. Man shares with the animal a desire -for protection for his family or food accumulated or awaiting -consumption. This holds true among agricultural peoples whose food -is cereal and can be stored indefinitely or prepared for use when -necessary. It is not necessary to suppose that man learned the habit -of storing food from bees and squirrels; the same needs produced the -same habits. The earliest storage places adopted by man were caves, -trunks of trees or pits dug in the earth, the first mentioned being -the most common. The first step taken to improve this storage place -was the construction of a wall to close the entrance to the cave or -pit. A further modification, practically an expansion of this simple -idea, led to the construction of an elaborate dwelling having rooms -specialized for different economical purposes within the shelter of -the cave. - -This same idea of protection led to another line of development in -which the cave is wanting. The construction of a stone cairn in -the open would also serve for protection of the food supply. Such -a building, erected simply for storage, naturally drew about it -subordinate rooms for dwellings, at first temporary in structure but -later, as ability in stone-working improved, permanent buildings or -community-houses of durable material. This second type of prehistoric -building, erected independent of caves, evolved along lines different -from the first; in forms of construction the two types are similar, -but they differ as to sites; one became a cliff or cave dwelling; the -other, what is called a village or pueblo. - -Consider another line of development. The buildings we have already -considered were erected primarily for the preservation and protection -of material possessions. Man, in whatever stage, regards it as -necessary to construct a building for religious purposes; in many -instances this structure is nothing more than a row of upright -stones enclosing an area devoted to his gods. No roof was considered -necessary since the objects of worship were practically forces of -nature. As time went on, priests or congregations gathered to perform -rites within the circular or other areas, or in their neighborhood. -These ceremonies rendered secrecy necessary. A priesthood developed -with a systematic ritual, which had to be hidden from the eyes of -the inquisitive by roofs and side walls, thus forming a building, -from which developed the temple or sacred room. Subsequently other -buildings were annexed for habitations of priests or laymen. A -condition of this kind occurs in our prehistoric Southwestern -architecture. The sanctuary in this region is a well-constructed -circular building, of peculiar type. It was not a dwelling but a -place of ceremonious worship. Habitations distinct from these -ceremonial rooms had walls so perishable that traces of them are hard -to find, the sanctuary walls alone remaining as an indication of the -building art of that period. A more advanced stage along this line -of evolution was the addition of rooms with permanent walls to the -base of the sanctuary, by which a union of two different kinds of -buildings, sacred and secular, was brought about. These three lines -of architectural development in our prehistoric Southwest verged in a -parallel development into the same form, all starting from the rudest -structure and culminating in an almost identical type, one the cave -habitation, the other the storage room with its annex, and the third -the sacred building or sanctuary, around which are clustered rooms -for secular purposes. A combination of the three types, producing a -composite cluster, gives us what is called the terraced community -house or pueblo. - -The term “pueblo,” signifying a village or town, was applied by -Spanish explorers to Indian villages in our Southwest at the close of -the sixteenth century. Certain other collections of houses, to which -the word “rancherias” (ranches) was applied, were also mentioned, the -distinction between the two being that the buildings of the latter -were more widely scattered. At present we speak of pueblo and pueblo -culture in a more exact way, and in a scientific discussion of the -origin of this culture it is necessary to restrict the Spanish terms, -or to define a pueblo from a cultural point of view. This leads to an -enumeration of distinctive architectural features which characterize -the two types. - -The Spaniards, giving little attention to ruins in the country -through which their route lay, confined the term “pueblo” to -inhabited towns. These early travelers found the majority of these -in a limited area along the Rio Grande or along the Little Colorado -and in the mountains of what is now northern Arizona. There were -wide expanses of country not visited by the Spaniards, which we -now know had at that time ruined buildings indicative of a past -population, that are similar in form to those inhabited. We find on -scientific examination evidence that the life in them was higher in -development than in the villages seen by the explorers. Manifestly -our subject must be so treated that all pueblos, whether uninhabited -or inhabited, should be taken into account in morphological studies. -On comparison of ruined pueblos with those inhabited in the sixteenth -century certain identities in form are revealed, but there are found -also radical differences showing degrees of culture. Indications -exist that certain arts of the later pueblos have degenerated: the -masonry is not so good and pottery, textiles, and other manufactured -articles are inferior. - -The accounts given by early Spanish chroniclers afford scanty -information on details of arts, and historical documents are -correspondingly imperfect. In consideration of the subject from the -point of view of chronology, our knowledge must be derived, not -from previous histories but from archeological remains that are -fortunately very abundant through the whole region. - -The simplest type of pueblo building, called the unit type, consists -of one or more rectangular rooms and a circular chamber. This form -passes imperceptibly into the linear type, a row of single rooms -united by the side of one circular room midway in length. The linear -type naturally may have single or multiple rooms, or it may be -composed of one or more rows parallel with each other, the doorways -opening on the same side or in the same direction. When the lines -of rooms are double, and the doorways of each row open in opposite -directions, we may designate this the double linear having external -doorways. Linear ruins may be one or more stories high; when there -is more than one story, doors or lateral openings are generally -wanting. On the ground floor, which is entered from the roof, the -superimposed rooms have lateral passageways from the roof of the -lower story. - -A double row of buildings may be set in such a way that the doorways -face each other, or four such rows may form a rectangle enclosing a -court, which often lacks one side. Another type has the pyramidal -form, made up of rooms crowded together with the superimposed stories -opening in all directions. - -Wholly different in form from the various linear types above -enumerated are the circular buildings enclosing a central court on -which the doorways of the lowest story open, and which those of the -upper stories face. - -Pueblos both ancient and modern can be placed in one or another of -the above-mentioned types, although in some cases two of these types -may be combined, making a composite building reaching a considerable -size. In whatever type the pueblo is placed, the circular-form -room also exists, either enclosed in the rows or free from the -rows of secular rectangular chambers. The pyramidal, rectangular, -and linear types are comparatively modern, having persisted to the -present day, when many are inhabited; the circular type is confined -wholly to ancient times and is no longer inhabited. Open pueblos -are independent of cliffs as distinguished from those dependent -or those built within caves. Dependent and independent buildings -are morphologically the same, but the dependent or so-called cliff -pueblos were not inhabited at the advent of the Europeans. - -An examination of the main features of the groups above mentioned -reveals certain common features, an enumeration of which still -further defines the pueblo type. All have both the terraced and -the community form. They are all accompanied by a sacred room of -circular form compactly enclosed in the mass of building or built -separate from it. If we examine the distribution geographically of -the pueblo type, ancient and modern, we find it limited to the area -including the southern parts of Colorado, Utah, and the greater part -of New Mexico, its highest development occurring in the mountains. -It is preeminently limited to a plateau region, and theoretically -we may suppose that it owes its peculiarities to the characteristic -physiographic conditions of this environment. If we consider this -type chronologically we find the oldest and best examples situated in -the northern part of the area; the evidence is good that influence -from that nucleus extended west and south, the architecture as we -recede from the place of origin becoming inferior or losing some of -its essential features, probably on account of contact with unrelated -peoples. This modification and the accompanying departure from the -type are especially marked in extensions that came in contact with -people who constructed rooms compactly united, from southern Arizona, -where environmental conditions show a great contrast to the mountain -region in which the pueblo originated. The plains bordering the Gila -and its tributaries are low and level, covered with a vegetation -wholly different from that of the mountain canyons in which pueblo -buildings originated. Climatically southern Arizona is very warm -throughout the year; the mountains of Colorado are covered with -snow from November to March, inclusive. These conditions have led -in the former region to the separation of the dwellings or a more -open life of the aborigines; the rooms are larger and not crowded -together as in pueblos; the material used in their construction is -also different; stone is not available; its absence led to the use of -clay and mud as the only materials out of which man could construct -his dwellings. Another powerful influence created architectural -modifications in these two regions. In the mountains the village -builders were beset on all sides by hostiles or nomads bent on -plunder. It was here necessary for man to construct his building with -a view to defense by concentration of the rooms. The level plains of -southern Arizona and the rivers with a constant flow of water brought -about irrigation along the Gila, thus making possible a larger -population. All these conditions, reflected in the character of the -buildings in the southern region, as contrasted with the northern, -have greatly modified the culture and sociological conditions of the -aborigines of the two localities. In their extension their boundaries -met each other and their contact has led to types of buildings -with characters of both. In one locality, Hopi, the circular kiva -has disappeared, and a rectangular room has taken its place. Both -Hopi and Zuñi pueblos have descendants of the ancestral clans from -the Gila still surviving, and there we find the pueblo type with -rectangular kivas both enclosed in house masses and separated from -them. - -Offshoots of the mountain or pueblo culture following down the San -Juan River penetrated to Hopi and settled at Walpi, shortly after -which they were joined by clans from Little Colorado bringing Gila -culture, as is recounted in legends still existing. The mountain -culture introduced the terraced form of building and the kiva free -from the house masses. But this kiva has a rectangular form due -either to the configuration of the mesa top or to influences from -the south, where the sacred room is rectangular and enclosed by -dwellings. In a case of Zuñi we have the plain type or southern -contingent predominating, the original settlement at Zuñi having -been made by clans from the far south, which were later joined and -modified by those from the north. Here we have at the present day the -sacred room of rectangular shape hidden away among the dwellings. -This was a secondary condition probably brought about by the -influence of Catholic missionaries, who forced the Zuñi to abandon -their sacred room in the courts of the town, and resort to secrecy -to perform the forbidden rites. Both Hopi and Zuñi show in their -architecture the influence of two component stocks or peoples, a -fact more strikingly brought out in their religious ceremonials. - -The prehistoric center of pueblo culture origin is situated many -miles distant from the area now inhabited by its survivals. When the -Spanish travelers first came in touch with this unique condition -of life, its center of origin was no longer inhabited. Legendary -accounts still survive in the modern pueblos that they came from the -north; our main source of information or proof of the truth of these -legends is the character of architecture and pottery obtained from -the northern ruins, aided by what may be gathered from the modified -architecture of the inhabited pueblos, or from historical documents. - -It is a universal characteristic of primitive men that the most -enduring and best-constructed buildings are those devoted to worship. -We find, for instance, throughout the Old World that the prehistoric -structures of this kind which have survived as monuments of the -past are temples, either in the form of rude monoliths or imposing -buildings, the habitations of their builders having long since -disappeared, as they were built of perishable material and their -sites can now be detected only by low mounds. - -Temples, however, were more lasting and work on them was cumulative; -each generation improved on its predecessor, and as they were built -of stone the additions of successive generations were permanent, -and remained as an index of past civilization. The same is true -among prehistoric pueblos of North America. They also erected dual -buildings: one being a perishable habitation; the other the permanent -religious building. - -Let us consider the chronological evolution of these two types of -architecture. In the very earliest condition the primitive people of -the Southwest constructed a massive-walled building to serve for the -performance of their rites and ceremonies. Each social group had its -own sanctuary, which we now recognize as the kiva, commonly built in -the form of towers scattered throughout the mountainous regions of -Utah and Colorado. As is customary with similar religious edifices, -we find these, as a rule, perched on the tops of high cliffs, not for -outlooks, but for conspicuous buildings for refuge of the neighboring -population. In ancient Greece we find the temples of Cecrops, the -ancient deity of Athens, on an Acropolis, and towering above Corinth -is the Acrocorinth. Towers almost identical with those of Colorado -occur in different localities in Europe. We find them, for example, -in Ireland, in Spain, in Sardinia, and in Corsica, where they have -received a different name, but are always associated with the very -earliest inhabitants of those localities. In Peru we find the -problematical _chulpas_. The function of these towers in both the Old -and the New World has been a bone of contention among archeologists. -The best explanation that has been advanced for Old World towers is -that they are defensive and religious structures; the towers of the -New World may have had a similar use, as they are alike in form. In -other words, we may suppose that they also are religious structures, -but we can add in support of that theory evidence not available in -Europe, for we find that, the form of the tower is identical with -that of the sacred room or kiva, and that it has survived to the -present time as a special chamber for worship. - -Having then determined that we can regard the oldest form of pueblo -building as a religious structure, let us pass to the probable -steps in the evolution from this early condition into the highest -development of that strictly American type of habitation. It is -evident, if the tower be looked on as the sanctuary of the clan, that -the existence of two or more clans united would necessitate the same -number of towers, a condition which we find repeated in the areas -under consideration. Granted that the first step in the evolution of -the pueblo would be the union of the secular with the sacred room, -this might be accomplished either by adding the tower to the group -of dwellings, if the latter were situated in a cave, or by moving -the habitations out of the cave and annexing them to the base of the -tower. Both of these methods seem to have been adopted, resulting -on the one hand in cliff-dwellings, and on the other in communal -buildings in the open or on top of a plateau. Subsequent stages in -the evolution of the pueblo consist in the enlargement because of -the growth of the clan of the outlines of the dwelling clustered -around the base of the tower until subsequently contiguous groups -joined, making one village, composed of as many clans as there are -architectural units. The sacred building lost its predominance in -this enlargement, and the tower passed without morphological changes -into the kiva. We can trace all these modifications in the canyons -and plateaus of southwestern Colorado. - -Sociological advance goes hand in hand with architectural -complication. In the beginning the number of social units is -indicated by the number of kivas; the next stage is the diminution -in relative number of sacred rooms and other changes which appear -in the relative size of the kivas. The several social units brought -in such intimate contact naturally evolved a system of worship -reflecting that union. This appears most clearly in the formation -of a fraternity of priests to perform the ceremony resulting from -consolidation, which leads to the abandonment of kivas rendered -unnecessary, or to the fusion of several into one, and the -enlargement of those remaining to accommodate the fraternity composed -of men of several social units. This enlargement is shown at Far -View House, a pueblo lately excavated in the Mesa Verde National -Park, Colorado. The total population of this pueblo was probably as -large as that of Cliff Palace, but whereas in this cliff dwelling -we find twenty-three sacred rooms, in Far View House there are but -four, one of which (the central) is four times as large as any in -Cliff Palace. It is easy to see why the central kiva in the pueblo -is more centrally placed than the others, when we remember that it -was probably the oldest, and was the first settled, and in subsequent -growth of the village remained the predominant one of the group. - -Following the lines of social evolution and architectural types -considered in the preceding pages, we come now to a classification -of buildings in the Southwest. Passing over the earliest expression -of architecture, where a hut or dugout shows few peculiar features -but practically is universal among a seminomadic people, we come to -durable houses built of clay or stone. Even in these small buildings -we recognize two types of rooms—circular and rectangular. We find -two distinct types of village communities, one occupying the area -extending from Utah to the inhabited pueblos on the Rio Grande. -This group may be known in prehistoric culture by circular ruins -and circular kivas. Here probably arose the original terraced form -of building. The purest expression of its architecture occurs in -cliff-dwellings like Cliff Palace and Spruce-tree House in the Mesa -Verde National Park, but its extensions west and south are modified -as the distance from the place of origin increases. - -The second type of buildings in the Southwest arose in the Gila -valley, and is best illustrated by Casa Grande in southern Arizona. -From this nucleus extensions of architectural forms were carried -northward and eastward to the pueblos now inhabited by Hopi and Zuñi -Indians. A characteristic feature of this type is the massive-walled -buildings surrounded by a rectangular wall or compound. The circular -kiva and circular ruin do not exist in present forms of this type. -Ruins in southern Arizona, belonging to this type, often have very -much modified forms, especially as the type extended northward and -came in contact with extensions of the pueblo culture. Architectural -characters and other features of this type show marked affinities -with the corresponding culture of prehistoric peoples of Mexico. - -The mythology and ritual of the people in this area are more closely -related to Mexican than to northern or pueblo culture. This may be -illustrated by many examples, of which one instance may be taken. -One of the most marked peculiarities of the prehistoric culture in -this zone is the elaborate worship of a supernatural being called -the Horned Serpent.[1] The Horned Serpent cult was introduced into -Hopiland from the Gila and is associated with the sky-god, whose -symbol is the sun. Evidences of the widespread influence of this -cult in prehistoric times is shown by figures of this being found -on pottery all the way from Hopi to the Mexican plateau. Among the -Maya and Aztec, when Horned Snake worship was perhaps the most -complicated anywhere in pre-Columbian America, it was, as it is at -Hopi, intimately associated with sun-worship. The Horned and Plumed -Serpent figures adorn many prehistoric buildings of Mexico, and -occur in all the codices of the Maya. Here we have the symbol not -originally regarded as serpents. Kukulcan, or Quetzalcoatl, were but -beneficent beings who taught the ancients agriculture and other arts, -but whose benign presence was banished through the machinations of -a sorcerer. The striking similarities in the objective symbolism of -the Plumed Serpent of Mexican mythology and the Hopi Horned Serpent -have been shown elsewhere; the ceremonies in which his effigy is -used in the Hopi ritual are practically connected with sun-worship, -and were introduced from the south. Wherever the influence of the -architectural type above considered is detected we find evidences of -Horned Serpent cult. - -The most important rite at Walpi in which idols of this being are -used occurs at the winter solstice and the vernal equinox, and are -always connected with a highly developed sun-worship. These appear -as effigies, which in one ceremonial drama are carried by a being -personating the sun; in other dramatic rites they are thrust through -openings in a screen on which sun emblems are painted. An idol of the -Horned Serpent, made of the giant cactus, a plant abundant in the -Gila valley, is carried by the chief of the Sun priests’ ceremony -celebrated in midwinter. Numerous other examples of the association -of the sun and the Horned Serpent in the solar worship of the Hopi -have been elsewhere described and might be mentioned to prove that -the religious conception back of the Horned Serpent cult is the -symbolical representation of a nature power of the sky or the sun. -The conception typified by the Horned Snake cult of the Hopi and that -of the Plumed Snake of Mexico is the same; that symbols of this being -occur on prehistoric objects found in the region stretching from the -Hopi country far into Central America cannot be questioned. Whether -one was derived from the other or both were independently evolved is -another question. - -The ancient people of the pueblo type widespread throughout New -Mexico and Colorado likewise used in their ceremonials a Plumed -Serpent symbol, which has been identified as the Great Horned Snake. -The cult of this being is also associated with sun-worship, but as -the little we know of the symbolism of this being is derived from -the winter solstice ceremony at the Tewa pueblo Hano and a few -pictographs or paintings on Tewa pottery, it is not possible to -hazard a conjecture regarding its teaching on culture derivation. The -evidence, so far as it goes, supports the theory that a Sun Serpent -cult like that of ancient Mexico exists in our Southwest today in a -much more primitive form. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] In the Snake Dances of the pueblo region, we have more striking -evidence of ancestor worship. The ceremonials in which the Horned -Snake idols appear show a more elaborate sun-worship. - - - - - Transcriber’s Notes - - pg 9 Changed and other manufactured articles are interior - to: inferior - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TYPES OF PREHISTORIC -SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. 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