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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Types of prehistoric Southwestern
-architecture, by Jesse Walter Fewkes
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Types of prehistoric Southwestern architecture
-
-Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes
-
-Release Date: February 7, 2023 [eBook #69978]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Bob Taylor and The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at
-             https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
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-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TYPES OF PREHISTORIC
-SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE ***
-
-
-
-
-
-  Transcriber’s Note
-  Italic text displayed as: _italic_
-
-
-
-
-  American Antiquarian Society
-
-
-  TYPES OF PREHISTORIC
-  SOUTHWESTERN
-  ARCHITECTURE
-
-  BY
-  J. WALTER FEWKES
-
-
-  REPRINTED FROM THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE AMERICAN ANTIQUARIAN SOCIETY
-  FOR APRIL, 1917.
-
-
-  WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.
-  PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY
-  1917
-
-
-
-
-  THE DAVIS PRESS
-  WORCESTER, MASS.
-
-
-
-
-TYPES OF PREHISTORIC SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE
-
-BY J. WALTER FEWKES
-
-
-Among primitive peoples the calendar, sun worship and agriculture are
-closely connected. When man was just emerging from the hunting or
-fishing stages into early agricultural conditions it rarely happened
-that he replanted the same fields year after year, for it was early
-recognized that the land, however fertile, would not yield good crops
-in successive years but should lie fallow one or more years before
-replanting. The primitive agriculturist learned by experience that a
-change was necessary to insure good crops. To effect this change the
-agriculturist moved his habitation and planted on the sites where the
-soil was found to be fertile. There was thus a continual shifting of
-planting places which accounts in part for frequent migrations. In
-our Southwest this nomadic condition was succeeded by a stationary
-agricultural stage. Necessary water was supplied by irrigation
-which also contributed nourishment necessary for the enrichment of
-the soil. When an agricultural population is thus anchored to one
-locality, permanent, well-constructed habitations are built near
-farms that are tilled year after year.
-
-The following ideas on the relation of agricultural people, the
-calendar and sun worship were practically adopted from Mr. E. J.
-Payne’s “History of the New World called America.”
-
-It is obligatory for the agriculturist, especially when the country
-is arid, to have a reliable calendar; he must know the best time for
-planting that the seeds may germinate, the epoch when the rains are
-most abundant that the plants may grow, and the season when the hot
-sun may mature the growing corn. Agricultural life necessitates an
-exact calendar.
-
-Several methods are used by the primitive agriculturist to determine
-the time for planting, the most reliable of which is the position
-of the sun and moon on the horizon rising or setting. The movements
-of the latter, especially the phases of the new moon, although
-important, do not serve as the best basis of the annual calendar.
-The time of the year cannot be told by observations of the moon. The
-phases of the moon play a certain rôle among agricultural people,
-since this planet takes a subordinate place in determining the
-calendar. The positions of the sun, or the points of its rising and
-setting on the horizon and its altitude at midday, afforded the
-primitive agriculturist data that could be relied upon from year to
-year to determine the season. The position of the sun at midsummer
-and midwinter, rising or setting, is associated with most important
-events; the winter solstice indicates the time when the fields
-should be prepared for cultivation; when the irrigating ditches
-should be cleared out and prepared for planting. We consequently
-find the winter solstice, which occurs at the close of December, is
-practically set aside by all agricultural people as an occasion of
-a great festival in which sun-worship is dominant. At this time we
-also find a complicated ceremony, the object of which is to draw back
-the sun and prepare the people for the work before them. Around this
-midwinter festival were crowded rites of the purification of the
-earth from evil influences of winter, a dramatic personation of the
-return of the sun god, preliminary to the call to the husbandman to
-begin his work. The planting itself occurs somewhat later, or when
-the sun reaches the vernal equinox, the determination of which is
-less important than the solstice.
-
-When agricultural man had discovered a reliable calendar and was
-able to definitely determine the time for planting, growth, and
-harvesting of his crops, his life became still more rigidly fixed
-in sedentary conditions; he no longer was a hunter or shepherd; he
-ceased to have a nomadic tendency. The consciousness of being able
-to rely upon a definite food supply expresses itself in the art of
-building. He is led to construct more durable habitations. Successful
-agriculture, stable architecture, and a reliable calendar are thus
-closely connected. The most successful agriculture in aboriginal
-North America is found in regions where knowledge of the calendar
-was most highly developed. Early efforts to perfect the calendar by
-studies of the sun intensified sun worship. The most highly developed
-expressions of solar worship as well as the best constructed masonry
-on the American continent are associated with the highest development
-of the calendar. There can be adduced no better illustration than
-the masonry of Peruvian temples which compares favorably with any in
-the world. The surface ornamentation of these buildings is not as
-elaborate as in those of Central America, but there are few examples
-of masonry in the Old World with stones more accurately fitted
-together, the walls more enduring—a remarkable fact when we consider
-that the people who built these colossal structures in the New
-World were unfamiliar with the metals, iron and steel. Sun worship
-is the basis of the ancient Peruvian culture expressed by these
-extraordinary buildings. Although our knowledge of Peruvian calendric
-signs is not as accurate as of that of Central America, all evidence
-goes to show that the calendar of the Incas was not inferior to that
-of the Mayas.
-
-In prehistoric North America we find remains of buildings constructed
-of masonry quite equal to that of the same epoch in the Old World.
-This may be illustrated by reference to the cliff-dwellers’ towers
-in our Southwest. If some of the towers of Sardinia were placed
-side by side with those of southwestern Colorado, any impartial
-observer would say that the masonry in the latter was equal to that
-in the former. The megalithic dolmens of England exhibit no walls
-superior in masonry to massive walls in the mountain canyons of Utah
-and Arizona constructed before the advent of the whites. In other
-words it is evident that the architecture of a people is not wholly
-an index of stage of culture. If the prehistoric aborigines of our
-Southwest be judged by buildings we may say they had progressed in
-historic development into a stage attained by nations more advanced
-because they were acquainted with metals.
-
-The prehistoric people of our Southwest called pueblos and
-cliff-dwellers constructed many different forms of rooms which can
-be compared and reduced to a few types. It is the object of the
-following pages to examine the morphology of these buildings.
-
-It will be found on examination that these prehistoric buildings were
-constructed on certain universal lines, reproducing with startling
-similarity types which are world-wide. It will also be found that
-habitations or buildings devoted to certain utilitarian purposes
-have one form, while sacred buildings have another, following a
-law geographically widespread. Man shares with the animal a desire
-for protection for his family or food accumulated or awaiting
-consumption. This holds true among agricultural peoples whose food
-is cereal and can be stored indefinitely or prepared for use when
-necessary. It is not necessary to suppose that man learned the habit
-of storing food from bees and squirrels; the same needs produced the
-same habits. The earliest storage places adopted by man were caves,
-trunks of trees or pits dug in the earth, the first mentioned being
-the most common. The first step taken to improve this storage place
-was the construction of a wall to close the entrance to the cave or
-pit. A further modification, practically an expansion of this simple
-idea, led to the construction of an elaborate dwelling having rooms
-specialized for different economical purposes within the shelter of
-the cave.
-
-This same idea of protection led to another line of development in
-which the cave is wanting. The construction of a stone cairn in
-the open would also serve for protection of the food supply. Such
-a building, erected simply for storage, naturally drew about it
-subordinate rooms for dwellings, at first temporary in structure but
-later, as ability in stone-working improved, permanent buildings or
-community-houses of durable material. This second type of prehistoric
-building, erected independent of caves, evolved along lines different
-from the first; in forms of construction the two types are similar,
-but they differ as to sites; one became a cliff or cave dwelling; the
-other, what is called a village or pueblo.
-
-Consider another line of development. The buildings we have already
-considered were erected primarily for the preservation and protection
-of material possessions. Man, in whatever stage, regards it as
-necessary to construct a building for religious purposes; in many
-instances this structure is nothing more than a row of upright
-stones enclosing an area devoted to his gods. No roof was considered
-necessary since the objects of worship were practically forces of
-nature. As time went on, priests or congregations gathered to perform
-rites within the circular or other areas, or in their neighborhood.
-These ceremonies rendered secrecy necessary. A priesthood developed
-with a systematic ritual, which had to be hidden from the eyes of
-the inquisitive by roofs and side walls, thus forming a building,
-from which developed the temple or sacred room. Subsequently other
-buildings were annexed for habitations of priests or laymen. A
-condition of this kind occurs in our prehistoric Southwestern
-architecture. The sanctuary in this region is a well-constructed
-circular building, of peculiar type. It was not a dwelling but a
-place of ceremonious worship. Habitations distinct from these
-ceremonial rooms had walls so perishable that traces of them are hard
-to find, the sanctuary walls alone remaining as an indication of the
-building art of that period. A more advanced stage along this line
-of evolution was the addition of rooms with permanent walls to the
-base of the sanctuary, by which a union of two different kinds of
-buildings, sacred and secular, was brought about. These three lines
-of architectural development in our prehistoric Southwest verged in a
-parallel development into the same form, all starting from the rudest
-structure and culminating in an almost identical type, one the cave
-habitation, the other the storage room with its annex, and the third
-the sacred building or sanctuary, around which are clustered rooms
-for secular purposes. A combination of the three types, producing a
-composite cluster, gives us what is called the terraced community
-house or pueblo.
-
-The term “pueblo,” signifying a village or town, was applied by
-Spanish explorers to Indian villages in our Southwest at the close of
-the sixteenth century. Certain other collections of houses, to which
-the word “rancherias” (ranches) was applied, were also mentioned, the
-distinction between the two being that the buildings of the latter
-were more widely scattered. At present we speak of pueblo and pueblo
-culture in a more exact way, and in a scientific discussion of the
-origin of this culture it is necessary to restrict the Spanish terms,
-or to define a pueblo from a cultural point of view. This leads to an
-enumeration of distinctive architectural features which characterize
-the two types.
-
-The Spaniards, giving little attention to ruins in the country
-through which their route lay, confined the term “pueblo” to
-inhabited towns. These early travelers found the majority of these
-in a limited area along the Rio Grande or along the Little Colorado
-and in the mountains of what is now northern Arizona. There were
-wide expanses of country not visited by the Spaniards, which we
-now know had at that time ruined buildings indicative of a past
-population, that are similar in form to those inhabited. We find on
-scientific examination evidence that the life in them was higher in
-development than in the villages seen by the explorers. Manifestly
-our subject must be so treated that all pueblos, whether uninhabited
-or inhabited, should be taken into account in morphological studies.
-On comparison of ruined pueblos with those inhabited in the sixteenth
-century certain identities in form are revealed, but there are found
-also radical differences showing degrees of culture. Indications
-exist that certain arts of the later pueblos have degenerated: the
-masonry is not so good and pottery, textiles, and other manufactured
-articles are inferior.
-
-The accounts given by early Spanish chroniclers afford scanty
-information on details of arts, and historical documents are
-correspondingly imperfect. In consideration of the subject from the
-point of view of chronology, our knowledge must be derived, not
-from previous histories but from archeological remains that are
-fortunately very abundant through the whole region.
-
-The simplest type of pueblo building, called the unit type, consists
-of one or more rectangular rooms and a circular chamber. This form
-passes imperceptibly into the linear type, a row of single rooms
-united by the side of one circular room midway in length. The linear
-type naturally may have single or multiple rooms, or it may be
-composed of one or more rows parallel with each other, the doorways
-opening on the same side or in the same direction. When the lines
-of rooms are double, and the doorways of each row open in opposite
-directions, we may designate this the double linear having external
-doorways. Linear ruins may be one or more stories high; when there
-is more than one story, doors or lateral openings are generally
-wanting. On the ground floor, which is entered from the roof, the
-superimposed rooms have lateral passageways from the roof of the
-lower story.
-
-A double row of buildings may be set in such a way that the doorways
-face each other, or four such rows may form a rectangle enclosing a
-court, which often lacks one side. Another type has the pyramidal
-form, made up of rooms crowded together with the superimposed stories
-opening in all directions.
-
-Wholly different in form from the various linear types above
-enumerated are the circular buildings enclosing a central court on
-which the doorways of the lowest story open, and which those of the
-upper stories face.
-
-Pueblos both ancient and modern can be placed in one or another of
-the above-mentioned types, although in some cases two of these types
-may be combined, making a composite building reaching a considerable
-size. In whatever type the pueblo is placed, the circular-form
-room also exists, either enclosed in the rows or free from the
-rows of secular rectangular chambers. The pyramidal, rectangular,
-and linear types are comparatively modern, having persisted to the
-present day, when many are inhabited; the circular type is confined
-wholly to ancient times and is no longer inhabited. Open pueblos
-are independent of cliffs as distinguished from those dependent
-or those built within caves. Dependent and independent buildings
-are morphologically the same, but the dependent or so-called cliff
-pueblos were not inhabited at the advent of the Europeans.
-
-An examination of the main features of the groups above mentioned
-reveals certain common features, an enumeration of which still
-further defines the pueblo type. All have both the terraced and
-the community form. They are all accompanied by a sacred room of
-circular form compactly enclosed in the mass of building or built
-separate from it. If we examine the distribution geographically of
-the pueblo type, ancient and modern, we find it limited to the area
-including the southern parts of Colorado, Utah, and the greater part
-of New Mexico, its highest development occurring in the mountains.
-It is preeminently limited to a plateau region, and theoretically
-we may suppose that it owes its peculiarities to the characteristic
-physiographic conditions of this environment. If we consider this
-type chronologically we find the oldest and best examples situated in
-the northern part of the area; the evidence is good that influence
-from that nucleus extended west and south, the architecture as we
-recede from the place of origin becoming inferior or losing some of
-its essential features, probably on account of contact with unrelated
-peoples. This modification and the accompanying departure from the
-type are especially marked in extensions that came in contact with
-people who constructed rooms compactly united, from southern Arizona,
-where environmental conditions show a great contrast to the mountain
-region in which the pueblo originated. The plains bordering the Gila
-and its tributaries are low and level, covered with a vegetation
-wholly different from that of the mountain canyons in which pueblo
-buildings originated. Climatically southern Arizona is very warm
-throughout the year; the mountains of Colorado are covered with
-snow from November to March, inclusive. These conditions have led
-in the former region to the separation of the dwellings or a more
-open life of the aborigines; the rooms are larger and not crowded
-together as in pueblos; the material used in their construction is
-also different; stone is not available; its absence led to the use of
-clay and mud as the only materials out of which man could construct
-his dwellings. Another powerful influence created architectural
-modifications in these two regions. In the mountains the village
-builders were beset on all sides by hostiles or nomads bent on
-plunder. It was here necessary for man to construct his building with
-a view to defense by concentration of the rooms. The level plains of
-southern Arizona and the rivers with a constant flow of water brought
-about irrigation along the Gila, thus making possible a larger
-population. All these conditions, reflected in the character of the
-buildings in the southern region, as contrasted with the northern,
-have greatly modified the culture and sociological conditions of the
-aborigines of the two localities. In their extension their boundaries
-met each other and their contact has led to types of buildings
-with characters of both. In one locality, Hopi, the circular kiva
-has disappeared, and a rectangular room has taken its place. Both
-Hopi and Zuñi pueblos have descendants of the ancestral clans from
-the Gila still surviving, and there we find the pueblo type with
-rectangular kivas both enclosed in house masses and separated from
-them.
-
-Offshoots of the mountain or pueblo culture following down the San
-Juan River penetrated to Hopi and settled at Walpi, shortly after
-which they were joined by clans from Little Colorado bringing Gila
-culture, as is recounted in legends still existing. The mountain
-culture introduced the terraced form of building and the kiva free
-from the house masses. But this kiva has a rectangular form due
-either to the configuration of the mesa top or to influences from
-the south, where the sacred room is rectangular and enclosed by
-dwellings. In a case of Zuñi we have the plain type or southern
-contingent predominating, the original settlement at Zuñi having
-been made by clans from the far south, which were later joined and
-modified by those from the north. Here we have at the present day the
-sacred room of rectangular shape hidden away among the dwellings.
-This was a secondary condition probably brought about by the
-influence of Catholic missionaries, who forced the Zuñi to abandon
-their sacred room in the courts of the town, and resort to secrecy
-to perform the forbidden rites. Both Hopi and Zuñi show in their
-architecture the influence of two component stocks or peoples, a
-fact more strikingly brought out in their religious ceremonials.
-
-The prehistoric center of pueblo culture origin is situated many
-miles distant from the area now inhabited by its survivals. When the
-Spanish travelers first came in touch with this unique condition
-of life, its center of origin was no longer inhabited. Legendary
-accounts still survive in the modern pueblos that they came from the
-north; our main source of information or proof of the truth of these
-legends is the character of architecture and pottery obtained from
-the northern ruins, aided by what may be gathered from the modified
-architecture of the inhabited pueblos, or from historical documents.
-
-It is a universal characteristic of primitive men that the most
-enduring and best-constructed buildings are those devoted to worship.
-We find, for instance, throughout the Old World that the prehistoric
-structures of this kind which have survived as monuments of the
-past are temples, either in the form of rude monoliths or imposing
-buildings, the habitations of their builders having long since
-disappeared, as they were built of perishable material and their
-sites can now be detected only by low mounds.
-
-Temples, however, were more lasting and work on them was cumulative;
-each generation improved on its predecessor, and as they were built
-of stone the additions of successive generations were permanent,
-and remained as an index of past civilization. The same is true
-among prehistoric pueblos of North America. They also erected dual
-buildings: one being a perishable habitation; the other the permanent
-religious building.
-
-Let us consider the chronological evolution of these two types of
-architecture. In the very earliest condition the primitive people of
-the Southwest constructed a massive-walled building to serve for the
-performance of their rites and ceremonies. Each social group had its
-own sanctuary, which we now recognize as the kiva, commonly built in
-the form of towers scattered throughout the mountainous regions of
-Utah and Colorado. As is customary with similar religious edifices,
-we find these, as a rule, perched on the tops of high cliffs, not for
-outlooks, but for conspicuous buildings for refuge of the neighboring
-population. In ancient Greece we find the temples of Cecrops, the
-ancient deity of Athens, on an Acropolis, and towering above Corinth
-is the Acrocorinth. Towers almost identical with those of Colorado
-occur in different localities in Europe. We find them, for example,
-in Ireland, in Spain, in Sardinia, and in Corsica, where they have
-received a different name, but are always associated with the very
-earliest inhabitants of those localities. In Peru we find the
-problematical _chulpas_. The function of these towers in both the Old
-and the New World has been a bone of contention among archeologists.
-The best explanation that has been advanced for Old World towers is
-that they are defensive and religious structures; the towers of the
-New World may have had a similar use, as they are alike in form. In
-other words, we may suppose that they also are religious structures,
-but we can add in support of that theory evidence not available in
-Europe, for we find that, the form of the tower is identical with
-that of the sacred room or kiva, and that it has survived to the
-present time as a special chamber for worship.
-
-Having then determined that we can regard the oldest form of pueblo
-building as a religious structure, let us pass to the probable
-steps in the evolution from this early condition into the highest
-development of that strictly American type of habitation. It is
-evident, if the tower be looked on as the sanctuary of the clan, that
-the existence of two or more clans united would necessitate the same
-number of towers, a condition which we find repeated in the areas
-under consideration. Granted that the first step in the evolution of
-the pueblo would be the union of the secular with the sacred room,
-this might be accomplished either by adding the tower to the group
-of dwellings, if the latter were situated in a cave, or by moving
-the habitations out of the cave and annexing them to the base of the
-tower. Both of these methods seem to have been adopted, resulting
-on the one hand in cliff-dwellings, and on the other in communal
-buildings in the open or on top of a plateau. Subsequent stages in
-the evolution of the pueblo consist in the enlargement because of
-the growth of the clan of the outlines of the dwelling clustered
-around the base of the tower until subsequently contiguous groups
-joined, making one village, composed of as many clans as there are
-architectural units. The sacred building lost its predominance in
-this enlargement, and the tower passed without morphological changes
-into the kiva. We can trace all these modifications in the canyons
-and plateaus of southwestern Colorado.
-
-Sociological advance goes hand in hand with architectural
-complication. In the beginning the number of social units is
-indicated by the number of kivas; the next stage is the diminution
-in relative number of sacred rooms and other changes which appear
-in the relative size of the kivas. The several social units brought
-in such intimate contact naturally evolved a system of worship
-reflecting that union. This appears most clearly in the formation
-of a fraternity of priests to perform the ceremony resulting from
-consolidation, which leads to the abandonment of kivas rendered
-unnecessary, or to the fusion of several into one, and the
-enlargement of those remaining to accommodate the fraternity composed
-of men of several social units. This enlargement is shown at Far
-View House, a pueblo lately excavated in the Mesa Verde National
-Park, Colorado. The total population of this pueblo was probably as
-large as that of Cliff Palace, but whereas in this cliff dwelling
-we find twenty-three sacred rooms, in Far View House there are but
-four, one of which (the central) is four times as large as any in
-Cliff Palace. It is easy to see why the central kiva in the pueblo
-is more centrally placed than the others, when we remember that it
-was probably the oldest, and was the first settled, and in subsequent
-growth of the village remained the predominant one of the group.
-
-Following the lines of social evolution and architectural types
-considered in the preceding pages, we come now to a classification
-of buildings in the Southwest. Passing over the earliest expression
-of architecture, where a hut or dugout shows few peculiar features
-but practically is universal among a seminomadic people, we come to
-durable houses built of clay or stone. Even in these small buildings
-we recognize two types of rooms—circular and rectangular. We find
-two distinct types of village communities, one occupying the area
-extending from Utah to the inhabited pueblos on the Rio Grande.
-This group may be known in prehistoric culture by circular ruins
-and circular kivas. Here probably arose the original terraced form
-of building. The purest expression of its architecture occurs in
-cliff-dwellings like Cliff Palace and Spruce-tree House in the Mesa
-Verde National Park, but its extensions west and south are modified
-as the distance from the place of origin increases.
-
-The second type of buildings in the Southwest arose in the Gila
-valley, and is best illustrated by Casa Grande in southern Arizona.
-From this nucleus extensions of architectural forms were carried
-northward and eastward to the pueblos now inhabited by Hopi and Zuñi
-Indians. A characteristic feature of this type is the massive-walled
-buildings surrounded by a rectangular wall or compound. The circular
-kiva and circular ruin do not exist in present forms of this type.
-Ruins in southern Arizona, belonging to this type, often have very
-much modified forms, especially as the type extended northward and
-came in contact with extensions of the pueblo culture. Architectural
-characters and other features of this type show marked affinities
-with the corresponding culture of prehistoric peoples of Mexico.
-
-The mythology and ritual of the people in this area are more closely
-related to Mexican than to northern or pueblo culture. This may be
-illustrated by many examples, of which one instance may be taken.
-One of the most marked peculiarities of the prehistoric culture in
-this zone is the elaborate worship of a supernatural being called
-the Horned Serpent.[1] The Horned Serpent cult was introduced into
-Hopiland from the Gila and is associated with the sky-god, whose
-symbol is the sun. Evidences of the widespread influence of this
-cult in prehistoric times is shown by figures of this being found
-on pottery all the way from Hopi to the Mexican plateau. Among the
-Maya and Aztec, when Horned Snake worship was perhaps the most
-complicated anywhere in pre-Columbian America, it was, as it is at
-Hopi, intimately associated with sun-worship. The Horned and Plumed
-Serpent figures adorn many prehistoric buildings of Mexico, and
-occur in all the codices of the Maya. Here we have the symbol not
-originally regarded as serpents. Kukulcan, or Quetzalcoatl, were but
-beneficent beings who taught the ancients agriculture and other arts,
-but whose benign presence was banished through the machinations of
-a sorcerer. The striking similarities in the objective symbolism of
-the Plumed Serpent of Mexican mythology and the Hopi Horned Serpent
-have been shown elsewhere; the ceremonies in which his effigy is
-used in the Hopi ritual are practically connected with sun-worship,
-and were introduced from the south. Wherever the influence of the
-architectural type above considered is detected we find evidences of
-Horned Serpent cult.
-
-The most important rite at Walpi in which idols of this being are
-used occurs at the winter solstice and the vernal equinox, and are
-always connected with a highly developed sun-worship. These appear
-as effigies, which in one ceremonial drama are carried by a being
-personating the sun; in other dramatic rites they are thrust through
-openings in a screen on which sun emblems are painted. An idol of the
-Horned Serpent, made of the giant cactus, a plant abundant in the
-Gila valley, is carried by the chief of the Sun priests’ ceremony
-celebrated in midwinter. Numerous other examples of the association
-of the sun and the Horned Serpent in the solar worship of the Hopi
-have been elsewhere described and might be mentioned to prove that
-the religious conception back of the Horned Serpent cult is the
-symbolical representation of a nature power of the sky or the sun.
-The conception typified by the Horned Snake cult of the Hopi and that
-of the Plumed Snake of Mexico is the same; that symbols of this being
-occur on prehistoric objects found in the region stretching from the
-Hopi country far into Central America cannot be questioned. Whether
-one was derived from the other or both were independently evolved is
-another question.
-
-The ancient people of the pueblo type widespread throughout New
-Mexico and Colorado likewise used in their ceremonials a Plumed
-Serpent symbol, which has been identified as the Great Horned Snake.
-The cult of this being is also associated with sun-worship, but as
-the little we know of the symbolism of this being is derived from
-the winter solstice ceremony at the Tewa pueblo Hano and a few
-pictographs or paintings on Tewa pottery, it is not possible to
-hazard a conjecture regarding its teaching on culture derivation. The
-evidence, so far as it goes, supports the theory that a Sun Serpent
-cult like that of ancient Mexico exists in our Southwest today in a
-much more primitive form.
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] In the Snake Dances of the pueblo region, we have more striking
-evidence of ancestor worship. The ceremonials in which the Horned
-Snake idols appear show a more elaborate sun-worship.
-
-
-
-
-  Transcriber’s Notes
-
-  pg 9 Changed and other manufactured articles are interior
-         to: inferior
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Types of prehistoric Southwestern architecture, by Jesse Walter Fewkes</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
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-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Types of prehistoric Southwestern architecture</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Jesse Walter Fewkes</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: February 7, 2023 [eBook #69978]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Bob Taylor and The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TYPES OF PREHISTORIC SOUTHWESTERN ARCHITECTURE ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 65%">
-<img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Cover">
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p class="center">American Antiquarian Society</p>
-
-<hr class="r15">
-
-<h1 class="wsp">TYPES OF PREHISTORIC<br>
-SOUTHWESTERN<br>
-ARCHITECTURE</h1>
-<br>
-
-<p class="center fs80 no-indent">BY</p>
-<p class="center no-indent fs120">J. WALTER FEWKES</p>
-<br><br>
-
-<hr class="r15">
-
-<p class="center no-indent fs60"><span class="smcap">Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society
-for April, 1917.</span></p>
-
-<hr class="r15">
-
-<p class="center no-indent">WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.<br>
-PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY<br>
-1917
-</p>
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-<p class="right fs60">
-<span class="smcap">The Davis Press<br>
-Worcester, Mass.</span><br>
-</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p>
-
-<p class="center fs150 no-indent">TYPES OF PREHISTORIC SOUTHWESTERN
-ARCHITECTURE</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class="center fs120 no-indent"><span class="smcap">By J. Walter Fewkes</span></p>
-
-
-<p>Among primitive peoples the calendar, sun worship
-and agriculture are closely connected. When man
-was just emerging from the hunting or fishing stages
-into early agricultural conditions it rarely happened
-that he replanted the same fields year after year, for
-it was early recognized that the land, however fertile,
-would not yield good crops in successive years but
-should lie fallow one or more years before replanting.
-The primitive agriculturist learned by experience
-that a change was necessary to insure good crops.
-To effect this change the agriculturist moved his habitation
-and planted on the sites where the soil was
-found to be fertile. There was thus a continual shifting
-of planting places which accounts in part for
-frequent migrations. In our Southwest this nomadic
-condition was succeeded by a stationary agricultural
-stage. Necessary water was supplied by irrigation
-which also contributed nourishment necessary for the
-enrichment of the soil. When an agricultural population
-is thus anchored to one locality, permanent,
-well-constructed habitations are built near farms
-that are tilled year after year.</p>
-
-<p>The following ideas on the relation of agricultural
-people, the calendar and sun worship were practically
-adopted from Mr. E. J. Payne’s “History of the New
-World called America.”</p>
-
-<p>It is obligatory for the agriculturist, especially when
-the country is arid, to have a reliable calendar; he must
-know the best time for planting that the seeds may
-germinate, the epoch when the rains are most abundant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span>
-that the plants may grow, and the season when
-the hot sun may mature the growing corn. Agricultural
-life necessitates an exact calendar.</p>
-
-<p>Several methods are used by the primitive agriculturist
-to determine the time for planting, the most
-reliable of which is the position of the sun and moon
-on the horizon rising or setting. The movements of
-the latter, especially the phases of the new moon, although
-important, do not serve as the best basis of
-the annual calendar. The time of the year cannot
-be told by observations of the moon. The phases of
-the moon play a certain rôle among agricultural
-people, since this planet takes a subordinate place in
-determining the calendar. The positions of the sun,
-or the points of its rising and setting on the horizon
-and its altitude at midday, afforded the primitive
-agriculturist data that could be relied upon from year
-to year to determine the season. The position of the
-sun at midsummer and midwinter, rising or setting, is
-associated with most important events; the winter
-solstice indicates the time when the fields should be
-prepared for cultivation; when the irrigating ditches
-should be cleared out and prepared for planting.
-We consequently find the winter solstice, which occurs
-at the close of December, is practically set aside by
-all agricultural people as an occasion of a great festival
-in which sun-worship is dominant. At this time we
-also find a complicated ceremony, the object of which
-is to draw back the sun and prepare the people for the
-work before them. Around this midwinter festival
-were crowded rites of the purification of the earth from
-evil influences of winter, a dramatic personation of the
-return of the sun god, preliminary to the call to the
-husbandman to begin his work. The planting itself
-occurs somewhat later, or when the sun reaches the
-vernal equinox, the determination of which is less
-important than the solstice.</p>
-
-<p>When agricultural man had discovered a reliable
-calendar and was able to definitely determine the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span>
-time for planting, growth, and harvesting of his crops,
-his life became still more rigidly fixed in sedentary conditions;
-he no longer was a hunter or shepherd; he
-ceased to have a nomadic tendency. The consciousness
-of being able to rely upon a definite food supply
-expresses itself in the art of building. He is led to
-construct more durable habitations. Successful agriculture,
-stable architecture, and a reliable calendar
-are thus closely connected. The most successful
-agriculture in aboriginal North America is found in
-regions where knowledge of the calendar was most
-highly developed. Early efforts to perfect the calendar
-by studies of the sun intensified sun worship.
-The most highly developed expressions of solar worship
-as well as the best constructed masonry on the
-American continent are associated with the highest
-development of the calendar. There can be adduced
-no better illustration than the masonry of Peruvian
-temples which compares favorably with any in the
-world. The surface ornamentation of these buildings
-is not as elaborate as in those of Central America, but
-there are few examples of masonry in the Old World
-with stones more accurately fitted together, the walls
-more enduring—a remarkable fact when we consider
-that the people who built these colossal structures
-in the New World were unfamiliar with the
-metals, iron and steel. Sun worship is the basis of
-the ancient Peruvian culture expressed by these extraordinary
-buildings. Although our knowledge of Peruvian
-calendric signs is not as accurate as of that of
-Central America, all evidence goes to show that the
-calendar of the Incas was not inferior to that of
-the Mayas.</p>
-
-<p>In prehistoric North America we find remains of
-buildings constructed of masonry quite equal to that
-of the same epoch in the Old World. This may be
-illustrated by reference to the cliff-dwellers’ towers in
-our Southwest. If some of the towers of Sardinia
-were placed side by side with those of southwestern<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span>
-Colorado, any impartial observer would say that the
-masonry in the latter was equal to that in the former.
-The megalithic dolmens of England exhibit no walls
-superior in masonry to massive walls in the mountain
-canyons of Utah and Arizona constructed before the
-advent of the whites. In other words it is evident
-that the architecture of a people is not wholly an index
-of stage of culture. If the prehistoric aborigines
-of our Southwest be judged by buildings we may say
-they had progressed in historic development into a
-stage attained by nations more advanced because
-they were acquainted with metals.</p>
-
-<p>The prehistoric people of our Southwest called pueblos
-and cliff-dwellers constructed many different
-forms of rooms which can be compared and reduced
-to a few types. It is the object of the following pages
-to examine the morphology of these buildings.</p>
-
-<p>It will be found on examination that these prehistoric
-buildings were constructed on certain universal
-lines, reproducing with startling similarity types
-which are world-wide. It will also be found that
-habitations or buildings devoted to certain utilitarian
-purposes have one form, while sacred buildings have
-another, following a law geographically widespread.
-Man shares with the animal a desire for protection
-for his family or food accumulated or awaiting consumption.
-This holds true among agricultural peoples
-whose food is cereal and can be stored indefinitely
-or prepared for use when necessary. It is not necessary
-to suppose that man learned the habit of storing
-food from bees and squirrels; the same needs produced
-the same habits. The earliest storage places adopted
-by man were caves, trunks of trees or pits dug in the
-earth, the first mentioned being the most common.
-The first step taken to improve this storage place was
-the construction of a wall to close the entrance to the
-cave or pit. A further modification, practically an
-expansion of this simple idea, led to the construction
-of an elaborate dwelling having rooms specialized for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span>
-different economical purposes within the shelter of the
-cave.</p>
-
-<p>This same idea of protection led to another line of
-development in which the cave is wanting. The construction
-of a stone cairn in the open would also serve
-for protection of the food supply. Such a building,
-erected simply for storage, naturally drew about it
-subordinate rooms for dwellings, at first temporary in
-structure but later, as ability in stone-working improved,
-permanent buildings or community-houses of
-durable material. This second type of prehistoric
-building, erected independent of caves, evolved along
-lines different from the first; in forms of construction
-the two types are similar, but they differ as to sites;
-one became a cliff or cave dwelling; the other, what is
-called a village or pueblo.</p>
-
-<p>Consider another line of development. The buildings
-we have already considered were erected primarily
-for the preservation and protection of material possessions.
-Man, in whatever stage, regards it as necessary
-to construct a building for religious purposes;
-in many instances this structure is nothing more than
-a row of upright stones enclosing an area devoted to
-his gods. No roof was considered necessary since the
-objects of worship were practically forces of nature.
-As time went on, priests or congregations gathered to
-perform rites within the circular or other areas, or in
-their neighborhood. These ceremonies rendered secrecy
-necessary. A priesthood developed with a
-systematic ritual, which had to be hidden from the
-eyes of the inquisitive by roofs and side walls,
-thus forming a building, from which developed the
-temple or sacred room. Subsequently other buildings
-were annexed for habitations of priests or laymen.
-A condition of this kind occurs in our prehistoric
-Southwestern architecture. The sanctuary in this
-region is a well-constructed circular building, of peculiar
-type. It was not a dwelling but a place of ceremonious
-worship. Habitations distinct from these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span>
-ceremonial rooms had walls so perishable that traces
-of them are hard to find, the sanctuary walls alone
-remaining as an indication of the building art of that
-period. A more advanced stage along this line of
-evolution was the addition of rooms with permanent
-walls to the base of the sanctuary, by which a union
-of two different kinds of buildings, sacred and secular,
-was brought about. These three lines of architectural
-development in our prehistoric Southwest verged
-in a parallel development into the same form, all
-starting from the rudest structure and culminating in
-an almost identical type, one the cave habitation, the
-other the storage room with its annex, and the third
-the sacred building or sanctuary, around which are
-clustered rooms for secular purposes. A combination
-of the three types, producing a composite cluster,
-gives us what is called the terraced community house
-or pueblo.</p>
-
-<p>The term “pueblo,” signifying a village or town,
-was applied by Spanish explorers to Indian villages
-in our Southwest at the close of the sixteenth century.
-Certain other collections of houses, to which the
-word “rancherias” (ranches) was applied, were also
-mentioned, the distinction between the two being
-that the buildings of the latter were more widely scattered.
-At present we speak of pueblo and pueblo
-culture in a more exact way, and in a scientific discussion
-of the origin of this culture it is necessary to
-restrict the Spanish terms, or to define a pueblo from
-a cultural point of view. This leads to an enumeration
-of distinctive architectural features which characterize
-the two types.</p>
-
-<p>The Spaniards, giving little attention to ruins in the
-country through which their route lay, confined the
-term “pueblo” to inhabited towns. These early
-travelers found the majority of these in a limited
-area along the Rio Grande or along the Little Colorado
-and in the mountains of what is now northern Arizona.
-There were wide expanses of country not visited by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>
-the Spaniards, which we now know had at that time
-ruined buildings indicative of a past population, that
-are similar in form to those inhabited. We find on
-scientific examination evidence that the life in them
-was higher in development than in the villages seen
-by the explorers. Manifestly our subject must be
-so treated that all pueblos, whether uninhabited or
-inhabited, should be taken into account in morphological
-studies. On comparison of ruined pueblos with
-those inhabited in the sixteenth century certain
-identities in form are revealed, but there are found also
-radical differences showing degrees of culture. Indications
-exist that certain arts of the later pueblos
-have degenerated: the masonry is not so good and
-pottery, textiles, and other manufactured articles are
-inferior.</p>
-
-<p>The accounts given by early Spanish chroniclers
-afford scanty information on details of arts, and historical
-documents are correspondingly imperfect.
-In consideration of the subject from the point of view
-of chronology, our knowledge must be derived, not
-from previous histories but from archeological remains
-that are fortunately very abundant through
-the whole region.</p>
-
-<p>The simplest type of pueblo building, called the
-unit type, consists of one or more rectangular rooms
-and a circular chamber. This form passes imperceptibly
-into the linear type, a row of single rooms
-united by the side of one circular room midway in
-length. The linear type naturally may have single
-or multiple rooms, or it may be composed of one or
-more rows parallel with each other, the doorways
-opening on the same side or in the same direction.
-When the lines of rooms are double, and the doorways
-of each row open in opposite directions, we may
-designate this the double linear having external doorways.
-Linear ruins may be one or more stories high;
-when there is more than one story, doors or lateral
-openings are generally wanting. On the ground<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span>
-floor, which is entered from the roof, the superimposed
-rooms have lateral passageways from the roof of the
-lower story.</p>
-
-<p>A double row of buildings may be set in such a way
-that the doorways face each other, or four such rows
-may form a rectangle enclosing a court, which often
-lacks one side. Another type has the pyramidal
-form, made up of rooms crowded together with the
-superimposed stories opening in all directions.</p>
-
-<p>Wholly different in form from the various linear
-types above enumerated are the circular buildings
-enclosing a central court on which the doorways of
-the lowest story open, and which those of the upper
-stories face.</p>
-
-<p>Pueblos both ancient and modern can be placed
-in one or another of the above-mentioned types,
-although in some cases two of these types may be
-combined, making a composite building reaching a
-considerable size. In whatever type the pueblo is
-placed, the circular-form room also exists, either
-enclosed in the rows or free from the rows of secular
-rectangular chambers. The pyramidal, rectangular,
-and linear types are comparatively modern, having
-persisted to the present day, when many are inhabited;
-the circular type is confined wholly to ancient times
-and is no longer inhabited. Open pueblos are independent
-of cliffs as distinguished from those dependent
-or those built within caves. Dependent and independent
-buildings are morphologically the same,
-but the dependent or so-called cliff pueblos were not
-inhabited at the advent of the Europeans.</p>
-
-<p>An examination of the main features of the groups
-above mentioned reveals certain common features,
-an enumeration of which still further defines the
-pueblo type. All have both the terraced and the
-community form. They are all accompanied by a
-sacred room of circular form compactly enclosed in
-the mass of building or built separate from it. If we
-examine the distribution geographically of the pueblo<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>
-type, ancient and modern, we find it limited to the
-area including the southern parts of Colorado, Utah,
-and the greater part of New Mexico, its highest development
-occurring in the mountains. It is preeminently
-limited to a plateau region, and theoretically
-we may suppose that it owes its peculiarities to the
-characteristic physiographic conditions of this environment.
-If we consider this type chronologically
-we find the oldest and best examples situated in the
-northern part of the area; the evidence is good that
-influence from that nucleus extended west and south,
-the architecture as we recede from the place of origin
-becoming inferior or losing some of its essential features,
-probably on account of contact with unrelated
-peoples. This modification and the accompanying
-departure from the type are especially marked in
-extensions that came in contact with people who constructed
-rooms compactly united, from southern
-Arizona, where environmental conditions show a
-great contrast to the mountain region in which the
-pueblo originated. The plains bordering the Gila
-and its tributaries are low and level, covered with a
-vegetation wholly different from that of the mountain
-canyons in which pueblo buildings originated. Climatically
-southern Arizona is very warm throughout
-the year; the mountains of Colorado are covered with
-snow from November to March, inclusive. These
-conditions have led in the former region to the separation
-of the dwellings or a more open life of the aborigines;
-the rooms are larger and not crowded together
-as in pueblos; the material used in their construction
-is also different; stone is not available; its absence led
-to the use of clay and mud as the only materials out
-of which man could construct his dwellings. Another
-powerful influence created architectural modifications
-in these two regions. In the mountains the village
-builders were beset on all sides by hostiles or nomads
-bent on plunder. It was here necessary for man to
-construct his building with a view to defense by concentration<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span>
-of the rooms. The level plains of southern
-Arizona and the rivers with a constant flow of water
-brought about irrigation along the Gila, thus making
-possible a larger population. All these conditions,
-reflected in the character of the buildings in the
-southern region, as contrasted with the northern, have
-greatly modified the culture and sociological conditions
-of the aborigines of the two localities. In their
-extension their boundaries met each other and their
-contact has led to types of buildings with characters
-of both. In one locality, Hopi, the circular kiva has
-disappeared, and a rectangular room has taken its
-place. Both Hopi and Zuñi pueblos have descendants
-of the ancestral clans from the Gila still surviving,
-and there we find the pueblo type with rectangular
-kivas both enclosed in house masses and separated
-from them.</p>
-
-<p>Offshoots of the mountain or pueblo culture following
-down the San Juan River penetrated to Hopi and
-settled at Walpi, shortly after which they were joined
-by clans from Little Colorado bringing Gila culture,
-as is recounted in legends still existing. The mountain
-culture introduced the terraced form of building and
-the kiva free from the house masses. But this kiva
-has a rectangular form due either to the configuration
-of the mesa top or to influences from the south, where
-the sacred room is rectangular and enclosed by dwellings.
-In a case of Zuñi we have the plain type or
-southern contingent predominating, the original settlement
-at Zuñi having been made by clans from the
-far south, which were later joined and modified by
-those from the north. Here we have at the present
-day the sacred room of rectangular shape hidden away
-among the dwellings. This was a secondary condition
-probably brought about by the influence of Catholic
-missionaries, who forced the Zuñi to abandon their
-sacred room in the courts of the town, and resort to
-secrecy to perform the forbidden rites. Both Hopi
-and Zuñi show in their architecture the influence of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span>
-two component stocks or peoples, a fact more strikingly
-brought out in their religious ceremonials.</p>
-
-<p>The prehistoric center of pueblo culture origin is
-situated many miles distant from the area now inhabited
-by its survivals. When the Spanish travelers
-first came in touch with this unique condition of life,
-its center of origin was no longer inhabited. Legendary
-accounts still survive in the modern pueblos
-that they came from the north; our main source of
-information or proof of the truth of these legends is
-the character of architecture and pottery obtained
-from the northern ruins, aided by what may be gathered
-from the modified architecture of the inhabited
-pueblos, or from historical documents.</p>
-
-<p>It is a universal characteristic of primitive men
-that the most enduring and best-constructed buildings
-are those devoted to worship. We find, for instance,
-throughout the Old World that the prehistoric structures
-of this kind which have survived as monuments
-of the past are temples, either in the form of rude
-monoliths or imposing buildings, the habitations of
-their builders having long since disappeared, as they
-were built of perishable material and their sites can
-now be detected only by low mounds.</p>
-
-<p>Temples, however, were more lasting and work on
-them was cumulative; each generation improved on its
-predecessor, and as they were built of stone the additions
-of successive generations were permanent, and
-remained as an index of past civilization. The same
-is true among prehistoric pueblos of North America.
-They also erected dual buildings: one being a perishable
-habitation; the other the permanent religious
-building.</p>
-
-<p>Let us consider the chronological evolution of these
-two types of architecture. In the very earliest condition
-the primitive people of the Southwest constructed
-a massive-walled building to serve for the performance
-of their rites and ceremonies. Each social group
-had its own sanctuary, which we now recognize as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>
-the kiva, commonly built in the form of towers scattered
-throughout the mountainous regions of Utah
-and Colorado. As is customary with similar religious
-edifices, we find these, as a rule, perched on the tops
-of high cliffs, not for outlooks, but for conspicuous
-buildings for refuge of the neighboring population.
-In ancient Greece we find the temples of Cecrops,
-the ancient deity of Athens, on an Acropolis, and towering
-above Corinth is the Acrocorinth. Towers
-almost identical with those of Colorado occur in different
-localities in Europe. We find them, for example,
-in Ireland, in Spain, in Sardinia, and in Corsica,
-where they have received a different name, but are
-always associated with the very earliest inhabitants
-of those localities. In Peru we find the problematical
-<em>chulpas</em>. The function of these towers in both the
-Old and the New World has been a bone of contention
-among archeologists. The best explanation that has
-been advanced for Old World towers is that they are
-defensive and religious structures; the towers of the
-New World may have had a similar use, as they are
-alike in form. In other words, we may suppose that
-they also are religious structures, but we can add in
-support of that theory evidence not available in
-Europe, for we find that, the form of the tower is identical
-with that of the sacred room or kiva, and that it
-has survived to the present time as a special chamber
-for worship.</p>
-
-<p>Having then determined that we can regard the
-oldest form of pueblo building as a religious structure,
-let us pass to the probable steps in the evolution
-from this early condition into the highest development
-of that strictly American type of habitation. It is
-evident, if the tower be looked on as the sanctuary
-of the clan, that the existence of two or more clans
-united would necessitate the same number of towers,
-a condition which we find repeated in the areas under
-consideration. Granted that the first step in the
-evolution of the pueblo would be the union of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>
-secular with the sacred room, this might be accomplished
-either by adding the tower to the group of
-dwellings, if the latter were situated in a cave, or by
-moving the habitations out of the cave and annexing
-them to the base of the tower. Both of these methods
-seem to have been adopted, resulting on the one hand
-in cliff-dwellings, and on the other in communal
-buildings in the open or on top of a plateau. Subsequent
-stages in the evolution of the pueblo consist
-in the enlargement because of the growth of the clan
-of the outlines of the dwelling clustered around the
-base of the tower until subsequently contiguous groups
-joined, making one village, composed of as many
-clans as there are architectural units. The sacred
-building lost its predominance in this enlargement,
-and the tower passed without morphological changes
-into the kiva. We can trace all these modifications
-in the canyons and plateaus of southwestern Colorado.</p>
-
-<p>Sociological advance goes hand in hand with architectural
-complication. In the beginning the number of
-social units is indicated by the number of kivas; the
-next stage is the diminution in relative number of sacred
-rooms and other changes which appear in the relative
-size of the kivas. The several social units brought in
-such intimate contact naturally evolved a system of
-worship reflecting that union. This appears most
-clearly in the formation of a fraternity of priests to
-perform the ceremony resulting from consolidation,
-which leads to the abandonment of kivas rendered
-unnecessary, or to the fusion of several into one, and
-the enlargement of those remaining to accommodate the
-fraternity composed of men of several social units.
-This enlargement is shown at Far View House, a
-pueblo lately excavated in the Mesa Verde National
-Park, Colorado. The total population of this pueblo
-was probably as large as that of Cliff Palace, but
-whereas in this cliff dwelling we find twenty-three
-sacred rooms, in Far View House there are but four,
-one of which (the central) is four times as large as any<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span>
-in Cliff Palace. It is easy to see why the central kiva
-in the pueblo is more centrally placed than the others,
-when we remember that it was probably the oldest,
-and was the first settled, and in subsequent growth
-of the village remained the predominant one of the
-group.</p>
-
-<p>Following the lines of social evolution and architectural
-types considered in the preceding pages, we
-come now to a classification of buildings in the Southwest.
-Passing over the earliest expression of architecture,
-where a hut or dugout shows few peculiar
-features but practically is universal among a seminomadic
-people, we come to durable houses built of
-clay or stone. Even in these small buildings we recognize
-two types of rooms—circular and rectangular.
-We find two distinct types of village communities, one
-occupying the area extending from Utah to the inhabited
-pueblos on the Rio Grande. This group may be
-known in prehistoric culture by circular ruins and
-circular kivas. Here probably arose the original
-terraced form of building. The purest expression of
-its architecture occurs in cliff-dwellings like Cliff
-Palace and Spruce-tree House in the Mesa Verde
-National Park, but its extensions west and south are
-modified as the distance from the place of origin
-increases.</p>
-
-<p>The second type of buildings in the Southwest arose
-in the Gila valley, and is best illustrated by Casa
-Grande in southern Arizona. From this nucleus
-extensions of architectural forms were carried northward
-and eastward to the pueblos now inhabited by
-Hopi and Zuñi Indians. A characteristic feature of
-this type is the massive-walled buildings surrounded
-by a rectangular wall or compound. The circular
-kiva and circular ruin do not exist in present forms of
-this type. Ruins in southern Arizona, belonging to
-this type, often have very much modified forms,
-especially as the type extended northward and came
-in contact with extensions of the pueblo culture.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span>
-Architectural characters and other features of this
-type show marked affinities with the corresponding
-culture of prehistoric peoples of Mexico.</p>
-
-<p>The mythology and ritual of the people in this area
-are more closely related to Mexican than to northern
-or pueblo culture. This may be illustrated by many
-examples, of which one instance may be taken. One
-of the most marked peculiarities of the prehistoric
-culture in this zone is the elaborate worship of a supernatural
-being called the Horned Serpent.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> The
-Horned Serpent cult was introduced into Hopiland
-from the Gila and is associated with the sky-god, whose
-symbol is the sun. Evidences of the widespread influence
-of this cult in prehistoric times is shown by
-figures of this being found on pottery all the way from
-Hopi to the Mexican plateau. Among the Maya
-and Aztec, when Horned Snake worship was perhaps
-the most complicated anywhere in pre-Columbian
-America, it was, as it is at Hopi, intimately associated
-with sun-worship. The Horned and Plumed
-Serpent figures adorn many prehistoric buildings of
-Mexico, and occur in all the codices of the Maya.
-Here we have the symbol not originally regarded as
-serpents. Kukulcan, or Quetzalcoatl, were but beneficent
-beings who taught the ancients agriculture and
-other arts, but whose benign presence was banished
-through the machinations of a sorcerer. The striking
-similarities in the objective symbolism of the Plumed
-Serpent of Mexican mythology and the Hopi Horned
-Serpent have been shown elsewhere; the ceremonies
-in which his effigy is used in the Hopi ritual are practically
-connected with sun-worship, and were introduced
-from the south. Wherever the influence of the
-architectural type above considered is detected we
-find evidences of Horned Serpent cult.</p>
-
-<p>The most important rite at Walpi in which idols of
-this being are used occurs at the winter solstice and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span>
-the vernal equinox, and are always connected with a
-highly developed sun-worship. These appear as
-effigies, which in one ceremonial drama are carried
-by a being personating the sun; in other dramatic rites
-they are thrust through openings in a screen on which
-sun emblems are painted. An idol of the Horned
-Serpent, made of the giant cactus, a plant abundant
-in the Gila valley, is carried by the chief of the Sun
-priests’ ceremony celebrated in midwinter. Numerous
-other examples of the association of the sun and
-the Horned Serpent in the solar worship of the Hopi
-have been elsewhere described and might be mentioned
-to prove that the religious conception back of the
-Horned Serpent cult is the symbolical representation
-of a nature power of the sky or the sun. The conception
-typified by the Horned Snake cult of the Hopi
-and that of the Plumed Snake of Mexico is the same;
-that symbols of this being occur on prehistoric objects
-found in the region stretching from the Hopi country
-far into Central America cannot be questioned.
-Whether one was derived from the other or both were
-independently evolved is another question.</p>
-
-<p>The ancient people of the pueblo type widespread
-throughout New Mexico and Colorado likewise used
-in their ceremonials a Plumed Serpent symbol, which
-has been identified as the Great Horned Snake. The
-cult of this being is also associated with sun-worship,
-but as the little we know of the symbolism of this
-being is derived from the winter solstice ceremony at
-the Tewa pueblo Hano and a few pictographs or
-paintings on Tewa pottery, it is not possible to hazard
-a conjecture regarding its teaching on culture derivation.
-The evidence, so far as it goes, supports the
-theory that a Sun Serpent cult like that of ancient
-Mexico exists in our Southwest today in a much more
-primitive form.</p>
-
-<div class="footnotes"><h2>FOOTNOTES:</h2>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> In the Snake Dances of the pueblo region, we have more striking evidence of ancestor
-worship. The ceremonials in which the Horned Snake idols appear show a
-more elaborate sun-worship.</p>
-
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-
-<div class="transnote">
-<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2>
-
-<ul>
-<li>pg 9 Changed: and other manufactured articles are interior to: inferior</li>
-</ul>
-
-</div>
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