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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Red blight, by Mary Lamar Knight</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Red blight</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Mary Lamar Knight</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 2, 2023 [eBook #69684]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
- <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Tim Lindell, Bob Taylor and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK RED BLIGHT ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter" style="width: 35%">
-<img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Cover">
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<h2 class="right">
-RED<br>
-BLIGHT</h2>
-<br>
-<br>
-
-<table class="autotable">
-<tr>
-<td class="tdcx bt br bl">Order Extra Copies From</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdcx br bl"><em>CHRISTIAN NATIONALIST</em></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdcx br bl"><em>CRUSADE</em></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdcx br bl">P. O. Box D-4</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdcx br bl bb">St. Louis 1, Missouri</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p class="center">To</p>
-<div class="blockquot">
-<p class="no-indent"><em>Everyone everywhere who would help to
-make the “lure” of freedom so irresistible
-that the false promises of security, made
-by the Communists, will be seen for what
-they are—a delusion and a fraud.</em></p>
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<h1 class="left">
-RED<br>
-BLIGHT</h1>
-<p class="fs130"><span style="margin-left: 4em;">by</span><br>
-<span style="margin-left: 5em;">MARY LAMAR KNIGHT</span></p>
-<br>
-<div class="illowp15" id="star" style="max-width: 4em; margin-left: 6em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/star.jpg" alt="star">
-</div><br>
-<br>
-<p>
-<span style="margin-left: 5em;">LORRIN L. MORRISON</span><br>
-<span style="margin-left: 6em;"><em>Publisher</em></span><br>
-<span style="margin-left: 6em;"><em>Los Angeles</em></span><br>
-</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p class="center">
-<span class="smcap">Copyright, 1951<br>
-by<br>
-Mary Lamar Knight</span></p><br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<p class="center fs120 p0">FIRST PRINTING</p>
-<p class="center fs80 p1">IN TWO EDITIONS:</p>
-<p class="center no-indent"><em>Paper Bound, June, 1951</em><br>
-<em>Cloth Bound, June, 1951</em><br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<br>
-Printed in the United States of America by<br>
-<span class="smcap">Lorrin L. Morrison</span>, <em>Printing and Publishing</em><br>
-1915 So. Western Ave., Los Angeles 18, Calif.<br>
-All rights reserved, including the rights of reproduction,<br>
-in whole or in part, in any form.<br>
-</p>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h3 class="nobreak" id="AUTHORS_NOTE">AUTHOR’S NOTE</h3>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>The opinions expressed in this book represent only
-one individual’s point of view. They are based upon
-what I, myself, have seen and heard and are subject,
-therefore, to human error, preferences and prejudices.
-I ask only that they be considered in this light, and
-hope that they may serve to stimulate independent
-thinking and inquiry.</p>
-
-<p>What I am reporting I have experienced personally
-or learned from the most reliable sources at my command.
-If I succeed only in a small measure in conveying
-my thoughts and opinions, it is, nonetheless, a load
-off my chest, and I shall sleep more easily for having
-made a sincere, if limited, contribution toward a better
-understanding of our present disheartening dilemma.</p>
-
-<p class="right">
-<span class="smcap">Mary Lamar Knight</span><br>
-</p>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Table_of_Contents"><em>Table of Contents</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<table class="autotable">
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Introduction</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter I—Incompetence or Treachery?</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter II—Yenan Interlude</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_29">29</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter III—Communist Personalities</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_45">45</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter IV—Communism’s Forebears</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_70">70</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter V—Communist Propaganda</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_82">82</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter VI—Manchuria, the Prize</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_94">94</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter VII—The Tragedy of the Generalissimo</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_102">102</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter VIII—Behind the Red Curtain</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_117">117</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Chapter IX—Quo Vadis?</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_131">131</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Appendix</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_151">151</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Bibliography</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_189">189</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>Index</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_193">193</a></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"><em>About the Author</em></td>
-<td class="tdrx"><a href="#Page_199">199</a></td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Introduction"><em>Introduction</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>The “lure” of Communism is the same in every
-country—the promise of security and a richer life for
-all, with less pain and effort to the individual from the
-cradle to the grave. We have only to think clearly,
-however, to realize that such promises are impossible
-of fulfillment in a Communist State. Never has progress
-been made in that direction except where there
-was personal freedom, initiative and enterprise, for these
-are the qualities that take civilization forward <em>toward</em>
-Perfection, instead of backward <em>into</em> Chaos. The theories
-of Marx and Engels have been used and misused by the
-Soviets. As far as their present laws are concerned, the
-“Yassa” of Genghis Khan would have served the purpose,
-had it been as well known in the Twentieth Century
-as it was in the Thirteenth.</p>
-
-<p>In studying the historical backgrounds of those great
-movements which, at various times in the past, have
-churned up the quietude of the earth, I found that they
-were always propelled or motivated by extreme fanaticism.
-A distinctive feature of all of them seems to be
-the desire to change the established order by revolution
-and intrigue, as well as by military conquest. These
-movements are opposed not only by the diehards, but
-by the believers in evolution and slow change; not only
-by the wealthy and comfortable, but by the practical
-men of affairs. All of this has been happening since
-the beginning of history. Believers in the established<span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span>
-order of things always are on the defensive. Only open
-and direct attack stirs them to the offensive. This last
-is true of the United States, and it is also true of China.
-It is difficult for the rulers of peace-loving nations to
-create or inspire prolonged hatred in those who must
-do their bidding. This fact has been one of Stalin’s
-major worries with respect to the Chinese Communists.
-His predecessor, Trotsky, gave them up as impossible.
-“The Chinese have no capacity for sustained mass indignation,”
-Trotsky has been quoted as saying. “As
-Communists they are hopeless.”</p>
-
-<p>Everyone who has lived in China learns to respect
-and to love the Chinese people. No nation on earth has
-left a greater endowment in wealth of artistic accomplishment
-or evolved a more workable philosophy than
-has China. Even the poorest coolie is acquainted with
-some of the simple lessons contained in the Classics.</p>
-
-<p>As a correspondent in China for the United Press Associations,
-I learned to admire the people deeply. When
-in 1946 I was invited by the United Nations Relief and
-Rehabilitation Administration to spend six months
-there as a consultant, without compensation, I was delighted
-at the opportunity to return. Each time, I increased
-my knowledge and improved my understanding
-of the country and made an earnest effort to comprehend
-the divergent forces underlying modern China
-and to gauge their effect upon the peace of the world.</p>
-
-<p>The red blight, as everyone knows, is world wide, but
-I have focused my attention on China because it is the
-part of the world I know best. I saw the blight spread<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span>
-over this area with sickening rapidity in 1936, and
-again in 1946.</p>
-
-<p>On both my trips, I travelled slowly from Singapore
-through most of the major cities to Manchuria, where
-I remained for a considerable length of time. Manchuria
-in 1946 had changed radically from Manchuria
-in 1936. The Russians had supplanted the Japanese,
-and two wars in the brief span of ten years had left
-their tragic imprint.</p>
-
-<p>The more I travelled, and the more I read and
-studied, the more aware I became of the pattern underlying
-the great upheavals, not only in China but
-throughout Eurasia. Each eruption had moved in a
-cycle from tribal communism to communistic imperialism,
-and then to a dictatorship so despotic that its tyranny
-lasted in some instances for generations. Invariably,
-the dictatorship fell into dissolution and decline, followed
-by desolation and chaos. The despots engineering
-these movements were all nurtured on the vast steppe-lands,
-and they never attempted the invasion of their
-more civilized neighbors until their own strength was
-such that no opposing army could match them.</p>
-
-<p>Stalin, the latest of these despots, is as barbaric as his
-predecessors. Certainly, no one could intimate that his
-methods are even remotely civilized. He has “refined”
-and “distilled” their characteristic brutality to an exacting
-degree. It took him fifteen years to turn his own
-people from the techniques of Lenin to those of his own
-fiendish thuggery. He has “conquered, bamboozled,
-outsmarted and trapped” more than nine hundred million
-people into “political and moral paralysis.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span></p>
-
-<p>Are we also going to fall victims to the machinations
-of this latest of these world shakers? Will we be sucked
-in through fear or blandishment? Or have we the common
-sense, the spiritual development and the <em>will</em> to
-save ourselves? Human nature has changed little during
-the history of mankind. Our challenge now is to
-try to develop our spiritual growth so that it will be
-commensurate with our fantastic material growth.</p>
-
-<p>A strong Nationalism made us great, as it has all
-nations that have risen to world power. To maintain
-this power, however, requires the intelligence and wisdom
-of our Founding Fathers, who, by their use of
-initiative, ingenuity, enterprise and prayerful determination,
-made us the Historic United States. Is it possible
-that recent generations of American men and
-women have lost these qualities and have failed to
-achieve complete maturity?</p>
-
-<p>I keep asking myself: Is “civilized” man intelligent
-enough, in the light of his own past experience, to stop
-this human tragedy now, and perhaps for a foreseeable
-future? Or, will he become hopelessly and irrevocably
-lost in the futile contemplation of an idyllic dream
-that is ages old, but that never has become a reality,
-and never will.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Prologue"><span class="smcap" style="margin-left: -9em;">Prologue</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Oh Man, thou feeble tenant of an hour,</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Debased by slavery, debauched by power;</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Thy love is lust; thy friendship a cheat;</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Hypocrisy thy smile; thy word deceit—</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Thy nature ennobled but by name,</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>The very beasts might bid thee blush for shame.</em></div>
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="right">
-<span class="smcap">Lord Byron</span><br>
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_I"><span class="smcap">Chapter I</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Incompetence or Treachery?</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>“The greatest single mistake made in China, leading
-to our present debacle, was the withdrawal of United
-States forces from the Peking, Tientsin, Chingwangtao
-triangle in 1947.” This was done obviously at the direction
-of President Truman, General George Marshall
-and the State Department.</p>
-
-<p>This statement comes from Major General William
-Arthur Worton, Chief of Staff, Third Amphibious Corps,
-U. S. Marines in China, 1945-1946, but with twelve
-years prior experience there. He adds: “Twenty-five
-thousand men easily could have maintained this important
-triangle—Peking, Tientsin, Chingwangtao—which
-would have kept the Chinese Communists from
-moving South of the Great Wall. They were not strong
-at that time, and a display of American strength in
-Nationalist China would have served as a deterrent to
-them.”</p>
-
-<p>Instead, our withdrawal of U. S. forces from this
-strategic area was the first show of American weakness
-that gave the lie to both Nationalist and Communist
-Chinese, if not to the whole of Eurasia. The Russians
-constantly had complained that the Americans were
-occupying sovereign territory of China, but the request
-for us to do so had been made in 1945 by Generalissimo
-Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government for the purpose
-of disarming the Japanese and of stabilizing the
-country.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span></p>
-
-<p>General Worton, with five officers and a handful of
-men first moved into the area in August, 1945, turning
-the civil government of China over to the Nationalists.
-A month later, a force of sixty-five thousand U. S.
-Marines moved in and occupied the area, and from then
-on to 1947, there was relative peace and quiet.</p>
-
-<p>In view of the testimony of General George C.
-Marshall before the joint houses of Congress on the
-hypothetical issue that if we permit Chiang’s forces
-to attack South China, we will be starting a global war,
-I would like to quote General Worton on a similar
-issue.</p>
-
-<p>“The occupation of Peking was not specifically in
-my orders,” he says, “but I was to occupy whatever
-strategic territory I deemed necessary. In the triangle
-previously referred to, was located the important mining
-area of Kailan at Tang Shan, which supplied the
-coal output of 150,000 tons per month, and the Nan
-Yuan, Pei Yuan Airfields. When I determined that the
-Communists would go into Peking if I did not, I decided
-to occupy Peking. At eleven o’clock one evening, Chou
-En-lai’s agent in Tientsin informed me that if I moved
-on Peking, the lives of every American Marine would
-be the price. I told him I was going into Peking, just
-when and where our forces would enter, and that he
-had better have as strong a force as I intended to have,
-and that I would also be supported by an air cover. We
-followed our blueprint, and not one of our men was
-scratched. We had no opposition whatsoever.”</p>
-
-<p>With the withdrawal of U. S. forces from this area<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>
-the coal output, supplying power as far south as Shanghai,
-dropped to 30,000 tons.</p>
-
-<p>In Worton’s opinion, “as small a force as 15,000
-troops, officered by men acquainted with China, could
-have kept the Reds from crossing into the coveted triangle.”</p>
-
-<p>But Marshall was determined to withdraw our forces.
-“The State Department to this day,” says Worton, “has
-never asked the opinion, as far I can ascertain, of any
-qualified military men who spent any length of time
-in China, on this subject.” He adds, “Manchuria should
-have been occupied and we should have insisted on a
-joint occupation force there with our allies. Any study
-of China and the Far East must be predicated upon a
-study of our relations with China since 1784. We have
-consistently held to the Open Door Policy for China and
-the Far East. We went to war with Japan because Japan
-had seized the coastal areas and was controlling the
-communication lines of China. Many men died across
-the Pacific to regain China for the free world, and yet,
-in the course of minutes, as time is known, we have lost
-China. It is a truism of students of the Far East that,
-‘As China goes, so goes the Orient’.”</p>
-
-<p>The U. S. should have taken Dairen, Port Arthur and
-Cheefoo, while we were at it, and should have insisted
-on occupying the Kalgan Pass, gateway to Mongolia.
-These rightfully belonged to the Nationalist Government
-at the conclusion of the Japanese war, according
-to Worton. Another disastrous move on the part of the
-U. S. was the recall of Lieutenant General Albert C.
-Wedemeyer from the China Theater. “Wedemeyer had<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span>
-the complete admiration and respect of the Chinese,”
-he says. “Although he had been the Generalissimo’s
-Chief of Staff for nearly three years during the war, at
-no time had he subordinated himself to Chiang. Wedemeyer
-was first, last and always an American, and an
-officer in the service of his country.”</p>
-
-<p>Others claim that China’s and the world’s present
-situation can be attributed to any number of mistakes
-on the part of Chiang Kai-shek, General Marshall and
-the United States Government. Ignoring the tragedy
-of Yalta for the moment, one vitally important mistake
-Chiang made was the decision to fly his troops into Manchuria
-after the war, against the advice of General
-Wedemeyer. His mistake was an honest one, because
-he undoubtedly felt that the United States, having gone
-so far, would see him through to the end. He knew
-that if China were to occupy her rightful place in the
-world, control of the industrial potential of Manchuria
-was a “must.” In spite of the fateful decision at Yalta,
-about which Chiang was informed several months later
-by Ambassador Hurley, he still could not believe that
-Roosevelt, whom he deeply respected and admired,
-would slap him in the face by giving away Manchuria.</p>
-
-<p>Truman, inheriting Roosevelt’s policy of appeasement
-toward Russia, sent General Marshall to China in 1946
-on the impossible mission of forcing the Generalissimo
-to accept Communists into his Government. Marshall,
-who at that time had the admiration and respect of the
-entire United States, undoubtedly had a freer hand
-than any diplomat in our history. Had he been unbiased
-in his judgement, the future of China, Asia, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>
-probably the Eurasian Continent would have been different.
-He had unlimited resources to give, a neat nest
-egg of $500,000,000, and the decision to spend some,
-all, or none of it was his, and his alone.</p>
-
-<p>When Marshall arrived in China, the Nationalist
-Armies were over-extended, that is, their supply lines
-were stretched so long and so thin that they could not
-be protected from constant Communist raids. Chiang’s
-Armies held the main lines of communication, to be
-sure, and all the large cities of North China and a few
-in Manchuria. However, these Armies, although many
-of them were trained and equipped with American
-arms, had little ammunition, and they were surrounded
-on all sides by the Soviet-backed Communist Armies.
-The Communists retained the initiative, could strike
-when and where they wished, and thus succeeded in
-keeping their opponents paralyzed. It was not difficult
-to see that the future of Chiang’s Armies was dependent
-solely on aid, especially on munitions, and that no
-country on earth but the United States could supply
-their requirements. To shut off this aid meant strangulation
-and death.</p>
-
-<p>Marshall’s first act was to set up a headquarters in
-Chungking, where he assembled his American experts
-on China and started a series of conferences with Communist
-and Nationalist leaders. From the beginning,
-the Chinese Communists showed, by their every action,
-that their only interest was in cutting off North China
-and Manchuria. They had no intention whatever of
-joining any kind of coalition government, over which
-they would not have complete control. After a great<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span>
-deal of discussion, these conferences resulted in superficial
-agreement on a few points of the controversy.</p>
-
-<p>Prior to his return to Washington, the General decided
-to make a hasty trip to Yenan, probably out of
-curiosity. He must have wanted a closer look at these
-people whose propaganda he appeared to have accepted
-as fact during the entire war. Whether this was emotional
-caprice or political expediency only history can
-tell. We cannot assume that he was ignorant, therefore
-we must assume that he knew what he was doing.</p>
-
-<p>Certainly the utterances of that period indicated that
-Marshall subscribed to the idea that we were dealing
-with “agrarian reformers.”</p>
-
-<p>In his testimony before Congress, Marshall stated
-flatly that he had known all the time that the Chinese
-Communists were Marxists “because they told me so,”
-he said. But while he was negotiating with them he
-certainly gave the impression to others that he did not
-think they were the same brand of Communists as were
-the Russians. This fact, in itself, makes him doubly culpable,
-in my opinion. It is an intent to deceive, which
-makes the deception all the more sinister. If he knew
-all the time that the Chinese Communists were the
-same brand of Communists as the Russians, and he
-still threw the weight of every decision he made in
-China to them, then he could not possibly have given
-more aid and comfort to the enemy, Stalin, had he been
-a member of the Communist Party.</p>
-
-<p>On Marshall’s arrival at the Airport of Yenan, he
-was greeted with pomp and ceremony by every military
-unit the Communists could muster. Welcomed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span>
-enthusiastically by stocky Mao Tse-tung, in his coarse
-homespun peasant’s garb, suave Chou En-lai, in the
-snappy uniform of a three-star General, and Chu Teh,
-wearing a Russian soldier’s fur-lined cape, he accompanied
-his colorful and grateful hosts on an inspection
-of the troops. The Cadets from the Communist Military
-Academy, who had hiked in some fifty or sixty miles
-in order to form the Guard of Honor, were the best
-dressed and best outfitted of all the troops in the Communist
-Army. While spartanly clad in coarse but
-neat dark blue uniforms, they gave every evidence of
-superb leadership and discipline. Especially trained
-and selected, these Cadets became the equivalent, in
-Communist China, of the Soviet NKVD, or uniformed
-police troops.</p>
-
-<p>In marked contrast, there was a battalion of Ming
-Bing, or militia, armed with spears for the occasion
-and lined up for the General’s inspection. These troops
-were dressed in everything from long robes to dirty
-white jackets and vests, and decorated with rings, bracelets
-and earrings. Their long, rusty spears were topped
-with flowering pompoms of dried grain. In no respect
-did they differ from their forbears of two thousand
-years ago.</p>
-
-<p>The rest of the show consisted of masses of people
-in the drab dress affected by the Communists. The more
-colorful costumes of the non-Communist Yenanese were
-conspicuous by their absence.</p>
-
-<p>Marshall must have been impressed!</p>
-
-<p>For quarters, or hotel accommodations, the General
-had been assigned the best Yenan cave, boasting all the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>
-comforts offered by that archaic type of dwelling. His
-person was safeguarded during the night by two crack
-soldiers armed with ancient Chinese broadswords.</p>
-
-<p>Making the most of their distinguished visitor’s sojourn
-among them, Chairman Mao Tse-tung gave a
-banquet, followed by a Chinese Opera. The dinner was
-staged in a large bare room with cracking plaster walls.
-The table consisted of rough hewn boards, contrasting
-strangely with the lavishness of the food. Dozens of
-southern style delicacies were imported for the occasion:
-crisp, roasted Peking duck; succulent sweet and
-sour pork; thousand-year-old eggs—the whole washed
-down with copious draughts of sweet local wine. Formal
-speeches of mutual friendship were followed by
-cries of “Gambei!” or “Bottoms up!”</p>
-
-<p>After the banquet, the entire party crossed the river
-to attend the Opera. The Communists had improvised
-a crude bridge over which their esteemed guest might
-ride, but it was so wobbly that Marshall preferred to
-get out and follow his car across.</p>
-
-<p>The Opera was performed in an unheated, barnlike
-structure. It was so cold that the audience kept on their
-heavy coats and were provided, in addition, with blankets
-to wrap around their feet. In spite of the fact that
-charcoal braziers were placed between the stage and the
-first row, the temperature in the building was close
-to freezing, and the breath of the actors as they chanted
-their lines came out in puffs of smoke. These performers
-were Spartans indeed, changing their costumes in
-the draughty, unheated barn, their teeth chattering
-and their tawny flesh a mass of goose pimples. The costumes,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>
-in contrast to those seen on a Peking or a Shanghai
-stage, were fashioned of rough, drab bits of cast-off
-apparel, crudely sewn together and patched with
-whatever pieces of material could be begged, borrowed
-or stolen.</p>
-
-<p>The show itself, like the Ballet in Moscow, was a
-superb exhibition of Chinese art, for, when shown to
-foreigners, it was free from Communist propaganda.
-The falsetto voices of the actors sing-songed the ancient
-Chinese poetry, while their bodies swayed to its rhythmic
-cadence. During the performance, an usher went up
-and down the aisle tossing hot towels to guests who
-called shrilly for them. These, wrung out of boiling
-water, gave the hall a dank, slightly rancid atmosphere,
-reminiscent of a river in summer. Roasted watermelon
-seeds were pressed generously upon the honored guest
-by his Chinese Communist hosts, who were noisily but
-skillfully cracking them edgewise between their strong
-front teeth and spitting out the husks.</p>
-
-<p>Not all the visitor’s stay, however, was passed in
-entertainment. Before leaving Yenan, General Marshall
-sat behind locked doors with Mao and members
-of the Politburo. No other American was allowed to
-be present at this meeting. What was said is not known,
-but there were rumors in Communist circles that the
-subject of the conversations had to do with the future
-of Manchuria, and perhaps all of Asia.</p>
-
-<p>On leaving this capital city of Communist China,
-Marshall returned to the United States to make his report
-to President Truman.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span></p>
-
-<p>When he came back to China, Marshall made his
-residence in Nanking (the Nationalist capital at that
-time), but established a Northern Headquarters in
-Peiping (meaning Northern Peace), in order to work
-out a truce between Communists and Nationalists. The
-futility of this endeavor was obvious even to the Chinese
-GI, who nicknamed the Peiping Headquarters the
-“Temple of the Thousand Sleeping Colonels,” and to
-the American GI, who dubbed it “Marshall’s Bird Sanctuary.”</p>
-
-<p>If the soldiers in the lower brackets put their tongues
-in their cheeks, those in the higher echelons took the
-mission very seriously. They kept a very sober face,
-indeed. Shoulder patches were issued and worn by all
-the members of the Peiping Headquarters and its truce
-teams. These were called “Ballentine Beer Patches,”
-due to the three rings in the emblem representing the
-Nationalists, the Communists and the Americans. No
-doubt this symbol, to some of the homesick GI’s, was
-a nostalgic reminder of the good old USA.</p>
-
-<p>Truce teams, made up of one Communist, one Nationalist
-and one American officer, were sent out into
-the field, their purpose being to try to bring about
-agreement between the opposing forces. With the
-Chinese Communist Army and the Nationalist Army
-locked in a deadly battle for power, any action on the
-part of the third member, the United States, would be
-likely to aid one party only at the expense of the other.
-With Marshall’s preference for Mao over Chiang Kai-shek,
-the “truces” forced upon the Nationalist Armies at
-the most inopportune times, from a military standpoint,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span>
-acted to the advantage of the Chinese Communist Army.
-Because of the slowness of their transportation and their
-lack of modern means of training, the Chinese Communist
-Armies, as in the days of Genghis Khan, were
-constantly in need of breathing spells. During these
-periods they could regroup their forces, move and gather
-supplies, and train their troops. Such breathing spells,
-provided in the form of “Cease Fire!” commands to the
-Nationalist Armies, upon the insistence of Marshall,
-came almost as a gift from Heaven.</p>
-
-<p>As history has shown, Marshall threw the weight of
-every decision to the Communists. This, combined with
-the mistake the Generalissimo made in trying to hold
-Manchuria without American support, would appear to
-be at least one of the reasons for the situation in
-China today. In addition to the fact that Marshall
-favored the Communists, that he acquiesced in the sellout
-of Manchuria, if not all of Asia, to the Russians, the
-final and fatal blow was delivered to the Nationalist
-Government itself. The expected help in arms, ammunition,
-money and supplies from the United States
-was either cut off entirely or reduced to a trickle. Too
-late did the Nationalist Government recognize its precarious
-position and force itself to accept the fact that,
-apparently, we just did not care who won the fight in
-China, so long as it was not the Generalissimo.</p>
-
-<p>Continued evidence to the above effect appeared from
-numerous sources. In the summer of 1950, Walter H.
-Judd, Representative from Minnesota, commented in
-public:</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span></p>
-
-<p>“Why should the Soviets think that the most important
-thing for American Communists to do right
-after the defeat of Japan was to get American assistance
-to China stopped?” To him, the answer seems to appear
-obvious, in that without the right kind of outside aid,
-the Chinese Government could not possibly recover.
-Only a handful of people appeared to understand that,
-to a Chinese, the idea of putting his country ahead of
-family interests, just was not his idea of patriotism.
-First loyalty, always, in a Chinese family, was to that
-family.</p>
-
-<p>Marshall asked for patience and generosity for the
-European countries saying that it had taken the South
-fifty years to recover from only four years of civil war.
-But he did not seem to remember that Chiang had
-been fighting Japan for more than eight years, coupled
-with a civil war with Communists in his own country
-for more than twenty years. China, too, needed a little
-patience and generosity from us, just as much as Italy
-or Greece or France. And what would England have
-done without our patience and generosity? By comparison,
-were not China’s needs embarrassingly small?</p>
-
-<p>One may call the Nationalist Government of China
-all the names there are, synonymous with corrupt, incompetent,
-reactionary, undemocratic—but in the
-light of what is known today about Communism and its
-stated methods, aims and ambitions, which is the lesser
-of the two evils—Chinese Nationalism or Soviet Internationalism?</p>
-
-<p>An interesting news item came to light in a press
-dispatch by International News Service, dated September<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span>
-19, 1950, as follows: “Marshall’s statement on Far
-Eastern Policy electrified the jammed committee room
-(Senate Armed Services Committee) because it had
-been accepted for years that he had authored the recommendation
-that peace in China be sought through a
-coalition government. Before this committee, Marshall
-repudiated all claims for having had anything to do
-with it, much less to have authored it by saying that it
-had been drawn up in the State Department while he
-was testifying on Capitol Hill in the Pearl Harbor investigation.”
-According to the same news dispatch:
-“The author of the Marshall Plan added that the Chinese
-policy was issued ‘while I was on the ocean going
-over there’ as President Truman’s personal representative.”</p>
-
-<p>Could Marshall have meant that he had not even
-been consulted on such an important matter, prior to
-being sent to implement that policy? Hardly. Former
-Secretary of State Byrnes, in his memoirs entitled
-“<em>Speaking Frankly</em>,” spoke thus frankly on this subject:</p>
-
-<p>“As soon as President Truman appointed General
-Marshall his personal representative in China, I asked
-the General to study the draft (of policy) so that he
-could help prepare the final statement for presentation
-to the President. The Sunday before I left for Moscow,
-Under Secretary Acheson, General Marshall and members
-of his staff met in my office. By the end of the
-morning’s discussion, we had agreed upon the statement
-of policy. Thereafter the President made no
-change in that policy except upon the recommendation
-of General Marshall or with his approval.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span></p>
-
-<p>I learned from an intimate source that when Marshall
-left for China he had in his pocket, documents outlining
-the policy of enforcing a coalition government on
-Chiang Kai-shek and also a letter from the President
-stating flatly:</p>
-
-<p>“I understand that these documents have been shown
-to you and have received your approval.” What could
-General Marshall think himself to be, an ostrich with
-his head in the sand?</p>
-
-<p>Much has happened since 1946, particularly as pertains
-to the relationship between China and General
-Marshall. A few excerpts from the September 15th,
-1950, issue of the <cite>Congressional Record</cite>, Volume 96,
-Number 184, bring the matter further to a head. Senator
-William E. Jenner from Indiana holds the floor:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“I believe the time has come to expose this
-whole tragic conspiracy in which we are caught, to
-hew to the line of truth, and to let the chips fall
-where they may.... I can assure the Senate there
-is no pleasure, no pride of authorship, and no sense
-of personal satisfaction in taking this stand. There
-is only a growing sense of shame, of outraged decency,
-and of painful duty as I speak the dictates
-of my conscience. Even if I have to stand and
-speak alone, I am both unable and unwilling by
-my silence to be an accomplice in compounding
-crimes that have already been committed against
-my native land. Mr. President, this background
-is necessary because without it we cannot understand
-where the appointment of General George C.
-Marshall as Secretary of Defense fits into the picture.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span>
-With it, we can help the disillusionment of
-the American people to run its course by exposing
-General Marshall as a living symbol of the swindle
-in which we are caught. The appointment of
-Marshall at this peculiar juncture in our destiny
-is a last desperate attempt of this administration
-to swallow up the treachery of the past in the new
-treachery they are planning for the future....
-Everything he has been a party to during the past
-ten years has helped to betray his solemn trust
-and to set the stage for the staggering Soviet victory
-that is sweeping across the earth....”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Senator Jenner’s full and documented statements
-cover eighteen pages of the <cite>Record</cite> but interest here is
-centered upon those comments bearing on China, which
-confirm my own first-hand information and knowledge.
-He goes back to April 26, 1938, when Marshall was
-appointed a member of the liaison committee created
-by President Roosevelt for the coordination of policy
-of common concern to the Departments of State, War
-and Navy. From then on, Marshall remained one of
-the top-ranking policy makers in our Government.
-Truman was aware of the closeness between Marshall
-and Roosevelt, and of their consultations on matters of
-vital policy affecting our security and the defending of
-our interests around the world. Was this, perhaps, a
-reason for Truman’s wanting Marshall as Secretary of
-Defense, even as a possible stop-gap in a Democratic
-political crisis?</p>
-
-<p>“Marshall knew of the deceit and the duplicity that
-was indulged in by President Roosevelt during the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span>
-critical years of 1939, 1940 and 1941, by which we
-were secretly committed to go to war.... He went along
-with the most criminal and outrageous betrayals of
-American interests and principles in history that resulted
-from Teheran, Yalta and Potsdam,” says Jenner.
-To anyone’s comment: “He was a soldier. He was taking
-orders,” I feel urged to ask: “Does there not come
-a time in everyone’s life when he has to decide whether
-he is first a citizen of integrity? General of the Army
-Douglas MacArthur made that decision in April, 1951,
-and made it unflinchingly.</p>
-
-<p>“At Yalta,” Jenner adds, “the President did the age-old
-thing with regard to Asia and General Marshall
-knew that at Potsdam, President Truman confirmed
-the sellout of half the world to the Soviet Union ...
-this meant that American GI’s were turned into political
-whipping boys, betrayed by their own Chief of Staff
-and used for advancing the cause of Communism across
-the earth.... Marshall lent all of his great prestige and
-power to the Jessup-Lattimore-Service-Acheson line
-calling for a cessation of the civil war, paralyzing the
-Nationalist Government and withholding aid from
-Chiang, while he knew that the Russians were not only
-taking over Manchuria and northern China, but were
-being rearmed with captured Japanese equipment and
-were preparing for the eventual conquest, not only of
-China, but of the whole Far East.”</p>
-
-<p>Harold Lamb, historian and authority on Asiatic history,
-has commented: “Curiously enough, when I began
-to study the Mongols nearly thirty years ago, I
-found two studies of the methods of Genghis Khan<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span>
-made by young American Army officers. They were
-George C. Marshall and Douglas MacArthur.” How
-differently these two men have interpreted their research,
-in the light of their subsequent actions!</p>
-
-<p>Let me quote a remark or two from the March, 1951,
-issue of <cite>The American Mercury</cite>. I have high regard
-for the journalistic integrity of Walter Trohan, Washington,
-D. C., Bureau Manager of <cite>The Chicago Tribune</cite>,
-and concur heartily with his comments in an article
-entitled: “<cite>The Tragedy of George Marshall</cite>”:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“On March 19, 1950, General Marshall announced
-that he would not write his memoirs
-for these remarkable reasons:</p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="blockquot2">
-<p class="no-indent">“‘To be of any historic importance they have
-got to be accurate; that is one mustn’t omit, and
-make it pleasant reading. Now, if you do put
-it all in, you do irreparable harm. You almost
-ruin a man, but if you don’t mention that, it is
-not history’.”</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>Mr. Trohan states that these are disillusioning
-words, and imply that “free men must not be told the
-truth; they indicate that the speaker is in a mental purgatory
-for hidden sins which he has either observed or
-committed; and they emphasize the graver tragedy:
-that an old man who must conceal past errors from his
-countrymen is still exercising powers of decision.”</p>
-
-<p>Trohan asks, and so do I: “Should free men trust a
-leader who will not trust them with the truth? By what
-right does a public servant say to free men: ‘You trusted
-me with leadership, but I will not give a true accounting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span>
-because the truth might do irreparable
-harm’?”</p>
-
-<p>Marshall has ever been quick to blame the people for
-the ills that may beset them—never the leaders, as
-warrant a remark he made following the debacle of the
-Korean war: “The basic error has always been with the
-American people”—these same American people who
-cannot be trusted with the truth, lest “irreparable
-harm” be done.</p>
-
-<p>Other indications as to the stature of the man reveal
-themselves as isolated vignettes. When Marshall arrived
-in China and was met by General Albert C. Wedemeyer,
-even after he had read and suppressed the <cite>Wedemeyer
-Report</cite>, he told his junior officer of his intention
-with regard to forcing Communists on the Generalissimo.
-Wedemeyer commented in all calmness:</p>
-
-<p>“General, you can’t do it. It is impossible!”</p>
-
-<p>To which Marshall replied in white heat: “I am going
-to do it, and <em>you</em> are going to help me!”</p>
-
-<p>Marshall’s double-cross of Wedemeyer in appointing
-the latter Ambassador to China in 1947 is another
-instance. Secretary of State James Byrnes had told
-Wedemeyer to go ahead and buy his civilian clothing,
-which he did, and as Wedemeyer was on the point of
-severing his last connections from the Army, Marshall
-learned that the Communists strongly opposed the
-Wedemeyer appointment and recommended instead,
-J. Leighton Stuart, President of Yenching University.
-Without consulting with or informing General Wedemeyer,
-Marshall immediately appointed Stuart, leaving<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span>
-Wedemeyer to find out through second-hand sources
-that he was no longer Ambassador-elect to China.</p>
-
-<p>A parallel action of this nature in which Marshall
-had a direct hand was the midnight dismissal of General
-MacArthur, who learned of the order when an
-aide heard it on a radio news broadcast and relayed it
-to Mrs. MacArthur.</p>
-
-<p>Again, with reference to Marshall’s so-called ignorance
-of the China policy situation, Jonathan Daniels,
-in his authorized biography of Truman, quotes Admiral
-William D. Leahy as saying: “I was present when Marshall
-was going to China. He said he was going to tell
-Chiang that he had to get along with the Communists,
-or get no help from us.”</p>
-
-<p>Before the removal, by Truman, of General of the
-Army Douglas MacArthur from all of his commands
-in the Far East—one of the greatest acts of perfidy to
-go down in American history—few people realized
-that Marshall was not a West Pointer. This, of course,
-is in no way to be held against Marshall, but, during
-World War I, as General Pershing’s aide-de-camp,
-when Pershing was Chief of Staff, a promotion of
-Marshall to a Generalship was requested of MacArthur
-by Pershing.</p>
-
-<p>MacArthur was willing enough, provided his military
-record merited it. From Walter Trohan’s documented
-personal files comes information that Marshall’s record
-lacked sufficient time served with troops. “MacArthur
-proposed to remedy this,” says Trohan, “by giving him
-command of the Eighth Regiment at Fort Screven, Ga.,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span>
-one of the finest regiments in the Army.” Marshall was
-moved up from lieutenant-colonel to colonel, but his
-way to a general’s stars appeared to be blocked forever
-when the Inspector General reported that under one
-year of Marshall’s command the Eighth Regiment had
-dropped from “one of the best to one of the worst.” It
-was mandatory, therefore, that MacArthur decline the
-promotion. Is it any wonder, today, that Truman’s
-action in removing MacArthur from the military scene
-should be most pleasing to the Secretary of Defense?</p>
-
-<p>Of course, this is not the whole story, for Pershing was
-a persevering soldier and had no intention of giving
-up his determination to see Marshall become a general.
-In 1936, he bypassed the Army entirely, and went directly
-to the White House where he succeeded in persuading
-President Franklin Delano Roosevelt to “appoint”
-Marshall a general. Later, Marshall had proved
-himself so “acceptable” to Roosevelt that, over the heads
-of “twenty senior major generals and fourteen senior
-brigadier generals, Roosevelt made him Chief of Staff.”</p>
-
-<p>I believe that the “tragedy” implied by Walter Trohan
-concerning Marshall lies in the current knowledge
-that Marshall, despite personal bravery, even stoicism,
-was sadly lacking in vision to match it. Thus, he became
-a willing tool in the hands of the opposition. He
-trusted Russia as an ally and, contrary to the Churchill
-belief, he did not care how much of Europe Stalin took,
-so long as we sent Russia enough tanks and ammunition
-to crush the German Army. He was easy prey to the
-insidious propaganda put out by Hiss, Acheson, Lattimore,
-Jessup and others who, misguided or otherwise,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span>
-permitted American lives to be sacrificed to make both
-Europe and Asia “safe for Communism.”</p>
-
-<p>We know now what was in the <cite>Wedemeyer Report</cite>.
-Because it disagreed with Marshall’s ideas he, personally,
-suppressed it. In contrast to his decision, Wedemeyer
-had advocated a strong defense against Communism
-in China, and had gained the Generalissimo’s
-complete approval for American supervision of all aid,
-financial, military, psychological—that would have
-been forthcoming if the report had been approved.</p>
-
-<p>Marshall, as was Pershing, is for an enormous army—for
-pitting manpower, our most precious commodity,
-against the enemy, in place of our superb technological
-and psychological know-how. General MacArthur has
-shown the absurdity and the tragedy of any such commitment
-on our part. Should Marshall, with Anna
-Rosenberg at his side, be allowed to continue with plans
-to fight the Asiatic hordes thusly, we are, indeed,
-doomed. May God forbid!</p>
-
-<p>Once again, in retrospect, it appears that American
-foreign policy had been to support the Generalissimo as
-long as he fought the Japanese, but to do nothing that
-might offend the Communists at any time. For the past
-ten years, or more, our Government seems to have had
-its bets on Communism in China—if not in all Eurasia—to
-win. The facts are against any other conclusion,
-and we must, again, <em>assume</em> that Marshall, the
-President, and the State Department know what they
-are doing. And if they know what they are doing, they
-must be doing it deliberately.</p>
-
-<p>From 1946 through 1948, Marshall ordered destroyed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span>
-all of the reserves of ammunition earmarked for Chiang
-Kai-shek. These had been stored in India and could
-easily have been transferred to China at the end of the
-war in 1945. Marshall also ordered our military mission
-to refuse further training and aid to the Nationalist
-armies.</p>
-
-<p>On leaving China, General Marshall was overheard to
-remark enthusiastically, “There is a definite liberal
-group among the Communist Chinese.” This particular
-group included China’s “Front Man,” Chou En-lai,
-Communist Foreign Minister since October, 1948, and
-his assistant, Chiao Kuan-Hua, spokesman for the Communist
-delegation that was entertained in late 1950 by
-the United Nations, and which was housed and fed at
-the Hotel Waldorf-Astoria in New York City.</p>
-
-<p>It is not difficult to see how Marshall contributed to
-Chiang’s capitulation to the Communists. How can we
-answer for our refusal to accept the 30,000 Chinese Nationalist
-troops on Formosa, initially offered by the
-Generalissimo to the United Nations for combat in
-Korea or in South China? We accepted units, even token
-ones, from other members of the U.N., but not from
-Nationalist China, who is still an official member. Of
-course, I know the answer is couched in the language
-of “Peace, peace.” But Stalin will not be provoked into
-full-scale war until Russia is ready for it, and the <em>danger</em>
-of letting Chiang attack south China is no more than
-a blind.</p>
-
-<p>How can we have aided the Russians more, or brought
-greater tragedy to ourselves than we already have by
-our own actions?</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_II"><span class="smcap">Chapter II</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Yenan Interlude</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Prior to October, 1949, the capital of Communist
-China was the two thousand-year-old city of Yenan.
-After the capture of Peking, the leaders established
-grandiose headquarters in that ancient seat of emperors,
-known as “The Pearl of the Orient.” It was in the
-quaint old city of Yenan, however, that the important
-incubation period of these present rulers took place.
-Here they spent the war years, planned their strategy to
-take over all of China, and cemented their contacts with
-Moscow. From the cold, crude caves of this primitive
-stronghold to the glittering palaces of Peking was a tremendous
-leap, and doubtless it gave the conquering
-heroes many jolts. How often they must have longed for
-that unique little city, remote and quiet, in Shensi
-Province.</p>
-
-<p>That those early carefree days on the edge of the
-Gobi Desert did not altogether prepare them for their
-present responsibilities was evidenced by the fact that
-after the Communists occupied Peking the municipal
-government staff there was temporarily retained. The
-new Communist mayor explained, “We have been living
-in the hills (Yenan) and know far less about municipal
-government than you do. Therefore we must
-learn from you.” Even Mao Tse-tung, whose word is
-law all over China, has already been quoted as saying,
-“The task of reconstruction is apt to be far more difficult
-than the achievement of power.”</p>
-
-<p>Shensi Province boasts one of the best climates in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span>
-China, dry and healthy, with many bright sunshiny
-days. However, it is frequently visited by suffocating
-dust storms from the desert, giving the inhabitants a
-yellow-powdered coating on the hair, face and clothing.
-The farm lands which were owned formerly by a few of
-the comparatively wealthy peasants were, in 1949, divided
-into little holdings or made into cooperative farms.
-No all-out effort was made to collectivize<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> the land, as
-in Russia.</p>
-
-<p>The city of Yenan has a population of about fifty
-thousand, most of whom live in caves burrowed into the
-clay cliffs of three converging river valleys. Before the
-move to Peking, the schools and army headquarters of
-the city were all underground, and only outside the city
-were there many buildings of any size.</p>
-
-<p>One of the most important landmarks was the International
-Hospital, located on the edge of the city
-in a series of caves. It was called “International” because
-it was supported in part by contributions from
-abroad. The United States had made every effort to be
-helpful. During the war, for the first time in its history,
-and largely through the humanitarianism of the China
-Theater Commander, Lieutenant General Wedemeyer,
-this hospital was one of the best equipped, if not <em>the
-best</em> equipped, in all of North China. When Mao Tse-tung’s
-little five-year-old daughter fell ill with pneumonia,
-penicillin was flown to her directly from General
-Wedemeyer’s headquarters. Without it she would, almost
-certainly, have died.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span></p>
-
-<p>The hospital was Madame Sun Yat-sen’s favorite project
-There she spent many hours, allowing the patients
-and nurses to bask in the radiance of her sacred person.
-This beguilling “Saint Elizabeth,” after impassioned
-pleading, succeeded in 1945, in getting the United
-States to expedite shipment of increased amounts of
-medical supplies to the hospital from Communist
-sources. A small contingent of U. S. soldiers was stationed
-in Yenan as a liaison between the Communists
-and the Nationalists. These cartons and crates were
-opened, as a matter of routine inspection by Colonel
-Ivan D. Yeaton, Communist expert and one of the
-American military observers there. To his great consternation,
-he found that, instead of the urgently needed
-medical supplies, the crates and cartons were filled to
-bursting with Communist propaganda books and leaflets.
-Going directly to Madame Sun, he said, “Why,
-Madame, I am disappointed and astonished to find that
-you have abused the courtesy extended to you by the
-United States Government. I find that this last shipment,
-instead of containing medical supplies, is filled
-with nothing but Communist propaganda!” Madame
-Sun blushed prettily and replied with false calm: “I
-am sure that you are not aware of the <em>many</em> kinds of
-medicine our patients need here.” It goes without saying
-that her supplies were cut off, then and there.</p>
-
-<p>Although Communists laid great stress on the good
-the hospital was doing for <em>all</em> Chinese, the conduct and
-methods of admissions smacked of the General Hospital
-in Moscow. Patients were classified in three categories:
-The Hierarchy of the Communist Party and their families<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span>
-took precedence over all; next in line were the Red
-Army officers and soldiers and their families; last, least
-and very rarely came the non-Communist Chinese.</p>
-
-<p>Another distinguished landmark located just outside
-the city was the famous “Prisoner of War School.” Here
-the captured Japanese soldiers were never referred to as
-“prisoners,” but always as “students,” and their compound
-was referred to as “The School.”</p>
-
-<p>Although, during the war, the Chinese Communist
-Armies made great claims about their successes against
-the Japanese, their primary purpose was to capture
-Japanese prisoners of war with the idea of converting
-them to Communism. Those who showed promise of
-becoming good subjects promptly were sent to Yenan,
-given courteous treatment and enrolled in the Communist
-School under Moscow-trained instructors. Students
-who showed little aptitude or whose loyalties were
-questioned were weeded out rapidly and returned to
-their own troops. This last proved to be a diabolical
-form of punishment, for a Japanese soldier is taught
-never to surrender, but to fight to the death. The mere
-fact that he had allowed himself to be captured and was
-returned to his own troops in good condition was clear
-evidence that he was either a coward or untrustworthy.
-His end was often the guard house or a bullet in the
-back of his head.</p>
-
-<p>Graduates of the school were dispatched as spies into
-Manchuria or sent back to Japan, there to scatter the
-red seeds of Communism. This was referred to as going
-to the “Front.” When one friend would say to another,
-“I haven’t seen Yashi for four or five days. Where<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span>
-can he be?” the reply invariably was, “Oh, he’s gone
-to the Front!” Thus the Prisoner of War School helped
-to spread the red gospel throughout the Japanese-speaking
-areas. Its guiding spirit and conductor was Okano,
-now known as Sanzo Nozako, who aspired to be the
-Stalin of Japan, and who is said to be working vigorously
-to bring all the Japanese into the Communist orbit.</p>
-
-<p>The Central Committee of the Chinese Communist
-Party had appropriated for special meetings one of the
-few well built halls just outside the Walled City. On
-its bare walls were life-size, full length portraits of
-Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin, Mao, and Chu Teh, together
-with a large flag bearing the Hammer and Sickle.
-This hall also served as Mao Tse-tung’s city residence.
-Only on the rarest occasions were foreigners ever received
-here, and at such times the portraits and flag
-were laboriously removed. Surrounding the hall were
-the best and most productive of the local farms, which
-had been confiscated by the Communist Hierarchy for
-their own use. Here they spent many weekends relaxing
-and enjoying life.</p>
-
-<p>The office where foreigners were habitually received
-was in a large cave. It was decorated with life-size
-portraits of Stalin, Mao, Chu Teh, Churchill, Roosevelt
-and Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek placed over a
-grouping of small allied flags. The general atmosphere
-appeared to be one of friendly cooperation based on mutual
-aims and interests. When foreign visitors were
-present, the Chinese National flag was displayed conspicuously
-over the gates of the compound, as a token
-of good will, and to create the false impression that both<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span>
-parties were working in harmony. On all other occasions,
-and in all other places, it was considered extremely
-bad taste to mention Nationalist China, Great Britain
-or the United States, especially with references to any
-part they were taking in winning the war.</p>
-
-<p>Anyone living in Yenan at that time became aware
-of the complete absence of religious symbols. The ancient
-temples were occupied by Communist families.
-Religion, as in other Communist countries, had gone
-underground or disappeared. Even the tiny symbolic
-caves, so revered by the Chinese as places of worship,
-were never used openly. Instead, Americans often
-caught glimpses of Communist soldiers going through
-their ritual when they thought themselves unobserved
-by hostile eyes. Doubtless these little scenes reminded
-some of the better informed GI’s of similar ones enacted
-in Moscow, where the old peasant women braved the
-wrath of the NKVD and the Stalin Youth to worship
-at the few churches that were allowed to remain open.</p>
-
-<p>The Catholic missionaries, long distrusted by the
-Communists, had been forced into a life of almost complete
-religious inactivity. Their Compound, once a
-busy center, had become the home of the Lu Hsun Art
-Academy. The old convent had been converted into
-dormitories for students of both sexes. In the Chapel,
-Communists had torn down the painting of Jesus, which
-was the first object seen on entering, and had replaced
-it with a more than life-size portrait of Stalin. The Holy
-Vessels and Sacred Images lay in rubble on the floor.
-Only the organ was left. Here, the music students practiced
-American jazz and sang “The Internationale.”</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034a" style="max-width: 118.0625em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034a.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Ancient Pagoda built hundreds of years ago, seen from outskirts of Yenan. Caves at right are similar to those
-used to house the Japanese Prisoners of War.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figleft illowp57" id="i_034b" style="max-width: 15em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034b.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption">
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<br><p class="p0"><em><b>“Ballentine Beer Patches”</b></em></p>
-<p class="p0"><em><b>Worn by Marshall’s</b></em></p>
-<p><em><b>workers in Chungking.</b></em></p>
-<br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<br>
-<p class="p0"><em><b>The movie actress wife of Mao</b></em></p>
-<p class="p0"><em><b>Tse-tung appears pleased with the</b></em></p>
-<p class="p0"><em><b>story she has just told General</b></em></p>
-<p class="p0"><em><b>Marshall, while the latter seems</b></em></p>
-<p><em><b>to wonder if he got the point.</b></em></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034c" style="max-width: 72.5625em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034c.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption">
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034c1" style="max-width: 71.0625em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034c1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Left to right: Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley, Chairman Mao Tse-tung,
-General Chang, (Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s propaganda
-chief), and General Chu Teh, shown after conference in Yenan.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034c2" style="max-width: 71.5em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034c2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Mao has just proposed a welcoming toast to General Marshall, and
-politely listens while others do likewise. The banquet
-was held in Marshall’s honor.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034d1" style="max-width: 88.4375em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034d1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Chinese Nationalist and American flags fly between banner welcoming Marshall,
-Nationalist General Chang and Communist Chou En-lai. Side
-banners say “Long Live Peace in the Far East!”</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<br>
-<p class="center"><em><b>Saturday inspection of Caves in Yenan. Last, on the extreme far end to the
-right, is the cave in which Marshall was installed.</b></em></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034d2" style="max-width: 88.875em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034d2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption">
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034e1" style="max-width: 90.8125em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034e1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Crowds greeting Marshall on his arrival in Yenan. At extreme left can be seen the
-Ming Bing with their long spears. Note American and
-Chinese Communist flag on jeep.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<br>
-<p class="center"><em><b>Left to right: Chairman Mao, Chou En-lai, Marshall, General Chang (Nationalist), and
-Chu Teh. On the right are picked troops of the Communist Military Academy.</b></em></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034e2" style="max-width: 91.25em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034e2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034f1" style="max-width: 71.5em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034f1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Under Communism man still competes with the lowly donkey.
-Here several are seen carrying fire wood in Yenan.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034f2" style="max-width: 71.1875em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034f2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>A camel caravan arriving at Yenan from the Gobi Desert after passing
-through the Great Wall. The lead camel wears a mask to frighten away
-evil spirits. (In photo below)—Oxen laden with bundles and wares to
-be sold in the Yenan markets.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034f3" style="max-width: 71.1875em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034f3.jpg" alt="">
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034g1" style="max-width: 70.9375em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034g1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>The Market Place in Yenan, run by non-Communists
-as in the days of their ancestors.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<br>
-<p class="center"><em><b>Child-mother with twins in improvised home-made
-tandem baby carriage.</b></em></p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp94" id="i_034g2" style="max-width: 71.6875em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034g2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption">
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_034h" style="max-width: 93.75em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_034h.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Caves of the Communists and Red Army seen in the distance, sheep grazing beneath them. Small house
-in foreground was used for storage of food.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span>
-<p>Protestants suffered equal indignities. From outlying
-districts came reports of religious oppression and sometimes
-of atrocities. American missionaries, both by word
-and letter, told of the destruction not only of churches
-but of agricultural and hospital activities which had operated
-for many years to help <em>all</em> Chinese, Communist
-and Nationalist alike.</p>
-
-<p>The population of Yenan was for the most part non-Communist.
-The distinction was not difficult to note
-for the Communists were easily recognized by their
-dull blue cloth uniforms, their bobbed haired women
-wearing no make-up, and their complete lack of Chinese
-silks and gay colors. The non-Communist majority were
-allowed to continue their usual occupations undisturbed,
-as long as they minded their own affairs. Nearly all
-the merchants within the Walled City were non-Communist,
-and all gathered daily in the big market, as
-they had done for generations, to display their wares
-in the open, on boards or on the ground. When the
-Communists wanted anything, they forced the merchants
-to cooperate by handing over a desired commodity,
-and at the Communists’ own price.</p>
-
-<p>Due to the Chinese and Mongolian background of
-most of the Communist leaders, many of them did not,
-at first, wish their women to play any political roles
-or to appear at public banquets with the men. With
-the growing acceptance of the Russian doctrines, however,
-all were considered equal, and the women worked
-and ate beside the men. The female Communists tried
-to look as unlike the old fashioned Chinese women as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span>
-possible. Their adopted cause had emancipated them,
-if emancipation meant compelling them to work as
-hard as the men. In Russia, after the Revolution, the
-women, dressed as men, were allowed to load and unload
-trucks, which the men drove. The rules for the
-masses, however, did not apply to the wives of the leaders.
-They were encouraged to mix freely, to wear better
-clothes, and to indulge in light make-up occasionally.
-Moreover, it is said that they all ate quantities of
-sunflower seeds in order to obtain the fine, firm
-breasts for which many a Soviet woman is famous!</p>
-
-<p>Tipping was not allowed in the Red realm, for it
-indicated class distinction. As all classes were supposed
-to be equal under Communism, any breach of this regulation
-was severely punished. In Yenan, an American
-GI tried to express his gratitude to a young Communist
-for helping him make some furniture for his cave by
-offering him a package of American cigarettes. The
-Chinese boy frowned and backed away. “No, thank
-you,” he said, “I cannot accept anything for my services.
-We are all equal now.” The American shrugged slightly
-and put the cigarettes on a table. A few minutes
-later, when his back was turned, the Chinese boy <em>and</em>
-the cigarettes had disappeared. The following day the
-American soldier found the Communist youth smoking
-furiously behind a pile of rubbish. He learned later that
-the boy had been spied upon by other Communist
-youths who, out of envy or an excess of Party zeal, had
-beaten him unmercifully. After generations of accepting
-the traditional “cumshaw,” or little token of appreciation,
-it is well nigh impossible to convince a Chinese,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span>
-Communist or otherwise, that this time-honored custom
-is wrong.</p>
-
-<p>During the war, all American troops stationed in
-Yenan lived in caves on the level nearest the ground.
-This made for greater convenience in getting in and out,
-in line with the wish of the Chinese Communists to show
-the foreigner every courtesy. The Americans had one
-small house built primarily to shelter the electric generator
-they had brought with them, and here also lived
-the Commander of the Americans. The generator made
-it possible for the Americans to have the only electric
-light in Yenan. In contrast, the natives and families of
-the Red Armies burned wicks in precious oil or built
-small fires for occasional light. Their rule was to bed
-down with the sun and to arise with the dawn.</p>
-
-<p>One other building allocated to the Americans was
-used as a recreation room, where the GI’s and a highly
-selected group of Chinese Communists played games and
-had their meals in common. This group of Communists
-assigned to fraternize with the Americans was headed
-by a fellow named Lock Ho, meaning “Old Horse,”
-whose job was to start arguments and to guide the
-Americans in their thinking. The GI’s were never allowed
-to fraternize with any Chinese who was not thoroughly
-indoctrinated, even at the Saturday night dances.
-Nurses from the International Hospital, students from
-Yenan University, girls and women from the Central
-Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, other students,
-teachers and members of families of the Communists,
-all were completely propagandized before being
-permitted, or ordered, to attend the dances. In other<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span>
-words, the Americans never came in contact with any
-Chinese who was not fully imbued with the tenets of
-Communism. Be it said to the credit of the Americans,
-the Reds, despite their efforts, were never able to work
-on the GI’s with any degree of success.</p>
-
-<p>On hunting trips, a propaganda expert went along
-with the Americans, but even this could not spoil the
-superb sport and the pleasure that came from shooting
-an occasional wolf, mountain lion or tiger. The pheasant
-coveys were numerous and the birds huge, making
-them much sought-after additions to the monotonous
-diet. A man who was a good shot, even with an old
-carbine, would bring down five to ten cocks in a day.
-There were no bird dogs, but when Chu Teh, a fine shot
-himself, and a tireless hunter, accompanied the group,
-he had his bodyguard act as a retriever, a service the
-American “Imperialists” did not have.</p>
-
-<p>The jeeps and trucks of the United States Army were
-a source of wonder and terror to the natives, who were
-entirely unfamiliar with any motor transportation. In
-this connection, pregnant women proved a special
-headache to the GI’s. When the donkeys or Mongol
-ponies, on which the pregnant ladies were riding, shied
-away or stood on their hind legs at the approach of a
-vehicle, the ladies naturally fell off their mounts
-screaming and yelling in their high, piercing voices as
-they rolled into the dust or a ditch, their bundles and
-belongings flying helter skelter in all directions. Even
-when the Americans drove slowly or stopped, the havoc
-wrought was considerable. Many of the pregnant riders
-were indignant and demanded “cumshaw,” or money,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span>
-to compensate for damages to their person and pride,
-but fortunately there were never any serious accidents.</p>
-
-<p>Many things puzzled American soldiers in Yenan.
-One was how a Chinese herdsman, driving dozens of
-sheep and pigs, could meet and pass, on a narrow mountain
-path, another herdsman equally encumbered.
-Amid ear-splitting squeals, grunts and Chinese swear
-words, men and animals would pass each other without
-loss or mishap, each going in his own direction, with
-his own animals intact! Surely no American could accomplish
-such a feat.</p>
-
-<p>The GI’s had constant trouble with money. The
-Communists manipulated the exchange any way they
-wished, but always in their own favor. Nobody knew
-exactly how much money he was worth at any one
-time. Eager to procure all the American dollars and
-Nationalist currency possible to finance trips to the
-South for their agents, the Communists put up their
-special script in small packages to entice the Americans
-to purchase them for one United States dollar. They
-were counting heavily on the GI’s never-failing interest
-in a “souvenir to take home.”</p>
-
-<p>Every foreigner, on entering Yenan, was thoroughly
-briefed by the Commander of the American Observer
-Group, who boarded incoming planes. This presented
-a clear indication of Moscow influence. All entrants
-were told never to use the word “coolie,” as it signified
-class consciousness. They were not to mention the words
-“Reds” or “Commies,” as these terms cast aspersions
-upon the dignity of their hosts. All, Communists and
-non-Communists must be referred to as “local people.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span></p>
-
-<p>American movies were shown almost nightly out of
-doors in summer. These were so superior to the Chinese
-or Russian movies that the enthusiastic natives would
-pull down the gates of the Compound if any effort was
-made to keep them out. In the winter, however, the
-movies were shown indoors, and only guests invited by
-the Chinese Communists were allowed to attend. Chu
-Teh was on hand almost nightly and was a particular
-fan of Betty Hutton’s. He returned eight times to drink
-in her charms as the heroine of the picture “Texas
-Guinan.”</p>
-
-<p>The only other movies were those supplied by the
-Chinese Communists. Crude and boring, they were
-largely sent from the Kremlin, and were in Russian with
-no Chinese sub-titles. A leader, in a sing-song voice,
-gave the general idea of the picture, particularly stressing
-the propaganda line it illustrated. The audience,
-not understanding Russian, could hope for only slight
-amusement.</p>
-
-<p>Even the Hierarchy gave every evidence of preferring
-American films. The lavish background in the Guinan
-picture made a particularly deep impression, as it was
-such a far cry from the way even the most important
-Chinese and Red Army officers and their families lived.
-In the upper tiers of mud caves, dug into the soft cliffs,
-they existed as primitively as had their ancestors thousands
-of years before them. Little or no furniture
-cluttered the Reds’ caves, and almost all their utensils
-were wooden bowls and horn cups. After the Americans
-and the British came, the local people salvaged the tin<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span>
-cans thrown out by the visitors and had them beaten
-into plates and dishes, copied faithfully from the originals
-by the blacksmith. Unused to comfort, their beds
-were skins thrown on boards or spread on the mud floors—a
-sharp contrast to the luxury of the sleeping arrangement
-built for Ambassador Hurley when he was in
-Yenan. This crude approach to a truly beautiful Chinese
-bed was seven feet long, with rope slats for a spring,
-rough unbleached sheets, and a pillow filled with bird
-seed, or millet. It later became the property of the
-American Military Commander and was always greatly
-admired and coveted by the Chinese visitors.</p>
-
-<p>During these years, although life in Yenan was primitive
-and often carefree, the Hierarchy never lost sight
-of the responsibilities that lay ahead of them, and for
-these they tried to prepare themselves, within the limits
-of their knowledge and capabilities. In 1946, contrary
-to all Chinese Communist teachings, several American
-soldiers were questioned extensively by the Communist
-leaders on matters of capitalist etiquette and protocol.
-The Americans, amused at their roles of male Emily
-Posts, accepted the challenge in the finest American
-tradition. With grave faces and dressed in their best,
-they gave cocktail parties, movie suppers, and even
-formal sit-down dinners for the education of the distinguished
-members of the Central Committee of the
-Communist Party. Table manners and light conversation
-were stressed. The pupils were most appreciative
-of these examples of Western culture and refinement
-and strove in every way to learn their lessons and to act
-accordingly.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span></p>
-
-<p>Hugely enjoying this fascinating taste of the foreign,
-they put together a so-called Jazz Band and held
-Saturday night dances that were entirely Western in
-every respect, even to a crude rendition of “<em>The Saint
-Louis Blues</em>.” Eager to have everything done in proper
-Western style, the Red leaders provided their teachers
-with a list of Central Committee Communist Party
-Members, arranged according to rank, and insisted that
-the best State Department protocol be observed and
-practiced rigidly. They were shrewd enough to realize,
-even then, that in conquering new countries, they
-would have to have more than one front man. At
-that time, Chou En-lai was their only polished negotiator.
-He alone was able to meet foreigners on an equal
-footing and was therefore obliged to be their Minister
-of Foreign Affairs.</p>
-
-<p>The Communists in Yenan, as in all countries in
-the beginning of their transition to slavery, adopted
-the term “New Democracy” and made a great display
-of its outward form by allowing the non-Communist
-peasants to “vote.” The outcome, of course, was previously
-agreed upon. The balloting was merely a matter of
-form and a means of convincing the people that they
-still were privileged to make their own choice. The
-literate cast their vote by burning a hole in the ballot
-with a lighted stick of punk, or incense, at the point
-where the name of their candidate appeared. The illiterate
-dropped a pea into a bowl or pitcher, placed in
-front of a picture of their candidate. After the voting
-was over and the successful candidate announced, a
-huge rally was held and the voter was constrained to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span>
-forget his choice, if unsuccessful, in a frenzy of dancing,
-shouting and singing. After a few hours of this,
-the tired voter would wend his way slowly homeward
-to his mud cave, or if he were a country man, to his
-ancestral mud hut, often many miles away.</p>
-
-<p>The roads that lead into the Walled City of Yenan
-are two-thousand-year-old trails used by the descendants,
-both man and beast, of those earliest travellers.
-Both inside and out of the city, little has changed. The
-men driving the camel caravans pad softly through the
-dust, their animals heavily laden with burdens of fur
-and other wares to be marketed in the city. They still
-practice the age-old custom of putting a mask on the
-lead animal’s head, to drive away the evil spirits. Water
-carriers, after dragging great buckets of the muddy
-liquid from the river, chant their endless “water!
-water!” as they go from cave to cave in the time-honored
-manner. Food vendors, squatting in the dusty
-lanes cooking bits of lamb and pork, roots and herbs
-over tiny charcoal braziers, cry out shrilly to the
-passers-by, eating occasionally from the pot with their
-grimy fingers. Half-naked babies crawl nearby, whimpering
-to their mothers, who pacify them by giving
-them sweetened tree bark on which to chew. Donkeys,
-heavily laden, and round Mongolian ponies jostle dog
-carts and belabored oxen. Everywhere, cotton clad
-coolies, bowed beneath huge bales of firewood, coal and
-charcoal, shuffle along the dusty streets. For, alas, although
-the rickshaw and pedicab or bicycle rickshaw
-has been banned as an occupation beneath the dignity
-of man, the older use of man as a beast of burden has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span>
-to be accepted. For the very poor, there is nothing else
-to take his place.</p>
-
-<p>This, then, was Yenan in 1946. Now that the Communists
-have won China and moved from the mud
-caves to the glamorous palaces of Peking, it will be interesting
-to watch their actions.</p>
-
-<p>Will they be able to carry out their plan of communizing
-the entire country? And how long will this
-take? Will China remain China for the Chinese or,
-for the first time in nearly five thousand years, will the
-once free peoples of this basically democratic country
-be hopelessly enthralled by the yoke of tyranny?</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese have a quality that has distinguished
-them. This quality is patience. The Communists too
-have patience, but only up to a point. Beyond that they
-use force to accomplish their ends.</p>
-
-<p>There are literally hundreds of languages spoken in
-China—each province speaks a different dialect.
-Moreover, aside from travel between major cities, there
-is relatively little transportation and practically no
-communication between smaller cities in the interior.
-In view of these facts, is it not possible that the Russians
-will find their progress slow?</p>
-
-<p>Will the Chinese absorb the Soviets as they did the
-Huns, the Mongols and the Tartars? Time alone will
-give us the answers to these questions. Time alone will
-prove the importance of the incubation period spent in
-Yenan, and whether or not it was worth the sacrifices
-made by the Reds. The die is cast. From it we shall
-learn what the future holds for Asia, for Europe, and
-perhaps for ourselves as well.</p>
-
-<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> Collectivize means controlled farming, where the peasants are only
-hired hands.</p>
-
-</div>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span></p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_III"><span class="smcap">Chapter III</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Communist Personalities</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>The Central People’s Government of the Chinese
-Communist Party is the ruling class. It makes the
-policy, enforces the laws and governs with dictatorial
-power. Mao Tse-tung, at fifty-six, is Chairman and
-Supreme Commander—for the time being at least.
-Directly responsible to him are six Vice-Chairmen
-among whom is the famous Madame Sun Yet-sen. Under
-these Vice-Chairmen are fifty-six Supreme and
-fifteen Administrative Councilors, twenty Ministries
-and a political Consultative Committee of one hundred
-and eighty Active Members.</p>
-
-<p>Mao Tse-tung, or Chairman Mao, is a rotund little
-figure, rather dejected looking, with an undistinguished
-face, topped by a broad forehead and a luxuriant crop
-of black hair. Now installed in Peking, he dresses less
-slovenly than in those earlier days in Yenan when a
-sloppy appearance was considered a badge of honor.</p>
-
-<p>His name, pronounced “Mout-zz-dung,” is easily
-mispronounced by foreigners. Once, during the Japanese
-war, when Mao was in Chungking for a short time,
-ostensibly to coordinate the Communist forces with the
-Generalissimo’s war effort, he was consistently called
-“Mousy-dung,” by Ambassador Hurley. In conferences,
-and with the best intentions in the world, Hurley would
-keep saying, “Mr. Mousy-dung,” this or that ...,
-while the Generalissimo would politely cover his face
-with his hand to hide his smile and Mao would blush.
-“Mousy-dung,” in a more common Chinese dialect<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span>
-means “the hole in the water closet.”</p>
-
-<p>Earnest and zealous, Mao, a “China for the Chinese”
-promoter, and therefore basically at odds with the
-Russians, speaks in a distinct, sometimes shrill, high-pitched
-voice. He has a habit of quoting from his wide
-reading. His oratory is forceful but, like Hitler’s, not
-polished. Although brilliantly educated in the Chinese
-Classics and familiar with ancient Greece and Rome
-through translations of their history and literature, up
-to the time he left Yenan he had never learned to speak
-or understand English. Nearly all foreigners relied
-upon his interpreter when speaking to him. In spite
-of this, he held one group of reporters spellbound for
-nearly three hours as he talked to them in the Foreign
-Office cave, gesticulating nervously and cracking watermelon
-seeds endlessly between his square white teeth.
-Sometimes his sober countenance and intense preoccupation
-would amuse foreigners. Hurley, after long
-hours of serious discussions, always through an interpreter
-of course, would, on leaving, bow in sweeping
-Western style and invariably say in English, “Good
-night, you sad little apple you,” to his politely bowing
-host.</p>
-
-<p>Mao’s childhood was one of unusual drudgery. His
-father was a peasant and a domestic tyrant. Understandably,
-the boy’s thoughts were turned, at an early
-age, to revolution against authority and oppression. He
-chopped off his pigtail in defiance of the Manchus and
-joined other restless youths who had a hand in the
-formation of the Chinese Communist Party. A few
-years later, largely through his help, this party was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span>
-joined briefly to the revolutionary party of Dr. Sun Yat-sen,
-which Russia was then aiding.</p>
-
-<p>Years of civil war had taught Mao the technique of
-guerilla warfare, as well as the qualities necessary for
-leadership. He likens his guerilla tactics to the behavior
-of fleas. “We attack by night,” he says, “and wear out
-strong men.” In 1927 he became President of the first
-Chinese Peasants Union and has never lost his standing
-with it. The ignorant peasants are always impressed
-not only by his rugged and often ruthless qualities, but
-also by his great learning and his ability to write Chinese
-poetry in the classic style. In the early days, he
-won their further applause by moving freely among the
-people, organizing rickshaw boys into labor unions, and
-sometimes pulling them about in rickshaws himself,
-while he talked intimately of the glories of Communism.</p>
-
-<p>Most of the activities of the Communist Party in the
-early days were carried on in the South, especially
-around Canton. By 1934, however, the Nationalists
-had gained such power that the Communists were
-forced to leave the Southern province of Kiangsi for the
-Northern caves of Yenan. This, the “Long March,” was
-a journey of thousands of miles, travelled on foot,
-partly over almost impassable trails and some of the
-highest mountains and largest rivers in Asia. In three
-hundred and sixty-eight days, eighteen major mountain
-passes were crossed, five of them snow-capped,
-and twenty-four rivers were forded. At each stop that
-was made, the marchers ravaged villages, impoverished
-the well-to-do, and persuaded the poorer peasants to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span>
-join them. They whipped up such a frenzied crusade
-that their ranks were swelled by thousands. So strenuous
-was the journey, however, that at its end only
-twenty thousand men and women were left, ten thousand
-having fallen by the way. Those who survived
-were tough, one may be sure. A much-quoted legend
-has grown up about Mao, the stalwart leader, which
-tells how he stumbled along barefooted, refusing a
-wounded soldier’s offer to share a pony’s back. “No,”
-said Mao to the soldier, “your wounds are worse than
-mine. We shall suffer and fight together. That is what
-makes us comrades.”</p>
-
-<p>Mao’s domestic career, like his political one, has
-been stormy. His first wife, a child, was forced upon
-him by his parents, at the age of fourteen. In his opinion,
-she does not count, and he never mentions her.
-His second, a school teacher’s daughter, is said to have
-been shot by a Nationalist General. His third was the
-heroine of the “Long March,” and Mao had just cause
-to be proud of her. Tall, frail looking, clever and high
-spirited, she was sometimes argumentative, behavior
-unheard of in a Chinese women. A female soldier, she
-is said to have received many wounds in battle. She also
-gave birth to a son by Mao during the “Long March,”
-but when the going became too difficult and unsafe she
-left the child along the way with old peasants who were
-unable to join the marchers.</p>
-
-<p>Alas for this brave wife, when Mao met the beauteous
-movie actress Lang Ping, on arriving in Yenan, she
-was completely forgotten. He was so enraptured with
-the newcomer that he sent his wife to Moscow, normally<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span>
-a reward sought after by any Communist. In this
-case it was only a face-saving gesture, however, and
-there were rumors that the rejected woman contracted
-tuberculosis and died. Mao’s new marriage to Lang
-Ping caused a flutter of excitement and alarm in Yenan,
-where the Communists knew and admired the courage
-and fortitude of his third wife and where she was held
-in esteem. News of this flurry of unrest reached the
-Comintern in Moscow, where the practice of casually
-exchanging wives was recognized, if not encouraged.
-There Mao’s conduct was dismissed lightly, and the
-Chinese Communists were told that the matter was to
-be regarded as “personal, not a Party affair.”</p>
-
-<p>During the war, Mao lived happily in a cave in
-Yenan with wife Number Four. Both dressed simply in
-blue uniforms padded with cotton in the winter. In
-spite of this simplicity they enjoyed more privileges
-than the average Communist. They ate special meals
-and had extra rations of cigarettes, which Mao liked
-to chain-smoke. He and his ex-movie starlet went, occasionally,
-to Saturday night dances given for the
-Party workers. Here an improvised orchestra struggled
-with Viennese waltzes, known to be Mao’s favorites,
-along with scattered bits of boogie-woogie. Mao also
-liked Chinese translations of Russian songs, but whatever
-the music, he and his wife swung into action with
-genuine enthusiasm.</p>
-
-<p>On the whole, Mao’s simple life adds to his popularity.
-A Mao-myth, similar to the Stalin-myth, is being
-built up about him, and by similar means. His picture
-is everywhere. His words are repeated and his name<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span>
-is spoken with reverence. In 1937, Mao wrote a letter
-to Earl Browder, head of the Communist Party in the
-United States, in which he said, in part: “We feel that
-when we achieve victory (in China) this victory will
-be of considerable help to the struggle of the American
-people for liberation.” Mao signed his letter, “President
-of the Chinese Soviet Republic.”</p>
-
-<p>Today, Mao is not only the most influential Communist
-in China, but probably, next to Stalin, the most
-powerful Red on earth. With Kremlin approval, he controls,
-temporarily more than four hundred and sixty
-million people, which is three times the population of
-the United States and double that of Russia. A typical
-student of the methods of Moscow, in spite of his devotion
-to Confucius and Plato, he has no compunction
-whatever about condemning thousands to death upon
-suspicion that their loyalties are slipping. Aware of
-this quality in him, Japanese and Korean Communist
-representatives have declared him, “The Symbol of the
-struggle for emancipation of all the peoples of the
-Orient.” They claim he has attained his position of
-power through his sincere and idealistic solicitude for
-China’s masses and his realism in bringing about reforms.
-His enemies, however, intimate that his
-“realism” has not excluded any means to gain his ends,
-from walking out of attempted peace conferences to
-assassinations.</p>
-
-<p>The second most important man in Communist
-China, now that the war with the Chinese Nationalists
-is over, is Chu Teh, pronounced “Ju Duh,” Commander-in-Chief
-of the Chinese Communist Armies. He is often<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span>
-called the “Red Heart” of Communist China, as contrasted
-with Mao’s nickname of the “Red Brain.” Number
-Two in the Hierarchy is a plump, jolly, genial-appearing
-fellow. Looking anything but a martinet, he
-has a broad, disarming smile which shows a wide expanse
-of pink gum. He loves to trot about chucking
-little children under the chin. Born with a gold spoon
-in his mouth, he was a reckless though courageous child
-who always wanted to be a soldier and kept breaking
-away from an early existence of luxury and high living.
-Rich at the outset, he became even richer through
-“squeeze” in a government financial post. Son of a
-family of overlords, he rose to power and wealth despite
-his addiction to opiates while still a youth. His early
-use of opium can be laid to his parents. They spread
-the thick, gooey, sweet-smelling stuff on sugar cane and
-gave it to him to suck at night—a common practice
-of the time to still an infant’s nocturnal wails.</p>
-
-<p>Chu Teh had a large family of wives, concubines
-and children. He was past forty when he decided to
-leave them all and devote his entire future and fortune
-to the revolutionary ideal that burned fanatically within
-him. After squandering part of his wealth and donating
-the rest to the Communist cause, he plundered
-public funds in order to leave his large household well
-established in a comfortable residence.</p>
-
-<p>Chu was persuaded that the revolution of Dr. Sun
-Yat-sen in 1911 had proved to be an utter failure for
-the masses. In his opinion, it lacked the spark of a vigorous
-ideological revolution, because it only substituted
-one bureaucracy for another. He longed to modernize<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span>
-China and to emulate the Marxian heroes of the West.
-In order to further his ambitions and to carry out his
-ideals, Chu put a large foot in the mouth of tradition
-and, having abandoned his family, swashbuckled into
-Shanghai to meet and mingle with the Nationalist revolutionaries.
-These he joined temporarily, but he was
-always regarded by them with a jaundiced eye. They
-even went so far as to try to kill him one night when a
-Nationalist officer invited him to dinner. Chu scented
-danger. Realizing at the same time that his host was
-naive and impressionable, he flashed one of his face-consuming
-smiles, followed by a rat-a-tat fire of vitriolic
-conversation damning Communism. He fondled the
-feminine entertainers, recited sensuous love sonnets,
-and generally made himself the life of the party. It
-worked. His would-be murderous host was completely
-captivated, and Chu escaped without a scratch! In like
-fashion, by such guile and beguiling ways, Chu’s predecessors,
-under Genghis Khan, performed the remarkable
-feat in the 13th century of subjugating the entire country.
-The old party tricks are still up to date!</p>
-
-<p>A practical fellow, with more intestinal fortitude
-than his habits would indicate, Chu picked up his
-meager belongings a little later on and went to Germany
-to study the Marxian and the Russian Revolutions
-with the Communists there. He moved on up the
-scale to Moscow, matriculated in the Eastern Toilers’
-Union, where he studied under the best Communist
-teachers. When he came back to Shanghai, he regaled
-his friends with what he had learned in Germany and
-Russia. “I am determined to make this work in China,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span>
-he vowed. To this end, he placed great emphasis on
-guerilla warfare, the people’s self-defense corps, to suppress
-activities of traitors, draw out information about
-the enemy, and guard military secrets. His military
-tactics are the same as those of the Huns of Attila, the
-Mongols of Genghis Khan and the Tartars of Tamerlane.
-Let the enemy be the source of supplies—the
-enemy being anyone who has anything you want.</p>
-
-<p>As far back as 1927, Earl Browder had been in China
-helping the Communists plant the seeds for the future
-control of that country. They had planned on Chiang
-Kai-shek playing the role of Kerensky in Russia—that
-of being a temporary leader of the Chinese to be kicked
-out as soon as he had defeated the warlords in southern
-and central China. Chiang, however, was more than a
-match for them and succeeded in blocking their “October
-Revolution.” He took over, on the death of Sun
-Yat-sen, and ousted all of the Russian advisors and so-called
-“master minds,” who had been posing as friends.
-The Kremlin whimpered and licked its wounds, preparing
-a relentless revenge.</p>
-
-<p>This was the only serious set-back they encountered
-until Tito deserted and U. S. aid in 1947 saved Greece,
-Italy and France. Their hatred of Chiang, therefore,
-was deeply rooted and they had discredited him and his
-government in every way prior to their take-over of
-the country when we, the U. S., failed China in 1946
-and 1947.</p>
-
-<p>In 1928, Chu joined forces with Mao, and together
-they founded the first Chinese Soviet Government and
-the Red Army in Kiangsi Province. Chu became Commander-in-Chief<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span>
-of the Red Army in China. With Mao,
-he led the “Long March” to Yenan. Unlike Mao, who
-will stop at nothing to gain his ends, Chu has a Robin
-Hood quality that makes him a friend to the poor, with
-whom he is ever gaining in popularity. When the peasants,
-for example, complain bitterly that the soldiers are
-stealing from them (a time-honored custom among
-Asiatic troops), he forces them to return the stolen
-goods. Often, as a matter of discipline for other offenses,
-and as a demonstration to convince the peasants
-of his “sincerity” as to looting, he gathers the entire village
-together and gives the populace the satisfaction of
-seeing the worst looters shot. “No more looting,” he
-says, shaking a long bony finger. “Hereafter, when we
-need anything we will ‘confiscate’ it from the rich, our
-natural enemies, who use cheap and offensive tactics
-against us.”</p>
-
-<p>In spite of an occasional shooting, Chu is popular
-with his troops and has been able to recruit from one
-to two million guerillas, both men and women. One of
-the latter, a pistol-packing Amazon named K’ang K’eching,
-revived his temporarily restrained love life.
-Dressed as a man, this big-boned siren with platter-sized
-hands and feet, approached him one day and told
-him she and her companions had captured a machine
-gun. Would he teach her how to use it? He would,
-indeed, for he was delighted with this husky bit of
-pulchritude. He continued to teach her many other
-guerilla tricks, and from these lessons romance flowered.
-The next year she became Mrs. Chu Teh, and the newlyweds
-set up housekeeping in a cave in Yenan.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span></p>
-
-<p>Sometimes, on weekends, Chu would leave his cave-office
-and the headaches that beset him there. Sniffing
-the fresh air as though it held an alien fragrance,
-and baring his buck teeth in a flash grin, he would ask
-in Chinese: “What’s cooking?” This was not idle slang
-with him. When soldiers in the Red Army have been
-rewarded for some deed, they often use the small change
-they receive to buy a goose which they roast and share
-with their comrades. A standing joke among them was
-that since General Chu could not be rewarded—there
-being no immediate superior to bestow such favor—he
-could always smell a goose and thereby get himself invited
-to a meal. Among the soldiers he was nicknamed
-“The Cook,” and not alone for his interest in the
-kitchen. Once, disguised as a cook, he was cornered
-behind Chiang Kai-shek’s lines. With revolvers poked
-into his ribs, he yelled: “Don’t shoot! I can cook for
-you!” The hungry soldiers, touched to their taste buds,
-hesitated for a closer inspection. When he was recognized
-and the cry “kill him!” went up, Chu whipped
-out a concealed pistol, shot the crier, overcame a guard
-and fled.</p>
-
-<p>Always able to compensate by his keen wits for lack
-of material, he is one of the most talented products of
-Moscow’s training. He has taught his troops to use the
-old steppe dweller method of getting much needed
-equipment from the enemy. In addition, he has successfully
-augmented his supplies with material obtained
-from the Japanese and the Russians. In spite of Chu’s
-long association with Marx and Moscow, he probably
-has the interests of China at heart to such an extent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span>
-that the Moscow yoke could cause him to revolt. Chu
-can be likened in the Chinese Communist Hierarchy, to
-Budnenie in the Russian Soviet Army and left in political
-isolation after his usefulness is over. Not a political
-figure, but entirely military, Chu will never compete
-with Mao.</p>
-
-<p>The third most important man in Communist China,
-who was the Number Two during the war with Japan,
-is Chou En-lai. His name is pronounced “Joe-n-lie.”
-Like “Mousy-dung,” the name has given rise to considerable
-amusement. Chou himself, unlike Mao, never
-failed to be highly entertained when Ambassador Hurley
-saluted him with the familiar “Hi, Joe!”</p>
-
-<p>The Party’s most polished envoy, Chou is practically
-the only one capable of meeting foreign dignitaries with
-ease. He is wily, clever at negotiation and, like the
-Property Man of Chinese drama, set the stage for the
-spectacular performance before a world audience of the
-talks with General Marshall in 1945. As “Chief Front
-Man” and one of the directors of foreign propaganda,
-Chou did such a consummate job that Ambassador J.
-Leighton Stuart told friends, “He presents his case better
-than anyone I have ever encountered, clearly, forcefully,
-urbanely.” Chou was urbane, certainly, for at a
-large cocktail party he charmed the peace negotiators
-of all three parties, including Stuart and Marshall. The
-tired “diplomats” sought respite in small chow and
-small talk, and for an hour Chou showed himself the
-polite, intelligent, agreeable mixer that he is. Stuart,
-a scholar and an intellectual, told me in Nanking:
-“Whenever I cannot get a point across to Chou, I talk<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span>
-the matter over with some of my students at Yenching
-University. They discuss it with Chou and a solution
-is arrived at immediately.”</p>
-
-<p>It is no secret that the young intelligentsia of the
-Chinese Communist Party were reared and fostered under
-Stuart’s faithful hand, as President of Yenching
-University, near Peking. He gave his best and his all
-to represent the United States, yet he was an old and
-tired man, and his ideologies and hopes for the Chinese
-people were wrapped up in a belief that the salvation
-of their country lay in Socialism. The only group capable
-of carrying out these ideals was the Chinese Communist
-Party, which, like its dictator, was ready to
-prostitute Socialism and replace it with its own brand
-of dictatorship.</p>
-
-<p>Following the cheerful little get-togethers, the negotiators
-would return to their arguments, hammer and
-sickle, and Chou’s charm was abruptly turned off. On
-one or two occasions, however, this charm caused the
-Hierarchy embarrassment. For instance, he was recalled
-to the “Ivory Tower” in Yenan once because Mao
-felt that he had gone too far in his talks with Marshall;
-that he had appeared to be making too many concessions,
-even though he told a comrade he had not the
-slightest intention of ever living up to any of them.
-Moreover, he seemed to be getting too friendly with
-Marshall. Chou spent many unhappy hours in the
-Chinese Communist dog house in consequence.</p>
-
-<p>After he confessed, with mock solemnity, to the error
-of his ways and promised “Papa Mao” to be a “good
-boy,” Chou was sent back to Nanking to continue the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span>
-negotiations. (Mao had to send him back anyway, because
-he was the only man in the Chinese Communist
-Party at the time who could do the job). To prove
-that he was now “reformed,” Chou let out a series of
-blasts against the United States Government that were
-more violent and vitriolic than any that had yet come
-from Communist Headquarters. Among other things,
-he accused President Truman of fomenting the civil
-war and of trying to turn China into an American
-Colony.</p>
-
-<p>As an individual, Chou En-lai appears to many by
-far the most personable of all the Chinese Communist
-leaders. Of medium height, he is well built and well
-groomed. At press interviews he has a nervous habit
-of removing and replacing his black-rimmed glasses as
-he talks. His broad, handsome face is distinguished by
-thick eyebrows and clear cut features. He speaks English
-in a well-modulated, yet vibrant and dramatic
-voice, undoubtedly cultivated while acting in amateur
-theatricals in college in Tientsin. There he frequently
-took the feminine lead, because of his facial beauty and
-willowy figure, and it was there that he first learned
-to speak English.</p>
-
-<p>I had several conversations with Chou En-lai in Nanking,
-always speaking through an interpreter. Once,
-after several hours of laborious questions and answers,
-I said: “Will you ask the General if he came through
-Moscow on his return to China from Europe?” At this,
-Chou threw back his head and laughed heartily. “Heck
-no,” he said in plain American, “I couldn’t speak any
-Russian then!” I should have realized that nearly all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span>
-Chinese pretend they understand no English, hoping
-they may catch you off guard.</p>
-
-<p>Chou’s grandfather was a high official in the Manchu
-Dynasty, his father a school teacher, and his mother
-an unusually well-read woman. Reared as an intellectual,
-if not moneyed, aristocrat, he early rebelled against
-the corruption of Chinese politicians. He went to France
-in 1920, and in Paris two years later founded the Chinese
-Youth Group, a branch of the Chinese Communist
-Party. Returning to China, he became a secret organizer
-of workers in Shanghai and Nanking, successfully
-engineering two revolts. Because of his ruthlessness
-he was called “Executioner,” a title that certainly belies
-his suave appearance.</p>
-
-<p>The Nationalists always considered Chou one of their
-cleverest foes, and they are said to have offered $80,000
-for him once, dead or alive. During the war he never
-actually soldiered, although he “assumed” the title of
-“General.” He did help to organize and served for a
-time with the Chinese Red Army in several minor operations
-in the capacity of Chief Political Commissar.
-With a magnificent flair for political education and
-propaganda, he won his present outstanding position as
-a member of the Politburo, which rules the Red-blighted
-areas wherever they may be. He learned much from
-Michael Borodin, Russian-born Communist, and also
-from Chiang Kai-shek’s one-time Russian advisor, Gallen,
-who later, as General Bleucher, commanded the
-Russian Far Eastern Army.</p>
-
-<p>Chou is not afraid of work. Toiling late at night, he
-writes articles for the press and prepares lengthy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span>
-speeches for the radio. He has been able to convert many
-U. S. State Department officials to the view that in helping
-Chiang, we were backing the wrong horse and
-should, instead, have put our money on the Red. From
-Earl Browder, to whom he wrote in 1937, we learn this:
-“Comrade, do you still remember the Chinese comrades
-who worked with you in China ten years ago?”—in
-1927!</p>
-
-<p>Chou is a true turncoat and has served, back and
-forth, both the Nationalists and the Communist Governments.
-One job he held during the war was liaison
-officer between the Nationalists and Communists in
-their so-called drive against the Japanese. This was a
-smoke screen, for when Chiang ordered Communist
-troops to fight the Japanese north of the Yangtse River,
-Chou violently objected. He knew that he and the Communists
-would either starve or be annihilated by the
-Japanese. Thereafter, the Communists pulled their
-anti-Japanese punches, or did not punch at all.</p>
-
-<p>As “Property Man” for the great drama being staged
-by the Communists, Chou always listens to the prompting
-voice from the wings, the voice of his wife. Her’s
-is a strong, clear voice, the one that converted him to
-Communism, and the one that reminds him constantly
-of his duties. He met her during one of the lowest ebbs
-of his erratic life, in jail. Mrs. Chou is one of the hardest
-working and most enthusiastic and important members
-of the Party. Not especially pretty, she is attractive in
-a quiet way. In spite of illness (she is said to have tuberculosis),
-she remains politically active and influential.
-Like her husband, she once held a post in Chiang’s Government,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span>
-as Finance Chairman of his New Life Movement.</p>
-
-<p>More favored by Moscow than either Mao, Chu or
-Chou, is Li Li San, whose name is pronounced “Lee Lee
-Sahn.” Long ago, he and Mao quarrelled bitterly, and
-Li Li San fled to Russia, there to become close to the
-heart of the Comintern. Fifteen years later, this lean
-and hungry-looking agitator returned as Moscow’s appointee
-to the head political role in Manchuria. A rumored
-cause of the rift with Mao was that Li Li was
-caught heading an anti-Mao secret society, with Russian
-connivance. The angle of their Communism differs.
-Mao, a peasant, supports the farmers, while Li Li
-San, with his Moscow training, favors the city workers.</p>
-
-<p>Probably few men in history have been reported dying
-or dead over a long period of their lives more often
-than has Li Li San. Nicknamed the “Tito of Red
-China,” when Tito was still dominated by Moscow, his
-career followed closely that of his namesake. After
-quarreling with Mao, he vanished and was presumed
-dead by his friends. Some years later he reappeared,
-with full Russian support, as a power to be reckoned
-with in the Far Eastern picture.</p>
-
-<p>While in Moscow, Li Li had married a Russian woman
-and, in the Far Eastern University had trained
-Communist agents and sent them back to their homelands
-as agitators. He maintained a close liaison with
-the Kremlin. As Russia’s war with Japan was nearing
-an end, Stalin, ignoring Li Li’s petty dispute with Mao,
-sent him, with Marshal Malinovsky’s Russian Army of
-Mongols, into Manchuria six days before the Japanese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span>
-surrendered. His job was to take over this “Prize of
-Asia,” rich in everything the Russians or anybody else
-needed and which no contester for world power could
-do without.</p>
-
-<p>Another important military personality in the Communist
-picture is Lin Piao, pronounced “Lin Bow.” A
-great guerilla fighter and a natural leader of men, he is
-a tactical genius who served on Chiang Kai-shek’s staff
-and rose to become President of the Military Academy.
-A little later he left the Nationalists and threw in his
-lot with the Red Army. At twenty-eight he was given
-command of the First Red Army Corps, a unit that is
-said never to have been defeated. Lin Piao was to the
-Chinese Communist Army what Zukov was to the Russian
-Army, Chief of Staff and a military wizard.</p>
-
-<p>Today, Lin, in his forties, has never gotten over his
-youthful tendency to blush. His agreeable face has
-slanting eyes that trail off into little mice tail wrinkles.
-He is a sloppy dresser and is over-casual in appearance.
-He has a good singing voice and he and Mao, who also
-fancies himself a singer, often join in duets. After a
-hearty meal when all are feeling warm and rosy from
-the choicest wine of the Communist vineyards, Lin likes
-to tune up his vocal chords and suggest that they sing
-Mao’s special song, “The Hot Red Pepper.”</p>
-
-<p>This is the story of the Red Pepper who sneers at all
-the lazy vegetables for living such a spineless existence,
-especially the fat and contented cabbage. Finally, the
-Red Pepper, by means of his exceptional personality and
-cunning ways, incites them all to revolution.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span></p>
-
-<p>The theory, Mao says, is that pepper is loved by
-all revolutionaries from Spain and Mexico to Russia.
-Lin, like many of the Communist leaders, has never
-been out of China, but because of his excellent articles
-in military magazines his name is familiar in both
-Japan and Russia.</p>
-
-<p>The Hierarchy of the Chinese Communist Party has
-attached to it a liaison officer originally from the Third
-Internationale, a Syrian-American named Dr. Hatem.
-His Chinese name is Ma Hia-teh, pronounced “Ma-High-Da,”
-and he is always referred to by the Chinese
-as “Dr. Ma.” Fiftyish and fat, he is typically American
-in appearance, resembling more than anything else a
-successful businessman. Born in Buffalo, New York, he
-was educated in North Carolina and in Switzerland
-where he is said to have received a degree in medicine.
-He has been with the Communists now for about
-twelve years. So completely submerged is he in Communist
-ideologies, he insists he has forgotten his American
-name.</p>
-
-<p>Proud of having an ardent foreign convert, the Communists
-still do not trust Dr. Hatem politically, although
-they use him wherever they need information
-from Americans. Because of his ingratiating manner,
-he is a natural to make lonely Americans open up their
-hearts to an old friend from home. He enjoys strutting
-about among his Chinese and foreign friends and bragging
-about his connections. His chief value to the Communists,
-however, is his ability to evaluate American
-newscasts. In the summer of 1946, he was seen almost
-daily at the fashionable Peking Hotel, immaculately<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span>
-groomed and wearing well-tailored clothes. There he
-spent hours eating and drinking with the foreign diplomats
-and correspondents.</p>
-
-<p>Married to a Chinese movie actress—they all lean
-in that direction—he has a son about three or four
-years old. Mrs. Ma is a graduate of the Lu Hsun Art
-Academy, formerly the Catholic Church in Yenan, and
-is accustomed to wearing silk and using cosmetics. She
-finds it quite a bore to obey the Communist dictates of
-“cotton clothes and no make-up,” and on several occasions
-she has been called down for making a “spectacle”
-of herself. Being a Russian-language student and much
-younger than her husband, she was constantly in the
-company of a young Russian doctor who was part of
-the Soviet liaison group in Yenan.</p>
-
-<p>Dr. Ma is a most enthusiastic Communist worker,
-who has remarked many times that he would gladly
-“kill for the Cause.” He has been known to add with
-emphasis, “And I would just as soon kill Americans as
-anyone else!” He is said, despite his loose tongue, to
-stand well with Moscow because he is such a willing
-tool.</p>
-
-<p>No panorama of Communist personalities can be
-complete without the name of Madame Sun Yat-sen,
-famous in Chinese history as the wife of the founder
-of the Revolution that overthrew the Manchu Dynasty.
-Madame Sun, sister of the celebrated Madame Chiang
-Kai-shek, and the slightly less illustrious Madame H. H.
-Kung, is known widely as “one of the famous Soong
-Sisters.” The middle one of the three—Eiling, Chingling
-and Meiling—Chingling is listed on the new governmental<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span>
-roster as Soong Chingling, perhaps to cause
-less embarrassment to her family. She is in charge of
-the so-called “independent liberals” in the Party.</p>
-
-<p>Under her maiden name, this clever conniver has had
-a somewhat stormy career. Claiming that she shuns
-publicity, she has, nevertheless, managed to stay in
-the limelight a large part of her life. The daughter of
-Charlie Soong, a wealthy merchant who had been
-reared by a missionary and educated in America, she
-was one of six children and is said to have been her
-mother’s favorite. Chingling has been called a pretty
-child and a not-so-pretty child, so that one might infer
-that her beauty lies rather in her personality than in
-her face. As a young girl, she was on the “dreamy”
-side, rather shy but highly emotional. When she is
-deeply aroused over a person or a cause, she becomes
-enthusiastic to the point of fanaticism, a quality that
-has proved alarming and distressing to the other members
-of her family.</p>
-
-<p>Educated in the United States, she adopted the American
-name of “Rosamond,” by which her classmates at
-Wesleyan College, in Macon, Georgia, called her affectionately.
-Her teachers said that she was “very
-studious, had high ideals and was extremely interested
-in moral and philosophical ideas.” No timid flower,
-she showed a fiery temper when provoked. Very proud
-of her country and interested in its affairs, she often
-said that she considered the Revolution of 1911 the
-“Greatest event of the Twentieth Century.”</p>
-
-<p>“Rosamond’s” English was excellent, and she wrote
-numerous articles for the college paper, one of which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span>
-read: “When China moves, she will move the world.
-The Revolution has established China in Liberty and
-Equality, those two inalienable rights of the individual....”
-A copy of this was sent to her father, who was
-so pleased with his daughter that he forwarded to her
-one of the new five barred flags of the Republic of China.
-On receiving it, Chingling shouted with joy, climbed
-up and pulled down the dragon banner from the wall
-of her bedroom, and stomped on it crying, “Down with
-the dragon! Up with the flag of the Republic!”</p>
-
-<p>While still in college, Chingling began a hero worship
-of Dr. Sun. When she returned to China, she
-shocked everyone by announcing her determination to
-marry him—this, although he was married to a woman
-his own age who had borne him three sons, of
-whom Dr. Sun Fo undoubtedly is the best known. Subsequently
-she became his secretary and, with skill and
-determination, aided by her youth and beauty, she
-finally overcame all obstacles and, in 1915, became the
-second Madame Sun Yet-sen. Basking in all the
-excitement and publicity she so “abhorred,” she wrote
-to a classmate back at Wesleyan, “Being married to Dr.
-Sun is just like going to school all over again, only there
-are no examinations to take!”</p>
-
-<p>The marriage lasted until Dr. Sun’s death, in 1925.
-They had the usual ups and downs, but she reported
-to her friends from time to time that “it never lacks
-excitement.” The Revolution inspired by her husband,
-Communistic in its original structure, shifted back and
-forth from reactionary to conservative to reactionary.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span></p>
-
-<p>On the death of Dr. Sun, the reins of the revolution
-were put into the hands of Madame Sun’s brother-in-law,
-Chiang Kai-shek. Never in harmony, politically
-or emotionally, Chiang and Mme. Sun had had many
-violent disagreements. Finally, in 1927, two years after
-her husband’s death, she confirmed her leftist sympathy
-by going to Moscow. There she remained for three
-years, studying Communist doctrines in the World Anti-Imperialist
-League. In self-justification, she claimed
-that the Nationalist Government had distorted the
-meaning of her husband’s original ideas, that they had
-always been similar to those of the Russian Revolution.</p>
-
-<p>Again, in 1930, Mme. Sun, the former Soong Chingling,
-burst into print in an angry tirade against the
-Generalissimo. On January 22nd of that year, she sent
-a cable to the Anti-Imperialist League in Berlin, saying:
-“Reactionary forces in the Nationalist Government are
-combining with the Imperialists in brutal repression
-against the Chinese masses. They have degenerated into
-Imperialist tools and attempted to provoke war with
-Russia.”</p>
-
-<p>Feeling ever closer to the Communists and farther,
-ideologically, from the rest of her family, she chose
-the anniversary of the eightieth birthday of her predecessor,
-the first Madame Sun, to take her stand, in 1946,
-in favor of the Chinese Communists and the Soviets.
-Her stinging speech was headlined in every Chinese
-newspaper and many abroad. There could be no doubt
-now that she was a full-fledged militant Communist,
-willing to use the powers of her brilliant mind and persuasive
-personality to the utmost.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span></p>
-
-<p>Today, nearing sixty, she is third Vice-Chairman of
-the Communist Party, and her influence is, perhaps, the
-strongest and most forceful of any women member, so
-global are her contacts. Soon after her “elevation” to
-the third Vice-Chairman of the Chinese Communist
-Party early in 1950, she said: “China will continue to
-follow the policy of leaning to one side, to the side led
-by the great Soviet Union under the leadership of the
-mighty Stalin: the side of peace and construction.”</p>
-
-<p>A current rumor, despite denials, is to the effect that
-Mme. Sun may be having another change of ideas and
-ideals and is, therefore, not in the good graces of General
-Mao who, like his mentors, Stalin and Genghis
-Khan, hates a turncoat.</p>
-
-<p>In appearance, Madame Sun is not unattractive. She
-dresses simply, preferring plain silks without the elaborate
-trimmings so dearly loved by her sisters. She
-wears her neat, black hair parted in the center and
-drawn back smoothly from her face to form a large, soft
-“bun” at the nape of her neck. She speaks in a quiet
-voice and says exactly what she thinks.</p>
-
-<p>At the Shanghai Opera one evening in 1946, Madame
-Wei Tao-ming, wife of the then Chinese Ambassador
-to the United States, was seated just behind her.
-Madame Sun, who was flanked on either side by well-known
-Chinese and American Communists, turned
-around at each intermission to chat with Madame Wei,
-who had been one of the youngest and most devout revolutionaries.
-I learned the subject of the conversations
-that evening when we returned to Madame Wei’s temporary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span>
-home in the Avenue Lafayette. Livid with rage,
-Madame Wei said to me:</p>
-
-<p>“Do you know what she kept saying to me, over and
-over again?”</p>
-
-<p>Naturally I could not have known and said as
-much. Madame Wei continued:</p>
-
-<p>“She berated me bitterly for not being nicer to the
-Communists! Me, of all people, who was one of the first
-and hardest working fighters in her husband’s own
-revolution! She said, ‘You’re going to regret it one
-day, if you do not change your attitude. They are in
-the driver’s seat, and they are going to stay there’!”</p>
-
-<p>I had never seen Madame Wei so beside herself with
-anger. This was just four years before it was generally
-acknowledged that the Communists were in full authority,
-and the period of tenure is a matter of conjecture.
-Madame Sun, apparently, had seen the handwriting
-on the wall and had interpreted it correctly.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>While there are many other Communist personalities
-aside from those discussed in the foregoing pages,
-to mention them all would do no service to this story.
-Those included are the ones whose names appear most
-frequently in the press and on the radio. To know them
-and their ways is to know the spirit and the methods of
-the unholy movement to which they subscribe.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_IV"><span class="smcap">Chapter IV</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Communism’s Forebears</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Who are these people who have conquered most of
-Europe and Asia and openly flaunt their determination
-to conquer the world? Where did they come from?
-How have they been able to enslave approximately
-nine hundred million people? Do they really have the
-secrets of the A and H bombs? Will they use them to
-fulfill their diabolical schemes? And when?</p>
-
-<p>The answers to these questions are vital to all people—to
-every American, man, woman and child. Not
-even in the days of Genghis Khan was there such a
-tremendous upheaval over so vast an area of the earth’s
-surface, as the one we are witnessing, as we pass the
-half-way mark of the Twentieth Century.</p>
-
-<p>Long before Moses was found in the bullrushes, the
-people who lived in the Northern steppe lands sucked
-hardship from their mothers’ breasts and grew into
-sturdy savages, mortally feared by their neighbors.
-They were Asiatics, that is, they belonged to the Yellow
-Race, the best known tribes of which are the Huns,
-the Mongols and the Tartars. Today, “Mongol” is the
-common name given to people comprising nearly all
-of Central Asia. Destiny gave a strange role to these
-fearless nomads. Blood-thirsty and aggressive, time and
-again they burst the seams of their homelands and overran
-most of Europe and Asia. Each time they rose to
-world conquest, the pattern followed was the same.
-Guided by the genius of a merciless and brilliant individual,
-the dominant tribe or clan ran the full gamut<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span>
-from tribal communism, necessary in the early days
-for self-preservation and mutual benefit, to communistic
-imperialism. As the tribes grew larger and more powerful,
-and the value of the spoils increased enormously,
-several leaders struggled for complete control. This
-struggle ended in a period of despotic dictatorship,
-when one man gained supreme power and wielded it
-ruthlessly. The period of oppression lasted, at various
-times in the past, anywhere from a few years to a few
-hundred years, depending upon the foresight and
-strategy of the rulers. Invariably, the dictatorship disintegrated,
-and the empires fell into dissolution and
-decline, followed by desolation and chaos. The method
-by which each nomad chieftain rose to power was
-strikingly similar. He would consistently strengthen
-his armies and trap his victims by guile, trickery, infiltration,
-and every known deceit.</p>
-
-<p>Succession to the leadership of the clan, tribe or nation
-was not necessarily hereditary. It could pass from
-father to son or outside the family, just as in the Soviet
-Hierarchy today succession passes from Party member
-to Party member. Then, as now, it was the strongest
-physically, and the cunningest mentally, who always
-assumed leadership.</p>
-
-<p>These primitive conquerors had several great advantages
-over their more civilized neighbors. One was their
-extraordinary physical stamina. The weeding out of
-the weak began practically at birth. Children, weaned
-from mother’s milk, were fed on mare’s milk for a few
-years and then were left to care for themselves as best
-they could.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span></p>
-
-<p>As clans gathered around the open fires, where all
-the food was cooked in huge pots, the strongest men ate
-first; the aged and women next; and the children were
-left to fight over the bones and scraps. Food was
-abundant in the spring when mutton, game and fish
-were available. In the early winter the hordes lived
-largely on millet, and fermented mare’s milk. The latter
-had a high alcoholic content and was quite “heady”
-for the younger children. By the end of the winter, the
-clansmen were reduced to foraging and making raids
-on the herds of other tribes. The old and weak were
-left to perish. Only the hardiest survived.</p>
-
-<p>Another great advantage of the militant nomads over
-their victims was their ability to ride the horse. Everywhere
-else in the ancient world, this animal was used
-only to draw the heavy war chariots. The Mongols,
-fearing nothing, mastered the horse and became expert
-cavalrymen. The resulting mobility was a tremendous
-asset in warfare. Without the horse, the Mongols would
-never have been able to conquer such vast territories.
-Learning to ride as children of three or four, they were
-superb horsemen in their early manhood and hunted
-with consummate skill. When they appeared upon the
-horizon in a cloud of dust and with a clatter of hooves,
-it was only a matter of minutes before each dropped
-down like an eagle upon his prey.</p>
-
-<p>Of even more strategic importance was their conception
-of the fifth column. Poor always, in comparison
-with their neighbors, whose lands and goods they coveted,
-they—like their Russian descendants—developed a
-technique of boring from within. Ahead of them were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span>
-sent humble-looking barterers or beggars, who easily
-bribed and cajoled their way inside the walls of a city.
-At the critical moment, the unfortunate citizens would
-find their gates open and hordes of wild tribesmen
-bursting in upon them with bloodcurdling yells.</p>
-
-<p>Whether at home or in the field, these nomads lived
-in yurts, or domelike tents, made of felt and mounted on
-wooden carts, drawn by oxen. They spent most of their
-days on horseback, hunting, fishing and constantly
-fighting among themselves and with neighboring clans.
-Often they remained in the saddle for days, eating little
-or no food.</p>
-
-<p>Between each major conquest, there were long
-periods when fighting was confined to the steppe lands.
-It was only when an outstanding genius appeared that
-they attempted the invasion of the more civilized countries—Europe,
-China or the Near East—which,
-throughout the ages, were constantly on the defensive
-against them.</p>
-
-<p>One of the first of these tribes that grew to world
-power was led by Attila the Hun, in the Fifth Century.
-Slashing and murdering his way through Europe, he
-terrorized the entire continent and captured the greatest
-city of antiquity, Rome. Earlier, when Rome fell to
-the Goths, the citizens though that surely the end of
-the world had come. It was not until the Huns attacked,
-however, that they felt the full fury of Asiatic destruction
-and torture.</p>
-
-<p>Attila was a typical Mongol of his day. Shaggy-headed,
-dirty and disheveled, his gorilla-like appearance
-evoked as much terror as if he had been a wild animal.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span>
-With as little regard for human suffering as for
-the priceless treasures of Rome, he was lustful only for
-power, wine and women. He is said to have kept a huge
-harem, and, like his followers, to have left countless
-children by captured slaves all over Europe and Asia.
-Because of his merciless brutality, plundering and rape,
-he was called by his victims, “The Scourge of God.”</p>
-
-<p>In 451 A. D., Attila was finally defeated, and while
-celebrating the addition of a new beauty to his harem,
-he died. He had taken from the world, by force, everything
-he wanted, because he knew no other way to get
-it. His vast and powerful empire collapsed like a house
-of cards and fell into utter ruin.</p>
-
-<p>Approximately seven hundred years later came the
-most brilliant, the most destructive, and the most incredible
-of all the forerunners of Communism, Genghis
-Khan. He conquered not only the major part of Europe
-and almost all of Northern Asia, but also established
-powerful dynasties in Persia and China.</p>
-
-<p>Born in 1162 A. D., Genghis Khan, at thirteen, succeeded
-his father as Chief of the Yakka Mongols. A
-robust lad, he was tall and broad-shouldered. His eyes
-set far apart, unlike those of the Mongols, did not slant
-and were a curious shade of green. He had high cheekbones
-and a sloping forehead beneath abundant red
-hair, which he wore in long braids down his back. His
-was a striking personality. He was as different from the
-other members of his horde in appearance as he was in
-mentality.</p>
-
-<p>In his early years, Genghis wore the simple clothing
-of his tribesmen, consisting of skins sewn together with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span>
-sinews. Frequently he greased his body to keep out the
-cold and moisture when it was necessary to sleep in
-the snow. He ate raw meat, and drank mare’s milk
-and sometimes blood which he let from the veins of his
-horses’ legs. Mentally the equal of any Caucasian, he
-undoubtedly had European blood in his veins. Perhaps
-that of a Princess, who knows?</p>
-
-<p>Although this despot had an ungovernable temper
-and a wrath that could terrorize the strongest, he also
-had the capacity to make firm and lasting friends and
-loyal followers. He spoke thoughtfully and deliberately
-and is said to have remarked many times, “Monasteries
-and Temples breed mildness of character, but it is only
-the fierce and warlike who dominate mankind.” His
-eloquence could spellbind the masses.</p>
-
-<p>He was an expert with the bow and arrow. His physical
-strength made him the leader of the wrestlers. He
-had been known to pick up an opponent, hold him high
-above his head, then break his back as though it were
-a bamboo reed! He enjoyed wrestling matches only
-when they rivaled the Roman gladiators, when the
-bones of the weaker adversaries were broken and
-crushed. He despised weakness of any kind, for he himself
-was a match for any man, and he had never been
-bested at any sport. Born of a race unwashed and illiterate,
-he raised his tribe of unknown barbarians to a position
-of world renown. Believing firmly that the Mongols
-were the natural masters of the world, he also was
-convinced that he had been chosen by Destiny to lead
-and control them. Thus impelled, this amazing barbarian,
-starting with only a tribe of wild nomads,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span>
-finally conquered everything from Armenia to Korea,
-and from Tibet to the Volga River.</p>
-
-<p>After Genghis Khan had subdued all of China, he
-settled down and developed into a typical oriental potentate.
-He lived in splendor on the present site of
-Peking, a far cry from his earlier primitive tent on the
-Gobi desert. Just so, in 1949, Mao Tse-tung sprang
-from the mud caves of Yenan to the palaces of Peking
-as China’s Number One dictator. Here, in this ancient
-city, Genghis, as Emperor, surrounded himself with
-courtiers and officials, as well as with wives, concubines
-and slaves.</p>
-
-<p>He held high court and worked on affairs of state in
-a high pavilion of white felt, lined with treasured silk.
-Here also he entertained his friends and kept a silver
-table on which sat vessels of fermented mare’s milk and
-bowls of meat and fruit for their pleasure. Dressed in
-a lavishly embroidered robe and wearing a long and
-flaming beard, he sat at state functions on a dais at
-the far end of the pavilion. With him on a low bench
-sat Bourtai, his favorite wife. She was the real love of
-his life, and he claimed only the children born by her
-as his own. The Empress was small and dainty, with
-beautiful features and long hair braided with jewels
-and heavy coins. She was the mother of three sons who
-were destined to rule at a later period a domain larger
-than Rome’s. Other wives and concubines grouped
-themselves at his left, on lower platforms. His nobles
-sat on benches around the walls of the building, wearing
-long coats, bound around with enormous bright-colored
-silken girdles, and large, uptilted felt hats. In<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span>
-the center of the pavilion glowed a great fire made
-of thorns and dung. There was utter silence when Genghis
-spoke. His word was absolute law. It is said,
-“Any who disobeyed his word was like a stone dropped
-into deep water, or as an arrow among the reeds.”</p>
-
-<p>Genghis Khan was almost as superstitious as he
-was brilliant. Believing that the character of every
-animal was in its heart, he hunted lions and tigers with
-great zest, preferring to capture them alive. He tore
-them open with his bare hands, pulled out the heart,
-and ate it while it was still throbbing. Convinced
-that this gave him the courage of a savage beast,
-he compelled his men to follow his example.</p>
-
-<p>A military genius, he is known as the greatest guerilla
-fighter in history, but his real life work was the
-molding together of his vast hordes into a disciplined,
-well equipped, highly trained, and completely organized
-army. He used the forced labor of subjugated
-people—a significant parallel to the present day
-methods of Stalin, who, in order to increase the efficiency
-of his armies, drafted into them German scientists,
-artisans and technicians, as well as thousands of
-humbler laborers.</p>
-
-<p>Genghis acquired, ultimately, over four hundred
-thousand warriors, countless elephant and camel trains
-loaded with the wealth of Croesus, and multitudes of
-armed slaves. “Unmatched in human valor,” it is said,
-“his hordes overcame the terrors of barren wastes, of
-mountains and seas, the severities of climate and the
-ravages of famine and pestilence. No dangers could
-appall them, no prayer for mercy could move them.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span></p>
-
-<p>Genghis Khan was the symbol of a new power in history.
-The ability of one man to alter human civilization
-began with him and ended with his grandson
-Kublai Khan, when the Mongol empires began to crack.
-It did not reappear again until the rise of Stalin to
-power.</p>
-
-<p>The vast empires that Genghis established, with
-their accompanying devastation, was not all that he
-achieved. Had this been so, he would have been merely
-another Attila destroying with little or no definite purpose.
-His genius for organization and his clever statesmanship
-made him the model of kings, although he
-could not read or write when he drew up the incomparable
-“Yassa,” or code of conduct. This curious document,
-not unlike the dictates of Stalin, had three main
-purposes: to ensure absolute obedience to Genghis Khan;
-to bind together all the nomad clans for the purpose of
-making war; and to punish swiftly and mercilessly, anyone
-who violated the law, civil, military or political.
-With the “Yassa,” he and his heirs ruled their empires
-for three generations. The lash of its ruthless authority
-held it together.</p>
-
-<p>Genghis died in 1227 A. D., leaving the greatest empires
-and the most destructive armies the world had
-ever known to that day. Not until the advent of the
-Tartars, a few centuries later, did another Asiatic tribe
-rise to world power. Led by fearless Tamerlane, they
-also laid waste everything in their path, in the savage
-manner of their predecessors. Once again the pattern
-was repeated. It is characteristic of the empires built
-by the steppe nomads that they were not the result of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span>
-gradual development and expansion, but the product
-of a rapid growth under the leadership of a single powerful
-man. These men all seem to have had an evil
-genius for political intrigue, for exacting fanatical loyalty
-among their followers, and for devising ways to
-conquer many times their own numbers.</p>
-
-<p>The aim of each of these Asiatic conquerors was to
-control the vast area of the world from the Pacific Ocean
-to Central Europe. They planned the overthrow, by
-force and violence, if need be, of all other governments
-and peoples in their path. Czarist Russia, in 1905,
-achieved the geographical empires of Genghis Khan,
-actually peopled by descendants of the same racial elements.
-Had they not been defeated subsequently by
-the Japanese, the Czars and their successors probably
-would have controlled all of China. In this new grouping
-of mankind, however, it was the half-Tartar Russians
-and not the Mongols, who were the dominant military
-factor. Today, the ruling power comes from Moscow,
-and not from the Mongolian East, except for the
-infusion of Chinese blood that has resulted from seven
-hundred years of constant conflict with the Celestial
-Empire.</p>
-
-<p>With the discovery of America and her tremendous
-natural resources, the lust for world dominion has increased.
-Today, Stalin has ambitions for global mastery.
-His first tools of conquest are the Communists in
-every country. In February, 1947, as the Communist
-Convention in London, delegates from thirty-two countries
-met to reaffirm their pledges to support the Communist
-Party. These Communists are not members of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span>
-a political party in the American sense; they are sinister
-and potentially powerful weapons of the Soviet
-Government.</p>
-
-<p>Everywhere today, the “New Democracy,” or early
-Communism, has followed the pattern of the rise of
-each Asiatic despot. It repeated itself in Moscow in the
-early Twenties at the death of Lenin, when Stalin and
-Trotsky struggled for power. China, today, is passing
-from the first stage, the period of self-denial, of sharing
-the wealth, of submitting to rigid discipline and purification
-for “The Cause”—the Sackcloth and Ashes stage.
-The Chinese Communists are beginning to experience
-the progressive steps of disillusionment, apprehension
-and abject terror, as was the lot of millions of Russian
-peasants during the infamous Thirties.</p>
-
-<p>The great and overpowering tragedy of Communism
-is that at no stage or time has it ever been the shining
-Utopia that hypnotizes the credulous common man
-and woman and some of the dreamers in high places
-in our own government. It would appear that neither
-Marx nor Engels understood human psychology or
-analyzed intelligently the lessons of history, for Socialism,
-in suppressing individual initiative, inevitably
-leads to I-Don’t-Care-ism. An economy based on share-and-share-alike,
-without regard to individual effort,
-failed in Russia because it put a premium on mediocrity
-and deprived man of the fruits of his own labor. It
-had to be replaced with “Stakhanovitism,” or piece work,
-which the American labor unions have fought constantly
-in their march toward Socialism. The Russians
-found that the only way to make men exert themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span>
-without the incentive of reward was through fear of
-punishment. Thus Socialism has to be enforced by
-police methods to be at all effective. What is this but
-dictatorship? Socialism, Communism, Stateism—these
-can no more be separated from each other than can the
-component parts of homogenized milk.</p>
-
-<p>Communist leaders, motivated by the promise of
-power, insist that world revolution is inevitable. The
-Chinese Communists, for many years, repeated an
-ancient legend. They said: “The Mongols still are waiting
-in their felt tents, for the issue to be decided. They
-are gathering around their yurt fires and chanting together:
-‘When that which is harder than rock and
-stronger than the storm winds shall fail, the Empires of
-the North Court and the Empires of the South Court
-shall cease to be; when the White Tsar is no more, and
-the Son of Heaven has vanished, then the campfires of
-Genghis Khan will be seen again, and his empire shall
-stretch over all the earth’.” That prophesy is being fulfilled.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_V"><span class="smcap">Chapter V</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Communist Propaganda</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Propaganda, thanks to a better understanding of mass
-psychology, has become in the past few years almost an
-exact science as well as an art In the hands of the
-Communists it is a powerful weapon, so subtle that, as
-in shadow boxing, one cannot judge the exact position
-of the enemy. With wily cleverness, it has perverted
-the meanings of cherished words, so that great national
-masses of people are no longer aware of their rightful
-connotations.</p>
-
-<p>We, in the United States, for instance, think of
-Democracy as the dictionary defines it: “Government
-in which the supreme power is retained by the people.”
-The Communists have distorted this by adopting the
-term “New Democracy,” to represent a Communist controlled
-state, that is, a dictatorship.</p>
-
-<p>Freedom, a beautiful word, has also been distorted.
-In a Western democracy, it means “liberation from
-slavery,” that is, the opportunity to work, live and play
-where, when and how one chooses, in open competition.
-In a Communist State, none of these things is possible.
-There can be no freedom where full regimentation is
-required. The Soviet’s claim of freeing the peasants
-from onerous landlords and the workers from grasping
-capitalists is only a blind. Any poor Chinese on the
-street soon sadly learns that these are being replaced by
-more oppressive masters, the Soviet Commissars.</p>
-
-<p>Security is another wonderful word, and the Communists
-have been quick to realize its universal appeal.
-However, they use it in a purely economic sense, deliberately
-ignoring any but material values. Their type
-of security can be promised only at the price of personal
-freedom. It is already in operation in all penitentiaries,
-where the life-term convict is fed, clothed, cared
-for when ill, sheltered, entertained and protected from
-the harsh conditions of economic competition. He need
-not worry about any of these things. Yet it is a generally
-accepted fact that he would gladly and immediately
-trade all of the benefits he receives from his prison incarceration
-for the one little matter of Freedom.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_082a1" style="max-width: 71.25em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082a1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>The Chinese Commissar, in the footsteps of his Russian counterpart,
-reads to his military unit the daily propaganda bulletin.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figleft illowp100" id="i_082a2" style="max-width: 15em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082a2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Communist Propaganda Poster
-captions</em>: <span class="smcap">Happy Are Those
-Who Work for the People!</span></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figright illowp100" id="i_082a3" style="max-width: 15em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082a3.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><span class="smcap">Draw Water Against the
-Drought!</span>
-<em>Another propaganda poster.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_082a4" style="max-width: 70.5em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082a4.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Non-Communists looking at bulletin reporting expected visit of General
-Marshall to Yenan. Bulletin is put out by Communist
-Cultural Committee for Mass Education.</em></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_082b1" style="max-width: 71.0625em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082b1.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Communist propaganda poster</em>: <span class="smcap">Produce for the People!</span></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_082b2" style="max-width: 71.1875em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_082b2.jpg" alt="">
- <div class="caption"><p class="center"><em>Communist propaganda picture showing how to</em>
-<span class="smcap">Rescue the Wounded!</span></p></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span></p>
-
-<p>Besides twisting the meaning of words, the Communists
-have subtly changed long accepted human values
-and relationships. By distortion of Truth, and constant
-repetition of the Party Line, they gradually paralyze
-all individual thinking and destroy the will to resist.
-Russian propaganda is far more effective than was the
-German, and their Chinese henchmen have had to
-modify it slightly to adapt it for use in their country.
-By false promises, intimidation and persuasion, the Communists
-lulled the weakened opposition and made the
-conquest of China easier. When necessary, they never
-hesitated to use terror and brutality. By these two
-means they have established a vast web of control
-over the entire land of nearly five hundred million
-people.</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese Communists have found it expedient to
-have two types of propaganda: one which is directed
-at foreigners and follows strictly the Moscow line; the
-other maintained for domestic consumption. The home
-propaganda concentrates on Chinese affairs and plays<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span>
-down the foreign and international angles. Slogans,
-or catch phrases, are evident everywhere, on billboards,
-in handbills, on posters, in the press and on the air
-channels. In this way, the slogans are repeated over and
-over again, until everyone becomes thoroughly familiar
-with them. Throughout China are heard the shouts of the
-victors—SERVE THE PEOPLE! PRODUCE FOR THE
-PEOPLE! RESCUE THE WOUNDED! BEAR SONS
-FOR THE PEOPLE! The latter is one of the most surprising
-in a land that has an annual death rate of a
-million from starvation and is presently suffering from
-the worst famine in years!</p>
-
-<p>The slogans are often illustrated and used as picture
-posters. Gay and colorful, they frequently show
-a prosperous looking group standing or sitting before
-an enormous basket overflowing with luscious fruits
-and vegetables. The caption: HAPPY ARE THOSE
-WHO WORK FOR THE PEOPLE! Billboards and
-handbills in villages and towns are, of necessity, simple
-and elementary, while in Shanghai and other large
-cities they are more elaborate and sometimes quite
-sophisticated.</p>
-
-<p>As in Germany before the war, and in Russia today,
-the Chinese concentrate on the children. These are
-often separated from their families when they are very
-young and sent to special schools away from their
-homes. The Chinese Communists, like the Soviets, are
-making every effort to destroy family life and ties,
-since family loyalty competes with their training program.
-The first and only loyalty must be to the State.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span>
-In some schools, youngsters have been given new textbooks
-which begin with the verse:</p>
-
-<p>“I do not love my Mama. I do not love my Papa. I
-love only my Country and Mao Tse-tung.” Other
-books show pictures of Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek
-and other Nationalist leaders and characterize them as
-enemies of the State who are “to be killed on sight.”</p>
-
-<p>Children, otherwise well brought up and, prior to the
-new schooling, devoted to their families, return to their
-homes and face their parents with: “We don’t love you
-any more. We are leaving home and will fight the
-Nationalists ourselves, wherever we find them!”</p>
-
-<p>Some of the propaganda is directed against foreigners,
-especially Americans. The children are taught
-to repeat little songs in which Americans are called
-“greedy and vicious capitalists,” and they are shown
-cartoons depicting Americans as two-headed pigs being
-kicked out of China.</p>
-
-<p>The effect of such systematic mind-poisoning is shown
-in an incident that happened in North China just before
-the Communists took over. An American on a
-business trip watched a Chinese woman, carrying a
-baby and a large bundle, attempt to cross a narrow
-bridge over a little river. A tiny girl, barely old enough
-to walk, clung to the mother’s skirts. The planking
-of the bridge was wobbly and narrow. Realizing they
-could not all cross at once, the woman loosened the
-child’s hands and told her: “Wait there and I’ll come
-back for you.” Then, with the bundle and baby, she
-crossed the poorly constructed span. The American,
-trying to be a good Samaritan, went toward the stranded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span>
-little girl to offer to take her across. At his approach
-she screamed in terror and ran from him. Catching up
-with her, he talked to her in a quiet voice for some
-minutes. Soon the youngster dried her tears, accepted
-the man’s arms, and was carried to safety. The mother
-turning to go back for the child, cried out in alarm at
-seeing her in the arms of the American. With the
-realization that the man meant no harm, she appeared
-amazed at his courtesy.</p>
-
-<p>Among the near illiterate, speeches are the most
-effective means of propaganda, and the Chinese Red
-Armies have large doses of these inflicted upon them.
-The soldiers, following the example of their Russian
-comrades, are briefed on when to clap and when to
-cheer. Like any college football crowd, they dutifully
-follow the cheer leaders.</p>
-
-<p>The Communists are especially proud of their so-called
-“Educational Program” for soldiers, and they
-claim that thirty per cent of the time allotted to military
-training is devoted to “cultural” and political
-work. As a result of attendance at daily classes, over
-eighty per cent of the troops are reported able to read
-elementary Chinese characters, giving them enough
-background to understand simplified Communist newspapers.
-These “newspapers” are filled with news strictly
-censored by the leaders, and the characters learned
-in school are those that enable them to read only what
-the posters and textbooks say. No effort is wasted on
-superfluous, non-political knowledge.</p>
-
-<p>Bestowing tides as a reward is another Moscow-inspired
-incentive for the soldiers, as well as for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span>
-illiterate populace. This device is also used to encourage
-labor production and to throw a smoke screen over
-exploitation. Labor “Heroes” and “Heroines” are greatly
-admired in all Red-blighted areas, and any Communist
-who studies and works hard has a chance to be
-thus honored and to obtain the coveted material reward
-or special privilege that accompanies the title.</p>
-
-<p>Russian propaganda, when modified for the Chinese,
-is slanted so that it may not offend them too greatly
-while they are still being taken over, that is, during
-the transition period of persuasion and deception.
-Shortly after the capture of Tientsin, an enormous picture
-of Stalin appeared beside that of Mao Tse-tung in
-Min Yuan Park. The people milling around in great
-throngs stared up at it, some in wonderment. One of
-them finally remarked, “Who is that other man? He is
-not Chinese, he is a foreigner.” In order to keep the surface
-smooth at first and to cause no undue alarm or suspicion
-among the people, the next day Mao hung alone.</p>
-
-<p>The capture of Tientsin and Peking was accomplished
-with comparatively little fighting except on the
-outskirts of both cities. The plans for taking Peking
-had been well thought out. Secret agents, for years, had
-been “persuading” the people and softening up the Nationalist
-troops. The actual capture was cunningly
-timed. The Chinese New Year was chosen, with due respect
-to superstition, by the incoming lords of the land.
-They allowed the people to spend three days making
-their customary friendly calls upon each other, in the
-ancient manner, and settling up their bills and accounts.
-Farmers poured into the cities with supplies of meat and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span>
-vegetables, and the Communists bided their time while
-the citizenry, ate, drank and made merry. In the Chinese
-calendar 1949 was the Year of the Rat, and 1950
-ushered in the Year of the Cow. Time-honored superstition
-has it that when, in the passage of years, the tail
-of the Rat touches the horn of the Cow, times will be
-good, luck will change and the future will be successful.
-The Chinese were all congratulating themselves over
-their coming good year when the Communists, after
-waiting for the psychological moment, marched their
-armies in and took over the ancient capital.</p>
-
-<p>The new masters gave the populace various choices
-of “surrender” terms, although they did not use the
-expression “surrendering.” First, the vanquished were
-politely invited to “Come out and join us, for we are
-all brothers now.” This invitation was called the
-“Peking way.” When anyone showed reluctance to accept,
-the “Tientsin way” was tried. This method involved
-pressure, first psychological, then if that failed,
-material, and finally if there was still any hesitation,
-physical, in the form of more or less severe beatings.
-In other words, the same old formula was at work—persuasion
-and then force.</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese Communists, after the fall of the entire
-country, copied from their Soviet comrades the
-trick of inviting all the industrialists, financiers and
-scientists who had fled to Canton, Hong Kong and elsewhere
-to return to their Northern homes, where they
-could continue to operate their businesses as before. So
-in 1946 Stalin invited all the White Russians living in
-China to return to the USSR. The old birdie in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span>
-cage trick! Persuaded that they were going to receive
-fair treatment, many of the expatriate Russians gladly
-gave up their jobs and homes in Shanghai and Tientsin
-and spent their last dollars on passage to Siberia. No
-word was ever heard from many of them, but gradually
-a few letters appeared, smuggled in through Chinese
-friends, which told of great suffering. A few of the
-hardiest escaped and returned, all with the same story—Siberia,
-the salt mines, death. What happened to
-their Chinese counterparts who heeded the siren song
-of the victors of Peking we do not know, but we can
-guess.</p>
-
-<p>Communist propaganda is apparent in practically
-every aspect of Chinese life. Only the Opera and the
-Russian Ballet appear to have remained relatively free
-from taint. The Reds are tremendously proud of both
-of these world renowned examples of creative art and
-make a great show of claiming that they are always
-performed in the “original.” However, when put on before
-strictly indoctrinated audiences, propaganda appears
-in the shape of Party line interpretations of
-dances, songs and long curtain speeches. The audience
-is never allowed to forget for a moment that it is there
-to be instructed as well as entertained.</p>
-
-<p>The basic purpose of Communist propaganda, of
-course, is to make conquest as easy as possible. The
-Party line is fed to the people like opium, and it dulls
-their senses and makes them docile. When persuasion
-proves inadequate, threats and brutality are resorted to,
-for in a Totalitarian State no one can remain on the
-fence. Only through complete unity, voluntary or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span>
-forced, can such a state survive. It is impossible for
-anyone to remain non-political.</p>
-
-<p>Should both persuasion and force fail, the Communists
-then resort to a method which represents an all
-time low in evil—the use of poisonous drugs to draw
-out false confessions from their victims. This is called
-the “biodynamic” treatment. The drugs, “actedon” and
-“mescaline” are used to paralyze the brain, then to
-cause its disintegration. The doses are administered in
-coffee, and the victim, with nothing else to eat or drink,
-consumes large quantities, which are generously supplied,
-unaware of the effect being produced on his mind
-and body. When the personality has been sufficiently
-disintegrated or “split” by these drugs—when the sufferer
-has been driven crazy—a skilled psychiatrist can
-put the pieces together at his will and gradually evolve
-a completely new personality. In other words, when
-the physical breakdown of the individual has been accomplished,
-his mental collapse is brought about by the
-use of these fiendish drugs.</p>
-
-<p>The Communists say, “The average person can be
-made to give in through brutality and fear, but in complicated
-cases the combination of neurology, or brain
-study, chemistry and psychiatry must be used.” Preparing
-the victim valuable enough for this process often
-takes as long as three or four months, during which
-time he is jailed and kept in solitary confinement. Frequently
-dozens of doctors, scientists, and assistants are
-worn out in the process of treatment. It is so diabolical
-that the Communists say they use it only in exceptional
-cases where they feel that the results warrant a demonstration<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span>
-to the public at large of their complete mastery
-over man.</p>
-
-<p>The world now knows that this was the treatment
-administered in 1949 to Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty,
-Primate of the Catholic church, Budapest; to Michael
-Shipkov, Bulgarian Translator for the U. S. Legation
-in Sofia; and again in 1950 to Robert A. Vogeler, American
-business executive in Hungary. This same heinous
-method has been repeated in Rumania, Czechoslovakia,
-Poland, Eastern Germany and undoubtedly elsewhere
-throughout the world, though actual reports of every
-case have not, as yet, come into print.</p>
-
-<p>The use of hypnotism as a propaganda weapon and
-as a device for manipulating victims also has not been
-overlooked by the Communists. Dr. G. H. Estabrooks,
-Chairman of the Department of Psychology at Colgate
-University, who has pioneered in developing hypnotism’s
-wartime uses, says:</p>
-
-<p>“With the Twentieth Century’s revived interest in
-psychology, hypnotism has been brought to the status of
-a full-fledged science.”</p>
-
-<p>“A person,” continues Estabrooks, “can be hypnotized
-against his will or without his knowledge.”</p>
-
-<p>“A foreign agent working in a hospital or a doctor
-in his own office could,” he avers, “over a period of
-time, place thousands of people under his power by
-means of fake physical examinations.”</p>
-
-<p>For instance, he explains how in wartime this masked
-manoeuver could enable a junior medical officer to take
-over the reins of the U. S. Army and lead it into total
-defeat.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span></p>
-
-<p>Hypnotism, we now know, was used in addition to
-drugs by the Nazis to obtain a “confession” from Van
-der Lubbe at the Reichstag Trial and also by the Soviet
-Union to demoralize Cardinal Mindszenty, Robert
-Vogeler and others.</p>
-
-<p>Mao Tse-tung, like all Moscow-trained speakers and
-others of their ilk, is fully aware of the power of hypnosis
-over large audiences. In the early days of victory,
-he spellbound his listeners not alone by words but also
-by the strength of his mesmeric will.</p>
-
-<p>“Make up your minds! We abhor fence straddlers.
-There is no middle of the road! Not in all China, not
-in all the universe,” he continued. “One must be either
-on the side of Imperialism or on the side of Communism!”</p>
-
-<p>In a speech commemorating the 28th anniversary of
-the Chinese Communist Party, Mao, addressing a mass
-meeting early in 1950, said:</p>
-
-<p>“Internationally, China belongs to the anti-imperialist
-front. To Russia we proudly look for genuine,
-friendly aid, and to no other country. The second world
-war, with the Soviet Union as the principle fighting
-force, defeated the great Imperialist powers, Germany
-and Japan. It weakened England and France, and left
-only one Imperialist country in the world—the United
-States of America! Even <em>she</em> suffered great losses. Her
-economy was smashed and her domestic crisis is acute!
-There is great unrest in the country, and the people
-have no leader. They are fighting among themselves.
-And yet she thinks <em>she</em> can enslave the world! She is
-nothing but a weakling! By aiding Chiang Kai-shek,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span>
-she is responsible for the slaughter of millions of
-Chinese!”</p>
-
-<p>An outburst of applause and cries of “Ding How!”
-(Good! Good!) greeted his words.</p>
-
-<p>Mao continued, waving his arms: “In China, some
-Imperialism still exists in our ‘New Democracy,’ but we
-will work steadfastly for a complete Communist Society.
-Our tools are the People’s Army, Police and Communist
-Court. Under the leadership of the working class, we
-will unite to form our own dictatorship over the lackeys
-of foreign Imperialism. We will drive them out like
-dogs, howling through the streets! Let us establish a
-People’s Dictatorship over the reactionaries, to be known
-throughout the world as the People’s Democratic Dictatorship.
-Let us raise China from an agricultural country
-by eliminating all classes, and realizing the state
-of universal fraternity!”</p>
-
-<p>Another storm of applause from the duped audience
-followed these closing words, along with shrill cries of
-“Long live our People’s Dictatorship! Long live our
-Chairman Mao! Long live our Comrade Stalin!”</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_VI"><span class="smcap">Chapter VI</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Manchuria, the Prize</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Manchuria is the home of the Manchus who conquered
-China and ruled it until 1911. It is the Prize,
-the bone of contention over which the bloodiest battles
-have been fought, and the one area in all Asia without
-which neither the Communists nor the Nationalists
-could hope to become a world power.</p>
-
-<p>Studded with Japanese industrial plants, Manchuria
-is known as the Pittsburgh of China, due to the fact that
-here both coal and iron are mined close together. Here,
-also, is contained seventy per cent of the industrial potential
-of all China. A rugged, windy land, much like
-our American prairie states, it is one of the few places
-in Asia that has a food surplus and serves as the granary
-of that vast region. Farmers, using shaggy Mongol
-ponies, till broad fields of soybeans, millet, corn, wheat
-and opium poppies. With the great abundance of grain,
-the people are able to produce beef and mutton for
-export.</p>
-
-<p>Even before the Japanese occupation, Manchuria was
-a thriving center, and the conquerors, with characteristic
-efficiency, speeded its industrial and agricultural development
-during the fourteen years of their occupation.
-They developed the largest coal, iron and gold mines in
-Eastern Asia. From Manchuria alone they obtained
-more gold than from any other source, in addition to
-five million tons of iron and steel and thirty million
-tons of coal every year.</p>
-
-<p>The great cities in Manchuria, of which Mukden is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span>
-the capital, were modernized. New railroad lines were
-built into the outlying districts, and thousands of workers,
-heretofore purely agricultural, were taught to work
-in factories. For the first time, modern hotels and
-apartments covered city blocks, and Mukden undoubtedly
-boasted more bathtubs, per capita, than any other
-city in Asia, with the possible exception of Shanghai.</p>
-
-<p>The Generalissimo had believed that Manchuria,
-when it was liberated, would become a part of the Nationalist
-Government. He had sent occupation troops
-there, had incorporated it into his rightful territory,
-and at the end of the war had already started repairing
-the damage caused by the final phase of the fighting.
-He was unaware of the fact that Roosevelt had promised
-Manchuria to Russia as her price for entering the war
-against Japan. He still firmly believed in Roosevelt’s
-friendship, because Roosevelt had promised that <em>all</em> Chinese
-territory liberated from the Japanese would be
-returned to China.</p>
-
-<p>Although Russia kept a tight rein on the Prize, she
-did everything she could to help and encourage the
-Chinese Communists. Immediately upon entering the
-war, she began to supply them with arms and ammunition
-captured from the Japanese. At first this was done
-stealthily by the simple ruse of allowing the Chinese
-Communists to “find” these supplies themselves. After
-V-J Day Russia made no attempt to hide from the
-world her interest in, and her support of, the Chinese
-Communist regime. Besides supplying arms and propaganda
-material, she assisted her lusty child by hampering,
-in every way, the liberation of the Nationalist<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span>
-troops held by the Japanese. Since then she has continued
-to work closely with the Chinese Reds. Li Li San,
-the Kremlin’s Chinese agent, is in command. Russia,
-therefore, takes everything she desires for herself, first.</p>
-
-<p>Russian Armies in the East are composed of Asiatics,
-closely related geographically, racially and politically
-to the Chinese Communists. In behavior they are as
-clumsy and vindicative as their forebears under Genghis
-Khan. Many peace-loving Chinese, after experiencing
-Red domination, cried out, “Six months under the Communists
-are worse than fourteen years under the Japs.”</p>
-
-<p>As an example of what happens when these people
-overrun a country, let us examine Manchuria at close
-range. Russian troops taking over the country from the
-Japanese stripped nearly all the factories of machinery,
-but with characteristic inefficiency. When a machine
-to be sent to Russia was dismantled, no effort was made
-to keep the pieces together in numbered crates so they
-could be reassembled in another location. On the contrary,
-the machines were broken down in mass and the
-jumbled parts loaded into trucks or freight cars with
-no regard whatever to system. Where a machine could
-not be brought out through doors or windows, the whole
-side of a wall was pushed out and the rubble left where
-it fell. Completely ignorant of the delicate mechanism
-of precision instruments, they permitted them to be left
-out in the rain and snow to rust into utter uselessness.
-Somewhere east of the Urals, the Russians must have a
-tremendous pile of scrap, if it is not scattered along the
-line of the Trans-Siberian Railway. This inability to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span>
-appreciate and handle machinery may throw some
-light on Russia’s frantic desire to acquire machine tools,
-at almost any cost. Incidentally, the same wanton disregard
-of everything technical applies to the looting of
-Eastern Europe.</p>
-
-<p>Not only were Manchuria’s factories moved out bodily,
-piled onto freight cars and, in a desultory manner,
-slowly moved into Siberia, but what the troops were unable
-to take with them, they maliciously destroyed.
-Aside from the Kremlin-activated seizure of the factories,
-the primitive soldiers of the occupying forces, as
-well as just common bandits, stripped Manchuria’s cities
-of everything that could, by any remote chance, be useful
-to them. Both Chinese and Russians followed the
-age old Mongolian custom and gleefully stole or destroyed
-all personal property that they could get their
-hands on. Even fixtures fastened to the walls were
-pulled out, and door knobs, pipes and plumbing appliances
-were removed and turned over to the government
-to be made into ammunition.</p>
-
-<p>The Nationalist troops that the Generalissimo had
-moved in right after V-J Day found it well-nigh impossible
-to defend Manchurian property. The Chinese
-Communists used guerrilla warfare almost exclusively
-against the villagers, their tactics being to terrorize, kill
-and destroy before help could come from the Nationalist
-troops. “Sack and pillage” kept the people in constant
-panic. In an endeavor to isolate and defeat the
-Nationalists, the Communists tore up all the railroads.
-Peasants were conscripted to dig up hundreds of miles
-of railway track. They burned the ties, levelled the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span>
-roadbeds, hid or carried away the rails, and demolished
-the drainage structures. Practically all the bridges were
-destroyed by explosives, all signal towers and sidetrack
-mechanisms were wrecked, and every other wanton
-damage that fiendish ingenuity could conceive or devise
-was inflicted. As a final gesture of brutality, captured
-locomotive engineers who were known to have Nationalist
-sympathies had their hands cut off.</p>
-
-<p>This kind of fighting completely destroyed the
-economy of Manchuria. From being a food and industrial
-surplus area, she became poverty-stricken. The
-people, living in barren houses without furniture or
-utensils of any kind, were reduced to the level of their
-primitive ancestors. Water became the scarcest of
-commodities and, with the reservoirs destroyed, had
-to be brought up from the dirty rivers in buckets. City
-transportation was at a premium. It ranged from the
-luxury of a pedicab, to ancient carriage bodies or automobile
-chassis, hauled by men, tiny ponies and dogs.
-A few families found a new use for the bathtub which
-they had been able to salvage. Mounted on rickety
-wheels, it was used as a public conveyance, and men,
-women and children sat huddled together in it. Sometimes
-a huge umbrella, Chinese or foreign, protected
-them from a scorching sun or a driving rain. It made
-a grotesque picture indeed!</p>
-
-<p>With the disruption of transportation and the commandeering
-of much of the foodstuffs for the troops,
-obtaining food became the major problem of the people
-of Manchuria. Starvation stalked the cities. Mukden
-families were reduced to eating dung. So precious was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span>
-this commodity that every horse wore a contraption under
-his tail resembling a large, crude dust pan to preserve
-even minute droppings. The very poor mixed mud
-with the dung, and after baking the concoction in the
-sun used it as food. Hawkers sold it on the streets.</p>
-
-<p>Just as the Mongols under Genghis Khan burned,
-looted and tortured when they invaded Cathay, so the
-modern Mongols have behaved in like manner. Some
-of the more decent among them were so outraged by
-these tactics that they deserted and joined the Nationalists.
-One, a Colonel, told how he had been ordered to
-round up bandits and drive them at bayonet point into
-villages. Here they were allowed to pillage, burn and
-rape to their hearts’ content. While this was being
-done, the Communists would remain hidden a short distance
-away. After the terror had subsided somewhat,
-when the village was reduced to a shambles and the
-inhabitants were all but insane, the Communists soldiers
-would rush in and shoot the bandits, ostensibly to rescue
-the villagers. This technique seldom failed to swell
-the Communist ranks. All who resisted conversion
-were, of course, subjected to more drastic treatment.</p>
-
-<p>Another ex-Communist told of teaching little boys
-of ten and twelve to use knives and pistols to murder
-members of their own families who refused to cooperate
-with the Reds. The child criminals became fugitives
-and were forced to join the guerrillas in the hills.</p>
-
-<p>Many of the well-to-do managed to get away, where,
-no one knew, but the poor, aged and helpless were not
-exempt from the senseless fury of the Mongol hordes.
-They were used at times as object lessons to demonstrate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span>
-the pitiless power of the Red Terror. According to an
-eye witness, the hands of women and children were
-sometimes smashed with mallets and left dangling like
-raw hamburgers. These utterly miserable creatures wandered
-insanely through the streets, moaning pitifully
-and gradually dying from loss of blood, infection and
-unendurable pain.</p>
-
-<p>At other times, the Communists tied bombs around
-the bodies of men and women, carted them to thickly
-populated areas, lighted the fuses and left them to explode.
-This invariably happened at night, when the
-effect was more terrifying. These human torches were
-supposed to be the unreliable Quislings. The method
-of their disposal by the Reds shows how the latter are
-running true to form. In the days of Genghis Khan a
-Quisling was despised. When he had served his purpose,
-he was taken out and his throat was slit. As an example,
-there is the story of the Battle of Samarkand,
-when thirty thousand Kankali Turks, seeing that the
-victory was going against them, and hoping to save their
-lives, deserted to the Mongols. They were received in
-a friendly manner and shown every courtesy. Equipped
-with Mongol military dress and weapons, they felt welcome
-and honored. But, alas, after being royally wined
-and dined, they were massacred to a man. Like Stalin,
-the Mongols had utter contempt for such people.</p>
-
-<p>Conquering armies, however, sometimes get a dose of
-their own medicine, and, when they do, it is apt to be
-fatal. At least it proved so in the case of the forty Russian
-soldiers who looted a Japanese hospital near Mukden.
-Finding a large vat of alcohol in the basement,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span>
-they spent a riotous night, drinking and carousing. The
-next morning an officer found all forty of them dead.
-Evidently they had never heard of “rubbing” alcohol.</p>
-
-<p>Today, in Manchuria, the Chinese Communists, aided
-by Russian technicians and advisors, are rebuilding the
-country for their own advantage. It is said that Stalin
-will use Manchuria as an experimental training station
-for Communism. He now controls the reconstructed
-railways in and out of this highly strategic area and
-requires banks to give them fifty to sixty per cent of
-their loans for industrial developments. Some private
-businesses were told that they would not be molested,
-provided they would do all they could to boost production
-under Communist supervision. During the last
-three years of civil war in China, the Manchurian farmers
-turned over 4,500,000 tons of grain to the Communists.
-In spite of this, they are being urged to
-PRODUCE FOR THE PEOPLE!—to raise more and
-more grain to be exported to Siberia. In Russia’s
-grandiose scheme of developing Siberia with Chinese
-slave labor, the wealth of Manchuria is her greatest industrial
-asset.</p>
-
-<p>In contrast to Stalin’s close personal supervision of
-Manchuria, experts seem agreed that he will leave
-China pretty much alone, for the time being, and let
-Mao and other leaders of the moment believe that they
-are solidifying their positions. Sometime within the
-next one, two or three years, he may “liquidate” or
-“retire” them all and replace them with the out-and-out
-Russian Commissars. How soon Stalin will be able to
-accomplish this, time alone will tell.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_VII"><span class="smcap">Chapter VII</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>The Tragedy of the Generalissimo</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Any account of conditions in China today would be
-incomplete without mentioning the Nationalist Government
-and what it attempted to achieve.</p>
-
-<p>The political and social revolution inside China has
-been in progress many years, and these years have been
-turbulent ones. The Chinese, largely illiterate, were
-for a long time completely isolated. Many believed that
-China was the entire world and that a “foreigner” was
-a Chinese from another province. Patriotism was felt
-by them only where the home and family were concerned.</p>
-
-<p>In 1911, Dr. Sun Yet-sen led a successful revolution
-and overthrew the Manchu Dynasty. Desiring to make
-China a modern republic, he proclaimed as his aim:
-“To dedicate the few score perishable years of our life
-to the laying of an imperishable foundation for our
-Nation.” To this end he gave his life.</p>
-
-<p>The educated Chinese then began the creation of a
-modern, unified and democratic country. Generalissimo
-Chiang Kai-shek, co-founder of the revolution of 1911,
-became its second leader in 1925, on the death of Dr.
-Sun. China knew no other leader until 1949.</p>
-
-<p>In the beginning, the Chinese Communist and Nationalist
-Parties were one and the same. They were <em>the</em>
-Revolutionary Party. An admirer of the United States
-and Great Britain, Dr. Sun first requested their help in
-reorganizing and revitalizing his country, but they refused.
-With no alternative, he was forced to accept the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span>
-aid of Russian revolutionaries who jumped at the chance
-to tie China up with their own impending revolution.
-Working with the famous Communist, Adolph Joffe,
-Dr. Sun drew up the policy of the new government.
-However, not all the Chinese revolutionaries were
-radical. Some were moderate liberals, and many were
-wealthy conservatives who desired only a more modern
-setup than the Manchus had. Among the latter the
-Soong family is certainly the best known. This family
-cleverly safeguarded its future by marrying one of its
-charming daughters, Chingling, to Dr. Sun Yat-sen;
-another, Meiling, to Chiang Kai-shek; and a third,
-Eiling, to Dr. H. H. Kung, a 75th lineal descendant of
-Confucius. This last was of definite psychological significance,
-as it united the mighty Soong family with
-that of China’s most revered Saint.</p>
-
-<p>When Chiang Kai-shek inherited the mantle of Sun
-Yat-sen, he determined to carry out the policy of the
-revolution. His actions followed his words. Enormous
-progress was made during the so-called “Golden
-Decade,” between 1927 and 1937. China made a beginning
-toward industrialization and economic stability
-and improved her educational facilities.</p>
-
-<p>This was the age of enormous industrial expansion.
-Railroads were constructed, telephone lines built, and
-even radio was introduced. Electricity and power plants
-were created, and merchants did a flourishing business.
-Tourist trade was at its height, and Chinese and American
-importers were cooperating harmoniously. Everyone
-<em>seemed</em> to be better off than before, the poor as well
-as the rich.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span></p>
-
-
-<table class="autotable screenonly">
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl" colspan="4">Chinese Communist Party</td>
-<td class="tdr" colspan="3">Koumintang</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1910</td>
-<td class="tdlx">Period of</td>
-<td class="tdl bl bt"></td>
-<td class="tdl bt"></td>
-<td class="tdl bt br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdr">1910</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1912</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Dr. Sun Yat-Sen</td>
-<td class="tdr">1911</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1914</td>
-<td class="tdl">Socialist</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Republican</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1916</td>
-<td class="tdl">Activity</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Regime</td>
-<td class="tdl">1912</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1918</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>Revolution</em></td>
-<td class="tdry">Kuomintang</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>and</em></td>
-<td class="tdry">Government</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1920</td>
-<td class="tdl">Birth of Chinese</td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>Warlordism</em></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1922</td>
-<td class="tdl">Communist Party</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">1921</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Period of</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Cooperation</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1924</td>
-<td class="tdl">Period of</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Death of Dr. Sun,</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1926</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Advent of</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1928</td>
-<td class="tdl">Russian</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Chiang Kai-shek</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1930</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl bb"></td>
-<td class="tdl bb"></td>
-<td class="tdl br bb"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">1927</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1932</td>
-<td class="tdl">Interference</td>
-<td class="tdl brw"></td>
-<td class="tdl blw"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1934</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl brw"><em>Single&nbsp;</em></td>
-<td class="tdl blw"></td>
-<td class="tdl"><em>&nbsp;Party</em></td>
-<td class="tdry">Hide and</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1936</td>
-<td class="tdl">“Long March”</td>
-<td class="tdl brw"></td>
-<td class="tdl blw"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Seek Period</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdc bl bt br" colspan="3"><em>Revolution</em></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1938</td>
-<td class="tdl">Marco Polo</td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>and</em></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">Bridge</td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>Civil War</em></td>
-<td class="tdry">Reconciliation</td>
-<td class="tdl">1937</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br bt"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl bt"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Period of Mixed</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1940</td>
-<td class="tdl">“Yenan</td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Civil War,</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1942</td>
-<td class="tdl">Interlude”</td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Cooperation and</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1944</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Anti-Japanese</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Activities</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">1945</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1946</td>
-<td class="tdl">Period of</td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">End of</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">American</td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Japanese War</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1948</td>
-<td class="tdl">Interference</td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl bl bt"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br bt"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">1949</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl">1950</td>
-<td class="tdl">USSR and British</td>
-<td class="tdc bl br" colspan="3"><em>Civil War</em></td>
-<td class="tdry">Retreat to</td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl">Recognition</td>
-<td class="tdl bl"></td>
-<td class="tdl"></td>
-<td class="tdl br"></td>
-<td class="tdry">Formosa</td>
-<td class="tdl">1950</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp94 handonly" id="i104" style="max-width: 50em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_104.jpg" alt="Chart showing origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the
-Nationalist Party, or Koumintang (KMT), as the
-latter frequently was called">
-</div>
-
-<p class="center screenonly"><em>Chart showing origins of the Chinese Communist Party and the
-Nationalist Party, or Koumintang (KMT), as the
-latter frequently was called</em></p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span></p>
-
-<p>Thousands of Chinese enthusiastically took part in
-helping to build this New China, and every effort was
-made to instill a real spirit of Nationalism in the hearts
-of the people. To quote the Generalissimo, “If the National
-Revolution should fail, China, as a nation, would
-have nothing to rely upon. Should this happen, not
-only would China cease to rank as one of the Four
-Powers of the world, but she would be at the mercy of
-other countries.”</p>
-
-<p>The period of progress, unhappily, was short lived.
-It had become obvious to the Japanese war lords that a
-patriotic, united China might, on the one hand, prove
-an insurmountable obstacle to their own plan to conquer
-and control all of Asia. On the other hand, it would
-be too sweet a plum to pass up! Twice during the
-Thirties they shelled Shanghai and in 1939 launched a
-full scale war of aggression. All of the cities along the
-coast were captured, and the Chinese were forced to
-move far inland.</p>
-
-<p>Led by the Generalissimo, thousands of Chinese
-moved whole libraries, printing presses, government
-records and valuables laboriously up the Yangtse River
-to the city of Chungking. Every kind of river craft was
-used from a few modern boats to small sampans, junks
-and home-made rafts pushed by hand. All had to be
-either lifted out of the water and carried around the
-rapids in the river or be abandoned. Many families
-travelled on foot, each member carrying a bundle on
-his back. Even children of four and five had their small
-belongings wrapped in a large scarf and tied to the
-end of a stick slung over their shoulders. The road<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span>
-along the river valley became lined with food vendors
-and shoemakers who did a big business in woven straw
-sandals. Professors, surrounded by their students carrying
-modern books or ancient Chinese written scrolls,
-conducted classes during their periods of rest. United
-with their leader against a foreign enemy, the people
-of China revered and respected the Generalissimo.</p>
-
-<p>At last the long procession of uprooted patriots
-reached its destination, Chungking, and here Chiang set
-up his military headquarters and conducted his affairs
-of State. The Japanese, unable to reach the city by land,
-attacked almost nightly by air. Without anti-aircraft
-guns or planes of their own, the Chinese suffered terrible
-civilian casualties. A great part of the city was
-burned by incendiary bombs.</p>
-
-<p>On the ruins of the old city, Madame Chiang Kai-shek
-proceeded to build a model village, with schools, nurseries,
-libraries and churches such as she had known in
-America. The project proved a wonderful morale builder.
-Everybody for miles around took part in the construction
-of the unique little city, and it became the
-center of a broader undertaking known as “The New
-Life Movement.”</p>
-
-<p>In this new village, personal habits of cleanliness and
-sanitation were taught and ways of being mutually
-helpful suggested. Concerts and community singing
-were held almost nightly. The Generalissimo, wishing
-to emphasize unselfish cooperation, expressed the philosophy
-of the movement in four simple words: “Honesty,
-Industry, Sincerity and Justice.” There developed,
-among these people at least, a feeling of pride and unity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span>
-that was well on the way to becoming national patriotism.
-This new spirit of oneness in the face of common
-danger was greater than at any time since Emperor
-Chin caused the Great Wall to be built in 214 B. C. to
-keep the Huns from invading his Empire.</p>
-
-<p>The Generalissimo’s gallant stand against the modern
-war machines and trappings of the Japanese added
-shining pages to the history of China. History will
-record a full realization of the importance of his contributions
-to the United States in World War II. After
-Pearl Harbor, while the Japanese won many military
-successes against the Americans and the British,
-Chiang’s determination to stay in the fight saved countless
-American lives. The Japanese were forced to keep
-a million and a half of their best troops in China, although
-these were needed desperately in the East Indies
-and the Islands of the Pacific, where they were
-trying to stop the Allied advance under General MacArthur
-and Admiral Nimitz. We in the United States,
-for the first time, became dimly aware of what a capable
-and relentless foe the Japanese could be and of the
-tremendous battle the Chinese had long been fighting.</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese have never been a warlike nation. Their
-industrial development was comparable to that of
-Europe in the Middle Ages. Therefore, their political
-and economic structures were totally unable to meet
-the demands of a modern military struggle with Japan.
-Regardless of how little they had, however, they fought
-doggedly against increasing odds. When all surface
-communication with the outside world was cut off, their
-resistance forces burrowed underground.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span></p>
-
-<p>Several times the Japanese offered the Generalissimo
-very attractive peace terms, but he resolutely declined
-them. He had promised to stick with his Allies to the
-end, to give them his <em>full</em> assistance to achieve a decisive
-victory. His confidence in Roosevelt was complete,
-and, like a great many Americans, British and others,
-Chiang believed Roosevelt incapable of injustice. He
-was undoubtedly familiar with the discussions at the
-Cairo Conference when Roosevelt, in mock seriousness,
-said to Churchill:</p>
-
-<p>“I think all of the Chinese territory liberated from
-the Japanese during the war should be returned to
-China, including Hong Kong.”</p>
-
-<p>Churchill, jumping to his feet, said emphatically, “I
-will never permit the return of Hong Kong to the Chinese!”</p>
-
-<p>“Then I will take the matter up, personally, with
-your King!” said Roosevelt.</p>
-
-<p>“The King of England has no authority to give away
-Imperial Territory,” shouted Churchill. “I alone hold
-that power!”</p>
-
-<p>Roosevelt laughed heartily. He always enjoyed baiting
-Churchill, because the latter was so hot tempered
-and quick to jump whenever he was goaded.</p>
-
-<p>Chiang took Roosevelt seriously.</p>
-
-<p>During the years of the Japanese war, the Generalissimo
-also had to contend with the Communists. The
-Chinese Red Armies, while giving lip service to anti-Japanese
-activity, were in fact so placed militarily as to
-be facing the Nationalist troops, rather than the Japanese!
-It is true that the Communists made a number<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span>
-of raids on isolated Japanese posts, but this they did
-with the purpose of capturing soldiers whom they
-could then indoctrinate with Communist propaganda.
-Naturally the Japanese resented these raids and retaliated.
-Consequently, there were skirmishes now and
-then, but they were of little importance. The fact
-still remains that the Japanese fought their major war
-against the Generalissimo’s Armies. Wherever and
-whenever possible, the Chinese Communist Armies
-helped the enemy by attacking Nationalist-held towns
-and lines of communication.</p>
-
-<p>The Japanese surrender, when it finally came, was
-received with great jubilation throughout China and
-the world. It was indeed a triumphant hour for the
-Generalissimo. Now, at long last, he was in a position
-to undertake a peaceful rehabilitation of his country
-and to pick up where he had left off when the Japanese
-struck. He could go forward with his program of political
-and social reforms and establish, first of all, a sound
-economy. The stage was set for his dreams to become
-a reality—the dream that China would take her rightful
-place in the world of democratic nations.</p>
-
-<p>Although the American Ambassador, General Patrick
-J. Hurley, had told Chiang of the decision at Yalta to
-give Manchuria to Russia as her price for entering the
-war against Japan, the Generalissimo believed so firmly
-in the good will and friendship of Roosevelt that he was
-sure he would be supported in his effort to regain this
-important Northern province. Therefore, as soon
-after the Japanese surrender as possible, he sent troops<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span>
-to occupy and try to hold Manchuria. There his army
-found itself confronted by the Russian Mongolian Army
-bent on the same mission.</p>
-
-<p>At home, likewise, the Generalissimo was faced with
-ever-increasing problems. The Allied and Japanese
-bombing had caused great destruction, not unlike that
-in Europe. Villages had to be rebuilt, factories and
-lines of communication restored. Millions of displaced
-Chinese were waiting patiently to be returned to their
-homes. Approximately three and a half million Japanese
-soldiers and civilians were ready for repatriation.</p>
-
-<p>With great courage, inexhaustible patience and
-amazing wisdom, Chiang Kai-shek began his program
-of reconstruction and rehabilitation. He little realized
-that his three great Allies—Russia, England and the
-United States—had plotted behind his back to snatch
-from his hands, in his moment of victory, the one area
-that could change China from a backward agricultural
-country into a modern and powerful nation. Without
-Manchuria Chiang was lost. This was the juicy bone
-that first the Japanese, then the Communists or the
-Generalissimo had to have to complete their growth as
-a modern power. Without it each would be rendered
-impotent.</p>
-
-<p>Chiang Kai-shek had fought for eight years to prevent
-the spread of Japanese totalitarianism in China.
-Now he was confronted with a much more vicious
-brand, Communist totalitarianism. He commented,
-“The Japanese were a disease of the skin. The Communists
-are a disease of the bone.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span></p>
-
-<p>Many people wonder why the Nationalist Armies
-were so ineffective and why so many of them went over
-to the Communists without even putting up a fight.
-Certainly the bulk of the Chinese are not disposed to
-Communism. They just want an opportunity to feed,
-clothe and shelter their families. Most of them do not
-understand Communism or any other political philosophy.
-Some accepted the new leadership through
-sheer inertia. Some of them leaned toward it in protest
-against stupid and oppressive government police measures,
-corrupt practices and bad administration. Squeeze,
-or graft as we call it, was never a crime in China. The
-Chinese people have no sense of political right or wrong,
-no convictions about political truths as the Western
-world recognizes them. As one Chinese General put it,
-“To take from the government is no crime.” Indeed the
-principal weakness of the Generalissimo was the very
-fact that he surrounded himself with men who did not
-hesitate to take all they could get from the government.</p>
-
-<p>Chiang showed the same loyalty to those who surrounded
-him and supported him, including members
-of his own and his wife’s families, as President Truman,
-for instance, has demonstrated in his loyalty to the
-Pendergast machine and others who have done his bidding.
-The Generalissimo’s honesty and personal integrity
-have never been questioned by those who know
-him best, and who were in constant association with
-him during the Japanese war. General Wedemeyer
-has attested to this statement and he was the American
-Chief of Staff to Chiang Kai-shek and knew him intimately.
-For us to say his Nationalist Government was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span>
-corrupt and deserved to fall, amounts to the pot calling
-the kettle black. Such a situation exists today in Washington,
-D. C.</p>
-
-<p>Feeding the armies was Chiang’s greatest problem.
-The government at first gave a lump sum to the army
-commanders, but many of these were unscrupulous
-rascals who kept most of it for themselves, allocating
-a small remainder to subordinates, who passed a still
-smaller proportion on down through the lower levels to
-the unprotected soldier. This was a century-old practice
-in China, and the hungry soldier was reduced to
-stealing or appropriating his food from the peasant merchants.
-Naturally there was always trouble between
-the soldiers and the merchants, with no love lost between
-the two. The latter lost their profits, and the
-soldiers reasoned that they were at least entitled to
-food from the people they were fighting to protect. It
-became increasingly easy for the Chinese Communists
-to win converts. They went with those who offered
-them food.</p>
-
-<p>In spite of this tragic situation, the Generalissimo,
-with the same patience and strength that had made his
-war leadership outstanding, continued to hold the loyalty
-of a great number of his people. Long after his
-flight to Formosa, rich and poor, officer and soldier continued
-to fight for his principles. For example, as the
-Communists entered Peking, there was desperate street
-fighting. The commander of a battalion told his men,
-“We are greatly outnumbered. I cannot keep you from
-going over to the other side, but I have fought the Communists
-for eight years and I will not give up now!”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span>
-Inspired by his brave stand, most of his men remained
-with him and formed an obstacle to the Communist
-advance. Finally, after an hour of hopeless fighting,
-and when all his men had been killed, the battalion
-commander manned the last machine gun himself and
-turned it full force on the solid front of Communist
-troops advancing toward him.</p>
-
-<p>The Generalissimo had many such brave soldiers who
-fought to the death in his armies. Not all those loyal
-to Chiang were soldiers. In Canton, after the Communists
-took over, they held a great celebration featuring
-a long victory parade. This stopped every few
-miles and put on a little skit which showed the Generalissimo
-on his knees, with his hands tied behind his
-back, confessing his sins to the Communist leaders who
-laughed uproariously! The actor who impersonated
-Chiang received numerous threatening letters. When
-he reported this to his Soviet boss, he was told to disregard
-the threats and was ordered to continue his role.
-A few days later the actor was shot. Even behind the
-Red Curtain there are still snipers about. In fact
-there is every reason to believe that active guerrilla
-bands are on the prowl.</p>
-
-<p>In Kwangsi Province, the Southern Province of General
-Li Tsun-jen, pronounced “Lee Tzun-ren,” the villagers
-found that if they did not cooperate with the
-Communists, they would be shot. On the other hand,
-if they did, they took the chance of meeting a similar
-fate at the hands of Nationalist guerrillas for collaborating
-with the enemy. Undoubtedly this situation existed
-in many other places.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span></p>
-
-<p>Many of those who knew the Generalissimo best
-believed that despite the corruption that surrounded
-him he would go down in history as a man of integrity
-and high purpose. Tribute is paid him by General
-Wedemeyer when he says, “There are few people who
-can speak more authoritatively than I can concerning
-the sincerity and Christian humility of the Generalissimo.
-I had frequent, almost daily, contacts with him
-for nearly a year. I can vouch for his unselfish devotion
-to the Chinese people and for his earnest desire to provide
-a democratic way of life within China. Surely his
-loyalty and his faithful cooperation during the war fully
-merit our lasting friendship.”</p>
-
-<p>Our assistance was denied to Chiang, and the outcome
-of our most grievous mistakes will be judged by future
-historians. Not only the United States, but some of the
-Chinese themselves, selfishly withheld the aid they
-could have given their leader and their country. In
-1946, fifty of the wealthiest Chinese were called in and
-asked if they would each donate a large portion of their
-enormous fortunes, which together ran into the billions,
-to their government. Bowing and nodding their heads,
-they listened politely, but not one of them was willing to
-sacrifice his future security or even to jeopardize it
-against such stupendous odds.</p>
-
-<p>Support of the State still is a secondary consideration
-to the Chinese. Their principal loyalty—financial,
-filial, and political—is to their own family. As in the
-ancient days, the poor, the sick and the destitute can
-claim the protection of their nearest relative. No matter
-how distant the relationship, they are given food and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span>
-shelter. Be it said to their credit, there are very few
-asylums or orphanages in China. The family takes care
-of its own.</p>
-
-<p>Perhaps this idea was in Chiang’s mind when he refused
-the enticing peace terms offered him by the Japanese
-at Hankow. A devout scholar, he quoted Confucius:
-“The men of old, when they wished their virtues
-to shine throughout the land, first had to govern
-their states well. To govern their states well, they had
-to establish harmony in their families. To establish
-harmony in their families, they had to discipline themselves
-and set their minds in order. To set their minds
-in order, they had to make their purpose sincere. To
-make their purpose sincere, they had to extend their
-knowledge to the utmost. Such knowledge is acquired
-through a careful investigation of things. For, with
-things investigated, knowledge becomes complete. With
-knowledge complete, the purpose becomes sincere. With
-the purpose sincere, the mind is set in order, and there
-is real self-discipline. With self-discipline, the family
-achieves harmony. With harmony in the family, the
-state becomes well governed. With the state well governed,
-there is peace throughout the land.”</p>
-
-<p>With due respect for what the Generalissimo attempted
-to do in China and what he has accomplished on
-Formosa, I would like to quote one paragraph from a
-scholarly article entitled: “<cite>What Americans Don’t
-Know About Asia</cite>,” appearing in the June 4, 1951, issue
-of <cite>Life Magazine</cite>, written by James Michener, Pulitzer
-Prize author of “<cite>Tales of the South Pacific</cite>”:</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span></p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“To appreciate the greatness of our loss (of
-China) one must visit Formosa. This island today
-is the bright spot of Asia. The Nationalist government,
-shaken to its withers by the debacle on the
-mainland, has matured astonishingly in the chastisement
-of defeat. It has established an enlightened
-commonwealth. Nowhere in Asia is the food
-problem more fairly handled. Nowhere are justice,
-human safety and property—those universal
-measures of good government—so respected and
-secured. The American cannot visit this island
-without one lament filling his mind: <em>this</em> might
-have been China today.”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>Let us, in the United States, so <em>act</em> in the moments
-left of the immediate and perilous hours of this half-way-mark
-of the Twentieth Century to preclude a similar
-“chastisement of defeat.” May it never be said, by
-some lone survivor of an atomic attack, tossed upon a
-distant isle, the beauty, dignity and grandeur of which
-is strangely familiar, yet defies Paradise itself: “<em>This</em>
-might have been America.”</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_VIII"><span class="smcap">Chapter VIII</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><em>Behind the Red Curtain</em></h3>
-
-
-<p>Immediately after the Communists gained control
-of China and occupied it from North to South, Russian
-technicians and advisors poured into the country.
-Everyone was asking: “What are the Russians doing in
-China?”</p>
-
-<p>From a few foreigners and Chinese, who had made an
-early escape from behind the Red Curtain, and from
-letters later smuggled out of the country, came the revealing
-truth. Some of the informants had lived under
-the Communist yoke for as long as eight and nine
-months, and among these was a United Press correspondent,
-Chang Kuo Sin.</p>
-
-<p>“The Russians,” he said “began at once to fit China
-into the political-military bloc of Soviet dominated
-States which, by the end of 1949, extended from the
-Danube River to the Pacific Ocean. Their organization
-was beyond anything China had ever seen, and it certainly
-proved that they had been planning it for a
-long time. I was frankly shocked by the influence they
-seemed to have on the Chinese, from the very beginning.</p>
-
-<p>“The ‘Big Noses,’ as the Chinese called the Russians,”
-he continued, “took over as fast as they could. They
-tried to make a good impression on the Chinese by moving
-right in with them. They ate Chinese food and
-fumbled with chopsticks, and even wore Chinese Communist
-uniforms made for them in Russia. They had
-already learned to speak Chinese and to write a certain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span>
-number of characters before they arrived. Also, they
-had been taught some of the old Chinese customs, such
-as raising the rice bowl as a gesture of friendly greeting.</p>
-
-<p>“The Russians brought in about seventy railroad engineers
-to supervise the rebuilding of the railroads and
-bridges damaged by the war. They were especially interested
-in everything military and sent movie units
-around to make films of Chinese strategic areas. A
-friend of mine, who saw them taking pictures, told me
-that Chinese officers, who had been trained in Russia,
-were showing them all of the defenses of the country.”</p>
-
-<p>The original plan, in 1950, was to attack Formosa
-before the typhoon season began in June. The Russians
-knew then what the world knows now from the
-1951 release of Dean Acheson’s diplomatic report of
-December 23, 1949, that we had written off Formosa
-as of no importance to our Pacific defenses. Acheson
-tried, in vain, to involve Lieutenant General Wedemeyer
-in this act of treachery. Acheson testified, June 1,
-1951, that the State Department prepared the report
-after Wedemeyer, then Assistant Chief of Staff, suggested
-to the State Department that it use the <cite>Voice of
-America</cite> to “minimize” any damage that might result
-from the fall of Formosa. But we know from the complete
-<cite>Wedemeyer Report</cite> that the General advocated unequivocal
-defense of Formosa as being of definite strategic
-importance in our chain of defenses in the Pacific.
-MacArthur and Wedemeyer both had warned that the
-fall of Formosa would leave Japan, Okinawa and the
-Philippines outflanked. The following is an account of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span>
-how the enemy planned to take Formosa with an offensive
-beginning June, 1950.</p>
-
-<p>Chang Kuo Sin reported: “We are given to understand
-that the island will be taken by the biggest land,
-sea and air force that has yet been launched against
-any place within the Russian orbit. They will muster
-hundreds of fighting planes and thirty warships, plus
-thousands of troops for this invasion. The warships, of
-course, include many that went over to the Communists
-from the Nationalist forces.”</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese correspondent was not the only one
-who watched with alarm the preparations for the invasion
-of Formosa. From every side came evidence of
-the size and strength of the forces assembling for the
-attack. The British, after recognition of the Communist
-Government, and in order to protect their investments,
-were forced into the distasteful position of giving them,
-by court order, ninety airplanes. Worth twenty million
-dollars, these planes belonged to the airline companies
-owned by the picturesque American flyer Claire
-L. Chennault, whose famous “Flying Tiger” raids on
-the Japanese added brilliant pages to American military
-history. This high-handed transfer of American-made
-planes, probably the best in the world outside those in
-use by the U. S. Air Force, to the Communists by the
-British was cause for alarm in official circles. The
-planes will undoubtedly wind up under the direct control
-of the Kremlin, whether or not they are used for
-the initial air assault on Formosa.</p>
-
-<p>The ground forces were nominally to be under the
-command of the Mayor of Shanghai, who was said to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span>
-have marshalled a picked force of one hundred and
-eighty thousand troops for the invasion. Their training
-in beach landings and personal combat was supervised
-by the Russians, and many of their special
-weapons are said to have been of Soviet make. The
-Mayor, a pawn of the Russians, was content to leave the
-military strategy entirely in the hands of his more
-than helpful allies.</p>
-
-<p>Russian engineers were busy at every port from which
-the invasion might be launched. After forcing those already
-on the job to resign, they hired shipbuilders and
-began work on the dockyards, repairing the damage
-caused by Nationalist bombings. They assembled ships
-of different sizes and made them ready for invasion
-day. So we see that the Russians were well occupied in
-Shanghai.</p>
-
-<p>The fact that American troops were withdrawn by
-the State Department from occupation in South Korea
-a few months earlier, left that country a more logical
-target of opportunity to begin their aggressive action.
-This explains why the Formosa attack was not made
-as originally scheduled in 1950.</p>
-
-<p>In Canton the Russians were busy moving complete
-factories to Siberia, just as they had done earlier in
-Manchuria. This, they said, was to save them from Nationalist
-bombs. The real reason was that they needed
-them to build up Siberia industrially. Most of the
-Southern factories produced cement, cotton cloth or
-chemicals, vitally needed to support the large Siberian
-populace. It mattered little to the Russians that China
-needed these same commodities for herself. When workers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span>
-complained that they could not live without their
-jobs, the Communist bosses said: “Well, then, come
-along with your plant and bring your family.” When
-the workers, usually encumbered with large families,
-would ask hopefully about transportation, they would
-always receive the same reply: “Can’t you walk? We
-did on the ‘Long March.’ You can, too.”</p>
-
-<p>The Chinese are always desperately in need of doctors,
-and the Communists, right after taking over the
-country, allowed the physicians to go about their business
-unmolested, provided they did not discuss politics.
-So great was the demand for medical services that outrageous
-fees were charged. The Communists permitted
-this situation to continue, as it kept the doctors happy.
-With a flood raging in China and plague beginning to
-show itself, doctors were a priceless commodity. Even
-Russian doctors and scientists were brought in and
-added to the Ministry of Health in China.</p>
-
-<p>Although the flood of 1950 was the worst one in
-years, it did not stop the Russians from sending food out
-of the country and into Siberia. The Chinese granaries
-were empty, and everyone was hungry. In Shanghai
-alone there were reported at least a hundred and twenty
-thousand foodless and homeless refugees, and no agency
-was able to do anything for them. It became dangerous
-for the average citizen, poor though he might be, to go
-out in the streets at night. Every morning a number
-of dead bodies were found piled up against the walls
-of buildings.</p>
-
-<p>Mao Tse-tung, his slogans still promising “Abundance
-for All,” ordered a part of the army to work on<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span>
-the cooperative farms and offered handsome rewards
-for boosting food production. In Peking the worried
-Chinese Communists admitted that there were some
-nine million people dead or dying in those areas, but
-that they were unable to halt the shipments out of the
-country. Starving beggars in filthy rags, a not unusual
-sight in China during the famine and flood seasons, died
-by the score on the streets of Nanking and Shanghai,
-where they had come with the faint hope of finding
-work. These were the stronger ones; the weaker were
-never able to leave their villages, or else they fell along
-the way.</p>
-
-<p>“Food is the one vital concern here,” said a letter
-from Peking. “Any kind of food. Even if you have
-money there is very little to buy, and everybody is poor
-down to the bone. We are thoroughly sick of the whole
-situation, but what can we do? Our friends are sent to
-jail if they complain about anything, sometimes even
-if they voice an opinion about the Communists that is
-not flattering.</p>
-
-<p>“The beautiful lawns and gardens in the public parks
-and surrounding the homes of wealthy families have
-been plowed up and planted with vegetables. When
-this is not done within a reasonable length of time,
-soldiers enter, armed with guns, and ask politely: ‘You
-would like to have your gardens Produce for the People,
-would you not?’ In any case, the owner is lucky
-if he is permitted to keep a small share of what he is
-able to raise. After the gardens are taken over, it is a
-matter of the Camel in the Arab’s tent. Next, the valuables
-in the house are removed, to be sent out of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span>
-country in return for dollars and pounds. Then the
-troops or Party officers quarter themselves comfortably
-in the house, and if there is the slightest difficulty, the
-owners are forced out.”</p>
-
-<p>Another letter said, “It is considered very bad taste,
-if not dangerous, to appear well off, and when I go to
-market I wear my oldest clothes to avoid being conspicuous.
-Only the Communist Hierarchy go about
-dressed in furs and finery, and they never go out except
-in shiny limousines.”</p>
-
-<p>Adding to the difficulty of obtaining food and other
-necessities, Communists, for propaganda reasons, had
-put the pedicabs and rickshaws off some of the streets
-in the larger cities. The price of gasoline went up so
-high that no one could use his car, even if he still had
-one. Thus transportation became another severe problem.
-Only a few crowded, rickety busses still operated,
-and these were almost impossible to board. They were
-so packed that people clung tightly to each other at the
-doors, somewhat reminiscent of rush-hour in the New
-York subway. Those not able to get on the vehicles
-dog-trotted along behind. The busses never ran on any
-schedule, and the driver, if given a large enough bribe,
-would even change the route at a moment’s notice.</p>
-
-<p>From a Chinese refugee now living in San Francisco,
-I learned that Peking families, as well as others in the
-Northern area, were sending their children out of the
-country on the pretext of aiding their fathers in business.
-“We try to make the Communists feel that we are
-cooperating with them wholeheartedly. Then, when we
-are sure that we have their confidence and that it is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span>
-safe, we ask them if we may send our son or daughter
-to Hong Kong for business reasons or, better still, on
-work for the Party. If they are lucky enough to get
-away, they may have to stay in Hong Kong three or
-four months before they can book passage on a ship.
-When we hear, via the grapevine, that they are safe
-on board, we do not care what becomes of us.”</p>
-
-<p>A tragic letter from a former military attaché in
-Washington during the war told of the fall of Shanghai
-and the stampede of hundreds of people trying to
-get away from the Communists. “The conquerors closed
-the gates of the city during most of the day and night
-to prevent crowds from trying to reach the railway stations
-or river banks and wharves. Steamships anchored
-in mid-stream to protect themselves from the mobs that
-tried to board them. Had everyone been successful in
-the attempt, the ships would have capsized. It was
-necessary to go out in small sampans and junks. Ropes
-with knots tied at intervals, to which people could cling,
-were thrown over the sides of the ships. I saw one
-father fasten a rope to his three children, and then the
-family tried to scale the ship’s side. Suddenly, when
-they were all about half-way up, the child at the top
-slipped or let go, pushing the other children with him
-as he fell. The parents screamed wildly and jumped
-into the churning, muddy water after them. Their cries
-were heart rending.”</p>
-
-<p>In talking to Americans and Chinese who have returned
-to the United States, I caught many interesting
-and authoritative glimpses of life behind the Red Curtain.
-For instance, as with Stalin in Moscow, no one in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span>
-China seemed to know where in Peking Chairman Mao
-lived. Some said he had taken over the Wagon Lits
-Hotel, others that he had a place in the country. Some
-said he appeared on the streets rarely, although he was
-seen at official gatherings now and then. At one such
-affair, Mao displayed a batch of letters, supposed to
-have been received from non-Communists, telling how
-pleased they were at the way the Communists had taken
-over and how courteous they had been. The tone of all
-these letters was flattering and to the effect that the
-non-Communists were impressed with their new masters.
-What Mao did not know, or did not mention, of
-course, was that the letters had been written and signed
-under duress and that, later, the writers had pleaded
-with friends going out of the country to tell those to
-whom the letters were addressed that nothing could be
-further from the truth.</p>
-
-<p>The Communists strictly censored all mail coming
-into China, especially from the United States. Many
-letters were confiscated when they contained names and
-information about people the Reds wished to add to
-their files, and almost always when there was money
-in them.</p>
-
-<p>Mao and Chou En-lai were said to be on very good
-terms with a number of Russian advisors. All called
-each other by their first names. The Chinese also were
-copying Russian ways with surprising alacrity. I
-learned that one of the most popular of the adopted
-Moscow customs was wife-swapping, or free love. In
-the New Democracy marriage was performed and terminated
-merely by mutual consent, Russian style.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span>
-There was no exchange of vows when mating was done
-for the Cause, no priest or magistrate to pronounce the
-pair man and wife or to separate them later. Mrs. Chou
-En-lai told me very frankly in 1946 that she had never
-been legally married to her well-known husband. “The
-New Democracy did away with all that,” she said. “We
-did away with ceremonies. They are foolish and we
-don’t need them. Such things are for you Imperialists!”</p>
-
-<p>Such laxity in marital affairs has long been the accepted
-custom in Russia, and indeed the Russian official
-often finds himself going even further, sometimes involuntarily.
-A Soviet army officer arriving at the Shanghai
-Airport not long ago looked around for his wife. She
-was nowhere in sight. A good looking blonde walked
-up to him and asked, “Are you Colonel Kovicov?” “I
-am,” he replied, a little taken aback. He had never seen
-her before and felt a faint chill when she said, “I am
-your wife now, on Party orders.” He knew then that he
-was under suspicion.</p>
-
-<p>Another high official in Russia returned home from
-an arduous day in the Politburo and found that his
-“wife” had been replaced by a new and not so pretty
-one. “Who are you?” he asked rather sadly, and she
-replied, “You know who I am. I am the wife assigned
-to go with you to China.” It developed that this woman
-spoke Chinese fluently, a talent not possessed by the deposed
-mate. One may also infer that she was more
-adept at spying.</p>
-
-<p>Furs, silks, cosmetics and some jewelry were said to
-have been brought into China at times by the Russians
-as rewards for faithful service, and many a smart<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span>
-Party woman already had a neat nest egg laid away
-in clothes and other commodities, such as the Communist
-“unmentionable” one, money.</p>
-
-<p>Americans who admire China and the Chinese will
-be disheartened by a letter written by a retired colonel
-in the United States Army and an old China hand. “The
-campaign of hatred stirred up against the United States
-is impossible to realize unless you are right here on the
-spot,” he wrote. “We are constantly branded as the
-worst enemies China ever had. All the people who spent
-their lives here working for China and the Chinese are
-called spies or tools of Imperialism. At first they were
-polite and assured us that we could do business as usual.
-Later we felt that we were being eased out, and finally
-we were kicked out. We are all suspected of being
-agents of the American Government and can never go
-out on the street without being jostled, jeered at and
-spat upon. Many of us in Shanghai have been beaten,
-jailed and fined huge sums before being released. Two
-men I know have been taken out of their houses at night
-and beaten up. I don’t know how much longer we will
-be able to stay here, but you can expect us as soon as
-we can get away. I have plenty to tell when I do get
-home! It is difficult to leave, as everyone has to have a
-Chinese vouch for his good behavior before he can go.
-This Chinese friend actually becomes a hostage, and
-any criticism of the Communist Government on the
-part of the American may endanger his life.”</p>
-
-<p>A correspondent in Shanghai was one of the Americans
-who was sure that it would be possible to “do business”
-with the Communists. He wrote a letter to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span>
-effect that “things really are not going to be as bad as
-people are inclined to believe. They have assured me
-that my office will not be molested and that they are
-very anxious to do business with the foreigners.” A few
-days after the Reds took Shanghai, they locked him up
-in that same office and confiscated his business. He was
-allowed to return to the States, but, like everyone else,
-had to leave his Chinese hostage behind him. When his
-American ship stopped at Hong Kong, he talked to the
-press. A few days later, when his ship was in mid-ocean,
-he received a radio message saying in effect: “Make no
-statements about China. Authorities holding me responsible.”</p>
-
-<p>American missionaries fared no better than the businessmen.
-Many churches were sealed officially as they
-were considered “private organizations” which, under
-Communism, cannot exist. Christian pastors of all
-faiths were made to register with the police and were
-questioned for hours as to their attitudes toward the
-Russians and the Chinese Communists. They were told
-plainly that although the Communists “guaranteed”
-them freedom of religious <em>belief</em>—that is, a man could
-believe anything he wished if he did not talk about it—they
-intended to eliminate all freedom of religious
-<em>action</em>—that is, no gathering together for the purpose
-of worship would be tolerated. And this was in late
-1948 and early 1949!</p>
-
-<p>So much for the Americans. How did the British fare
-after recognizing the Communist Government? Once
-feared and respected throughout the Orient and now
-huddled together on their little island of Hong Kong,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span>
-they were forced to eat humble pie from the hands of
-the Communists sitting on the front steps of their one-time
-imperial domain. At stake was their one billion,
-two hundred million dollar investment, the key to what
-was left of their Empire in the Far East.</p>
-
-<p>A correspondent from Hong Kong wrote, “The city
-is packed with refugees, Chinese, British and Americans.
-It is terribly expensive. As much as three thousand
-Hong Kong dollars down payment is required before
-you can rent a room, and everything else is sky high.
-It is dreadfully hot, there are few parks or out-of-door
-places to sit, and almost nowhere to eat. The Communists
-are everywhere. They have closed most of
-the bookstores except those run by the Communists,
-and these carry nothing, of course, except books and
-magazines about Communism. Even the British bookstores
-are forced to carry Party literature. It was impossible
-to get a doctor when my wife was sick, as the
-Communists will not issue licenses to practice to any
-but British doctors, and they are so busy with the care
-of both Chinese and foreigners that they are worn out.
-With such overcrowding, many are sick, as you can
-imagine. I wish I could send my family home, but it is
-impossible. It takes many weeks or months to get reservations.
-We are just trapped!”</p>
-
-<p>Thus the Lion’s mighty roar, that once thundered
-throughout the world, was reduced to a whimpering
-sniffle. Everywhere the British, especially in the foreign
-office in London, were embarrassed at the turn of
-events. Dr. Cheng Tien-shi, the Chinese Nationalist
-Government’s ambassador to Great Britain, was called<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span>
-in and told that England had recognized the Chinese
-Communist Government and that his office must be
-vacated. With Confucian calm the elderly Chinese gentleman
-faced the youthful Minister of State, Hector McNeil.
-The latter fingered his tie, cleared his throat and,
-shifting his feet uneasily, read the announcement in a
-strained voice. Sitting down with McNeil, Cheng recalled
-the days when it was fashionable to praise
-Chiang Kai-shek for his magnificent stand against the
-Japanese. He quoted Mark Anthony’s speech over the
-dead body of Caesar:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent2">“<em>But yesterday the word of Caesar might</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>Have stood against the world. Now lies he there,</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>And none so poor to do him reverence.</em>”</div>
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>Several times McNeil referred deferentially to Cheng,
-who is one of the greatest living Chinese philosophers, as
-“Mr. Ambassador.” At length, the gentle old man
-asked politely, “How can you still call me ‘Mr. Ambassador?’”
-McNeil replied, “Once an Ambassador, always
-an Ambassador.” The Chinese scholar hesitated
-a moment and then said, “In my country, we have a
-similar saying, ‘Once a friend, always a friend.’ Homage
-to force and violence is a dangerous thing. If you
-worship Caesar, you will die by Caesar. Why must
-you bury us while we are still very much alive? One
-day you will need us again.”</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Chapter_IX"><span class="smcap">Chapter IX</span></h2>
-</div>
-
-<h3><i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Quo Vadis?</i></h3>
-
-
-<p>The dangers facing the United States and the countries
-friendly to us are becoming increasingly serious.
-We must recognize the fact that, as individuals, we are
-as responsible for what is happening today as were the
-people living peacefully at one time under Hitler,
-Hirohito and Stalin, and whom we heartily condemn
-for having allowed disastrous conditions to develop and
-get beyond their control.</p>
-
-<p>Concerning the forces building up around us and the
-world today, we are still far too apathetic and complacent.
-Much of the responsibility for this must, of necessity,
-be placed upon our leadership. We know that
-America is the one bastion of freedom left in the world
-today, and that continued strength in it reflects the
-hope of the world—that is, of the free peoples of the
-world as well as those behind iron curtains everywhere
-who now know the true meaning of slavery which was
-sold to them in the guise of “security.”</p>
-
-<p>Remaining strong entails a price. What is it? To me,
-above all, it requires faith in God, faith in our fellow
-man and faith in ourselves and other individuals of
-personal integrity. Meanwhile, we must first keep
-strong our foundations of initiative, self-reliance and
-individual responsibility for our actions with respect to
-our duties to our own country.</p>
-
-<p>Unfortunately many people in America have believed
-the Henry Wallace theory that it was an “over-abundance”
-or “excessive production” which brought<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span>
-on the depression of the Thirties, or that has or ever
-could, cause any depression. But this is not true.
-Economists tell us today that “misdirected production,
-plus misdirected and over-stimulated consumption”
-aided our previous downfall, and that it was an
-abuse of our credit, both at home and abroad. But what
-does this mean? Was part of our trouble then, as now,
-caused by too many loans to foreign countries for goods
-bought here, and an abuse of credit to consumers (you
-and me) here at home? This did bring on the boom
-of the late Twenties and also the terrific maladjustment
-which the depression of the Thirties should have corrected,
-but which it could not, under the circumstances
-existing then. The “over-abundance” or “excess savings”
-theory—that we had so much that we could well
-afford to give it away—is dangerously misleading. It
-was invented to justify unwise, if not calculated, giving
-to foreign countries with the resultant weakening of
-our own country to a point where Social Security and
-many other “social laws,” including the limitation of
-productive effort were adopted as expediencies here at
-home. Outright charity to people has, throughout history,
-tended to destroy their moral fiber. Proud people
-will not, moreover, accept charity and will be determined
-to work out their own salvation. Finland is
-just such an example. Contrast that country’s attitude
-with France today, and even with England.</p>
-
-<p>Our country, America, has always been a philanthropic
-one. No one, in his right mind, could or ever has,
-questioned the humanitarian feelings of the American
-body politic, but unless our assistance is selective and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span>
-well timed, it cannot bring permanent relief, nor can it
-accomplish worthwhile objectives.</p>
-
-<p>There are some who say that America has always
-had a hit-or-miss approach to most of her problems, and
-that Lady Luck has been on our side. This also is not
-quite so. In the 19th Century, we had a relatively free
-competitive society—not perfect, of course, but the
-best we’d ever had. The laws which govern human nature
-under a government of limited powers, such as
-we had under the Constitution before we began
-changing it, operated then. During that period these
-laws governing human nature were patterned on a system
-of checks and balances, remarkably similar to those
-dictated by God to Moses at Mount Sinai. The hit-or-miss
-approach became apparent only when we began
-to turn to government “to relieve us from our mistakes
-under freedom.”</p>
-
-<p>We know that this nation came into being after the
-victory of the War of Independence. At this time, a Constitution
-was drawn up and ratified by the states. But
-there is more to it than that. A confusion in terms always
-has led to a misunderstanding in definition. There
-are some who feel quite strongly that “democracy” is
-a principle, and was never intended to become a form
-of government. The word “democracy” does not appear
-once in our Constitution, the Bill of Rights, or the
-Declaration of Independence. In our Salute to the Flag,
-known by every school boy and girl in America, it is
-the “Republic” for which we stand—not a “Democracy.”
-Of course the words are used almost interchangeably
-in the encyclopedia, and we know that the purest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span>
-form of democracy envisions the realistic participation
-in the government on the part of all the governed.
-Town meetings were typical of this in the past, but as
-our society became more complex, it was found impractical
-to hold these, and as a result, representatives were
-selected, and a Republic evolved. It all boiled down to
-what might be called a practicing democracy, because
-people do have the opportunity today to make their desires
-known as to how and by whom they will be governed—that
-is, however, on condition that they express
-themselves at the voting polls.</p>
-
-<p>The framers of our Constitution sought to give each
-department of government its due share of power, and
-to prevent any one of them from making itself supreme.
-In his “<cite>Back to the Republic</cite>,” Harry E. Atwood comments:
-“Almost daily Russia is spoken of as ‘the new
-republic.’ That phrase is as inaccurate as it would be
-to speak of a drunken man as a new example of temperance.
-To speak of Mexico as a ‘republic’ is as inaccurate
-as it would be to speak of fanaticism as a new form of
-reverence. To call Communist China a ‘republic’ is as
-far-fetched as it would be to speak of insomnia as a
-new form of rest ... for at the present time, these are
-all types of democracy, they are not republics....”</p>
-
-<p>In the “<cite>Federalist</cite>,” James Madison said of our government:
-“The true distinction between these forms
-(democracy and republic) is that in a democracy the
-people meet and exercise the government in person. In
-a republic they assemble and administer it by their
-representative agents.... The first question that offers
-itself is whether the general form and aspect of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span>
-government be strictly republican? It is evident that no
-other form would be reconcilable with the genius of the
-American people.”</p>
-
-<p>We know from the experiences of other nations that
-perfection in government never has been found <em>via</em> the
-route of mob rule. If we think otherwise we play right
-into the hands of the Communists and all others who
-oppose our government. Unethical procedure in any
-established order is brought about little by little. The
-theory of lesser concessions is always active. In our
-trend toward paternalism in government we must constantly
-guard against the ogre of an established bureaucracy,
-a denying to the individual those “inalienable
-rights” of “life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness,”
-so definitely vouchsafed to him in the Republican form
-of government which was established in this country
-“under God.” With any impairment of our system of
-checks and balances, all power to protect every man’s
-God-given rights is rendered impotent.</p>
-
-<p>Everywhere people are expressing the thought that,
-“Things just can’t go on like this,” and “What is going
-to happen?” Is there then, a sense of impending judgment
-in the very atmosphere itself? Let me illustrate
-the theory of lesser concessions mentioned above. Back
-in September, 1932, during a campaign speech at Sioux
-City, President Roosevelt accused the Hoover administration
-of being the greatest spendthrift in U. S. history;
-that bureaus and bureaucrats had been retained at the
-taxpayers’ expense, and then he proceeded to out-Hoover
-Hoover with alphabetical agencies to the point where
-cartoonists branded us “alphabetical goofs.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span></p>
-
-<p>The Foundation for Economic Education at Irvington-on-Hudson,
-has compiled some interesting statistics:</p>
-
-<table class="autotable">
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Expended by all Presidents up to Lincoln</td>
-<td class="tdry">$1,795,319,694</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Expended by Lincoln (including the Civil War)</td>
-<td class="tdry">3,252,380,410</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Spent by Johnson thru Taft</td>
-<td class="tdry">19,373,146,217</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Wilson (including World War I)</td>
-<td class="tdry">47,938,260,143</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Warren G. Harding</td>
-<td class="tdry">6,667,235,429</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Calvin Coolidge</td>
-<td class="tdry">18,585,549,115</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Herbert Hoover</td>
-<td class="tdry">15,490,476,636</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Franklin D. Roosevelt (including eight years of peace)</td>
-<td class="tdry">67,518,746,001</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Total expended by all Presidents from the beginning to July 1, 1945</td>
-<td class="tdry">$179,630,113,645</td>
-</tr>
-<tr>
-<td class="tdlz">“Total spent by Harry S. Truman from July 1, 1945, to September 1, 1949</td>
-<td class="tdr">$191,081,394,191”</td>
-</tr>
-</table>
-
-
-<p>With constantly rising taxes and increased government
-spending, the dollar bill soon will be worthless,
-as will be the paper on which it is printed. A mathematician
-figuring hurriedly on his cuff, comments: “We’ll
-be back to where the South was in 1865, with its worthless
-Confederate money.” Why? Little by little our
-executive branch has usurped the functions of Congress,
-under the flimsy guise of a so-called “mandate” from us,
-the people. Unless we become <em>aware</em> of what we have
-permitted to happen in our midst, and elect people to
-Congress who will make the government their servant
-and not their master, we will soon be where the Germans
-were under Hitler, the Italians under Mussolini,
-and where the Russians are today, under Stalin—and
-the British to a lesser degree, under their socialist regime.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span></p>
-
-<p>For the first time in global history, the forces are
-drawn between two distinct ways of life—Christianity
-and Barbarism. Through the cobwebs of confusion and
-the roadblocks of distortion we now know that our one
-enemy is Stalin and his particular brand of thuggery.
-Modern, civilized peoples throughout the universe, including
-those behind the iron curtain, have but one
-common enemy—Communism. If we do indeed believe
-what we profess, as Christians, to believe, “Man
-cannot serve God and Mammon,” how can we expect
-a United Nations to succeed in anything so long as the
-head of the Communist Governments, the world over,
-is represented in its midst?</p>
-
-<p>All doubt and uncertainty has been dispelled as to
-who, where and how our enemy operates. In China we
-have seen the Communist system operate to the complete
-disintegration of human rights. Here in the
-United States we do not know precisely how many
-Communists are among us, or exactly where and how
-they connive. We are told on good authority (J. Edgar
-Hoover) that they are growing in strength and numbers
-as well as going underground, but we are unable
-to put our fingers on enough of them. Communism operates
-and succeeds by deception here as in the early
-phases of China’s recent history. It bores from within.
-Frequently its voice is soft and seductive, like the voice
-of Delilah, and equally treacherous. As we have seen
-though, once it has the situation in hand, it does not
-hesitate to use brute force.</p>
-
-<p>In contrast, what we call Democracy makes its mistakes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span>
-openly for all to see and endeavor to correct.
-Democracy, to us, means complete personal liberty, the
-right to live, work and play how, when and where one
-chooses, in open competition, and is maintained by a process
-of checks and balances or trial and error. We who
-live in this atmosphere of free enterprise, take these
-things for granted, while treason catches us off guard.
-Until we recognize this, we will continue to be at the
-mercy of organized political traitors both foreign and
-domestic. We can no longer afford to assume a casual
-attitude, even though history reveals that the Communism
-of Stalin, like other world shaking movements
-in the past, if given sufficient time, will fall of its own
-weight.</p>
-
-<p>“Well,” you may ask: “If Communism is going to
-fall anyway, (or be pushed), why bother to do anything
-about it now?” The answer is simple. We must
-do something about it now because generations, even
-centuries, may elapse before it collapses without help
-other than human intervention. In the meantime, what
-will happen to us and to our children? Do we realize
-the long period of humiliation and degradation, with
-increasing controls by the Communists, that this means?</p>
-
-<p>War, a global holocaust, in the not too distant future
-seems a much more likely turn of events. We know
-that Russia is expanding and improving her military
-force, including long range submarines and airplanes
-as well as ultra-destructive weapons. She has more
-planes than the United States and other democracies
-put together. We are told that Russia is making A<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span>
-bombs and has already had at least one atomic explosion
-behind the Iron Curtain. The H bomb is a logical
-sequel. She is capable, we understand, of delivering a
-surprise atomic attack against any part of the United
-States, while we have no sure defense against such an
-attack. Her submarine fleet rapidly is being patterned
-after Germany’s and this, with her other combat ships
-will make her the third greatest Naval Power. She has
-an army of two and one-half million uniformed troops
-and thousands of undercover agents to act as spies or
-scouts. We know that she is on a complete war footing,
-just as England was during the latter days of World
-War II and as we made an attempt to be.</p>
-
-<p>This is grave food for thought. If our most responsible
-leaders are assured that Russia is intending to attack
-us within a short time, then should we not prepare
-and attack first, trying with the initial blow, so to
-paralyze the enemy that she will be unable to retaliate.
-This would be a terrible decision to have to make, and
-we may not have the chance, but we must give it serious
-thought.</p>
-
-<p>As long as Russia feels that she is winning the cold
-war, however, she would be a fool to start a hot one she
-might lose. I do not believe that she would even let herself
-be goaded into it. When she is ready to strike, she
-will strike, of that we may be sure. It may be possible
-that the men in the Kremlin are hesitant about upsetting
-their present position, fearing counter-revolution
-at home and abroad. Perhaps the mighty armada is for
-propaganda purposes and to hold the Red Empire together.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span>
-If this is so, we must never relax our own efforts
-behind the Iron Curtains everywhere in order to
-enlist the support of the unhappy 90 per cent of the
-enslaved people, without whose help we cannot hope
-to defeat the Soviet Union. Our most powerful secret
-weapon is not the A or the H bomb, but this same
-overwhelming majority of victims who fought and won
-a revolution only to find that they had been sold down
-the river at the moment of their victory.</p>
-
-<p>These terrorized victims in every country are our
-most powerful potential allies, and we must do all in
-our power to make them understand that we are in
-sympathy with them—with their hopes and prayers
-for liberation—and that the only thing we reject is
-Communist despotism. All peoples who are denied the
-basic freedoms of speech, press, religion, assembly—immediately
-become enormous whispering galleries.
-There is greater “lure” in suppressed facts and ideas
-than there is in political propaganda. Even the threat
-of death will not keep people from reading forbidden
-material when they are hungry for news from those
-who may be sympathetic to their plight. But all this
-would take well-trained counter espionage, and it
-would cost money.</p>
-
-<p>It would make sense to me if, first of all, we saw to
-it that our homeland was protected—but not by an
-armed camp or maintained by a disproportionate
-amount of military might that would hamstring our
-economy or deprive us of too many of our liberties. Our
-military forces should be trained and equipped to provide<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span>
-a reasonable degree of military security for the
-United States. Then, bring about this same type of coordination
-in Canada and the Latin American countries,
-thereby creating a modicum of safety throughout the
-Western Hemisphere.</p>
-
-<p>In doing the above, we’d be licked before we started
-unless we made assurance doubly sure that we, the people,
-knew beyond all possibility of doubt, what was going
-on and why. Once we are possessed of complete
-understanding, and support the purpose for which we
-may be called upon to make the greatest sacrifices of
-our lives—even including our lives if need be—our
-objectives will thus be constantly in view. We know
-this would require a rebirth or a resurgence of courageous
-leadership, honesty and integrity—and an old
-fashioned “patriotism” too long lacking in our leaders.
-But are not these qualities still inherent within us?
-They were, certainly, until clever and sinister propaganda
-infiltrated our very marrow.</p>
-
-<p>To go a step further. We know that we cannot stop
-with our own Western Hemisphere. Our thinking and
-our responsibility is now global. There’s “no hidin’
-place” anywhere. Therefore we must improve our position,
-militarily, economically and psychologically
-throughout Europe and Asia by helping nations and
-peoples there to help themselves to keep their few remaining
-freedoms. Of course we have to protect certain
-sea and air routes to and from our best sources of
-raw materials.</p>
-
-<p>To me, it is sheer nonsense to give, indiscriminately,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span>
-whether it be money or military aid, without stipulating
-that we get something for it. To do otherwise is
-contrary to individual human nature, and yet as a nation,
-we have given billions in money and material—not
-to mention thousands of lives in Korea—without
-demanding anything in return. To keep on throwing
-good money, things and men into the hopper will bring
-no permanent relief, nor will it accomplish any outright
-objective.</p>
-
-<p>We need oil from the Middle East, uranium from the
-Belgian Congo, or anywhere else we can get it, and we
-need tin and rubber from southeast Asia, plus other
-important things. But if we are cut off and cannot get
-them, then we can use our almost unprecedented ingenuity
-in the department of synthetics. Germany
-demonstrated what can be accomplished with ersatz.</p>
-
-<p>I agree heartily with Generals MacArthur and Wedemeyer,
-and others, who have not expressed their views
-openly, or who have so indicated and been severely
-reprimanded for it, that we must have areas of operation
-such as the British Isles, Formosa, the African
-coast, Philippines, Japan, the Scandinavian Peninsula,
-Denmark, Iberian Peninsula and Saudi Arabia. These
-could be held or taken, if need be, with a minimum of
-manpower, for we know our weapons are far superior
-to those of our enemy, both in mechanics and quality,
-while their manpower is far in excess of anything that
-we can muster. From these so-called “islands” it would
-be possible for the allied forces to rain ultimate death
-and destruction on the enemy, and without them we are
-powerless to strike except from long range.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span></p>
-
-<p>To those who, like General Marshall, insist that we
-must have an enormous land army, or armies, to go in
-and occupy conquered territory so as to be able to control
-the people, I give this answer, or make this suggestion.
-Why not establish colonies of people of all nationalities,
-who would be charged with responsibilities
-of teaching people how to produce or earn a living and
-to study forms of government suitable for creating
-small civil communities that could be transplanted into
-any conquered territory after organized resistance had
-been broken by the military? This would be entirely
-within the realm of possibility, and it would definitely
-conserve our most precious potential—manpower.</p>
-
-<p>It has been said that: “Every despotism has an especially
-known and hostile instinct for whatever keeps
-up human dignity and independence. Materialism is
-the sister doctrine of every tyranny, whether of the one
-or of the many. To crush what is spiritual, moral, human
-in a man by specializing him; to form more
-wheels of the great social machine, instead of perfecting
-individuals ... is the dominant drift of our epoch....
-The test of every religious, political or educational
-system, is what it does to man. If it injures his intelligence,
-it is bad. If it injures his character, it is vicious.
-If it injures his conscience, it is criminal.”</p>
-
-<p>Expediency is the voice of danger. We must do
-away with the false idea that immediate and temporary
-gain is a substitute for moral principle. We can recognize,
-as did Thomas Jefferson, that: “Whenever a man
-casts a longing eye on office, a rottenness begins in his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span>
-conduct.” We must become aware that slavery develops
-in direct proportion as government control becomes
-a substitute for self-control and responsibility.
-Search for the solution at the spiritual instead of the
-material level.</p>
-
-<p>Aristotle, the philosopher, has told us: “There are a
-million ways to be wrong, but only one way to be
-right.” A principle is a very tangible “element” that
-we treasure as an active force of life or nature or—God.
-If we know, in our hearts, that a thing is <em>right</em>,
-even though the results of such thought or action may
-not become evident within the span of our own lifetime,
-and we go ahead and sacrifice the principle for expediency,
-ours is a crime far greater than that which was
-committed by the hand that “all the perfumes of
-Arabia could not sweeten!”</p>
-
-<p>This is the day of the individual. Only you and I,
-as independent units, can right the wrongs that have
-beset our nation and the world. This is encouraging,
-isn’t it? Dean Russell tells us: “Fortunately for the
-cause of freedom, it is only as an individual that you
-or I can do anything at all. This is the voluntary way
-of accomplishing a desired objective. It is the only
-method that is in accord with freedom.” The opposite
-side of the coin is that people who have agreed to accept
-a bad idea band themselves together to force—by
-vote or otherwise—their ideas upon other people. It
-may all be perfectly legal, but it is dishonest. We are
-at perfect liberty to vote ourselves into serfdom. But
-it is very dangerous to believe that freedom automatically<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span>
-is safe because the individual vote has become so
-popular in America, where the “democratic” way prevails.
-When we vote money into our pockets, old age
-pensions, farm subsidies, price parities and a million
-other “props” to lean on, we are voting paralysis to our
-brains and slavery to our physical beings.</p>
-
-<p>It is a dangerous thing to do, but I would like to
-make one prediction. Each day we live we draw nearer
-to a climax in human history. The immediate future is
-dark. Bitter conflicts at home and abroad are on the
-horizon. I believe that the armies of all nations will,
-during the next two years, be drawn inevitably toward
-the countries in and around the Great Pyramid of
-Egypt. The crisis precipitated in Iran over the nationalization
-of her oil industry, makes this highly probable,
-in my opinion. Let me substantiate further.</p>
-
-<p>Toward the end of 1949, England received warning
-from Iran on this impending move, for she believed
-that only a violent act on her part could meet this extreme
-emergency. London correspondent Kenneth de
-Courcy, cabling to <cite>Intelligence Digest</cite> on April 1, 1951,
-stated:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“More than a year ago, a prominent Persian
-statesman gave Britain his final confidential warning.
-He said that only drastic action could save the
-situation. A Persian statesman flew to America and
-remained there for several days in an effort to lay
-all the facts before Mr. Truman. Attempt after
-attempt was made to arrange a meeting. The envoy,
-although carrying high credentials, was refused<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span>
-an interview. The Persian statesman had
-been one of his country’s most important and successful
-Prime Ministers. His prestige and influence
-were considerable....”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>De Courcy concluded:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“The Persian situation has now been allowed
-to deteriorate to such an extent that no politician
-there dares oppose the popular movement which
-has been whipped up by the extremely clever work
-of Soviet agents. Some of the highest officials,
-moreover, are on Russia’s payroll, and this has
-been allowed to happen right under our noses.”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>On Saturday morning, June 2, 1951, the following
-headline appeared in <cite>The Los Angeles Times</cite>:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“<span class="smcap">Truman Intervenes in Iran Oil Row.</span>” The
-Associated Press dispatch datelined Tehran, June
-1, 1951, continued in part:</p>
-
-<p>“President Truman took a hand personally today
-in the British-Iranian oil dispute by sending
-letters to Premier Mohammed Mossadegh and
-Prime Minister Attlee reportedly urging moderation
-on both sides. The unusual move by the President
-indicated the extreme seriousness with which
-the U. S. government views the oil crisis.”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>A member of Iran’s Senate who declined to reveal
-his name, was quoted by <cite>The Los Angeles Times</cite> article
-as saying:</p>
-
-<p>“Why should Truman belittle himself by sending
-such a message?”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[Pg 147]</span></p>
-
-<p>In my humble opinion, therefore, World War III began
-on June 25, 1950. Our entry into it was two days
-later. There will be no peace, of any importance, as I
-see it, until 1953 or thereabouts. I say this with a heavy
-heart. This war that is so pointless and was so unnecessary,
-had its birth in our Administration’s betrayal
-of China. It will have its death on a bloody battlefield
-in Palestine.</p>
-
-<p>What a heritage we have, on the one hand, and what
-means for destruction on the other! How far we are
-today from Chaos, no man knows. It may be far later
-than we think. Until the time of greater enlightenment
-we know that a strong and forceful public opinion can
-be the result only of strong and forceful individual
-opinions. We are not, as yet, God-like creatures, but
-by making a supreme and prayerful effort we might
-become more nearly creatures like God. One small
-voice crying in the wilderness can be doubled and
-quadrupled into millions until, finally, it becomes the
-deafening roar of all freedom-loving peoples the world
-over.</p>
-
-<p>“The journey of a thousand miles,” the Chinese say,
-“begins with just one step.” If each of us will take that
-one step now, toward a better understanding of how
-to protect our country from its enemies, both within
-and without, America will remain the light to which
-the whole world turns in the blackness of its oppression.
-And let us each remember that, as individuals, “it
-is better to light one candle, than to curse the darkness.”</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[Pg 148]</span></p>
-
-<p>In the words of our own beloved National Anthem:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>“Oh! thus be it ever, when free men shall stand</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>Between their loved homes and the war’s desolation!</em></div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Blest with victory and peace, may the Heaven rescued land</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>Praise the Power that hath made and preserved us a nation.</em></div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>Then conquer we must, for our cause it is just,</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>And this be our motto: ‘In God is our trust.’</em></div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0"><em>And the Star-Spangled Banner in triumph</em> <span class="allsmcap">SHALL</span><em>wave</em></div>
- <div class="verse indent2"><em>O’er the land of the Free and the home of the Brave!”</em></div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
- <div class="verse indent0"><hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"></div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[Pg 149]</span></p>
-
-<h3>EPILOGUE</h3>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0">Deep in the Siberian mine,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Keep your patience proud;</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">The bitter toil shall not be lost,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">The rebel thought unbowed.</div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0">The sister of misfortune, Hope,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">In the under-darkness dumb</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Speaks joyful courage to your heart:</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">The day desired will come...</div>
- </div>
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0">The heavy-hanging chains will fall,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">The walls will crumble at a word;</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">And Freedom greet you in the light,</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">And brothers give you back the sword.</div>
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p class="right">
-<span class="smcap">Alexander Sergeyevich Pushkin</span><br>
-</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[Pg 150]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[Pg 151]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Appendix"><em>Appendix</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="center">
-<span class="smcap">The Wedemeyer Report on China and Korea</span><br>
-<br>
-<em>Submitted to</em><br>
-<span class="smcap">The President of the United States</span><br>
-<em>September 9, 1947</em><br>
-<br>
-<em>by</em><br>
-<span class="smcap">Albert C. Wedemeyer</span><br>
-<em>Lieutenant General, United States Army</em><br>
-<br>
-Paragraphs which have been deleted for security reasons<br>
-are indicated by asterisks.<br>
-</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp15" id="i_151" style="max-width: 5em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/i_151.jpg" alt="decoration">
-</div>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Part I—General Statement</span></h3>
-
-<p>China’s history is replete with examples of encroachment, arbitrary
-action, special privilege, exploitation, and usurpation of territory on
-the part of foreign powers. Continued foreign infiltration, penetration
-or efforts to obtain spheres of influence in China, including
-Manchuria and Taiwan (Formosa), could be interpreted only as a
-direct infringement and violation of China’s sovereignty and a contravention
-of the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.
-It is mandatory that the United States and those other nations
-subscribing to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations
-should combine their efforts to insure the unimpeded march of all
-peoples toward goals that recognize the dignity of man and his civil
-rights and, further, definitely provide the opportunity to express
-freely how and by whom they will be governed.</p>
-
-<p>Those goals and the lofty aims of freedom-loving peoples are
-jeopardized today by forces as sinister as those that operated in
-Europe and Asia during the ten years leading to World War II.
-The pattern is familiar—employment of subversive agents; infiltration
-tactics; incitement of disorder and chaos to disrupt normal
-economy and thereby to undermine popular confidence in government
-and leaders; seizure of authority without reference to the will
-of the people—all the techniques skillfully designed and ruthlessly
-implemented in order to create favorable conditions for the imposition<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[Pg 152]</span>
-of totalitarian ideologies. This pattern is present in the Far East,
-particularly in the areas contiguous to Siberia.</p>
-
-<p>If the United Nations is to have real effect in establishing economic
-stability and in maintaining world peace, these developments merit
-high priority on the United Nations’ agenda for study and action.
-Events of the past two years demonstrate the futility of appeasement
-based on the hope that the strongly consolidated forces of the Soviet
-Union will adopt either a conciliatory or a cooperative attitude, except
-as tactical expedients. Soviet practice in the countries already
-occupied or dominated completes the mosaic of aggressive expansion
-through ruthless secret police methods and through an increasing political
-and economic enslavement of peoples. Soviet literature, confirmed
-repeatedly by Communist leaders, reveals a definite plan for
-expansion far exceeding that of Nazism in its ambitious scope and
-dangerous implications. Therefore in attempting a solution to the
-problem presented in the Far East, as well as in other troubled areas
-of the world, every possible opportunity must be used to seize the
-initiative in order to create and maintain bulwarks of freedom.</p>
-
-<p>Notwithstanding all the corruption and incompetence that one
-notes in China, it is a certainty that the bulk of the people are not
-disposed to a Communist political and economic structure. Some
-have become affiliated with Communism in indignant protest against
-oppressive police measures, corrupt practices, and maladministration
-of National Government officials. Some have lost all hope for China
-under existing leadership and turn to the Communists in despair.
-Some accept a new leadership by mere inertia.</p>
-
-<p>Indirectly, the United States facilitated the Soviet program in the
-Far East by agreeing at the Yalta Conference to Russian re-entry into
-Manchuria, and later by withholding aid from the National Government.
-There were justifiable reasons for these policies. In the one case
-we were concentrating maximum Allied strength against the Japanese
-in order to accelerate crushing defeat and thus save Allied lives. In
-the other, we were withholding unqualified support from a government
-within which corruption and incompetence were so prevalent
-that it was losing the support of its own people. Further, the United
-States had not yet realized that the Soviet Union would fail to cooperate
-in the accomplishment of world-wide plans for postwar rehabilitation.
-Our own participation in those plans has already afforded
-assistance to other nations and peoples, friends and former foes
-alike, to a degree unparalleled in humanitarian history.</p>
-
-<p>Gradually it has become apparent that the World War II objectives
-for which we and others made tremendous sacrifices are not being
-fully attained, and that there remains in the world a force presenting
-even greater dangers to world peace than did the Nazi militarists
-and the Japanese jingoists. Consequently the United States made
-the decision in the Spring of 1947 to assist Greece and Turkey with a
-view to protecting their sovereignties, which were threatened by the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[Pg 153]</span>
-direct or inspired activities of the Soviet Union. Charges of unilateral
-action and circumvention of the United Nations were made by members
-of that organization. In the light of its purposes and principles
-such criticism seemed plausible. The United States promptly declared
-its intention of referring the matter to the United Nations when that
-organization would be ready to assume responsibility.</p>
-
-<p>It follows that the United Nations should be informed of contemplated
-action with regard to China. If the recommendations of
-this report are approved, the United States should suggest to China
-that she inform the United Nations officially of her request to the
-United States for material assistance and advisory aid in order to
-facilitate China’s postwar rehabilitation and economic recovery.</p>
-
-<p>This will demonstrate that the United Nations is not being circumvented,
-and that the United States is not infringing upon China’s
-sovereignty, but contrary-wise is cooperating constructively in the
-interest of peace and stability in the Far East, concomitantly in the
-world.</p>
-
-<p>The situation in Manchuria has deteriorated to such a degree that
-prompt action is necessary to prevent that area from becoming a
-Soviet satellite. The Chinese Communists may soon gain military
-control of Manchuria and announce the establishment of a government.
-Outer Mongolia, already a Soviet satellite, may then recognize
-Manchuria and conclude a “mutual support agreement” with a <em>de
-facto</em> Manchurian government of the Chinese Communists. In that
-event, the Soviet Union might accomplish a mutual support agreement
-with Communist-dominated Manchuria, because of her current
-similar agreement with Outer Mongolia. This would create a difficult
-situation for China, the United States and the United Nations.
-Ultimately it could lead to a Communist-dominated China.</p>
-
-<p>The United Nations might take immediate action to bring about
-cessation of hostilities in Manchuria as a prelude to the establishment
-of a Guardianship or Trusteeship. The Guardianship might consist
-of China, Soviet Russia, the United States, Great Britain and France.
-This should be attempted promptly and could be initiated only by
-China. Should one of the nations refuse to participate in Manchurian
-Guardianship, China might then request the General Assembly of
-the United Nations to establish a Trusteeship, under the provisions
-of the Charter.</p>
-
-<p>Initially China might interpret Guardianship or Trusteeship as an
-infringement upon her sovereignty. But the urgency of the matter
-should encourage a realistic view of the situation. If these steps are
-not taken by China, Manchuria may be drawn into the Soviet orbit,
-despite United States aid, and lost, perhaps permanently, to China.</p>
-
-<p>The economic deterioration and the incompetence and corruption
-in the political and military organizations in China should be considered
-against an all-inclusive background lest there be disproportionate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[Pg 154]</span>
-emphasis upon defects. Comity requires that cognizance be taken
-of the following.</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>Unlike other Powers since VJ-Day, China has never been free
-to devote full attention to internal problems that were greatly
-confounded by eight years of war. The current civil war has
-imposed an overwhelming financial and economic burden at a
-time when resources and energies have been dissipated and when,
-in any event, they would have been strained to the utmost to
-meet the problems of recovery.</p>
-
-<p>The National Government has consistently, since 1927, opposed
-Communism. Today the same political leader and same
-civil and military officials are determined to prevent their country
-from becoming a Communist-dominated State or Soviet
-satellite.</p>
-
-<p>Although the Japanese offered increasingly favorable surrender
-terms during the course of the war, China elected to remain
-steadfast with her Allies. If China had accepted surrender terms,
-approximately a million Japanese would have been released for
-employment against American forces in the Pacific.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>I was assured by the Generalissimo that China would support to the
-limit of her ability an American program for the stabilization of the
-Far East. He stated categorically that, regardless of moral encouragement
-or material aid received from the United States, he is determined
-to oppose Communism and to create a democratic form of government
-in consonance with Doctor Sun Yat-sen’s principles. He stated
-further that he plans to make sweeping reforms in the government
-including the removal of incompetent and corrupt officials. He stated
-that some progress has been made along these lines but, with spiraling
-inflation, economic distress, and civil war, it has been difficult to
-accomplish fully these objectives. He emphasized that, when the
-Communist problem is solved, he could drastically reduce the Army
-and concentrate upon political and economic reforms. I retain the
-conviction that the Generalissimo is sincere in his desire to attain
-these objectives. I am not certain that he has today sufficient determination
-to do so if this requires absolute overruling of the political
-and military cliques surrounding him. Yet, if realistic United States
-aid is to prove effective in stabilizing the situation in China and in
-coping with the dangerous expansion of Communism, that determination
-must be established.</p>
-
-<p>Adoption by the United States of a policy motivated solely toward
-stopping the expansion of Communism without regard to the continued
-existence of an unpopular repressive government would render
-any aid ineffective. Further, United States prestige in the Far East
-would suffer heavily, and wavering elements might turn away from
-the existing government to Communism.</p>
-
-<p>In China and Korea, the political, economic, and psychological
-problems are inextricably mingled. All of them are complex and are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[Pg 155]</span>
-becoming increasingly difficult of solution. Each has been studied
-assiduously in compliance with your directive. Each will be discussed
-in the course of this report. However, it is recognized that a continued
-global appraisal is mandatory in order to preclude disproportionate
-or untimely assistance to any specific area.</p>
-
-<p>The following three postulates of United States foreign policy are
-pertinent to indicate the background of my investigations, analyses,
-and report:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>The United States will continue support of the United Nations
-in the attainment of its lofty aims, accepting the possible development
-that the Soviet Union or other nations may not actively
-participate.</p>
-
-<p>Moral support will be given to nations and peoples that have
-established political and economic structures compatible with our
-own, or that give convincing evidence of their desire to do so.</p>
-
-<p>Material aid may be given to those same nations and peoples
-in order to accelerate postwar rehabilitation and to develop economic
-stability, provided:</p>
-</div>
-<div class="blockquot2">
-
-<p>That such aid shall be used for the purposes intended.</p>
-
-<p>That there is continuing evidence that they are taking
-effective steps to help themselves, or are firmly committed
-to do so.</p>
-
-<p>That such aid shall not jeopardize American economy and
-shall conform to an integrated program that involves other
-international commitments and contributes to the attainment
-of political, economic, and psychological objectives of
-the United States.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h3 class="nobreak" id="Part_IIChina"><span class="smcap">Part II—China</span></h3>
-</div>
-
-<p class="center">POLITICAL</p>
-
-<p>Although the Chinese people are unanimous in their desire for
-peace at almost any cost, there seems to be no possibility of its realization
-under existing circumstances. On one side is the Kuomingtang,
-whose reactionary leadership, repression and corruption have
-caused a loss of popular faith in the government. On the other side,
-bound ideologically to the Soviet Union, are the Chinese Communists,
-whose eventual aim is admittedly a Communist state in
-China. Some reports indicate that Communist measures of land
-reform have gained for them the support of the majority of peasants
-in areas under their control, while others indicate that their ruthless
-tactics of land distribution and terrorism have alienated the majority
-of such peasants. They have, however, successfully organized
-many rural areas against the National Government. Moderate
-groups are caught between Kuomintang misrule and repression and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[Pg 156]</span>
-ruthless Communist totalitarianism. Minority parties lack dynamic
-leadership and sizable following. Neither the moderates, many of
-whom are in the Kuomingtang, nor the minority parties are able to
-make their influence felt because of National Government repression.
-Existing provincial opposition leading to possible separatist movements
-would probably crystallize only if collapse of the government
-were imminent.</p>
-
-<p>Soviet actions, contrary to the letter and spirit of the Sino-Soviet
-treaty of 1945 and its related documents, have strengthened the Chinese
-Communist position in Manchuria, with political, economic and
-military repercussions on the National Government’s position both
-in Manchuria and in China proper, and have made more difficult
-peace and stability in China. The present trend points toward a
-gradual disintegration of the National Government’s control, with
-the ultimate possibility of a Communist-dominated China.</p>
-
-<p>Steps taken by the Chinese Government toward governmental reorganization
-in mid-April, 1947, aroused hopes of improvement
-in the political situation. However, the reorganization resulted in
-little change. Reactionary influences continue to mold important
-policies even though the Generalissimo remains the principal determinative
-force in the government. Since the April reorganization,
-the most significant change has been the appointment of General
-Chen Cheng to head the civil and militant administration in Manchuria.
-Projected steps include elections in the Fall for the formation
-of a constitutional government, but, under present conditions,
-they are not expected to result in a government more representative
-than the present regime.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">ECONOMIC</p>
-
-<p>Under the impact of civil strife and inflation, the Chinese economy
-is disintegrating. The most probable outcome of present trends
-would be, not sudden collapse, but a continued and creeping paralysis
-and consequent decline in the authority and power of the National
-Government. The past ten years of war have caused serious deterioration
-of transportation and communication facilities, mines, utilities
-and industries. Notwithstanding some commendable efforts and
-large amounts of economic aid; their overall capabilities are scarcely
-half those of the prewar period. With disruption of transportation
-facilities and the loss of much of North China and Manchuria, important
-resources of those rich areas are no longer available for the
-rehabilitation and support of China’s economy.</p>
-
-<p>Inflation in China has been diffused slowly through an enormous
-population without causing the immediate dislocation which would
-have occurred in a highly industrialized economy. The rural people,
-80 per cent of the total Chinese population of 450 millions, barter
-foodstuffs for local handicraft products without suffering a drastic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[Pg 157]</span>
-cut in living standards. Thus, local economies exist in many parts of
-China, largely insulated from the disruption of urban industry. Some
-local economies are under the control of Communists, and some are
-loosely under the control of provincial authorities.</p>
-
-<p>The principal cause of the hyper-inflation is the long-continued
-deficit in the national budget. Present revenue collections, plus the
-profits of nationalized enterprises, cover only one-third of governmental
-expenditures, which are approximately 70 per cent military,
-and an increasing proportion of the budget is financed by the issuance
-of new currency. In the first six months of 1947 note-issue was
-tripled but rice prices increased seven-fold. Thus prices and governmental
-expenditures spiral upwards, with price increases occurring
-faster than new currency can be printed. With further price increases,
-budget revisions will undoubtedly be necessary. The most
-urgent economic need of Nationalist China is a reduction of the
-military budget.</p>
-
-<p>China’s external official assets amounted to $327 million (US)
-on July 30, 1947. Privately-held foreign exchange assets are at
-least $600 million and may total $1500 million, but no serious attempt
-has been made to mobilize these private resources for rehabilitation
-purposes. Private Chinese assets located in China include probably
-$200 million in gold, and about $75 million in US currency
-notes. Although China has not exhausted her foreign official assets,
-and probably will not do so at the present rates of imports and exports
-until early 1949, the continuing deficit in her external balance
-of payments is a serious problem.</p>
-
-<p>Disparity between the prices of export goods in China and in
-world markets at unrealistic official exchange rates has greatly
-penalized exports, as have disproportionate increases in wages and
-other costs. Despite rigorous trade and exchange controls, imports
-have greatly exceeded exports, and there consistently has been a
-heavy adverse trade balance.</p>
-
-<p>China’s food harvests this year are expected to be significantly
-larger than last year’s fairly good returns. This moderately encouraging
-situation with regard to crops is among the few favorable
-factors which can be found in China’s current economic situation.</p>
-
-<p>Under inflationary conditions, long-term investment is unattractive
-for both Chinese and foreign capital. Private Chinese funds
-tends to go into short-term advances, hoarding of commodities, and
-capital flight The entire psychology is speculative and inflationary,
-preventing ordinary business planning and handicapping industrial
-recovery.</p>
-
-<p>Foreign business enterprises in China are adversely affected by
-the inefficient and corrupt administration of exchange and import
-controls, discriminatory application of tax laws, the increasing role
-of government trading agencies and the trend towards state ownership<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[Pg 158]</span>
-of industries. The Chinese Government has taken some steps
-toward improvement but generally has been apathetic in its efforts.
-Between 1944 and 1947, the anti-inflationary measure on which the
-Chinese Government placed most reliance was the public sale of
-gold borrowed from the United States. The intention was to absorb
-paper currency, and thus reduce the effective demand for goods.
-Under the circumstance of continued large deficits, however, the
-only effect of the gold sales program was to retard slightly the
-price inflation and dissipate dollar assets.</p>
-
-<p>A program to stabilize the economic situation was undertaken in
-February, 1947. The measures included a wage freeze, a system
-of limited rationing to essential workers in a few cities, and the
-sale of government bonds. The effect of this program has been
-slight, and the wage freeze has been abandoned. In August, 1947,
-the unrealistic official rate of exchange was replaced, for proceeds
-of exports and remittances, by a free market in foreign exchange.
-This step is expected to stimulate exports, but it is too early to determine
-whether it will be effective.</p>
-
-<p>The issuance of a new silver currency has been proposed as a future
-measure to combat inflation. If the government continued to
-finance budgetary deficits by unbacked note issue, the silver would
-probably go into hoards and the price inflation would continue. The
-effect would be no more than that of the gold sales in 1944-1947,
-namely, a slight and temporary retardation of the inflationary spiral.
-The proposal could be carried out, moreover, only through a loan
-from the United States of at least $200 million in silver.</p>
-
-<p>In the construction field, China has prepared plans for reconstruction
-of communications, mines and industries. Some progress
-has been made in implementing them, notably in the partial rehabilitation
-of certain railroads and in the textile industry. Constructive
-results have been handicapped by a lack of funds, equipment
-and experienced management, supervisory and technical personnel.</p>
-
-<p>On August 1, 1947, the State Council approved a “Plan for Economic
-Reform.” This appears to be an omnibus of plans covering
-all phases of Chinese economic reconstruction but its effectiveness
-cannot yet be determined.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">SOCIAL—CULTURAL</p>
-
-<p>Public education has been one of the chief victims of war and
-social and economic disruption. Schoolhouses, textbooks and other
-equipment have been destroyed and the cost of replacing my considerable
-portion cannot now be met. Teachers, like other public
-servants, have seen the purchasing power of a month’s salary shrink
-to the market value of a few days’ rice ration. This applies to the
-entire educational system, from primary schools, which provide a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[Pg 159]</span>
-medium to combat the nation’s grievous illiteracy, to universities,
-from which must come the nation’s professional men, technicians and
-administrators. The universities have suffered in an additional and
-no less serious respect—traditional academic freedom. Students participating
-in protest demonstrations have been severely and at
-times brutally punished by National Government agents without
-pretense of trial or public evidence of the sedition charged. Faculty
-members have often been dismissed or refused employment with no
-evidence of professional unfitness, patently because they were politically
-objectionable to government officials. Somewhat similarly,
-periodicals have been closed down “for reasons of military security”
-without stated charges, and permitted to reopen only after new
-managements have been imposed. Resumption of educational and
-other public welfare activities on anything like the desired scale
-can be accomplished only by restraint of officialdom’s abuses, and
-when the nation’s economy is stabilized sufficiently to defray the
-cost of such vital activities.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">MILITARY</p>
-
-<p>The overall military position of the National Government has
-deteriorated in the past several months and the current military
-situation favors Communist forces. The Generalissimo has never
-wavered in his contention that he is fighting for national independence
-against forces of an armed rebellion nor has he been completely
-convinced that the Communist problem can be resolved except
-by force of arms. Although the Nationalist Army has a preponderance
-of force, the tactical initiative rests with the Communists.
-Their hit-and-run tactics, adapted to their mission of destruction
-at points or in areas of their own selection, give them a decided advantage
-over Nationalists, who must defend many critical areas
-including connecting lines of communication. Obviously large
-numbers of Nationalist troops involved in such defensive roles are
-immobilized whereas Communist tactics permit almost complete
-freedom of action. The Nationalists’ position is precarious in Manchuria,
-where they occupy only a slender finger of territory. Their
-control is strongly disputed in Shantung and Hopei Provinces where
-the Communists make frequent dislocating attacks against isolated
-garrisons.</p>
-
-<p>In order to improve materially the current military situation,
-the Nationalist forces must first stabilize the fronts and then regain
-the initiative. Further, since the government is supporting the
-civil war with approximately seventy per cent of its national budget,
-it is evident that steps taken to alleviate the situation must point
-toward an improvement in the effectiveness of the armed forces
-with a concomitant program of social, political and economic reforms,
-including a decrease in the size of the military establishment.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[Pg 160]</span>
-Whereas some rather ineffective steps have been taken to reorganize
-and revitalize the command structure, and more sweeping reforms
-are projected, the effectiveness of the Nationalist Army requires
-a sound program of equipment and improved logistical support.
-The present industrial potential of China is inadequate to support
-military forces effectively. Chinese forces under present conditions
-cannot cope successfully with internal strife or fulfill China’s obligations
-as a member of the family of nations. Hence outside aid,
-in the form of munitions (most urgently ammunition) and technical
-assistance, is essential before any plan of operations can be
-undertaken with a reasonable prospect of success. Military advice
-is now available to the Nationalists on a General Staff level through
-American military advisory groups. The Generalissimo expressed
-to me repeatedly a strong desire to have this advice and supervision
-extended in scope to include field forces, training centers and particularly
-logistical agencies.</p>
-
-<p>Extension of military aid by the United States to the National
-Government might possibly be followed by similar aid from the
-Soviet Union to the Chinese Communists, either openly or covertly—the
-latter course seems more likely. An arena of conflicting
-ideologies might be created as in 1935 in Spain. There is always
-the possibility that such developments in this area, as in Europe
-and the Middle East, might precipitate a third world war.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Part III—Korea</span></h3>
-
-<p class="center">POLITICAL</p>
-
-<p>The major political problem in Korea is that of carrying out the
-Moscow Agreement of December, 1945, for the formation of a Provisional
-Korean Government to be followed by a Four-Power Trusteeship
-over Korea. The United States-Soviet Joint Commission, established
-in accordance with that Agreement, reached a deadlock in
-1946 in the effort to implement the Moscow Agreement due to Soviet
-opposition to consultations with the Commission by all Korean
-democratic parties and social organizations, as provided for in that
-Agreement. Soviet motives have been to eliminate the extreme
-rightist groups in the United States zone from consultations and subsequently
-from participation in the new government thus ensuring a
-Communist-dominated government in Korea. Soviet objections to
-such consultations have been based on the rightist groups’ openly
-expressed opposition to trusteeship, while the United States has taken
-the position that to disqualify these groups would deprive a large
-section of the Korean people of an opportunity to express views
-regarding their government.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[Pg 161]</span></p>
-
-<p>A resumption of the Joint Commission meetings in May, 1947,
-following an exchange of notes between Secretary Marshall and
-Foreign Minister Molotov, resulted in a further deadlock on the same
-issue, although these notes had established a formula which would
-have permitted participation in consultation by the rightist groups in
-question. After the Soviet Government failed to reply to Secretary
-Marshall’s note of August 12, requesting the submission by the Commission
-of a joint status report or separate reports by each Delegation,
-the United States Delegation, on August 20, transmitted a unilateral
-report to Washington. An American proposal then made to
-China, the United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union for a Four-Power
-Conference to discuss Korea has been agreed to by China and the
-United Kingdom, but has been rejected by the Soviet Union.</p>
-
-<p>Internally, the Korean problem has been complicated by the Soviet
-establishment of a Communist regime in North Korea and by the
-machinations in South Korea of Communist groups, openly hostile
-to the United States.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>The latter, in accordance with their directives, are endeavoring to
-turn over to Koreans as rapidly as possible full administrative responsibility
-in governmental departments. In consequence with this
-plan they have organized an interim Korean legislative assembly and
-in general, are striving to carry out a policy of “Koreanization” of
-government in South Korea.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">ECONOMIC</p>
-
-<p>South Korea, basically an agricultural area, does not have the overall
-economic resources to sustain its economy without external assistance.
-The soil depleted, and imports of food as well as fertilizer
-are required. The latter has normally come from North Korea, as
-have most of the electric power, timber, anthracite, and other basic
-products.</p>
-
-<p>The economic dependence of South Korea upon North Korea, and
-of Korea as a whole, in prewar years, upon trade with Japan and
-Manchuria, cannot be too strongly emphasized. Division of the country
-at the 38° North parallel and prevention of all except smuggling
-trade between North and South Korea have reduced the Korean economy
-to its lowest level in many years. Prospects for developing
-sizeable exports are slight. Food exports cannot be anticipated on any
-scale for several years, and then only with increased use of artificial
-fertilizer. South Korea’s few manufacturing industries, which have
-been operating at possibly 20 per cent of prewar production, are now
-reducing their output or closing down. In part this is a natural result
-of ten years of deferred maintenance and war-time abuse, but lack of
-raw materials and essential repair parts, and a gross deficiency of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[Pg 162]</span>
-competent management and technical personnel are the principal
-factors.</p>
-
-<p>A runaway inflation has not yet occurred in South Korea, because
-the Military Government has restrained the issuance of currency by
-keeping governmental expenditures and local occupation costs at reasonable
-levels; because cannibalization and the use of Japanese stocks
-have kept some industries going; and because the forcible collection of
-rice at harvest time has brought in sufficient food to maintain—with
-imports provided by the United States—an adequate official ration in
-the cities. Highly inflationary factors such as the exhaustion of raw
-material stocks, cumulative breakdowns in public services and transportation,
-and the cutting of power supply from the North might occur
-simultaneously. The South Korean economic outlook is, therefore,
-most grave.</p>
-
-<p>A five-year rehabilitation program starting in July, 1948, and requiring
-United States financing at a cost of $647 million, has been
-proposed by the Military Government. A review of preliminary
-estimates indicates that the proposed annual rehabilitation cost would
-be substantially greater than the relief program of $137 million
-which was tentatively approved for fiscal 1948, but later reduced to
-$92.7 million. These preliminary estimates of costs and the merits of
-individual projects need careful review. It is not considered feasible
-to make South Korea self-sustaining. If the United States elects
-to remain in South Korea, support of that area should be on a relief
-basis.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">SOCIAL—CULTURAL</p>
-
-<p>Since the Japanese were expelled, the Korean people have vehemently
-and unceasingly pressed for restoration of their ancient culture.
-There is particular zeal for public education. Individual and
-collective efforts to reduce illiteracy have produced results meeting
-the praise of American Military Government officials. There will be
-materially better results when there are more school buildings, more
-trained teachers and advisors, and many more textbooks in the
-Korean language. Current American activities aim at adult visual
-education on a modest but reasonably effective scale. South Korea’s
-health and public-welfare work are at present fully as effective as
-under Japanese administration and considerably more so in the
-prevention of serious diseases. Even the Koreans’ eagerness for
-improvement cannot immediately overcome the unquestionable need
-for large funds for social betterment.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">MILITARY</p>
-
-<p>The military situation in Korea, stemming from political and
-economic disputes which in turn are accentuated by the artificial
-barrier along the 38° North parallel, is potentially dangerous to United<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[Pg 163]</span>
-States strategic interests. Large-scale Communist inspired or
-abetted riots and revolutionary activities in the South are a constant
-threat. However, American forces supplemented by quasi-military
-Korean units are adequate to cope with such trouble or disorder except
-in the currently improbable event of an outright Soviet-controlled
-invasion. Whereas American and Soviet forces engaged in occupation
-duties in South Korea and North Korea respectively are approximately
-equal, each comprising less than 50,000 troops, the
-Soviet-equipped and trained North Korean People’s (Communist)
-Army of approximately 125,000 is vastly superior to the United
-States-organized Constabulary of 16,000 Koreans equipped with Japanese
-small arms. The North Korean People’s Army constitutes a
-potential military threat to South Korea, since there is strong possibility
-that the Soviets will withdraw their occupation forces, and thus
-induce our own withdrawal. This probably will take place just as
-soon as they can be sure that the North Korean puppet government
-and its armed forces which they have created, are strong enough and
-sufficiently well indoctrinated to be relied upon to carry out Soviet
-objectives without the actual presence of Soviet troops.</p>
-
-<p>It appears advisable that the United States organize, equip, and
-train a South Korean Force, similar to the former Philippine
-Scouts. This force should be under the control of the United States
-military commander and, initially should be officered throughout by
-Americans, with a program for replacement by Korean officers. It
-should be of sufficient strength to cope with the threat from the North.
-It would counteract in large measure the North Korean People’s
-Army when American and Soviet forces are withdrawn from Korea,
-possibly preclude the forcible establishment of a Communist government,
-and thus contribute toward a free and independent Korea.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Part IV—Conclusions</span></h3>
-
-<p>The peaceful aims of freedom-loving peoples in the world are
-jeopardized today by developments as portentous as those leading to
-World War II.</p>
-
-<p>The Soviet Union and her satellites give no evidence of a conciliatory
-or cooperative attitude in these developments. The United States
-is compelled, therefore to initiate realistic lines of action in order to
-create and maintain bulwarks of freedom, and to protect United
-States strategic interests.</p>
-
-<p>The bulk of the Chinese and Korean peoples are not disposed to
-Communism and they are not concerned with ideologies. They desire
-food, shelter, and the opportunity to live in peace.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">CHINA</p>
-
-<p>The spreading internecine struggle within China threatens world
-peace. Repeated American efforts to mediate have proved unavailing.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[Pg 164]</span>
-It is apparent that positive steps are required to end hostilities
-immediately. The most logical approach to this very complex
-and ominous situation would be to refer the matter to the United
-Nations.</p>
-
-<p>A China dominated by Chinese Communists would be inimical to
-the interests of the United States, in view of their openly expressed
-hostility and active opposition to those principles which the United
-States regards as vital to the peace of the world.</p>
-
-<p>The Communists have the tactical initiative in the overall military
-situation. The Nationalist position in Manchuria is precarious,
-and in Shantung and Hopei Provinces strongly disputed. Continued
-deterioration of the situation may result in the early establishment
-of a Soviet satellite government in Manchuria and ultimately
-in the evolution of a Communist-dominated China.</p>
-
-<p>China is suffering increasingly from disintegration. Her requirements
-for rehabilitation are large. Her most urgent needs include
-governmental reorganization and reforms, reduction of the military
-budget and external assistance.</p>
-
-<p>A program of aid, if effectively employed, would bolster opposition
-to Communist expansion, and would contribute to gradual development
-of stability in China.</p>
-
-<p>Due to excesses and oppressions by government police agencies
-basic freedoms of the people are being jeopardized. Maladministration
-and corruption cause a loss of confidence in the government.
-Until drastic political and economic reforms are undertaken United
-States aid cannot accomplish its purpose.</p>
-
-<p>Even so, criticism of results achieved by the National Government
-in efforts for improvement should be tempered by a recognition
-of the handicaps imposed on China by eight years of war, the
-burden of her opposition to Communism, and her sacrifices for the
-Allied cause.</p>
-
-<p>A United States program of assistance could best be implemented
-under the supervision of American advisors in specified economic
-and military fields. Such a program can be undertaken only if China
-requests advisory aid as well as material assistance.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">KOREA</p>
-
-<p>The situation in Korea, in its political, economic and psychological
-aspects, is strongly and adversely influenced by the artificial barrier
-of the 38° North parallel separating agricultural South Korea from
-the more industrialized North Korea.</p>
-
-<p>The South Korean economic position is grave. Agriculture is debilitated
-and there are few other resources.</p>
-
-<p>The establishment of a self-sustaining economy in South Korea is
-not feasible. Accordingly, United States aid should include a minimum
-of capital investment and should consist chiefly of items required<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[Pg 165]</span>
-for support on a relief basis.</p>
-
-<p>Korean Communist agents are creating unrest and fomenting disorder
-in South Korea.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>Since the United States-Soviet Joint Commission meetings have
-twice ended in deadlock, and offer no real hope of success, the United
-Nations now seems to be the appropriate medium through which a
-Provisional Korean Government, functioning under a Four-Power
-Trusteeship, can be established.</p>
-
-<p>The United States may be confronted with a situation requiring
-decision concerning continued occupation in South Korea should the
-Soviet Union withdraw her occupation forces. This could reasonably
-be expected to occur when the Soviet-created puppet government and
-its armed forces are sufficiently well established to carry out Communist
-objectives without the presence of Soviet troops.</p>
-
-<p>The creation of an American controlled and officered Korean Scout
-Force, sufficient in strength to cope with the threat from the North,
-is required to prevent the forcible establishment of a Communist government
-after the United States and Soviet Union withdraw their
-occupation forces.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Part V—Recommendations</span></h3>
-
-<p>It is recommended:</p>
-
-<p>That the United States Government provide as early as practicable
-moral, advisory, and material support to China and South Korea in
-order to contribute to the early establishment of peace in the world
-in consonance with the enunciated principles of the United Nations,
-and concomitantly to protect United States strategic interests against
-militant forces which now threaten them.</p>
-
-<p>That United States policies and actions suggested in this report be
-thoroughly integrated by appropriate government agencies with
-other international commitments. It is recognized that any foreign
-assistance extended must avoid jeopardizing the American economy.</p>
-
-
-<p class="center">CHINA</p>
-
-<p>That China be advised that the United States is favorably disposed
-to continue aid designated to protect China’s territorial integrity
-and to facilitate her recovery, under agreements to be negotiated
-by representatives of the two government, with the following stipulations:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>That China inform the United Nations promptly of her request
-to the United States for increasing material and advisory
-assistance.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[Pg 166]</span></p>
-
-<p>That China request the United Nations to take immediate action
-to bring about a cessation of hostilities in Manchuria and
-request that Manchuria be placed under a Five-Power Guardianship
-or, failing that, under a Trusteeship in accordance with
-the United Nations Charter.</p>
-
-<p>That China make effective use of her own resources in a
-program for economic reconstruction and initiate sound fiscal
-policies leading to reduction of budgetary deficits.</p>
-
-<p>That China give continuing evidence that the urgently required
-political and military reforms are being implemented.</p>
-
-<p>That China accept American advisors as responsible representatives
-of the United States Government in specified military
-and economic fields to assist China in utilizing United States
-aid in the manner for which it is intended.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">KOREA</p>
-
-<p>That the United States continue efforts for the early establishment
-of a Provisional Korean Government in consonance with the Moscow
-Agreement and meanwhile provide necessary support of the political,
-economic and military position of South Korea.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Appendix E to Part III—Korea</span></h3>
-
-<p class="center">POLITICAL</p>
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Resumé of United States Policy Toward Korea</em></p>
-
-<p>The first treaty between the United States and Korea, signed in
-1882, provided that if other powers dealt unjustly or oppressively
-with either Government, the other would exert its good offices to
-bring about an “amicable agreement.” During the early period of
-United States-Korean relations the United States considered Korea
-as an independent state for the purposes of fulfilling treaty obligations,
-although that nation was actually under Chinese suzerainty.
-Prior to the Sino-Japanese War of 1895, when efforts were made to
-gain the support of the United States to avert war, the United States
-took the position that, while it stood for peace, it would do nothing
-which might cause it to assume responsibility for settlement of the
-dispute. Under the treaty ending the war, China relinquished
-suzerainty over Korea, which was in turn assumed by Japan. Therefore,
-the United States continued its policy of non-interference in Korean
-internal affairs and in 1899 denied a Korean request for American
-initiative in obtaining from the powers an agreement guaranteeing
-Korea’s integrity. At the time of the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05,
-President Theodore Roosevelt stated that the United States could
-not intervene to preserve Korea’s integrity since the Koreans were<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[Pg 167]</span>
-unable “to strike one blow in their own defense.” When Japan
-forced the Korean Emperor to agree to Japanese control of the
-administration of Korean affairs, the Emperor appealed to the United
-States, under the good offices clause of the United States-Korean
-Treaty of 1882, but his appeal was denied. Nor did the United States
-protest Japanese formal annexation of Korea in 1910. Thus, with
-little or no effort on the part of the United States to oppose such a
-development, Korea passed from the suzerainty of China to that of
-Japan and thence to the status of a Japanese colony. Efforts of
-Korean exiles to introduce Korea’s case at the Paris Peace Conference
-and at the Washington Conference of 1921-22 were rebuffed, but
-these exiles continued their efforts to further the cause of Korean
-independence, some of them in the United States. With the outbreak
-of World War II, the question of Korean independence was revived
-and Korean exiles in the United States and China began to agitate
-for Korean independence and official recognition. At the Cairo Conference
-in 1943, agreement was reached by the participating powers,
-later adhered to by the Soviet Union, that Korea would become
-independent “in due course.” This phrase caused great resentment
-among the Koreans who felt that they should be given immediate
-independence upon the defeat of Japan. This resentment was increased
-when the decision was reached at the Moscow Conference in
-December, 1945, that Korea would be placed under a Four-Power
-Trusteeship (the Soviet Union, the United States, the United Kingdom,
-and China) for a period of up to five years. A tentative agreement
-in this regard had previously been reached between the United
-States and the Soviet Union, and when the end of the war was imminent
-agreement was reached between the United States, the Soviet
-Union, the United Kingdom, and China that Soviet forces accept
-the Japanese surrender in Korea north of the 38° North parallel,
-while the American forces would accept such surrender south of that
-line. This arbitrary line, originally serving as a marker of military
-responsibility, soon became a complete barrier to free movement
-between North and South Korea. It has resulted in separation of
-the country into two parts, an economically unstable division which
-has seriously blocked efforts to establish a unified Korea.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Current Political Situation</em></p>
-
-<p>The major political problem in Korea is that of carrying out the
-Moscow Agreement of December, 1945, for the formation of a Provisional
-Korean Government. The United States-Soviet Joint Commission,
-established in accordance with that Agreement, held its
-first meeting March 8, 1946, but finally adjourned on May 28, 1946,
-without having reached an agreement looking toward the implementation
-of the Moscow Agreement regarding Korea. The failure
-of the Joint Commission arose from the unwillingness of the Soviet
-Delegation to agree to consultation with the Commission of all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[Pg 168]</span>
-Korean groups, as provided for in the Moscow agreement, to assist in
-the formation of the Provisional Korean Government. Soviet motives
-have been to eliminate the majority of the rightist groups in the
-American-occupied zone of Korea from consultation and subsequently
-from participation in the new government. Had the Soviet Delegation
-been successful the result would have been a Communist-dominated
-government in Korea. Soviet objections to consultation with
-these rightist groups have been based on the latter’s openly expressed
-opposition to trusteeship. The American Delegation has taken the
-stand that criticism of trusteeship did not disqualify Korean groups
-from participation in consultation, since to do so would deprive a
-considerable section of the Korean people of an opportunity to be
-heard in regard to the formation of the Provisional Korean Government.
-An exchange of notes between the Secretary of State and the
-Soviet Foreign Minister in April and May, 1947, resulted in a resumption
-of the meetings of the Joint Commission on May 21, 1947, under
-a formula which provided for consultation by all Korean groups which
-were prepared to sign a declaration that they would not, after such
-signing, “foment or instigate active opposition” to the work of the
-Joint Commission or to the fulfillment of the Moscow Agreement.
-After repeated sessions of the Joint Commission a deadlock was again
-reached in July, the Soviet Delegation returning to its position of the
-previous year and the American Delegation insisting upon the implementation
-of the formula set forth in the Marshall-Molotov letters,
-which guaranteed wide-scale participation of Korean democratic parties
-and social organizations in consultation and freedom of expression
-of opinion by all Koreans. Further meetings of the Commission
-having produced no results, Secretary Marshall addressed another
-note to Foreign Minister Molotov on August 12, requesting that the
-Commission submit by August 21, 1947, a joint status report or that
-each Delegation submit separate reports. No reply having been
-received to this note and the Soviet Delegation refusing to participate
-in a joint report, the American Delegation on August 20 transmitted
-a unilateral report to Washington. Since the receipt of this report,
-the Secretary of State has addressed identical notes to China, the
-United Kingdom, and the Soviet Union proposing a Four Power
-Conference for a settlement of the Korean situation. China and the
-United Kingdom have indicated their willingness to participate in
-such a conference. The Soviet Union has declined.</p>
-
-<p>Internally, the Korean problem has been complicated by the Soviet
-establishment of a Communist state in North Korea and by its encouragement
-of the activities of Communist and Communist-dominated
-organizations in South Korea hostile to the United States.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>The rightist groups are probably the best organized parties in
-South Korea. They command a majority of the Korean Interim<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[Pg 169]</span>
-Legislative Assembly and, if elections were held under present conditions
-would gain control of any government established in South
-Korea by such elections. The American authorities in South Korea
-are endeavoring to turn over to the Koreans as rapidly as possible
-administrative responsibility in the various departments of the
-United States Military Government, have organized a half-elected
-and half-appointed Korean Interim Legislative Assembly, and in
-general are striving to carry out a policy of “Koreanization” of government
-in South Korea.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Military Government Directive and Steps Taken
-to Implement Same</em></p>
-
-<p>The Directive under which the United States Military Government
-now operates in Korea sets forth three basic United States objectives:
-(1) To establish an independent and sovereign Korea, free from all
-foreign domination and eligible for membership in the United Nations
-(2) to insure that the National Government so established shall be a
-democratic government fully representative of the freely expressed
-will of the Korean people; and (3) to assist the Koreans in establishing
-the sound economy and adequate educational system necessary
-for an independent democratic state. The Directive points out that
-the policy of the United States in regard to Korea, in accordance with
-the Moscow Agreement, contemplates the establishment of a Provisional
-Korean Government to assist the United States-Soviet Joint
-Commission in preparing Korea for self-government, the creation of
-some form of trusteeship for Korea under the United States, the
-United Kingdom, China, and the Soviet Union for a period of up to
-five years and the complete independence of Korea at the earliest possible
-moment, with subsequent membership in the United Nations.
-The Directive goes on to state that the American occupation of South
-Korea is for the purpose of facilitating the attainment of the basic
-American objectives in Korea and shall continue as long as it contributes
-to that end.</p>
-
-<p>As a result of Soviet obstruction and tactics designed to eliminate
-the majority of the rightist groups from participation in the new
-government to be established for all of Korea, the American military
-authorities in South Korea have been unable to proceed with the
-initial steps required for the establishment of a Provisional Korean
-Government. As required by the Directive, the American authorities
-have made considerable progress in utilizing qualified Koreans in
-posts in local and provincial administration and in the administration
-of the United States zones as a whole. American personnel remains in
-the provincial administrations only in an advisory capacity and all
-administrative posts are filled by Koreans. In the overall administration
-of South Korea, all Government departments are now headed
-by Korean officials and Americans are utilized only in an advisory<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[Pg 170]</span>
-capacity, although important controversial matters may be referred
-either to the United States Military Governor or the Commanding
-General of the United States Occupation Forces for final decision.
-American military personnel in the Military Government are being
-replaced as rapidly as possible by American civilians. A Korean
-Interim Legislative Assembly was established in December, 1946, half
-of its membership being selected by the United States Commanding
-General from a list of Koreans recommended by Korean groups
-and half being elected as representatives of the various provinces and
-municipalities. Presently under consideration by this Assembly is a
-program for land reform in South Korea and the Assembly has
-recently adopted a general election law providing for election of officials
-to an Interim South Korean Government according to certain
-stipulated rules and regulations. In accordance with the Directive,
-the United States military authorities have permitted full freedom
-of expression to all political groups, except in those cases when the
-activities of certain Communist-dominated groups were clearly
-prejudicial to the security of American military occupation.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>In seeking to attain the cultural objectives set forth in the Directive,
-the United States occupational authorities have caused funds to be
-set aside for training courses in industry and agriculture, have encouraged
-the establishment of teacher training schools and of summer
-and winter institutes for the reeducation of teachers and have in
-general devoted their efforts to the restoration of schools, the enforcement
-of new system of education and expansion of school facilities.
-They have also encouraged the formation of various committees for
-the purpose of democratizing the Korean educational administration.
-The implementation of these programs has been handicapped by lack
-of funds. Culturally, as well as politically, efforts have been made to
-carry out a process of “Koreanization” looking toward a free and
-independent Korea.</p>
-
-<p>It should be pointed out that the Directive itself necessarily allows
-latitude of interpretation and execution and that the American authorities
-in Korea have functioned within the framework of that
-Directive.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>Also, the failure to implement the badly needed land reform program
-has been due to the desire to await the unification of North and
-South Korea, at which time a Provisional Korean Government would
-be in a position to carry out a uniform program of this kind for the
-entire nation. Now that unification appears to be a matter for the
-indefinite future, plans are being made to carry out such a program
-at the earliest possible moment.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[Pg 171]</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Obstructions to Realizations of
-United States Objectives</em></p>
-
-<p>The chief obstructions to the realization of United States objectives
-in Korea have been the division of that country by the 38° North
-parallel barrier and the lack of Soviet cooperation in carrying out the
-provisions of the Moscow Agreement regarding Korea. Behind the
-38° North parallel the Soviet Union has established a Democratic
-Front Government modelled along Soviet lines and has eliminated all
-political parties of a non-Communist character. North Korean Communist
-groups have thus been able to encourage and assist the activities
-of the Democratic Front and other Communist-dominated leftist
-groups in South Korea hostile to the United States by the infiltration
-of agents from North Korea into the American zone of occupation.
-The Soviet refusal in the United States-Soviet Joint Commission to
-consult with all Korean political and social organizations, as the first
-step in the formation of a Provisional Korean Government, has so far
-made it impossible to realize American objectives in Korea—the
-establishment of a self-governing, sovereign Korea, independent of
-foreign control and fully representative of the freely expressed will
-of the Korean people.</p>
-
-<p>Other obstructions to the realization of American objectives in
-Korea have come from sources within the United States zone of occupation:</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>2. Similarly, extreme leftist groups have endeavored to foment
-hostility to the United States and opposition to the attainment of
-American objectives in Korea. Such groups have been particularly
-active among Korean peasants in opposing the rice collection program
-instituted by the United States Military Government for the purpose
-of ensuring sufficient food for the urban areas.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Implication of Withdrawal of All United States
-Assistance or Continuing Present
-United States Policy</em></p>
-
-<p>The American occupation forces in Korea could not remain in that
-country if all assistance to South Korea were stopped, since the cessation
-of all aid would lead to an early economic breakdown and to the
-outbreak of riots and disorder throughout the United States zone of
-occupation. The withdrawal of American military forces from Korea
-would, in turn, result in the occupation of South Korea either by
-Soviet troops, or, as seems more likely, by the Korean military units<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[Pg 172]</span>
-trained under Soviet auspices in North Korea. The end result would
-be the creation of a Soviet satellite Communist regime in all of Korea.
-A withdrawal of all American assistance with these results would cost
-the United States an immense loss on moral prestige among the peoples
-of Asia; it would probably have serious repercussions in Japan
-and would more easily permit the infiltration of Communist agents
-into that country; and it would gain for the Soviet Union prestige
-in Asia which would be particularly important in the peripheral areas
-bordering the Soviet Union, thus creating opportunities for further
-Soviet expansion among nations in close proximity to the Soviet
-Union.</p>
-
-<p>Present American policy provides that, in view of the failure of the
-United States-Soviet Joint Commission to succeed in implementing the
-provisions of the Moscow Agreement regarding Korea, the matter be
-referred to the Four Powers for solution. It also provides that the
-matter be referred to the General Assembly of the United States in
-the event of the failure of the Four Powers to solve the Korean problem.
-This indicates that the United States will continue to seek, by
-consultation with the powers concerned, a solution of the problem, but
-a failure to reach an agreement on Korea in the United Nations will
-require that the United States make a decision regarding its future
-course in Korea: whether it shall withdraw or whether it shall organize
-a South Korean Government and under what conditions and
-whether it shall give economic and military aid to such a government.</p>
-
-<p>A continuation of present American policies will serve to give
-notice to the Soviet Union and to other nations in the Far East that
-the United States will not abandon Korea in the face of Soviet intransigence
-and that the United States will continue to insist upon
-the fulfillment of the Moscow Agreement regarding Korea.</p>
-
-<p>A continuation of present American policies will serve to deny to
-the Soviet Union direct or indirect control of all of Korea and prevent
-her free use of the entire nation as a military base of operations, including
-the ice-free ports in South Korea.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Appendix F to Part III—Korea</span></h3>
-
-<p class="center">ECONOMIC</p>
-
-<p>South Korea has few resources except agricultural land. This area
-formerly obtained much of its anthracite, electric power, timber,
-fertilizer, and other chemical products from North Korea, and bituminous
-coal and food from Manchuria, but must now obtain these
-essential items (except electric power) as well as raw materials and
-repair parts for her industries, from other external sources.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[Pg 173]</span></p>
-
-<p><em>Coal</em>—The whole of Korea, particularly South Korea, lacks coal
-No bituminous deposits are known and existing coal deposits are of a
-law-grade anthracite. The coal runs high in ash, and tends to disintegrate
-to powder. The largest producing mine in South Korea,
-constituting in fact 50 per cent of the production, is located at Sam
-Chok on the east coast. Production involves costly rail-sea-rail distribution.
-This coal can be and is being used in thermal plants by
-pulverizing and mixing with oil, but its use is costly and maintenance
-of boiler equipment is heavy. In any case, bituminous coal must be
-imported for the operation of the railways and most of the industries.</p>
-
-<p><em>Electric Power</em>—Because of the unfavorable coal situation, South
-Korea is at the mercy of North Korea with respect to electric power
-because virtually all of the large hydroelectric installations are in
-North Korea. In 1945 there was a total of 1,240,000 kilowatts of
-installed capacity, 90 per cent of it hydroelectric and in North Korea.
-Some of the capacity in North Korea has been removed by the
-Russians. At the present time South Korea depends on North Korea
-sources for 75 per cent of its power requirements in the winter
-months when stream flow for its hydroelectric plants is low, and 50
-per cent to 60 per cent during the rainy summer months. Conditions
-will be critical during the coming winter. Minimum peak requirements
-are estimated at 200,000 kilowatts and only 110,000 kilowatts
-are in sight including the area’s own generating capacity of 60,000
-kilowatts—and that only if rehabilitation materials are received—plus
-50,000 kilowatts from North Korea, which is all the Russians
-profess to be able to deliver. If North Korea power were cut off, all
-industrial production in South Korea would have to be suspended,
-and remaining locally generated energy rationed for military and
-emergency use. Any new plants to correct this deficiency or permit
-any revival of industry would require four to five years to complete,
-and would still be dependent upon imported coal or oil, or upon a
-considerable expansion of the low quality anthracite production.
-There is no reasonable solution to this dilemma other than to unite
-North and South Korea.</p>
-
-<p><em>Forestry</em>—The forest situation in South Korea is unfavorable.
-Before the war, effective programs of reforestation and erosion control
-were under way, but dining the war the annual cut averaged 168
-million cubic feet as compared with annual estimated growth of only
-113 million cubic feet. Furthermore, over two-thirds of South Korean
-requirements of lumber, fuel wood, and pulp were formerly supplied
-by North Korea. With this source cut off and coal imports and
-production drastically reduced, hills and mountains around the Urge
-cities have been literally denuded. Unless North and South Korea
-are united or substantial imports are provided, the needs of South
-Korea for fuel wood, lumber, railroad ties, and telephone and telegraph
-poles, make it inevitable that overcutting and denuding of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[Pg 174]</span>
-forest land in South Korea will continue, with resulting increased
-erosion and flood damage to agricultural land.</p>
-
-<p><em>Mineral Resources</em>—Mineral resources of Korea are varied and
-rather extensive, but with a few exceptions are of low grade. There
-is a large deposit—over one billion metric tons—of low grade (35
-per cent magnetic) iron ore at Musan in Northeastern Korea which
-the Japanese mined extensively before and during the war. Capacities
-are said to have been developed for the production of over 800,000
-tons of pig iron and 350,000 tons of steel annually, but operations
-were possible only by large imports of bituminous coal from Manchuria
-and Japan.</p>
-
-<p>In both North and South Korea, gold and copper were also mined,
-the latter as an adjunct of the former, and some lead and zinc, and a
-large quantity of graphite, the latter, however, of low quality. There
-is enough developed tungsten production in South Korea to make it
-an important export commodity.</p>
-
-<p><em>Industries</em>—The prospects for Korean industry, even in the event
-of early unification, are not bright. Before 1931 Japan exploited
-Korea primarily as a source of raw materials, rice and cheap labor.
-Thereafter Korea became Japan’s bridgehead to the Asiatic mainland,
-and with Manchuria, was developed as the mainland portion of
-Japan’s war potential. By 1938 there were 7,000 factories, mostly
-small, employing 183,000 workers, principally in the production of
-chemicals, textiles and processed foods. Main industrial concentrations
-were in the north, near hydroelectric power plants and the larger
-mineral deposits. This rather impressive industrial plant was not
-damaged by bombing, but it would be a mistake to assume therefore
-that Korea possesses a ready-made industrial plant which could quickly
-be turned to full and efficient peacetime operations. Production,
-at perhaps 20 per cent of capacity, was restored after the occupation,
-but output has dwindled as stocks of raw materials have been
-exhausted, and as machinery has stopped functioning for lack of
-spare parts and competent maintenance and operating personnel.
-The dearth of competent administrative supervisory and technical
-personnel, practically all of whom were formerly Japanese and are
-now evacuated, is the outstanding deficiency in Korean industries,
-power, and transportation systems. The unification of North and
-South Korea would make some of the required raw materials available,
-and spare parts may eventually be obtainable from Japan, but
-the serious deficiency of competent personnel is an unresolved
-problem.</p>
-
-<p><em>Railways</em>—Korea has an excellent standard-gauge railway system
-including a double-track main line from Pusan on the southeast coast
-to Antung on the Manchurian border, which adequately serves the
-country with the exception of the eastern half of Kangwon Province.
-However, trackage, rolling stock except locomotives, and railway
-communications are badly in need of rehabilitation as a result of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[Pg 175]</span>
-years of undermaintenance because of wartime shortages of materials.
-The railways in common with the country as a whole have
-been badly crippled by the evacuation of the Japanese administrative,
-supervisory, and technical personnel. The right-of-way is excellently
-engineered and constructed and characterized by a profusion of
-concrete and masonry structures, but all of the seven million ties
-in South Korea will require replacement within the next seven
-years, and quantities of rails and fishplates are also needed. One hundred
-and one new locomotives of the 2-8-0 type have been provided
-by the Military Government, but much of the other rolling stock
-requires overhaul. Railway communications also require considerable
-rehabilitation.</p>
-
-<p><em>Highways</em>—There are no modern roads in Korea. The highways
-of South Korea are practically nonoperable for automotive traffic
-except from Seoul to Inchon, Kaisong, and Chunchon. Practically
-all supplies must be distributed throughout Korea by rail.</p>
-
-<p><em>Shipping</em>—The only shipping of South Korea consists of eight Baltic
-vessels, and 12 LST’s, operated by the Military Government coast-wise
-and for some trade with Japan.</p>
-
-<p><em>Ports</em>—There are two major ports in South Korea; Pusan, an excellent
-deep-water port with four large piers at the Southeast end of
-the peninsula, and Inchon, west of Seoul, a much smaller tidal-basin
-port which can accommodate four three-quarter-thousand-ton ships
-at dockside in the basin and larger trans-Pacific cargo and passenger
-vessels in the anchorage outside. Two other deep-water ports, Masan
-and Yosu, were mined and are little used at present. Mukko on the
-east coast is the export terminal for Sam Chok, the largest anthracite
-mining area in South Korea. The other ports of Mokpo, Pohang,
-Chinhae, and Kunsan are limited by unfavorable factors of nigh tidal
-range, and a lack of berths and port clearance facilities.</p>
-
-<p>In North Korea, there are two first-class warm water commercial
-and naval ports at Wonsan and Chungjin on the east coast, the latter
-particularly desirable from a Russian viewpoint, and other ports
-Oongki, Rashin, Eungjin, Chinnanpo, and Simhu, the latter two
-handicapped by the 25- to 30- foot tides of the Yellow Sea.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Withdrawal of Japanese Personnel</em></p>
-
-<p>As disastrous in its effects on Korean economy as the division of
-Korea’s people and resources by the 38° North parallel, was the
-evacuation of all Japanese personnel, except 500 retained in North
-Korea, after VJ-Day. The 700,000 Japanese formerly resident in
-Korea dominated all elements of the economy and supplied management
-and technical personnel even to the mechanic class. Koreans
-were denied opportunities or positions of consequence in all phases of
-political and economic life. It is no reflection on the individuals
-concerned to note that a former Korean stationmaster at Pusan is now<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[Pg 176]</span>
-head of the railways, or that a vocational school graduate is in responsible
-charge of a large hydroelectric plant not far from Seoul. It
-is however, an indication of an almost fatal deficiency in South
-Korean economy. The ultimate solution is not readily apparent.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Disinvestment</em></p>
-
-<p>The process of disinvestment probably began in South Korea during
-the late thirties when the Japanese decided to put all new capital into
-war production and permit nonwar facilities to depreciate. Capital
-goods provided by the Japanese for maintenance and development in
-South Korea went with few exceptions to war plants such as the submarine
-shop at Pusan, and to the strategic transport services linking
-Japan with the Manchuria-North Korea industrial complex. This
-meant that facilities such as the north-south railroad from Pusan to
-Antung on the Manchurian border received the main portion of construction
-materials available. Other industrial establishments in
-South Korea were converted to war production or allowed to deteriorate.
-The supply of fertilizer, essential to rice culture in the exhausted
-paddies of South Korea, was drastically reduced in the early forties
-as a result of the conversion of North Korean nitrogen fixation plants
-to the manufacture of explosives. Exploitation of South Korea’s meager
-forest resources resulted in severe erosion and the destruction of
-crops and utilities through flooding The Japanese also depleted
-Korean stock-piles and withdrew skilled labor for Army service, or
-for the mines and factories of Manchuria and the Japanese islands.
-During two years of military government, the process of disinvestment
-has continued.</p>
-
-<p>The possibility of South Korea financing a program of investment
-and rehabilitation out of the proceeds of exports is not worth considering
-in detail. Although South Korea is primarily agricultural,
-it is unlikely that it will be able to export foodstuff, even under the
-most favorable circumstances. Deterioration of agriculture, due to
-accumulated soil deficiencies and erosion, and an increase of population
-from 15 to 20 million since 1940 indicate that no export surplus
-of food can be expected in the next several years. The only exports
-which may be derived from South Korea are small amounts of such
-minerals as tungsten, gold and copper, some ginseng root, and marine
-products such as agar-agar. The most optimistic estimate is $10
-million worth of exports by 1950. Much more than $10 million
-earned by Korean exports will be needed to finance essential raw
-material imports, and there is no prospect of any capital development
-out of current production.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Inflation</em></p>
-
-<p>The Korean inflation is not as serious as the Chinese inflation in
-rate of price increase, but its causes are less susceptible to control by
-measures taken within Korea. Price increases have been due to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[Pg 177]</span>
-physical inability to produce goods, and not to unrestrained issuance
-of paper currency. Prices of consumers’ goods in various categories
-have risen 200 to 700 times over the 1937 level. The official rise price,
-however, has risen only 70 times, and about 80 per cent of the calorie
-requirement for the urban population is available at the official price.
-A runaway inflation has not yet occurred in South Korea, because
-(<em>a</em>) the Military Government has restrained the issuance of currency
-by keeping governmental expenditures and local occupation costs at
-reasonable levels, and (<em>b</em>) because cannibalization and the use of
-Japanese stocks have kept some industry going, and (<em>c</em>) the forcible
-collection of rice at harvest time has brought in sufficient food to maintain,
-with “disease an unrest” imports, an adequate official ration in
-the cities without the use of large inflationary payments to the farmers.
-Highly inflationary factors such as the exhaustion of raw material
-stocks, cumulative breakdowns in public services and transportation,
-and the cutting of power supply from the North, might occur simultaneously.
-The Korean economic outlook is, therefore, more grave
-than in China or Japan, where governmental fiscal policies as well as
-low production, are the main causes of inflation. Korea, lacking
-raw materials and skilled labor, is not in a position to be saved from
-a disastrous and chaotic hyper-inflation by the efforts of its own
-people combined with correct policy decisions. A breakdown could
-be forestalled only by external provision of large amounts of consumers’
-goods and transportation equipment.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Agriculture and Fisheries</em></p>
-
-<p><em>Agriculture</em>—Over three-quarters of the total population of South
-Korea are farmers. The total area of land under cultivation in 1946
-was 6,033,000 acres, or about 2½ acres per farm household. Approximately
-15 per cent of agricultural land was formerly owned by
-Japanese, but title thereto remains with the Military Government
-and will eventually pass to Koreans. In the projected land reforms
-an additional 60 per cent of land, which is tenant-operated, would be
-involved. The Military Government has not proceeded with land
-reform even with regard to Japanese-held land, in the view that such
-reform should not precede establishment of an interim Korean Government.</p>
-
-<p>After VJ-Day the influx of over two and a half million Koreans
-from Japan, China, and North Korea into South Korea, coupled with
-almost complete lack of commercial fertilizers as well as severe floods,
-resulted in a severe food shortage. Farmers have been reluctant to
-double-crop soils already depleted because of a lack of fertilizer, and
-have preferred to conserve land for rice, the best money crop. In
-1946 the average planted acreage was only 79 per cent of the 1935-39
-average, and production of grains and pulses was only 71 per cent.</p>
-
-<p>In the past, about 36 per cent of the population and 36 per cent of
-the food production of Korea were located north of the 38° North<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[Pg 178]</span>
-parallel. However, postwar population movements, plus the availability
-of more commercial fertilizers in North Korea (where almost
-all of Korea’s large chemical plants are located), has changed this
-situation. Only about 30 per cent of Korea’s population is now north
-of the 38° North parallel, but that area accounts for around 38 per
-cent of food production.</p>
-
-<p>Rice is the principal Korean crop, and it has consistently represented
-more than half the total value of agricultural production.
-During the 1930’s the rice crop averaged about 100,000,000 bushels
-annually. Forty per cent or more was exported each year to Japan
-accounting generally for about one-third of the total gross value of
-exports. This was by no means voluntary on the part of the Korean
-people. In line with Japanese policy, farm tenancy increased from
-less than 40 per cent in 1910 to more than 75 per cent in 1945. This
-facilitated grain collections, for landlords usually received their rentals
-in rice, and these averaged about 60 per cent of the crop. Consequently,
-although Koreans preferred rice to other grains, their per
-capita consumption was forced down from 3.62 bushels in 1915-19
-to 2.0 bushels in 1939-45, a decline of 44 per cent. This deficiency
-was partly made up by imports of Manchurian millet and soya beans,
-but underconsumption was nevertheless chronic.</p>
-
-<p>To meet the food crisis in South Korea and to rehabilitate agriculture
-the Military Government developed program to import foodstuffs
-to prevent starvation and to assure Korean urban residents at
-least a subsistence diet until indigenous production could be increased
-to meet minimum food needs; and a fertilizer import program designed
-to restore depleted soils and increase agricultural production
-to levels at least as high as had been reached in the past.</p>
-
-<p>In 1945 the Military Government’s attempt to institute a compulsory
-system of rice collection for rationing to non-self-suppliers was
-largely unsuccessful. In 1946, a poor crop year due to floods, the
-Military Government collected 87,428 tons of rice, or about one-sixth
-of the total production. In order to supplement indigenous production
-to meet the minimum needs of non-self-suppliers in South Korea,
-180,848 metric tons of wheat, corn, and flour were imported into
-South Korea by the Military Government from May through December,
-1946.</p>
-
-<p>A program for the collection of the rice in 1946 was given highest
-priority by the Military Government, as one of the most important
-ways to ease the food situation, stabilize the economy, and check the
-inflationary spiral. This program was fully supported by all agencies,
-and it succeeded in collecting a total of 548,000 metric tons of polished
-rice, or its equivalent, about 30 per cent of the total 1946 production.</p>
-
-<p>This successful collection program, coupled with the importation
-of 275,962 metric tons of cereals purchased with U. S. funds during
-the first seven months of 1947, has enabled the Military Government
-to stabilize the food situation in South Korea through the issuance<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[Pg 179]</span>
-to non-self-suppliers of minimum staple rations averaging slightly
-over 300 grams (1,050 calories) per person per day.</p>
-
-<p><em>Fisheries</em>—Fishing was one of the important prewar Korean industries,
-ranking sixth in the world. It is second in importance, only to
-agriculture in the economic structure of the country. The industry
-was, however, largely dependent upon Japan for imports of fisheries
-supplies and, has deteriorated seriously since this source has been cut
-off. Consumption of fish products has decreased from a prewar average
-of 47 pounds per capita per year to 32 pounds. Korea needs
-additional fisheries supplies, boats, manila line, nets, trawls, ammonia
-for refrigeration, tin plate for canning, salt and sugar for canning.
-Fears are expressed that if such supplies are not forthcoming and fishing
-operations considerably expanded, the Japanese will enter claims
-for fishing grounds now reserved for the Koreans.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Foreign Trade</em></p>
-
-<p>The total volume of Korea’s external trade grew from 660,000,000
-yen in 1910 to more than 2,400,000,000 yen in 1939. With respect to
-the principal categories of its trade, i. e., foodstuffs, textiles and fibres,
-minerals, manufactures, and miscellaneous items. Korea was consistently
-a net importer; of all, except for foodstuffs. Food exports
-however, were seldom so large that they did more than offset imports
-of textiles and fibers.</p>
-
-<p>From 1910 to 1945, Korea’s external trade was almost wholly
-absorbed by the Japanese Empire and the prime factor during the
-entire period was the export of rice to Japan. In 1936, of the value
-of 41 Korean products showing a net export balance, rice accounted
-for approximately 64 per cent. Although by 1939 the relative importance
-of rice exports had declined in favor of minerals and manufactures,
-of the 55 net export products in that year, rice still made
-up one-third of the total money value. Until the years immediately
-preceding the war, fish and marine products ranked second to rice,
-averaging from 7.5 per cent to 9 per cent of all net export commodities.
-Other exports individually were of minor significance.
-Korea’s principal imports historically have reflected its dependence
-on the outside world for fuels, heavy manufacturers, machinery, automotive
-equipment, textiles, and fibers, and specialized products.</p>
-
-<p>Under current conditions, foreign trade in the ordinary sense of
-the term is small in amount. During the period August 15, 1945,
-through June 30, 1947, the value of goods entering or leaving the area
-was approximately $168,000,000. Of this sum, however, only about
-$25,000,000 represents the value of goods exchanged between Korea
-and the mainland of Asia as a result of the operations of private
-traders. The remaining $143,000,000 represents mainly commodities
-imported by agencies of the United State Government as a part
-of the Civilian Supply Program and financed with appropriated funds<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[Pg 180]</span>
-of the War Department, or as shipments made under the $25,000,000
-UNRRA supplies. Exports which enter into this figure are surplus
-Foreign Liquidation Commission credit, plus small amounts of
-government-owned minerals and marine products, to the value of
-some $5,000,000.</p>
-
-<p>The Military Government is endeavoring to encourage such trade
-as will reduce the area’s dependence upon American funds. Credits
-realized from South Korea exports, unless balanced in kind by imports
-approved as essential, are to be used to purchase commodities similar
-to those making up the Civilian Supply list and certified for import
-by the Military Government. On July 15, 1947, Korea was declared
-open to small numbers of foreign businessmen, who might desire to
-develop trade possibilities within the framework established by the
-military authorities. Meanwhile, trade has been undertaken with
-Hong Kong and Macao, and some critically needed materials have
-been obtained by barter in exchange for Korean surpluses. Recent
-negotiations with the Egyptian government have led to an agreement
-to exchange 730 tons of tungsten concentrates for 3,000 bales of long-staple
-Egyptian cotton.</p>
-
-<p>All dealings with Japan are restricted to a governmental level, and
-China has imposed conditions which make legitimate trade virtually
-out of the question. Actually, a growing smuggling trade is going on
-both with Japan and China, and via Hong Kong and Macao. An
-essential step for promoting Korea’s trade on a sound basis would be
-development of an efficient customs service.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>United States Investment in Rehabilitation</em></p>
-
-<p>There is one basic policy question which overhangs all financial and
-economic programs for Korea: How long will the occupation of South
-Korea continue on a unilateral basis? Until this question is answered
-in terms of months or years, no satisfactory decision can be made on
-United States financial or developmental programs for the area. The
-characteristics of the South Korean economy are such that there is
-no compromise which provides effective utilization of dollars, and at
-the same time leaves open the decision concerning the duration of the
-occupation. If a serious decline in the living standard, and possibly
-economic disintegration are to be avoided, South Korea must have (<em>a</em>)
-unification with North Korea, or (<em>b</em>) substantial relief supplies, or
-(<em>c</em>) relief and rehabilitation supplies of $200 to $300 million a year
-for several years. The third alternative would provide a possible
-basis for an indefinite continuance of occupation. The capital investment
-in a permanently separate South Korea would be wasteful,
-and the likelihood of a stable economy resulting therefrom would be
-in doubt for some years. South Korea is a depleted and eroded country
-with no minerals worth mentioning; an agriculture dependent
-on nitrate input, and a backward people. In terms of the needs of
-the East Asia area, an investment in rehabilitation and industrialization,
-which would permit South Korea to subsist on its own industrial<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[Pg 181]</span>
-output at its standards of the past 10 years with a minimum of
-relief, could be justified only by political and strategic consideration
-of the highest order.</p>
-
-<p>A consideration affecting the duration of the occupation of Korea,
-and hence the type of economic program, is the estimated length of
-the occupation in Japan. General MacArthur has indicated his desire
-for a United Nations, or other international administration to
-take responsibility in Japan soon after the peace treaty is signed.
-There would be obvious difficulties in any long-term occupation and
-rehabilitation program for South Korea, initiated at a time when the
-occupation of Japan was about to be relinquished by the United
-States. Apart from the problem of tactical forces in Japan to back
-up the Korean occupation, there would be communication and supply
-problems. There might he political objection to the occupation of
-liberated Korea after the termination of occupation in defeated Japan.</p>
-
-<p>The United States Military Government in Korea has recommended
-a five-year rehabilitation program starting in July, 1948, and requiring
-U. S. financing for a deficit of $647 million. The estimates indicate
-that the proposed rehabilitation of the Korean economy would
-cost more per year for the first three years, than the relief program
-of $137 million which was tentatively approved for fiscal 1948, but
-reduced in July, 1947, to $92.7 million.</p>
-
-<p>A feature of the proposed rehabilitation program is an expenditure
-of $35 million to provide a chemical fertilizer industry and the supporting
-power installations, roughly duplicating the installations in
-North Korea which formerly supplied the fertilizer needs of South
-Korea. An additional amount of approximately $85 million is included
-in the five-year rehabilitation program to cover the cost of
-fertilizer imports, pending the completion of the plants. Other items
-in the program are investment in coal mining to provide low-grade
-anthracite for briquetting, and to provide for the development and
-reconstruction of the transportation, textile and fisheries industries.
-There is no assurance, however, that (<em>a</em>) $35 million fertilizer industry
-would meet the estimated requirements, or reach capacity
-production in the time allotted. The suitability of low-grade anthracite
-dust as the basic energy source for a considerable industrial establishment
-in South Korea has not been tested, and (<em>b</em>) there are no reliable
-estimates of the reserves of this fuel, and no evidence of this
-fuel, and no evidence that the mines and railroads could be developed
-to fit the prescribed time schedule.</p>
-
-<p>In the event that it is decided to continue a one-nation occupation
-of South Korea for some years, the least costly program would be one
-designed to provide, not capital goods, but raw materials and fertilizer
-in sufficient quantity to stabilize the economy at a satisfactory
-standard of living as measured by a prewar Japanese and potential
-North Korean living standards. In this way, the risk of an experiment
-in industrialization without resources would be avoided.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[Pg 182]</span></p>
-
-<p>A relief program of the type envisaged might cost the United States
-about $150 million a year, in addition to the present military occupation
-costs which are in the neighborhood of $200 million a year.
-It would be necessary frankly to recognize this as a relief program
-which held no prospect of financial return, and no prospect of making
-South Korea a self sufficient economy.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Industrial Survey</em></p>
-
-<p>A comprehensive industrial survey of South Korea would not be
-warranted. The industrial elements and capabilities as well as weaknesses
-of that area are all too evident. Should Korea be reunited,
-and the United States bear a responsibility in the economic rehabilitation
-of the country, an industrial survey wholly or in part by
-qualified United States Government personnel is indicated. If, however,
-it be made by private consultants, they should clearly understand
-that the survey must be realistic and reflect the economic
-needs and capabilities of the country. Foreign consultants and construction
-firms do themselves and their own country as well as
-the country concerned, a disservice in recommending projects for
-which there is not complete economic justification.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Appendix G to Part III—Korea</span></h3>
-
-<p class="center">SOCIAL AND CULTURAL</p>
-
-<p>Because Japan had administered and developed Korea uniformly for
-Japanese and not Korean purposes, and in particular had persistently
-suppressed the people’s historic culture, once the region was freed of
-the Japanese, its people undertook a re-Koreanization program with
-feverish activity. Since VJ-Day, their own labors in behalf of education,
-for example, apart from the contributions of American authorities
-have been determined and surprisingly effective. In that short
-time it is estimated that total illiteracy has been cut from 75 to 44 per
-cent (to 25 per cent in a most favored area), a commendable record
-even when one notes warningly that the degree of literacy thus attained
-is necessarily a modest one permitting little more in some cases
-than ability to read a ballot. Although there are today more children
-in school in South Korea than were in school in all Korea during the
-Japanese rule, popular education is but begun, whether one considers
-primary or secondary schooling. Its advancement calls for buildings,
-texts and other equipment, teachers and advisors, and these requirements
-call for money.</p>
-
-<p>The program of the educational group in our own Military Government
-is well designed but promoted within tight financial limits The
-same can be said for adult educational work of the United States<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[Pg 183]</span>
-Office of Civil Information. It operates through local libraries whose
-pictures, posters, periodicals, and other exhibits reach a great many
-urban visitors, and through a special train which moves periodically
-among the villages, presenting well-attended educational picture
-shows and distributing eagerly read farm weeklies and newspapers.
-Of many lacks the worst is of picture films.</p>
-
-<p>Korean newspapers are numerous but for the most part are primarily
-political organs. Only by hastening education in the Korean
-language, long suppressed by Japan, can there be prompt development
-of adult education; there is present need for increased educational
-and cultural activities to occupy the attention of young
-people who presently have insufficient employment.</p>
-
-<p>American health advisers report good progress in prevention of
-such serious diseases as smallpox and typhus, scant progress in the
-fight on chronic maladies. Institutional welfare work is insufficient
-but no more so than under Japan.</p>
-
-<p>In general, one notes abundant energy among Korean leaders and
-a great desire for mass improvement socially and culturally as well
-as in other fields; it merits greater financial encouragement than
-thus far has been available.</p>
-
-
-<h3><span class="smcap">Appendix H to Part III—Korea</span></h3>
-
-<p class="center">THE MILITARY SITUATION IN KOREA AND
-PROPOSED MILITARY AID</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Military Situation</em></p>
-
-<p>In September, 1945, United States Army Forces, pursuant to instructions
-contained in General Order Number 1 of the Supreme
-Commander Allied Powers, occupied Korea south of the 38° North
-parallel and accepted the surrender of Japanese troops south of that
-line. This arbitrary line of demarcation between the United States
-and Soviet Union occupation areas rapidly became a complete barrier
-to free movement between agricultural South Korea and the more
-industrialized North Korea. Numerous disputes and incidents, mostly
-political or economic, continue to take place even after two years
-of occupation.</p>
-
-<p>The Commander in Chief, Far East, has delegated military responsibility
-and authority for occupation of South Korea to Lieutenant
-General John R. Hodge, Commanding General of the XXIV
-Corps. This Corps of two divisions totals 41,000 United States troops
-and constitutes the American Occupational Force in Korea.</p>
-
-<p>There are no South Korean Armed Forces to augment these American
-occupational troops. There are, however, three authorized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[Pg 184]</span>
-Korean uniformed elements or quasi-military forces: the National
-Police with a strength of 28,000, the Constabulary with 16,000, and
-the Korean Coast Guard with 3,000. These forces may be expected
-to remain loyal to the United States Military Government in the
-event of emergency. The National Police Force is the agency for
-enforcing law and order in Korea and is organized into district and
-subdistrict headquarters with police stations in principal towns and
-villages.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>The Constabulary is similar in purpose to the National Guard of
-the United States in that it is used to back up the police in event of
-major disorders. At present, the Constabulary is also being utilized
-to augment American guards on United States Army installations.
-It is armed with captured Japanese rifles and small arms, and its
-efficiency is low by American standards.</p>
-
-<p>North of the 38° North parallel, the estimated Soviet troop strength
-in Korea is approximately 45,000. These forces are organized into
-two major units, the 40th Rifle Division and the 19th Mechanized
-Division, plus complementary air, naval, and service support. There
-is evidence of further Soviet withdrawal now underway. An accurate
-figure denoting the Soviet-trained and equipped North Korean People’s
-(Communist) Army in its overall structure has not yet been
-obtained but the figure of 125,000 troops has been generally accepted.
-These forces assist Soviets in control of the border, maintain
-liaison with Chinese Communists in Manchuria, and constitute
-a potential military threat to South Korea.</p>
-
-<p>Current political and economic unrest in Southern Korea is aggravated
-by Communistic terrorism, and by Communist-inspired riots
-and revolutionary activities in the occupied area. Such disorders
-impose additional military burdens on the police, the constabulary,
-and the American Occupation Forces. In addition, there is a possibility,
-however remote, of a Soviet-inspired invasion of South Korea
-by troops of the North Korean People’s (Communist) Army. Recent
-reports from Manchuria indicate that sizable elements of Korean
-troops are operating with Chinese Communists, possibly to acquire
-battle conditioning. Furthermore there is evidence that Soviet officers
-and equipment are being used to groom the Korean Army.</p>
-
-<p>Although it is extremely doubtful that the Soviets or their North
-Korean satellites would invade South Korea in the near future,
-infiltration of Communists and of large numbers of the North Korean
-Army, in connection with large-scale Communist-inspired or abetted
-riots or revolts in the South, is always a dangerous threat. Should
-this occur, the forces available should be adequate for maintaining
-order under any circumstances except for an outright Soviet directed
-or controlled invasion.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[Pg 185]</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Strategic Importance</em></p>
-
-<p>The political, social, economic, and military situations in South
-Korea are inextricably mingled. A Soviet-dominated Korea would
-constitute a serious political and psychological threat to Manchuria,
-North China, the Ryukyus, and Japan, and hence to United States
-strategic interests in the Far East. It is therefore in the best interest
-of the United States to ensure the permanent military neutralization
-of Korea. Neutralization can only be assured by its occupation until
-its future independence as a buffer state is assured.</p>
-
-<p>So long as Soviet troops remain in occupation of North Korea,
-the United States must maintain troops in South Korea or admit before
-the world an “ideological retreat.” The military standing of the
-United States would decline accordingly; not only throughout the
-Far East, but throughout the world. Withdrawal of United States
-Occupation Forces from Korea would result in a growing unrest
-among the Japanese people because of their uncertainty regarding
-future United States policy in the Far East, and their consequent
-fears of expanding Soviet influence. This might well increase occupational
-requirements for Japan.</p>
-
-<p>Except as indicated above, and the fact that its occupation denies
-a potential enemy the use of warm-water ports and the opportunity
-to establish strong air and naval bases in the peninsula, the United
-States has little military interest in maintaining troops or bases in
-Korea. In the event of major hostilities in the Far East, present
-forces in Korea would most likely be a military liability as they
-could not be maintained there within our present military capabilities.</p>
-
-<p>There are three possible courses of action with reference to United
-States Occupation Forces in Korea:</p>
-
-<p>They may be withdrawn immediately, which would abandon South
-Korea to the Soviet Union through pressures which could be exerted
-by the North Korea People’s (Communist) Army and is therefore
-an unacceptable course from the strategic viewpoint.</p>
-
-<p>They may remain in occupation indefinitely, which course would
-be unacceptable to the American public after Soviet withdrawal, and
-would subject United States to international censure.</p>
-
-<p>They may be withdrawn concurrently with Soviet occupation
-forces.</p>
-
-<p>Soviet forces in Northern Korea will not be withdrawn until the
-North Korean puppet government and armed forces which they have
-created are strong enough and sufficiently well indoctrinated to be
-relied upon to carry out Soviet objectives without the actual presence
-of Soviet troops. One of these Soviet objectives will undoubtedly be
-to obtain control of South Korea by utilization of Communist Korean
-armed forces as a means of pressure after withdrawal of United States<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[Pg 186]</span>
-forces, as was done in the cases of Poland, Outer Mongolia, Yugoslavia,
-and Albania.</p>
-
-<p>There appears to be a strong possibility that Soviet Russia will
-withdraw its occupational forces when such conditions are favorable
-and thus induce our own withdrawal.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Military Aid to Korea</em></p>
-
-<p>The Military Government in Korea, which is currently being
-turned over to American and Korean civilians, is the only government
-in South Korea. The immediate and primary objectives of the American
-Military Commander in Korea are to maintain law and order in
-the face of subversive uprisings in the American zone, to care for
-and safeguard American noncombatants and property, and to operate
-a military government which looks toward the future political independence
-of Korea together with its economic and social rehabilitation.
-In view of these objectives, the immediate purpose of any
-American military aid to Korea should be to facilitate their realization.</p>
-
-<p>The long-term purpose of military aid to Korea should be to enable
-South Korea, and later all Korea, to engage in a holding operation
-against the progressive expansion of militaristic Communism. Minimum
-military aid to Southern Korea therefore should envisage the
-support of the uniformed elements of Korean military and quasi-military
-forces through the furnishing of United States equipment
-including carbines and some light machine guns as well as furnishing
-vehicles, telephone and radio communications, etc., and training
-advice.</p>
-
-<p>Consideration was given by the Mission to the organization, training,
-and equipping of a strong Korean military force along the lines
-of the former Philippine Scouts. This force should be under the
-control of the United States Military Commander, initially should
-be officered throughout by Americans, but with a program for replacement
-and understudy by Korean officers, and should be of
-sufficient strength to cope with the threat from the north. Such a
-force will become truly effective only if the United States Commander
-in Korea is given clear-cut authority to establish and control it.</p>
-
-<p>Because of its occupation by two nations of radically differing
-ideologies and policies, and the corresponding separation into two
-parts economically, there is little that Korea, even as a liberated
-nation, can do to improve its situation. South Korea lacks the experience
-and industrial potential to create or support its own armed
-forces.</p>
-
-<p>An American organized and equipped Korean military force would
-serve to counteract in large measure the North Korean People’s
-(Communist) Army when the American and the Soviet forces are
-withdrawn from Korea. It might possibly preclude the forceful establishment
-of a Communist Government, and thus contribute to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[Pg 187]</span>
-a situation favorable for the establishment of a free and independent
-Korea.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Conclusions</em></p>
-
-<p>United States-Soviet Union troop strengths in South and North
-Korea are approximately equal but the Soviets, assisted by a Soviet-controlled,
-equipped, and trained North Korean People’s (Communist)
-Army of 125,000 men, and geographically supported by a contiguous
-Soviet Siberia, are in an infinitely stronger military position.</p>
-
-<p>There is considerable unrest in South Korea but forces available to
-General Hodge are adequate to cope with it and to maintain order,
-though completely inadequate, even with maximum assistance from
-General MacArthur, to meet Soviet-controlled invasion of North
-Korean forces.</p>
-
-<p>A United States withdrawal which permitted the Soviet Union to
-dominate Korea would result in a serious political and psychological
-threat to China, including Manchuria, and Japan.</p>
-
-<p>The United States has a strong strategic interest in insuring permanent
-military neutralization of Korea and its denial as a base to
-the Soviet Union.</p>
-
-<p>The Soviets will withdraw their occupation forces just as soon as
-they can be sure that the North Korean puppet government and
-armed forces which they have created will be strong enough and
-sufficiently well indoctrinated to be relied upon to carry out Soviet
-objectives without the actual presence of Soviet troops.</p>
-
-
-<p class="fs120 no-indent"><em>Recommendations</em></p>
-
-<p>It is recommended that:</p>
-
-<p>United States withdrawal from Korea be based upon agreements
-with the Soviet Union to effect proportional withdrawals, with as
-many guarantees as possible to safeguard Korean freedom and independence.</p>
-
-<p>Military aid be furnished to South Korea which would support the
-achievement of such adequate safeguards and which would envisage:</p>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
- <div class="stanza">
- <div class="verse indent0">Continuing to furnish arms and equipment to Korean National</div>
- <div class="verse indent0">Police and Korean Coast Guard.</div>
- </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-
-<p>The creation of an American-officered Korean Scout Force to replace
-the present Constabulary of sufficient strength to cope with
-the threat from the North.</p>
-
-<p>Continued interim occupation by United States Army forces in
-Korea.</p>
-
-<p>Advice in training of technical specialists and tactical units.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[Pg 189]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Bibliography"><em>Bibliography</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">A</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Alexander of Macedon</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Doubleday, Doran Co., Garden
-City, N. Y. 1946.</p>
-
-<p><cite>American Mercury Magazine</cite>, March, 1951.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Asia at the Crossroads</cite>, by E. Alexander Powell, Century Co., N. Y.,
-1922.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">C</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Caesar and Christ</cite>, by Will Durant, Simon &amp; Schuster, N. Y., 1944.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Challenge of the East, The</cite>, by George E. Eddy, Farrar, N. Y., 1931.</p>
-
-<p><cite>China of Chiang Kai-shek</cite>, a political study, by Paul M. A. Linebarger,
-World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass., 1941.</p>
-
-<p><cite>China Shall Rise Again</cite>, by Mei-ling Soong Chiang, Harper and Bros.,
-N. Y., and London, 1940.</p>
-
-<p><cite>China in the Sun</cite>, by Randall Gould, Doubleday and Co., Inc., N. Y.,
-1946.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Chinese Civilization</cite>, by Marcel Granet, Alfred Knopf, N. Y., 1930.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Chinese, Their History and Culture, The</cite>, by Kenneth Scott Latourette,
-The MacMillan Co., N. Y., 1934.</p>
-
-<p><cite>City of the Czars, The</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Doubleday &amp; Co., Garden
-City, N. Y., 1948.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Civilization on Trial</cite>, Essays, by Arnold J. Toynbee, N. Y., Oxford
-University Press, 1948.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Conquest of Civilization, The</cite>, by James H. Breasted, Harper Bros.,
-N. Y., 1938.</p>
-
-<p>Current Magazines and Newspapers.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">D</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Discovery of Freedom, The</cite>, by Rose Wilder Lane, The John Day Co.,
-N. Y., 1943.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Dawn of Conscience, The</cite>, by James Henry Breasted, N. Y., London,
-Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1933.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">E</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Early Empires of Central Asia, The</cite>, by William Montgomery McGovern,
-Chapel Hill, 1939.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Economics and the Public Welfare</cite>, by Benjamin McAlister Anderson,
-Literary Guild of America, N. Y., 1938.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Economics in One Easy Lesson</cite>, by Henry Hazlitt, Harper and Bros.,
-N. Y. and London, 1946.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Empire of the Tsars and the Russians, The</cite>, by Anatole Leroy Beaulieu,
-G. P. Putnam’s Sons, N. Y., 1893.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[Pg 190]</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="center">F</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Fight for the Republic of China, The</cite>, by B. L. Putnam Weale, Dodd,
-Mead and Co., N. Y., 1917.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">G</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Genghis Khan</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Robert M. McBride and Co., N. Y.,
-1927.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Great Globe Itself, The</cite>, by William C. Bullitt, Charles Scribner’s Sons,
-N. Y., 1946.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">H</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>History of Civilization</cite>, by James Henry Breasted, Ginn &amp; Co., N. Y.
-and Boston, 1937.</p>
-
-<p><cite>History of Russia, A</cite>, by Bernard Pares, Alfred A. Knopf, N. Y., 1926.</p>
-
-<p><cite>History of the Russian Empire Under Peter the Great</cite>, by Voltaire,
-Vol. XVIII, St. Hubert Guild, N. Y., 1901.</p>
-
-<p><cite>History of the Russian Revolution</cite>, by Leon Trotsky, Vols. I, II, III,
-Simon and Schuster, N. Y., 1932.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">I</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Inside Asia</cite>, by John Gunther, Harper and Bros., N. Y. and London,
-1942.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Intelligence Digest</cite>—A Review of World Affairs.</p>
-
-<p><cite>International Relations of the Chinese Empire, The</cite>, by Hosea Ballou
-Morse, Longmans, Green and Co., N. Y., Vols. I, II, III, 1918.</p>
-
-<p><cite>I Speak for the Chinese</cite>, by Carl Crow, Harper and Bros., N. Y. and
-London, 1937.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Ivan the Terrible, Czar of Russia</cite>, by George Backer, Random House,
-N. Y., 1950.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">J</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Journey to China, A</cite>, by Arnold J. Toynbee, London, Constable and
-Co., Ltd., 1931.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">L</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Life Magazine</cite>, The June 14, issue.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Lost Peace in China</cite>, by George Moorad, E. P. Dutton, N. Y., 1949.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">M</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Man of Independence, The</cite>, by Jonathan Daniels, Lippincott &amp; Co.,
-N. Y., 1940.</p>
-
-<p><cite>March of the Barbarians</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Doubleday, Doran and Co.,
-Inc., N. Y., 1940.</p>
-
-<p><cite>March of Muscovy, The</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Doubleday and Co., Inc.,
-Garden City, N. Y., 1948.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Marco Polo, the Venetian</cite>, Everyman’s Library, Edited by Ernest Rhys,
-1907.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[Pg 191]</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="center">O</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Old Civilizations of the New World</cite>, by Hyatt Verrill, Bobbs-Merrill
-Co., N. Y., 1929.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">P</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Pageant of Chinese History, The</cite>, by Elizabeth Seeger, Longmans,
-Green and Co., N. Y., 1934.</p>
-
-<p>Pamphlets, Foundation for Economic Education, Irvington-on-Hudson,
-N. Y.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Practical Program for America, A</cite>, Edited by Henry Hazlett, Harcourt
-Brace and Co., N. Y., 1932.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">R</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Resistance and Reconstruction</cite>, by Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek, Harper
-and Bros., N. Y. and London, 1943.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Riding the Tiger</cite>, by Harry Carr, Houghton Mifflin Co., N. Y., and
-Boston, 1934.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Russia and the Peace</cite>, by Bernard Pares, The MacMillan Co., N. Y.,
-1944.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Russian Enigma, The</cite>, by William Henry Chamberlin, Charles Scribner’s
-Sons, N. Y., 1943.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Russia and the Russians</cite>, by Edward Crankshaw, Viking Press, N. Y.,
-1948.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">S</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Siberia</cite>, by Emil Lengyel, Random House, N. Y., 1942.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Soong Sisters, The</cite>, by Emily Hahn, Doubleday, Doran and Co., Garden
-City, N. Y., 1942.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Speaking Frankly</cite>, by James F. Byrnes, Harper Bros., N. Y., 1947.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Stalin, A Critical Survey of Bolshevism</cite>, by Boris Souvarine, Longmans,
-Green and Co., N. Y., 1939.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Stalin’s Russia and the Crisis in Socialism</cite>, by Max Eastman, W. W.
-Norton and Co., N. Y., 1940.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Study in History, A</cite>, by Arnold J. Toynbee, Abridgement of Vols. I-VI,
-by D. C. Somervell, N. Y., G. Cumberlege, Oxford University
-Press, 1946.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">T</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>Tamerlane, the Earth Shaker</cite>, by Harold Lamb, Robert M. McBride
-and Co., N. Y., 1928.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Tinder Box of Asia, The</cite>, by George E. Sokolsky, Doubleday, Doran
-and Co., Inc., N. Y., 1932.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Together</cite>, by Katherine Tupper Marshall, Tupper &amp; Love, Inc., N. Y.,
-Atlanta, 1946.</p>
-
-<p><cite>Trade and Administration of the Chinese Empire, The</cite>, by Hosea Ballou
-Morse, Longmans, Green and Co., N. Y., 1908.</p>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center">W</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p><cite>War in the East</cite>, by Charles A’Court Repington, John Murray, London,
-1905.</p>
-
-<p><cite>We’re in This with Russia</cite>, by Wallace Carroll, Houghton Mifflin Co.,
-Boston, 1942.</p>
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[Pg 193]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="Index"><em>Index</em></h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<ul class="index">
-<li class="ifrst"><p>A</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Acheson, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><em>American Mercury</em>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Atwood, Harry E., <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Anti-Imperialist League, <a href="#Page_67">67</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Aristotle, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Attila, the Hun, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Attlee, Prime Minister, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>B</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Ballentine Beer Patches,” <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Big Noses,” <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bleucher, General, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Borodin, Michael, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Bourtai, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Genghis Khan, favorite wife of)</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Browder, Earl, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Byrnes, Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>C</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cairo Conference, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Canton, Russians in, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chang Kuo Sin, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Checfoo, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Cheng Tien-shi, Dr., <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chennault, Claire L., <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chiang Kai-shek, Madame, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">building of model village by, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, (See <em>also</em> Soong, Sisters).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chiang Kai-shek, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103-116</a>,</li>
-<li class="isub1">contributions of, to the U. S., <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“Golden Decade” of, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">mistakes of, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">tragedy of, <a href="#Page_103">103-116</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chinese Communist Party, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Central Committee of, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Central People’s Government, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Personalities, <a href="#Page_45">45-68</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">young intelligentsia of, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chinese New Year, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chingwangtao, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chou En-lai, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56-61</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">family of, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">wife of, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“Executioner,” <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chungking, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">destruction of, by Japanese, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">model village in, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Churchill, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Chu Teh, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-56</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">as a movie “fan,” <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">family of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">hunting prowess of, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">wives of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Comintern, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Communism, the “lure” of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">forebears of, <a href="#Page_70">70-81</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Communist, flag; propaganda, <a href="#Page_82">82-93</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Propaganda, Communist)</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Confucius, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Courcy, Kenneth de, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Cumshaw,” <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>D</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Dairen, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Daniels, Jonathan, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Drugs, “actedon,” <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“mescaline,” <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">use of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Joseph Cardinal Mindszenty, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub3">(See <em>also</em> Hypnotism, use of)</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Michael Shipkov, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Robert A. Vogeler, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub3">(See <em>also</em> Hypnotism, use of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Democracy, as a principle, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>E</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">England, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Estabrooks, Dr. G. H., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Hypnotism, use of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[Pg 194]</span>Eurasia, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><p>F</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Fifth Column, conception of, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Finland, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Foundation for Economic Education, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Formosa, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">invasion of, <a href="#Page_118">118-120</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">France, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Free love, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>G</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Gallen, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Genghis Khan, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74-78</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">favorite wife of, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“Scourge of God,” <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">superstitions of, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Yassa of, <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Generalissimo, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>H</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hankow, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hatem, Dr., <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">family of, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>. (See <em>also</em> Ma Hia-teh).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hiss, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hirohito, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hitler, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hong Kong, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>, <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">treatment of British in, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hoover administration, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hoover, J. Edgar, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Huns, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hutton, Betty, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hurley, Ambassador, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Hypnotism, use of, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Estabrooks, Dr. G. H.);</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Cardinal Mindszenty, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Robert Vogeler, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub3">(See <em>also</em> Drugs, use of);</li>
-<li class="isub2">on Van der Lubbe, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub3">(See <em>also</em> Drugs, use of).</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>I</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">International News Service, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">International Hospital, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Yenan).</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>J</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Japanese, peace terms offered, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jefferson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jenner, William E., <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Jessup, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Joffe, Adolph, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Judd, Walter H., <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>K</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kalgan Pass, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kung, H. H., Madame, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Soong, Sisters).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kung, H. H., Dr., <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Kwangsi Province, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>L</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lamb, Harold, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lattimore, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lehey, William D., <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lesser concessions, theory of, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Li Li San, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">wife of, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><em>Life Magazine</em>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lin Piao, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Li Tsun-jen, General, <a href="#Page_113">113</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Long March,” the, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Lu Hsun Art Academy, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>M</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">MacArthur, General Douglas, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Madison, James, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ma Hai-teh, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Hatem, Dr.).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Malinovsky, Marshall, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[Pg 195]</span>Mao Tse-tung, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45-50</a>, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">daughter of, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">son of, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">wives of, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">heroine of “Long March,” <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Lang Ping, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Myth, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">propaganda speech by, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manchuria, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94-102</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">as granary of Asia, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">occupation of, by Japanese, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">stripping of, by Communists, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Manchus, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marriage, New Democracy, <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Marshall, General George C., <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">at a Chinese opera, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">at a Communist banquet, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">in conference with Mao, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">preference for Mao, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">visit of, to Yenan, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">McNeil, Hector, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Michener, James, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mindszenty, Joseph Cardinal, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Drugs, use; Hypnotism, use of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Ming Bing, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Min Yuan Park, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Missionaries, Catholic, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Protestants, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mongol, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mongolia, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mossadegh, Mohammed, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Moses, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mud caves, of Yenan, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Mukden, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>N</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nanking, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nan Yuan, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nationalist, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Chiang Kai-shek, tragedy of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“New Democracy,” <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">marriage under the, <a href="#Page_125">125-126</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">New Life Movement, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Nimitz, Admiral Chester, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>O</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Open Door Policy, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Opera, Chinese, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Shanghai, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><p>P</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peace terms, Japanese, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Pei Yuan, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Peking, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">capture of, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">famine in, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Personalities, Communist, <a href="#Page_45">45-69</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Plato, <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Politburo, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Port Arthur, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Prisoners of War School,” <a href="#Page_32">32</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Yenan).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Propaganda, Communist, <a href="#Page_82">82-93</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">against Americans, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">basic purpose of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">distortion of terms in, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">Democracy, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">Freedom, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">Security, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub2">Truth, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">for children, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">newspapers as, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">opera as, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">posters as, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">slogans as, <a href="#Page_84">84</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">speeches as, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">by Mao Tse-tung, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">titles as reward, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">types of, two, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>Q</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quislings, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Quo Vadis, <a href="#Page_131">131-148</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>R</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Red Curtain, Behind the, <a href="#Page_117">117-130</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Republic, discussion of, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Rosenberg, Anna, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Roosevelt, <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Rosamond,” <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Russell, Dean, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Russia, war potential, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Russian advisors, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>S</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Samarkand, Battle of, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sanzo Nosako, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shanghai, fall of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Mayor of, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Russians in, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">treatment of Americans in, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[Pg 196]</span>Shensi Province, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Shipkov, Michael, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Drugs, use of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Soong, Charlie, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">family, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Sisters, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Stakhanovitism,” <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stalin, <a href="#Page_3">3</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">State Department, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Stuart, J. Leighton, Ambassador, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sun Fo, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sun Yat-sen, Madame, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64-69</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Soong, Sisters).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Sun Yat-sen, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">revolution of, <a href="#Page_51">51</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>T</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tamerlane, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tang Shan, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tartars, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tientsin, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Tipping, prohibition against, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“cumshaw,” <a href="#Page_36">36</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trans-Siberian Railway, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trohan, Walter, <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Trotsky, <a href="#Page_2">2</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Truce teams, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Truman, President, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>U</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">United States, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Urals, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>V</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Vogeler, Robert A., <a href="#Page_91">91</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">(See <em>also</em> Drugs, use of; Hypnotism, use of).</li>
-
-<li class="indx">V-J Day, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx"><em>Voice of America</em>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>W</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wallace, Henry, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wedemeyer, Lieutenant General Albert C., <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wei Tao-ming, Madame, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wesleyan College, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Wife swapping, <a href="#Page_125">125</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Worton, Major General William Arthur, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>Y</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yalta, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yangtse River, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">“Yassa,” <a href="#Page_1">1</a>, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yeaton, Colonel Ivan D., <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yenan, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">International Hospital in, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">Market place in, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li>
-<li class="isub1">“Prisoner of War School,” <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li>
-
-<li class="indx">Yenching University, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li>
-
-
-<li class="ifrst"><p>Z</p></li>
-
-<li class="indx">Zukov, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li>
-</ul>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[Pg 199]</span></p>
-
-
-<h2 class="nobreak left" id="About_the_Author">About the Author...</h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>MARY LAMAR KNIGHT, famed foreign correspondent
-and lecturer, graduated into the ranks of foreign
-correspondents while she was on a two-month
-“tour” of Europe in 1930. The tour lasted for five full
-years with only brief vacations and assignments at
-home. At that time Miss Knight was the only woman
-employed on a full-time basis in the Paris Bureau of
-the United Press Associations. In this capacity she covered
-the European continent as a feature writer in the
-varied fields of women’s fashions, crime and politics.</p>
-
-<p>She reported on the outstanding fashions of the
-Parisian designers as they paraded their creations into
-pages of history; she was the first woman since the days
-of the French Revolution to witness the guillotining of
-a famous convict in Paris; she interviewed royalty of
-many nationalities; and, most important of all, she saw
-and studied the beginnings of World War II: the propaganda
-build-up, the international deceit and intrigue,
-the in-human characters of the men who promoted the
-war and prepared the nations of Europe for their own
-destruction.</p>
-
-<p>During her varied career, Miss Knight, who is the
-daughter of the late Dr. Lucian Lamar and Edith Nelson
-Knight, of Atlanta, Georgia, has worked as a nurse
-at Bellevue Hospital, New York, to report on a bitter<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[Pg 200]</span>
-campaign to regulate working conditions for doctors
-and nurses; she was assigned to the New York Women’s
-House of Detention to pose as a prostitute, going to jail
-with Lucky Luciano’s “girls” and latter covered his vice
-trial in the courtroom; at one time she was assigned
-the role of a taxi-dance girl, and at another time
-to join the chorus line of the world-famous “Rockettes”
-at the lavish Music Hall theater; she was the first
-woman reporter allowed to invade the training camps
-of Joe Louis and Max Schmeling prior to their
-title fight which she covered at ringside. In 1935, the
-author embarked for China on a Norwegian freighter.</p>
-
-<p>Remaining in China for two years she travelled to
-most of the principal cities in China, Korea and Manchuria.
-At the borders of Mongolia she witnessed the
-beginnings of her RED BLIGHT of today. The Communists
-were then in the process of developing the tactics,
-the brutality, the deceit and the methods which
-they have so far so successfully employed against their
-homeland and the neighboring countries of Tibet and
-Korea. In China, 1935-36, Mary Lamar Knight had a
-15-year advance in preview of the tragic days that are
-now immediately ahead for all civilized nations. She
-returned to China again in 1946, independently covering
-the Pauley and the Marshall Missions. She met
-and became personally acquainted with most of the
-men who dominate today’s great human conflict—Marshall,
-Wedemeyer, Ambassador Hurley, Chiang
-Kai-shek and Madame Chiang, Chou En-lai and many
-others. Herein she was able to objectively view the entire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[Pg 201]</span>
-American-Chinese crisis, make a personal analysis
-of the appalling international situation and draw the
-conclusions which she presents in RED BLIGHT.</p>
-
-<p>In recent months Miss Knight has spent her time in
-bringing this vitally enlightening book up-to-the-minute
-and appearing before many outstanding political,
-civic and patriotic clubs and organizations as a featured
-speaker on Communism and its avowed principles of
-ruling or ruining the earth.</p>
-
-<p>Among Miss Knight’s published works are: <em>On
-My Own</em>, an autobiography, (MacMillan, 1938); <em>Spies
-versus Censors</em> (Reader’s Digest, May, 1946) and <em>Red
-Realm in China</em> (Reader’s Digest, February, 1947).
-The author was the only woman contributor to <em>We
-Cover the World</em>, the first symposium of foreign correspondents
-(Prentice-Hall).</p>
-
-<p>The author is available for personal appearances
-and speaking engagements. (Fees are variable.)</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[Pg 206]</span></p>
-
-
-<h2 class="left">A Note on KOREA ...</h2>
-
-<p class="no-indent"><em>By Mary Lamar Knight</em></p>
-
-
-<p>Books already have been written about the Korean situation. Although
-it is one spoke in the great Asiatic wheel, Korea is very important,
-but China still remains in the hub of the wheel. One of the
-greatest tragedies of this whole chain of events is that General Douglas
-MacArthur had the difficult—the impossible—task of trying to rescue
-the Korean chestnut from the fire—a fire which might not have
-ignited had his counsel and advice, along with that of Lieutenant
-General Albert C. Wedemeyer and others, been heeded in the first place.</p>
-
-<p>The Communist-inspired invasion of South Korea by the North
-Korean Communists was a trial balloon let loose by the Soviet and
-Chinese Communists to determine how far the United States and the
-United Nations would go before buying an all-out Asiatic war. It
-was a trick from the start, to draw U. S. and UN forces foremost
-into the area from which the U. S. had withdrawn in 1949. Once committed,
-and once having dispatched American—and a trickle of UN
-soldiers into South Korea, the chances were that they could be kept
-there indefinitely. We were permitted, early in the conflict, to cross
-the arbitrary 38th parallel, and to proceed at great difficulty and even
-greater loss of life, to the borders of Manchuria. Then, in typical
-Communist fashion, they struck back in the evening, almost, of our
-declaration of all but total victory. One need only to glance at a map
-of Korea to realize that the Communists, Soviet and Chinese, are in a
-position to pour millions of men into North Korea, dressed as Koreans
-or otherwise, at their will. How could we hope to do anything of a
-permanent nature in unifying Korea against the Communists? The
-Korean patriot Kim Koo, shortly before his assassination and replying
-to a question put to him by Representative Walter Judd said:
-“It doesn’t make any difference what you (the U. S.) do now. There
-just isn’t any way to get Korea so that she can be independent and
-secure and self-sustaining, until you solve the Communist problem
-across the border in Manchuria.” We solved that problem by giving
-that prize to the Soviets. It was Russia’s price for entering the war,
-the last six days of it, as an ally, even though it was rather generally
-known that Japan was ready to surrender.</p>
-
-<p>For every life that may have been spared by the signing of the
-questionable Yalta agreement, thousands of American and Korean
-GI’s, and Korean civilians are now dead, dying and maimed. This
-little Florida-shaped country of Korea, cut up by outsiders, is a tragic
-example of failure to think beyond military objectives. We cannot
-defend Korea from Russian attack without an all-out war. We can
-only prolong the agony. If it was right for us to leave Korea in 1949,
-can we, honestly, justify our re-entry there in 1950—at the price we
-have paid?</p>
-
-<p>There yet remain other fates to be decided—Formosa, the Philippines
-and numerous islands of the Pacific, whether we occupy them or
-not. Have we not already proven that, “It is fantastic to imagine that
-we can convert our enemies into our friends by treating our friends
-as if they were our enemies”?</p>
-
-<p>But to understand the overall picture, one must begin with a knowledge
-of the background that has made China and the United States
-the estranged bed-fellow nations which they have become. The historic
-removal of Douglas MacArthur from all of his commands in the
-Far East, by President Truman at 1 a. m. on April 11, 1951, will have
-far-reaching effects. Due to this move, disaster looms before us
-larger than ever, especially for the United States and Great Britain.
-Nearly a month before the news of the impending MacArthur dismissal
-by the President “leaked” to the American press, headlines had appeared
-in Danish newspapers saying: “British Say ‘MacArthur Must
-go’.”</p>
-
-<p>The average reader, in all probability, sees only a difference of
-opinion in the policies of the political and military leadership on the
-conduct of World War III, but the facts go deeper than this. There
-appears to be a determination on the part of those who are playing
-international politics, to obtain and control world power. MacArthur,
-definitely, was the greatest single stumbling block in their path. To be
-in a position, militarily, to bomb enemy supply sources, and yet forbidden,
-by political directives from Washington, to do this, put greater
-handicaps on MacArthur than he was willing to take. With the MacArthur
-removal, Truman will bend every effort toward silencing all
-who remain opposed to his Acheson-approved manifesto.</p>
-
-<p>On April 1, 1951, correspondent Kenneth de Courcy (<cite>Intelligence
-Digest</cite>—A Review of World Affairs) cabled from London:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“There is no longer even a definite objective in the Korean war.
-Each nation or organization concerned in it seems to have a different
-objective; while each high commander seems to have a
-private idea of what would represent success or victory. If the
-powers that be cannot agree even in Korea, it is hardly surprising
-that they cannot devise an agreed strategy for the entire world.
-Mr. Truman, who is becoming very tired, seems determined to
-await decisive trends of public opinion. His private views and
-conclusions are not likely to be pressed unless he is convinced
-that public opinion is more than ready for them. In fact, American
-public opinion is far ahead of its leadership. Mr. Truman
-however, has not yet been convinced of this....</p>
-
-<p>“The Kremlin reckons on a steadily progressive weakening of
-the Atlantic group of powers. Meanwhile, it is intended to increase
-the flow of warlike supplies and indirect help to Asiatic
-Communist forces, rather than to the European satellites. Major
-developments are timed to take place in Asia before the end of
-this year, which by the middle of 1952, will give the USSR access
-to certain valuable and essential raw materials which now
-have to be purchased from outside the Soviet system.... The
-Kremlin thinks war with the West will become inevitable ... but
-hopes to be able to postpone this war until Burma and India
-have been brought within the Soviet sphere of influence.”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>To follow the MacArthur program has been called a “colossal
-gamble,” but what greater gamble can there be than sitting back and
-waiting for the enemy to come and destroy us? Was England able to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[Pg 207]</span>
-stop Hitler by appeasement? Nor will the present British Labor Government
-be able to silence the Chinese Communists by promising
-them Formosa and a hand in the Japanese peace treaty if, indeed, the
-Japanese accept such a treaty.</p>
-
-<p>Those who still believe that a “deal” can be made with Stalin or
-Communists anywhere, just do not know the history of Communism or
-of Communism’s forbears. MacArthur’s removal from the scene at
-this time is cause for jubilation among the radically inclined the world
-over, for this particular American hero was Stalin’s Enemy Number
-One.</p>
-
-<p>Another great boon to the Chinese and Korean Reds is that Truman
-has virtually promised them that their Manchurian bases will not be
-bombed by us, unless of course, they step out of line and bomb us first.
-Thus, they can continue to kill and maim our boys without fear of too
-much retaliation on our part. We won two great victories on the battlefields
-of World Wars I and II, but we lost them both at conference
-tables. Political double-talk always gives the enemy a far greater victory
-than could be won on the battlefield.</p>
-
-<p>The political moves made by the powers that be in Washington
-serve only to cancel out our military victories. On November 16,
-1950, when Russia vetoed the Security Council’s resolution demanding
-that China clear out of Korea, she put the blame for the Korean war
-squarely in her own lap. But as long as Stalin and the Kremlin remain
-within the United Nations, this international body politic will
-remain hamstrung, for it will be used as an instrument to give aid and
-comfort to Communists everywhere in achieving military aggression
-against the Western Hemisphere. For Russia, as a member of the
-United Nations, with veto power, has sent no troops to Korea to
-fight the aggression. But why should she be exempt when others are
-not? A United Nations operating in opposite directions cannot be
-very united. With one side of the UN fighting aggression and another
-faction pushing it, defeat can be the only outcome. When the Korean
-war first burst into actual flame, and we discovered that Russia was
-openly, as well as secretly, supporting the North Koreans, why did<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[Pg 208]</span>
-we not then expel her from the UN and declare her an enemy of the
-peace? Had we had the courage to do so, the story would be different
-today. Now, with our hands tied behind our backs, we wait for the
-enemy to make the next move in the most tragic game of chess ever
-played with flesh and blood pawns.</p>
-
-<p>It is difficult to understand why General MacArthur was prevented
-from arming some 400,000 unarmed South Koreans. On April 6,
-1951, he stated that political decisions beyond his authority prevented
-him from doing this, but why were they deprived of fighting for their
-own land? And why were American fathers and sons to be butchered
-in battle to free those who would gladly fight for themselves, but for
-political interference? No short term good ever derived from a long
-term evil, nor can any amount of political expediency replace military
-emergency.</p>
-
-<p>Terrible sabotage in this country is not unlikely. On April 7, 1951,
-J. Edgar Hoover stood before the Senate Committee and said: “A hard
-core of Communists trained in sabotage is ready to strike at vital industries
-...” and he added that this would be one of the most effective
-weapons that Stalin could use against the United States.</p>
-
-<p>Despite denials from the White House and State Department, we
-know that Russia has a solid network of spies and undercover agents
-operating in every department of our national life, operating to destroy
-us from within, circumventing the need for any long-range attack.</p>
-
-<p>To those who stubbornly maintain that the blood of more than
-sixty thousand American boys killed or wounded in Korea, in addition
-to an almost equal number of what are called non-battle casualties,
-still constitutes merely a “police action,” I say in all reverence, may
-God forgive you. We are at war now. No amount of waiting or appeasement
-will put off World War III. We are in it up to our necks.</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[Pg 209]</span></p>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak left" id="Your_First_Step">Your First Step....</h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p>“The journey of a thousand miles begins with just one step ...”
-says a Chinese proverb.</p>
-
-<p>Millions of Americans today know that we have to take that “one
-step” individually, if order is to be restored to the national house
-in which we live.</p>
-
-<p>You have read in this volume of the many wrong steps in the
-wrong direction that have been taken by our national planners. These
-have resulted in the human turmoil, the domestic unrest, and in undeclared
-war against Communism. Our battlefield casualties have
-already passed the seventy thousand mark.</p>
-
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-</table>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-
-
-
-<div class="transnote">
-
-<h2>Transcriber’s Notes</h2>
-
-<ul>
-<li>pg 10 Changed at no time had be to: he</li>
-<li>pg 13 Changed spelling of Moa Tse-tung to: Mao</li>
-<li>pg 15 Changed swayed to its ryhthmic to: rhythmic</li>
-<li>pg 22 Changed methods of Genghis Kahn to: Khan</li>
-<li>pg 23 Changed that these are dissillusioning to: disillusioning</li>
-<li>pg 25 Changed Eighth Regiment at Fort Screvan to: Screven</li>
-<li>pg 26 Added quote after: finest regiments in the Army.</li>
-<li>pg 27 Changed May God forebid to: forbid</li>
-<li>pg 31 Changed this last shipemnt to: shipment</li>
-<li>pg 32 Changed proved to be a diobolical to: diabolical</li>
-<li>pg 46 Changed Moa’s childhood was to: Mao’s</li>
-<li>pg 50 Changed devotion to Confuscius to: Confucius</li>
-<li>pg 52 Changed fire of vitrolic to: vitriolic</li>
-<li>pg 56 Replaced comma with period at: foreign dignitaries with ease</li>
-<li>pg 56 Changed did such a consumate to: consummate</li>
-<li>pg 58 Changed more violent and vitrolic to: vitriolic</li>
-<li>pg 58 Added double quote to end of sentence: return to China from Europe?</li>
-<li>pg 66 Changed publicity she so abhored to: abhorred</li>
-<li>pg 67 Changed capitalization of world Anti-Imperialist to: World</li>
-<li>pg 67 Changed capitalization of a cable to the anti-Imperialist to: Anti</li>
-<li>pg 67 Changed mind and persuasive personalitly to: personality</li>
-<li>pg 72 Changed horsemen in the earily to: early</li>
-<li>pg 73 Changed dirty and disheaveled to: disheveled</li>
-<li>pg 86 Changed effort is wasted on superflous to: superfluous</li>
-<li>pg 91 Changed warrant a demontration to: demonstration</li>
-<li>pg 105 Changed capitalization of it had become obvious to: It</li>
-<li>pg 135 Changed established in this county to: country</li>
-<li>pg 138 Changed humiliation and degredation to: degradation</li>
-<li>pg 141 Changed economically and phychologically to: psychologically</li>
-<li>pg 142 Changed use our almost unprecendented to: unprecedented</li>
-<li>pg 146 Changed dispatch datelined Teheran to: Tehran</li>
-<li>pg 152 Changed Russian reentry to: re-entry</li>
-<li>pg 153 Changed facilitate China’s post-war to: postwar</li>
-<li>pg 154 Added comma after: Korea, the political</li>
-<li>pg 155 Changed bound ideolologically to: ideologically</li>
-<li>pg 163 Changed developments as portentious to: portentous</li>
-<li>pg 164 Changed program of assistant to: assistance</li>
-<li>pg 164 Changed eight years of war. to: war,</li>
-<li>pg 166 Changed to preserve Korea to: Korea’s</li>
-<li>pg 167 Removed comma from: first meeting March 8, 1946</li>
-<li>pg 169 Changed continue as long is to: as</li>
-<li>pg 169 Changed In the over-all administration to: overall</li>
-<li>pg 174 Added space between words eastern and half</li>
-<li>pg 177 Changed land for rise to: rice</li>
-<li>pg 177 Changed chaotic hyperinflation to: hyper-inflation</li>
-<li>pg 178 Removed period after: 1915-19 to 2.0</li>
-<li>pg 178 Changed diet until indigeous to: indigenous</li>
-<li>pg 179 Changed over 300 gram to: grams</li>
-<li>pg 179 Changed salt an sugar to: and</li>
-<li>pg 180 Changed long-staple Egyption to: Egyptian</li>
-<li>pg 181 Changed in the time alloted to: allotted</li>
-<li>pg 182 Removed duplicate word and their own own country</li>
-<li>pg 184 Changed Army in its over-all to: overall</li>
-<li>pg 186 Changed expansion of miltaristic to: militaristic</li>
-<li>pg 189 Changed Charles Schribner’s to: Scribner’s</li>
-<li>pg 191 Changed Education, Irrington-on Hudson to: Irvington</li>
-<li>pg 193 Changed spelling of Aristole to Aristotle and changed page number from 143 to 144</li>
-<li>pg 193 Changed spelling of Centrol People’s Government to: Central</li>
-<li>pg 193 Changed spelling of Crinese New Year to: Chinese</li>
-<li>pg 193 Changed period to semicolon after: Drugs, use of, 90, 91</li>
-<li>pg 193 Changed period to semicolon after: Chiang Kai-shek, Madame, 64, 104, 106</li>
-<li>pg 194 Fixed page references under Hypnotism</li>
-<li>pg 194 Replaced semi-colon with period after: International News Service</li>
-<li>pg 195 Changed spelling under Mindszenty of Hynotism to: Hypnotism</li>
-<li>pg 196 Changed Sun Yet-sen to: Yat-sen</li>
-<li>pg 196 Changed spelling of: Hynotism under Vogeler to: Hypnotism</li>
-</ul>
-
-</div>
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