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      A voice from Waterloo, by Edward Cotton—A Project Gutenberg eBook
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<body>
<div>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69670 ***</div>

<div class="transnote">
<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>

<p>Footnote anchors are denoted by <span class="fnanchor">[number]</span>, and the footnotes have been
placed at the end of each chapter.</p>

<p>Many minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book</a>.</p>
</div>


<div class="figcenter illowp76" id="cover" style="max-width: 30em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/cover.jpg" alt="Original cover">
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<p class="p2 pfs180">THE FIELD OF WATERLOO.</p>

<hr class="r10">
<p class="pfs120">HOTEL DU MUSÉE,</p>

<p class="p1 pfs80 lsp2">AT THE FOOT OF THE LION MOUNT.</p>


<p>This Hotel, kept by a niece of the late Sergeant-Major
Cotton, is situated in the very centre of the field of Waterloo,
and is strongly recommended to visitors on account of its
proximity to the scenes of interest connected with the great
battle, and also for the excellent accomodation and comfort
it offers at moderate charges.—<cite>See Bradshaw’s continental
Guide.</cite></p>

<hr class="r5">

<p class="center lht"><em>Wines and Spirits of the best quality. Bass’s pale Ale;<br>
London porter, etc.</em></p>

<hr class="r10a">
<hr class="r10b">

<p><em>N.B.</em>—<span class="smcap">Guide Books</span>,—“The voice from Waterloo”
by Sergeant Cotton, the most correct and cheapest account
of the battle published—Plans of the field views and Photographs
of all noted places always on sale at the Hotel.</p>

<p>A Museum of Relics shewn to visitors.</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<h1>
A VOICE<br>
<span class="fs60">FROM</span><br>
<span class="fs150 lsp4">WATERLOO.</span>
</h1>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<p class="p4 center">
<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Déposé selon la loi.</i></p>

<hr class="r5">

<p class="p2 center"><em>Entered at Stationers’ Hall.</em></p>

<p class="p6 pfs60">BRUSSELS:<br>
J. H. Briard, Printer, 4, Rue aux Laines.</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="frontispiece" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/frontispiece.jpg" alt="Frontispiece">
  <div class="caption">NAPOLEON.  <span class="pad30pc">WELLINGTON.</span>
</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<p class="p2 pfs150">A VOICE FROM</p>

<p class="p1 pfs240 bold lsp2">WATERLOO</p>

<p class="p2 pfs100">A HISTORY OF THE BATTLE</p>

<p class="p1 pfs80">FOUGHT ON THE 18TH JUNE 1815</p>

<p class="p2 pfs70">WITH A SELECTION FROM THE WELLINGTON DISPATCHES, GENERAL ORDERS<br>
AND LETTERS RELATING TO THE BATTLE.<br>
ILLUSTRATED WITH ENGRAVINGS, PORTRAITS AND PLANS.</p>

<p class="p2 pfs70">BY</p>

<p class="p1 pfs120">SERGEANT-MAJOR EDWARD COTTON</p>

<p class="p1 pfs80">(LATE 7TH HUSSARS).</p>

<hr class="r10a">
<p class="pfs70">“Facts are stubborn things.”</p>
<hr class="r10b">

<p class="p2 pfs70 bold">SIXTH EDITION, REVISED AND ENLARGED.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="title_sep" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/title_sep.jpg" alt="(decorative separator)">
</div>

<p class="p4 pfs60">PRINTED FOR THE PROPRIETOR,</p>
<p class="pfs70">MONT-ST.-JEAN,</p>
<p class="pfs60">SOLD ALSO BY THE PRINCIPAL BOOKSELLERS IN BELGIUM.</p>
<p class="pfs70">LONDON</p>
<p class="pfs60">B. GREEN, PATERNOSTER-ROW.</p>

<p class="p1 pfs120">1862</p>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[Pg v]</span><br></p>

<p class="p4 pfs120">AS A TESTIMONY</p>

<p class="p2 pfs100">of the profound admiration entertained for His Lordship by every British soldier,</p>

<p class="p2 pfs60 lsp2">THIS WORK IS HUMBLY DEDICATED</p>

<p class="p1 pfs120">TO FIELD-MARSHAL THE MOST NOBLE</p>

<p class="p1 pfs135 bold">THE MARQUIS OF ANGLESEY, K.G., G.C.B., G.C.H.,</p>

<p class="p1 pfs120"><em>by His Lordship’s grateful servant</em>,</p>

<p class="p1 right lsp2">E. COTTON, Sergeant-Major,</p>

<p class="right padr4 fs70">LATE 7TH HUSSARS.</p>


<hr class="p4 chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span><br></p>

<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2>
</div>

<p class="p2 pfs70 lsp2">TO THE SIXTH EDITION.</p>

<hr class="r10">

<p class="p2 noindent">“A Voice from Waterloo” is the unassuming tale of an
old soldier who was an eyewitness of and actor in many of
the scenes he attempts to describe.</p>

<p>My having resided more than fourteen years on the field,
as Guide, and Describer of the battle, may be considered as
the parent of the present memoirs.</p>

<p>No one can be more convinced than I am, of my inability
to do justice to the subject: but I have had great advantages
in communicating personally on the spot with “Waterloo
men” of every nation; all of whom, from the general to the
private, have evidently considered it a duty and a pleasure to
assist an old companion in arms. The inquiries and comments
made by those gallant men, have afforded me opportunities of
gleaning much information which no other person has obtained,
and has enabled me to give a fuller and truer history
of the battle, than a more talented man could have done,
unless he had enjoyed the same privilege.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></p>

<p>One of my objects in writing, is to correct opinions which
have gone forth, and which are greatly at variance with
facts: opinions so erroneous as to warrant the remark of
general Jomini, that “Never was a battle so confusedly
described as that of Waterloo.” It is certain that the hour of
many occurrences on the field has been erroneously stated:
such as of the arrival, or rather becoming engaged, of the
different Prussian corps; the fall of La Haye-Sainte, defeat
of the Imperial guard, etc.</p>

<p>After the publication of so many accounts of the battle of
the 18th of June, it may be fairly asked on what grounds I
expect to awaken fresh interest in a subject so long before
the public. Can I reconcile the conflicting statements which
have already appeared in print? Can I add to the information
which most of my countrymen already possess concerning this
memorable epoch? Or can I present that information in a
compendious and lucid form, such as the general reader may
still need? Something in all these ways, I hope I have
accomplished.</p>

<p>Putting aside some of the French and English accounts
as not only irreconcilable with facts, but as self-refuted
by their inconsistencies and mutual contradictions,—using
such of the French narratives as agree with those of their
opponents, which, as Wellington observed of Napoleon’s
bulletins, may be safely relied upon as far as they tell
against themselves,—I have cleared up a great number
of the points disputed by our own writers, who agree in
the main, but differ in some circumstances involving not
merely questions of time and locality of certain events, but
even the claims of individuals, regiments and brigades to
the honour attached to their deeds on that day. By my
long residence at Mont-St.-Jean, constant study of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span>
surface of the battle field, knowledge of the composition and
even <em>dress</em> of the different bodies of the French troops which
stood before us, and by paying close attention to the remarks
made by many a gallant comrade revisiting the spot, I have
in a great measure succeeded in reconciling discrepancies
which perhaps no other person could explain.</p>

<p>I am also emboldened to think that my “<span class="smcap">Voice from
Waterloo</span>” presents to the general reader all the leading
facts of this eventful struggle, in so concise a manner, and
at so moderate a cost, as to secure it a preference over every
other narration of the battle.</p>

<p>Although not strictly belonging to “<span class="smcap">A Voice from Waterloo</span>,”
I have added, as a connecting link in the narrative,
an outline map, and a sketch of the military operations of
the campaign of 1815.</p>

<p>Most anxious to avoid the imputation of having employed
the materials of others without acknowledgment, I beg to
state that, besides various military periodicals, I have made
use of captain Siborne’s History of the War in France
and Belgium: The Military Life of the Duke of Wellington,
by Major Basil Jackson and Captain Rochfort Scott; The
Wellington Dispatches and General Orders, by Colonel Gurwood;
Fall of Napoleon, by Colonel Mitchell; Political and
Military Life of Napoleon, and The Art of War, by General
Jomini; History of the King’s German Legion, by Major
Beamish; Prussian History of the Campaign of 1815, by
General Grollman, etc., etc.</p>

<p>As to the manner in which I have executed my task,
I know I am open to criticism. No doubt many of my
remarks will be considered too digressive. Some persons
will think I am too hard upon Napoleon: my authorities
in this are more frequently French than English. Others<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span>
will judge me too partial to the immortal Wellington.</p>

<p>Waterloo was termed by Napoleon, “a concurrence of
unexempled fatalities, a day not to be comprehended. Was
there treason? or was there only misfortune?”</p>

<p>Wellington said, that “he had never before fought so
hard a battle, nor won so great a victory.” If the reader
derive the same impression from his attention to “<span class="smcap">A Voice
from Waterloo</span>,” I shall be satisfied, because I shall have
succeeded.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr4"><span class="smcap">Edward Cotton</span>,</span><br>
<em>Waterloo Guide, and Describer of the Battle</em>.</p>

<p class="fs80"><span class="smcap">Mont-St.-Jean</span>, February, 1849.</p>


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<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span><br></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS.</h2>
</div>

<hr class="r10">

<table class="p4 autotable fs80">
<tr>
<td class="tdlx smcap">To the Marquis of Anglesey</td>
<td class="tdr"><em>Page</em></td>
<td class="tdrb fs80"><a href="#Page_v">V</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx smcap">Preface</td>
<td class="tdrb"></td>
<td class="tdrb fs80"><a href="#Page_vii">VII</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER I.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Napoleon leaves Elba; lands in France.—Louis XVIII quits Paris.—Napoleon, joined by the army, arrives in Paris.—Hostile declaration of the great powers of Europe against Napoleon, which he treats with contempt, and prepares for war.—France soon appears one vast camp.—Allied armies
                             assemble in Belgium.—The duke of Wellington arrives and takes the command; adopts precautionary measures.—In consequence of rumours, his Grace issues a secret memorandum, and draws the army together.—Strength, composition and distribution of the allied, Prussian, and French armies.—Continued
                             rumours; and certain intelligence of the enemy’s advance.—Importance of holding Brussels.—Napoleon’s attempt to surprise us frustrated.—Blücher concentrates his forces.—Napoleon joins his army, and issues his order of the day; attacks the Prussian outposts, and takes Charleroi.—Intelligence
                             reaches the Duke.—Distribution of the enemy.—The Duke orders the army to prepare, and afterwards to march on Quatre-Bras.—The duchess of Richmond’s ball.—The troops in motion at early dawn.—His Grace proceeds by Waterloo to Quatre-Bras, and from thence to Ligny, where he meets Blücher, whom he
                             promises to support, and returns to Quatre-Bras.—Picton’s division and the Brunswickers arrive at Quatre-Bras, and are attacked by the French left column under Ney; more of our troops arrive.—Outline of the battles of Quatre-Bras and Ligny.—Observations.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER II.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Colonel Gordon’s patrol discovers the Prussians are retreating upon Wavre.—The allied army ordered to retire upon Waterloo.—The Duke writes to Blücher.—Retreat commenced, followed by the enemy.—Skirmishing.—Pressed by the lancers, who are charged by the 7th hussars; the latter are
                             <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii"></a>[xii]</span>
                             repulsed.—The life-guards make a successful charge.—Lord Anglesey’s letter, refuting a calumnious report of his regiment.—Allied army arrives on the Waterloo position.—The enemy arrive on the opposite heights, and salute us with round-shot, to which we reply to their cost.—Piquets thrown out
                             on both sides.—Dismal bivac; a regular soaker.—The Duke and Napoleon’s quarters.—His Grace receives an answer from Blücher.—Probability of a quarrel on the morrow.—Orders sent to general Colville.—Description of the field of Waterloo; Hougoumont and La Haye-Sainte.—Disposition of the allied
                             army, and the advantages of our position.—Disposition of the enemy, and admirable order of battle.—<em>The eve of Waterloo.</em>—Morning of the 18th wet and uncomfortable; our occupation.—The Duke arrives; his appearance, dress, staff, etc.—Positions corrected.—French bands play, and their troops
                             appear; are marshalled by Napoleon, a magnificent sight, worth ten years of peaceful life.—Why tarries Napoleon with his grand martial display?—The Emperor passes along his lines; his troops exhibit unbounded enthusiasm; his confidence of victory.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER III.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">The Duke at Hougoumont, makes a slight change, returns to the ridge.—Battle commences at Hougoumont; Jérôme’s columns put in motion, drew the fire of our batteries upon them, to which theirs replied.—Close fighting at Hougoumont.—Our left menaced by the enemy’s cavalry.—Howitzers open upon the
                             enemy in the wood of Hougoumont.—The enemy press on and approach the masked wall, from whence the crashing fusillade astounds them.—Our troops under lord Saltoun charge and rout the enemy; a portion of whom pass Hougoumont on their right, and enter the gate; a desperate struggle ensues.—Gallantry
                             of colonel Macdonell, sergeant Graham, and the Coldstream.—The enemy’s light troops drive off our right battery.—Colonel Woodford, with a body of the Coldstream, reinforces Hougoumont.—Sergeant Graham rescues his brother from the flames.—Prussian cavalry observed.—Hougoumont a stumbling-block to
                             the enemy, who now prepare to attack our left.—Napoleon observes apart of Bulow’s Prussian corps, and detaches cavalry to keep them in check.—A Prussian hussar taken prisoner; his disclosures to the enemy.—Soult writes a dispatch to Grouchy.—Oversight of Napoleon, who orders Ney to attack our
                             left.—D’Erlon’s columns advance; terrific fire of artillery.—La Haye-Sainte and Papelotte attacked.—Picton’s division, aided by Ponsonby’s cavalry, defeat the enemy.—Shaw the life-guardsman killed.—Struggle for a colour.—A female hussar killed.—Picton killed.—Scots Greys and Highlanders charge
                             together.—Two eagles captured, with a host of prisoners.—Our heavy cavalry get out of hand.—Ponsonby killed.—12th dragoons charge.—Our front troops drawn back.—Charge of Kellermann’s cuirassiers, repulsed by Somerset’s household brigade, who following up the enemy mix with Ponsonby’s dragoons on
                             the French position.—Captain Siborne’s narrative of the attack upon our left and centre.—Heroism of lord Uxbridge.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_47">47</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER IV.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii"></a>[xiii]</span></td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Hougoumont reinforced, the enemy driven back.—The enemy’s cavalry charge, and are driven off.—Struggle in the orchard continued.—Advance of a column of French infantry, who suffer and are checked by the terrific fire of our battery.—Napoleon directs his howitzers upon Hougoumont, which is soon set
                             on fire; notwithstanding, the Duke ordered it to be held at any cost.—La Haye-Sainte again assailed.—A <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ruse</i> of the enemy’s lancers.—Fire of the enemy’s artillery increases.—Importance of our advanced posts.—Ney’s grand cavalry attacks; destructive fire of our guns upon them, and their
                             gallantry.—After numerous fruitless attempts against our squares, the enemy get mixed; are broken, and driven back by our cavalry.—Their artillery again open fire upon us.—Extraordinary scene of warfare.—An ammunition waggon in a blaze.—The earth trembles with the concussion of the artillery.—Ney,
                             reinforced with cavalry, continues his aggressions, and, as before, after repeated fruitless attacks, the assailants are driven off.—Terrific fire of artillery.—Not so many saddles emptied by our musketry as expected.—The enemy’s attacks less frequent and animated.—Captain Siborne’s lively description
                             of Ney’s grand cavalry attack.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_73">73</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER V.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Difficulties encountered by the Prussians on their march from Wavre; a portion of them are about debouching.—Blücher encourages them by his presence.—The Duke had been in constant communication with the Prussians, who take advantage of Napoleon’s neglecting to protect his right.—Two brigades of Bulow’s
                             corps advance upon the French right.—A Prussian battery opens fire.—Cavalry demonstrations.—Napoleon orders De Lobau’s (sixth) corps to his right, to oppose the Prussians, and brings the old and middle guard forward.—Bulow extends his line and presses on.—De Lobau’s guns exchange a brisk cannonade with
                             the Prussian batteries.—La Haye-Sainte again assailed and set on fire, which was got under.—Loss of a colour.—Destructive fire of our battery upon the French cavalry.—Our artillery suffer dreadfully from that of the enemy.—Hanoverian cavalry quit the field.—A column of the enemy’s infantry advances and
                             is driven back.—Chassé’s division called back from Braine-l’Alleud.—Lord Hill’s troops brought forward, a sight quite reviving.—Struggle at Hougoumont continued.—Adam’s brigade attacks, drives back the enemy, and takes up an advanced position.—La Haye-Sainte taken by the French.—The 52d regiment in line
                             repulses a charge of cuirassiers.—General Foy’s eulogium on our infantry.—Napoleon’s snappish reply to Ney’s demand.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_85">85</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">La Haye-Sainte strengthened by the enemy, who drive our riflemen from the knoll and sand-pit, and throw a crashing fire upon our front troops, who return it with vigour.—The enemy push forward, between La Haye-Sainte and our position, some guns that fire grape, but are soon dislodged.—Destructive
                             <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv"></a>[xiv]</span>
                             fire of our rifles upon the cuirassiers.—Our guards and Halkett’s brigade assailed by skirmishers, who are driven off.—Prussian force in the field.—The Prussians approach Plancenoit.—De Lobau falls back.—Prussian round-shot fall at La Belle-Alliance.—The young guard sent to Plancenoit.—Blücher informed of
                             Thielmann’s corps left at Wavre being vigorously attacked.—Desperate struggle at Plancenoit, which is reinforced by the enemy, when the whole Prussian force is driven back.—Onset follows onset.—The Duke, by aid of his telescope, looks for the Prussians.—Hougoumont continues a scene of carnage.—Our centre
                             suffers dreadfully from the crowds of skirmishers who now press on in swarms.—French battery pushed forward, and dislodged by one of ours.—The 30th and 73d colours sent to the rear.—The Duke is coolness personified.—The troops murmur to be led on to try the effect of cold steel.—The Prussians keep up a
                             cannonade.—Our line remains firm.—More Prussians swarming along.—Napoleon’s doom soon to be sealed.—Imperial guard formed into columns of attack.—Many of our guns rendered useless.—Disorder in our rear.—Our army much reduced; those left are determined to conquer or perish.—Vivian and Vandeleur’s brigades
                             move from the left to the centre, which gives confidence to the few brave fellows remaining.—His Grace observes the enemy forming for attack, and makes preparations to receive the coming storm.—Colonel Freemantle sent in search of the Prussians.—Our centre continues a duelling ground.—Gallant conduct of
                             the prince of Orange, who is wounded.—The Nassau-men and Brunswickers give way in confusion; Wellington gallops up, and aided by Vivian, Kielmansegge and other officers, puts all right again.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_97">97</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Napoleon advances his Imperial guard; gives it up to Ney.—The Emperor addresses his men for the last time.—Blücher’s guns blazing away, the enemy replies.—Napoleon circulates a false report.—The French guards about to attack men who, like themselves, had never been beaten.—Tremendous roar of artillery.—Vandersmissen’s
                             brigade of guns arrives.—The right or leading column of the Imperial guard, on ascending the tongue of ground, suffers dreadfully from our double-charged guns, which it appears to disregard.—Ney’s horse killed.—The attacking column crowns the ridge, well supported.—“<em>Up, guards, make ready!</em>”—The British
                             guards, Halkett’s brigade, with Bolton’s and Vandersmissen’s batteries, open fire upon the head of the assailing column, which it returns.—Gallantry of sir Colin Halkett.—The enemy in confusion, charged by our guards and Halkett’s 30th and 73d regiments.—The first French column, after displaying the most heroic
                             courage, gives way in disorder.—The second attacking column approaching, suffers from our batteries.—Our guards, ordered to retire, get into disorder, which soon sets to right again.—Halkett’s brigade in great confusion, but soon recovers.—D’Aubremé’s Netherlanders in the greatest disorder.—Our batteries, with
                             the guards, open fire upon the head of the left attacking column, whilst the 52d and rifles assail its front and left flank; the French return the fire with vigour.—The crisis.—The enemy in confusion, charged in flank, gives way.—Pursued by Adam’s brigade.—Vivian’s hussars launched forward upon the enemy’s
                             <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv"></a>[xv]</span>
                             reserves; their disposition.—General disposition of the Prussian and French armies.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER VIII.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">As the Imperial guard retired in the greatest disorder, its retreat caused a panic throughout the French army.—The Prussians being relieved from the pressure of the enemy’s right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>, their operations begin to take effect.—Wellington observing the state of things, determines to attack, and orders
                             the advance of his whole line.—His Grace in front, hat high in air.—Vivian’s hussars get a message from the Duke; they form line, attack and drive off the enemy.—Colonel Murray’s dangerous leap.—Vandeleur’s brigade advanced.—Major Howard killed.—General Cambronne made prisoner.—Adam’s brigade attacks and
                             drives off the rallied force of the Imperial guard.—Lord Uxbridge wounded; sir J. O. Vandeleur commands the cavalry.—Sir Colin Campbell begs the Duke not to remain under the heavy fire.—Adam’s brigade menaced by cuirassiers.—His Grace with but one attendant.—Adam’s brigade falls upon a broken column of the
                             enemy.—Singular encounter and act of bravery.—Repugnance to the shedding of human blood unnecessarily.—Battery and prisoners captured.—Adam’s brigade in the line of fire of a Prussian battery.—The 71st capture a battery.—Prussian dispositions to attack Plancenoit and the French right.—Operations of the allies
                             during this period.—Plancenoit the scene of a dreadful struggle.—Bravery of the young guard, who save their eagle.—Humane conduct of their general Pelet.—Napoleon in a square, much pressed.—Wellington and his advanced troops at Rossomme, where the pursuit is relinquished by us, and continued by the Prussians,
                             who, busy in the work of death, press on and capture sixty guns.—On returning towards Waterloo, the Duke meets Blücher, who promises to keep the enemy moving.—His Grace is silent, sombre, and dejected for the loss of his friends.—Bivac.—Observations.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_123">123</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Morning after the battle.—Extraordinary and distressing appearance of the field.—Solicitude for the wounded.—The Duke goes back to Brussels to consult the authorities and soothe the extreme excitement.—Humane conduct of all classes towards the wounded.—The allied army proceeds to Nivelles; joined by our detached
                             force.—His Grace issues a general order.—Overtakes the army. On the 21st we cross the frontier into France.—Proclamation to the French people.—Napoleon abdicates in favour of his son.—Cambray and Péronne taken.—Narrow escape of the Duke.—Grouchy retreats upon Paris, closely pursued by the Prussians.—The British
                             <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvi"></a>[xvi]</span>
                             and Prussian armies arrive before Paris.—Combat of Issy.—Military convention.—The allies enter the capital on the 7th of July.—Louis XVIII enters next day.—Napoleon surrenders at sea, July 15th.—He is exiled to St.-Helena, where he dies in 1821.—Reflections.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_137">137</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER X.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">English, Prussian and French official accounts of the battle.—Marshal Grouchy’s report of the battle of Wavre.—Returns of the different armies.—Position of the allied artillery.—Artillery, etc., taken at Waterloo.—Questions connected with the campaign; Wellington’s position at Waterloo.—Opinion of general
                             Jomini.—The Duke’s plans and expectations.—His letter to lord Castlereagh.—Resolution of the allied powers, on receiving the intelligence of Napoleon’s flight from Elba.—Wellington’s letter to general Kleist.—The Duke’s decision.—His anticipations.—Obstacles which his Grace met with.—Conduct of the Saxon
                             troops.—Blücher forced by them to quit Liège.—Wellington’s resolution concerning these troops.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_145">145</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx" colspan="2">Napoleon’s plans of campaign.—His letter to Ney, and proclamation to the Belgians.—His sanguine expectations, and utter disappointment.—Opinions of French authors on the circumstance of Napoleon’s not reaching Brussels.—Their inconsistencies.—Desire of Napoleon to make his marshals responsible for errors he
                             committed.—Opinion of M. de Vaulabelle.—Napoleon’s charges against Grouchy; impossibility of the latter’s preventing a portion of the Prussians reaching the field of Waterloo—The Emperor’s charges against Ney refuted.—Admirable conduct of Ney during the campaign.—Mode of history-writing at St.-Helena.—The
                             battle not fought against the French nation.—Napoleon’s character.—Motley composition and equivocal loyalty of part of the allied army.—Refutation of the charge that the Duke was taken by surprise; credulity of some English writers on this subject.—His Grace’s admirable precaution.—Foreign statements, that
                             the Prussians saved us, examined.—The tardy cooperation of the Prussians produced, not the defeat, but the total rout of the French.—Conversation of Napoleon at St.-Helena.—Gourgaud’s account.—Opinions of the Duke and lord Hill.—Ney’s testimony in the Chamber of Peers.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_177">177</a></td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr class="r10">


<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak">APPENDIX.</h2>
 </div>

<table class="autotable fs80">
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. I.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Wellington’s Secret Memorandum.—General orders for the movements of the army.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n1">209</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. II.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvii"></a>[xvii]</span></td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Letters from lord Wellington, connected with the campaign: To Sir Charles Stuart, and the duc de Berry; dated three o’clock in the morning, 18th June, 1815.—To the earl of Aberdeen, the duke of Beaufort, and Marshal prince Schwarzenberg; expressing his grief for the loss of some friends on the field.—To general Dumouriez,
                             the earl of Uxbridge, prince de Talleyrand, and lord Beresford; on his conviction that Napoleon had received his death-blow.—To lord Bathurst, saying that he would not be cajoled by the diplomatists, to suspend hostilities until Napoleon was secured from exciting fresh troubles.—The Duke informs the French commissioners,
                             that he cannot consent to any suspension of hostilities.—His Grace insists upon sparing Napoleon’s life, prevents the bridge of Jena being destroyed, and protects Paris from Prussian vengeance.—To the French commissioners, stating his desire to save their capital.—Continued mediation with Blücher, to spare the Parisians’
                             pockets, and preserve them from humiliation; for which the French were most ungrateful, as the subsequent letters show.—Memorandum respecting marshal Ney.—Proclamation of Louis XVIII.—To Scott, Esq., on the loss of La Haye-Sainte, recommending him to leave the battle of Waterloo as it is.—To the duke of York, and lord Bathurst,
                             on the expediency of granting medals.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n2">213</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. III.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Summary of Wellington’s career.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n3">233</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. IV.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Returns of the strength and loss of the British army.—List of British officers killed and wounded.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n4">236</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. V.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Marshal Blücher to baron Müffling.—Note of general Gneisenau.—The prince de la Moskowa to the duc d’Otrante.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n5">252</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. VI.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">Anecdotes relative to the Waterloo campaign.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n6">258</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdcx">No. VII.</td>
<td class="tdlx"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">List of officers who afforded the author information.—Testimonials and presents he has received relating to the battle.</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#dec_sep_n7">272</a></td>
</tr>
</table>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_a" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(decorative separator)">
</div>


<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xviii"></a>[xviii]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="p2 nobreak" id="LIST_OF_PLATES">LIST OF PLATES.</h2>
</div>

<table class="autotable fs80">
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 1. Wellington and Napoleon</td>
<td class="tdrb"><span class="pad6"><a href="#frontispiece"><em>Frontispiece.</em></a></span></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 2. Outline Map of the campaign</td>
<td class="tdrb"><em>facing page</em> &#160; &#160;<a href="#i_b_001"> 1</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 3. Field of Waterloo</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_026fp">26</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 4. Hougoumont</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_028fp">28</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 5. Marshal Ney</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_052">52</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 6. Sir Thomas Picton</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_058">58</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 7. Lord Uxbridge</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_070">70</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 8. Field-Marshal Blücher</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_086">86</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">&#160; 9. Lord Hill</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_093">93</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">10. La Belle-Alliance</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_099fp">99</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">11. Napoleon</td>
<td class="tdrb"><a href="#i_b_191">190</a></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdlx">12. Plan of the Field of Waterloo, towards sun-set, on June 18th</td>
<td class="tdrb"><em><a href="#map">at the end.</a></em></td>
</tr>
</table>

<hr class="p2 chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>

<div class="figcenter illowp46" id="i_b_001" style="max-width: 28.125em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_001.jpg" alt="Outline map of the Waterloo campaign">
<a href="images/i_b_001-large.jpg">
<span class="screenonly fs60 center">click here for larger image.</span></a>
  <div class="caption">OUTLINE MAP OF THE WATERLOO CAMPAIGN.<br>
  <p><em>Drawn for Cotton’s Voice from Waterloo.</em></p>
  </div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[Pg 1]</span><br></p>

<p class="p2 pfs150">A VOICE</p>

<p class="p2 pfs70">FROM</p>

<p class="p1 pfs180 lsp4">WATERLOO.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="title_sep_2" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/title_sep.jpg" alt="(decorative separator)">
</div>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I.</h2>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Napoleon leaves Elba; lands in France.—Louis XVIII quits Paris.—Napoleon,
joined by the army, arrives in Paris.—Hostile declaration of the
great powers of Europe against Napoleon, which he treats with contempt,
and prepares for war.—France soon appears one vast camp.—Allied armies
assemble in Belgium.—The duke of Wellington arrives and takes the command;
adopts precautionary measures.—In consequence of rumours, his
Grace issues a secret memorandum, and draws the army together.—Strength,
composition and distribution of the allied, Prussian, and French armies.—Continued
rumours; and certain intelligence of the enemy’s advance.—Importance
of holding Brussels.—Napoleon’s attempt to surprise us frustrated.—Blücher
concentrates his forces.—Napoleon joins his army, and
issues his order of the day; attacks the Prussian outposts, and takes Charleroi.—Intelligence
reaches the Duke.—Distribution of the enemy.—The
Duke orders the army to prepare, and afterwards to march on Quatre-Bras.—The
duchess of Richmond’s ball.—The troops in motion at early dawn.—His
Grace proceeds by Waterloo to Quatre-Bras, and from thence to
Ligny, where he meets Blücher, whom he promises to support, and returns
to Quatre-Bras.—Picton’s division and the Brunswickers arrive at Quatre-Bras,
and are attacked by the French left column under Ney; more of our
troops arrive.—Outline of the battles of Quatre-Bras and Ligny.—Observations.</p>
</div>


<p class="noindent">On the 26th of February 1815, Napoleon, accompanied by
about a thousand of his guards, and all his civil and military
officers, secretly left the isle of Elba, and landed the 1st of
March, near Cannes, on the coast of Provence. The Emperor
immediately marched towards the French capital; and arrived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span>
in Paris on the evening of the 20th; the same day that
Louis XVIII set out for Ghent.</p>

<p>Joined by all the troops which had been sent to oppose
him, Napoleon was enabled to re-establish his authority in
France. Amongst those who rejoined him, was marshal Ney,
“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">le Brave des Braves</i>;” he who had so warmly expressed
himself in favour of the restoration of the Bourbons, and who,
when appointed to the command of a body of troops to oppose
his former master, declared, whilst kissing the king’s hand,
that “he would bring back Napoleon <em>in an iron cage</em>.”
Ney and the iron cage was the chief topic of conversation in
Paris, when the news of his having joined Napoleon with his
<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">corps d’armée</i> reached that capital<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>.</p>

<p>The great powers of Europe, then assembled in congress at
Vienna, instantly declared, that Napoleon, by breaking the
convention which established him as an independent sovereign
at Elba, had destroyed the only legal title on which his political
existence depended, placed himself without the pale of
the law, and proved to the world, that there could neither be
truce nor peace with him. The allied powers, in consequence,
denounced Napoleon as the enemy and disturber of the tranquillity
of Europe, and resolved immediately upon uniting
their forces against him and his faction, to preserve, if possible,
the general peace.</p>

<p>Notwithstanding the hostile declaration of the allied sovereigns,
they were utterly unable to put their armies in motion
without that most powerful lever, <em>English gold</em>, the real
sinews of war. Britain’s expenditure in 1815, was no less
than 110,000,000<em>l.</em> sterling; out of which immense sum
11,000,000<em>l.</em> were distributed as subsidies amongst the contracting
powers: Austria received 1,796,220<em>l.</em>; Russia,
3,241,919<em>l.</em>; Prussia, 2,382,823<em>l.</em>; and Hanover, Spain, Portugal,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span>
Sweden, Italy and the Netherlands, with the smaller
German states, shared the remainder amongst them.</p>

<p>Menacing as the position of the allies towards Napoleon
appeared to be, and imposing as were their armies assembling
to oppose him, he assumed a bold and resolute posture of
defence. The general aspect of France at that time was singularly
warlike; nearly the whole nation appeared to be
electrified, and buckled on its armour to join the messenger of
war. The exaltation of Napoleon was soon however sobered
down by the arrival in Paris of the declaration of the allied
powers, which document was little calculated to produce a
favourable impression as to the ultimate success of the Emperor’s
enterprise. The war-cry of nearly every state in Europe
was, <em>To arms! Draw the sword, throw away the scabbard,
until the usurper shall be entirely subjugated and his adherents
put down</em>.</p>

<p>Napoleon, however, appeared undismayed, and endeavoured,
by every means, to conceal the determined resolution of
Europe from the French nation, who, for the most part, cheerfully
responded to their leader’s call. Troops were organized,
as if by magic, all over the country. The scarred veterans of
a hundred battles, they who had followed their “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">petit caporal</i>”
through many a gory fight, heard with joy the voice of
their idolized Emperor, summoning them again to glorious
war and the battle field. There was a generation of fierce,
daring, war-breathing men, ever ready to range themselves
under the Imperial banners. Davoust states that France, on
Napoleon’s return, was overrun with soldiers just released
from the prisons of Europe, most of whom counted as many
battles as years, and who quickly flocked round the Imperial
eagles. Transports of artillery, arms, ammunition waggons,
with all the materials of war, were to be seen moving from
every point towards the frontiers. France, in a short time,
bore the appearance of one vast camp.</p>

<p>To completely surround Paris with fortifications, as Louis-Philippe
has since done, was also the desire of Napoleon, who
inquired of Carnot, how much time and money it would
require. “Three years and two hundred millions,” replied
the minister, “and when finished, I would only ask for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span>
sixty thousand men and twenty-four hours to demolish the
whole.”</p>

<p>Early in April 1815, the allied troops began to assemble in
Belgium. The Anglo-Hanoverian army, commanded by the
prince of Orange, (afterwards William II,) had occupied the
Low-Countries for the protection of Belgium and Holland,
which had been constituted by the congress of Vienna a
new monarchy, under the name of the Kingdom of the
Netherlands. This army comprised about 28,000 men,
15,000 being British and German troops; a part of these were
the remains of lord Lynedoch’s army, and the remainder
young Hanoverians. 20,000 Dutch-Belgians were raised to
act in concert with these troops. The general appearance of
the army is thus described by sir Henry, now lord Hardinge,
in a letter to lord Stewart: “This army is not unlike lord
Randscliff’s description of a French pack of hounds: pointers,
poodles, turnspits, all mixed up together and running in sad
confusion.”</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington arrived in Brussels from the congress
of Vienna on the night of April 4th, and took the command
of the allied army; but the Dutch-Belgian army had
not been placed immediately under the Duke’s command.
His Grace being strongly convinced that his power of regulating
the movements of the Dutch-Belgian troops ought not
to be left open to any cavil or dispute, demanded the most
unequivocal statement upon this matter from the king of the
Netherlands. Nothing less than this measure could have
made those troops serviceable to the cause of their country;
such was still the fascinating power of Napoleon’s name over
countries in which his rule and conscriptions had subdued and
enervated the minds of men. On the 4th of May, Wellington
received copies of the king’s decrees, making him field-marshal
in his service, and placing the Dutch-Belgian army entirely
under his command<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>. The Duke immediately put matters in
a better condition, and instructed the prince of Orange how
to keep up the necessary communications<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a>. He transferred<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span>
prince Frederick’s corps to lord Hill<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a>, warned the Prussian
commandant at Charleroi, the duke of Berry, and all others
concerned, to be on the alert; he also gave them exact accounts
of the movements and strength of the enemy between Valenciennes
and Maubeuge. All this was accomplished by the
Duke before the 10th of May. On the 11th, he wrote to sir
Henry Hardinge, then attached to the Prussian head-quarters
for the purpose of communication, that he reckoned the
enemy’s strength on the frontiers at 110,000 men; and was
glad that Blücher was drawing his forces nearer to the British.
His Grace adopted the most effective measures for placing
all the fortified towns and strong places in a condition to
embarrass the enemy; and notwithstanding the objections
made, by interested parties, to the necessary inundations, he
was firm in ordering them, wherever the general security
required it. The Duke sent able engineers to limit, as much
as possible, the injury arising from letting out the waters, and
to inundate with fresh instead of salt water, when practicable.
For this timely care of the general interests, and even, as far
as it was possible, of private property, the return he met with
was unceasing complaints from the authorities of the several
towns, where these measures had been applied. But the
Duke did his duty firmly, and, after some expostulation
with unreasonable grumblers, compelled them to do theirs.
On the 7th of June, he issued his orders for the defence of
the towns of Antwerp, Ostend, Nieuport, Ypres, Tournay,
Ath, Mons and Ghent. The governors of these respective
towns were required to declare them in a state of siege,
the moment the enemy should put his foot on the Belgian
territory: the towns were to be defended to the utmost;
and if any governor surrendered before sustaining at least
one assault, and without the consent of his council, he should
be deemed guilty, not only of military disobedience, but of
high treason. Such decisive measures were rendered necessary,
in consequence of the equivocal loyalty of many who
held municipal and military rank in the Netherlands. The
king had prudently invested Wellington with these important<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span>
powers, and no man could have exercised them more
effectively.</p>

<p>The French court (Louis XVIII and his suite) received
advice how to save themselves by retiring to Antwerp, in case
the enemy should succeed in turning the British right: they
were desired to be in no alarm, nor to be startled by mere rumours,
but to await positive information. Having thus provided
for the military wants, and even for the <em>fears</em> of those
behind him, the Duke devoted his whole attention to the
army; and in proportion as the storm approached, repeated
his warnings to the Prussians, by incessant dispatches to sir
Henry Hardinge. He also sent frequent instructions to his
own officers who were the nearest to the enemy, to keep on
the alert.</p>

<p>The regiment I belonged to disembarked at Ostend on the
21st of April, and we soon found there was work in hand.
Swords were to be ground and well pointed, and the frequent
inspections of arms, ammunition, camp equipage, etc., plainly
announced that we were shortly about to take the field. The
army, soon after our arrival, had, in consequence of a <em>secret
memorandum</em><a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> issued by the duke of Wellington to the chief
officers in command, drawn closer together, in the probable
expectation of an attack, and our great antagonist was not
the sort of man to send us word of the when and the where.
Louis XVIII, with his suite and a train of followers, being
with us at Ghent, we were not destitute of information. Napoleon
was as well informed of all that transpired in Belgium
as if it had taken place at the Tuileries.</p>

<p>Things continued in this state until June, when, from various
rumours, we began to be more on the alert.</p>

<p>At the commencement of operations, the duke of Wellington’s
army comprised about 105,000 men, including the troops
in garrison, and composed of about 35,000 British, 6,000 King’s
German legion, 24,000 Hanoverians, 7,000 Brunswickers,
and 32,000 Dutch-Belgians and Nassau-men, with a hundred
and ninety-six guns. Many in the ranks of the last-named
troops had served under Napoleon, and there still prevailed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span>
amongst them a most powerful prejudice in his favour; it was
natural, therefore, that we should not place too strong a
reliance upon them, whenever they might become opposed to
their old companions in arms.</p>

<p>The Anglo-allied army was divided into two corps, of five
divisions each. The first was commanded by the prince of
Orange; its head-quarters being Braine-le-Comte. Those
of the second corps, under lord Hill, were at Grammont.
The cavalry, divided into eleven brigades, was commanded
by the earl of Uxbridge, now marquis of Anglesey; head-quarters
Ninove. His Grace’s head-quarters were at Brussels,
in and around which place was our reserve of all arms,
ready to be thrown into whatever point of our line the enemy
might attack, so as to hold the ground until the rest of the
army could be united.</p>

<p>The Prussian army, under the veteran prince Blücher, consisted
of about 115,000 men, divided into four corps, each
composed of four brigades. The head-quarters of the 1st, or
Zieten’s corps, were at Charleroi; the 2d, Pirch’s, at Namur,
which was also Blücher’s head-quarters; the 3d, Thielmann’s,
at Ciney; and the 4th, Bulow’s, at Liège.</p>

<p>Each corps had a reserve cavalry attached, respectively
commanded by generals Röder, Jurgass, Hobe, and prince
William. Their artillery comprised three hundred and twelve
guns.</p>

<p>The Prussian army was posted on the frontier upon our
left, from Charleroi to Maestricht. Our left, communicating
with Blücher’s right, was at Binche; and our right stretched
to the sea.</p>

<p>A large proportion of the British troops was composed of
weak second and third battalions, made up of militia and recruits,
who had never been under fire<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a>; most of our best-tried
Spanish infantry, the victors of many a hard-fought field,
were on their way from America. The foreign troops, with
the exception of the old gallant Peninsular German legion,
were chiefly composed of new levies, hastily embodied, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span>
very imperfectly drilled; quite inexperienced in war, raw militia-men
in every sense of the word, and wholly strangers to
the British troops and to each other. Nor was the Prussian
army what it had been; it was no longer the old Silesian one:
many soldiers had just been embodied, and thousands had
fought under the Imperial eagles.</p>

<p>The French army of the North, commanded by the Emperor
in person, and destined to act against Belgium, early in
June, was divided into six corps, and cantoned: the 1st, or
D’Erlon’s, at Lille; the 2d, or Reille’s, at Valenciennes;
the 3d, or Vandamme’s, at Mézières; the 4th, or Gérard’s, at
Metz; and the 6th, or Lobau’s, at Laon. The Imperial guard
was in Paris. The reserve cavalry, commanded by generals
Pajol, Excelmans, Milhaut, and Kellermann, cantoned between
the Aisne, the Meuse and the Sambre. There were
three hundred and fifty pieces of artillery.</p>

<p>On the 16th of May, we received intelligence of there being
110,000 French troops in our front. On the 1st of June, it
was rumoured that we were to be attacked; Napoleon was to be
at Laon on the 6th, and extraordinary preparations were being
made for the conveyance of troops in carriages from Paris to
the frontiers. Intelligence reached the Duke, on the 10th of
the same month, that Napoleon had arrived at Maubeuge,
and was passing along the frontier. On the 12th, it was ascertained,
for certain, that the French army had assembled and
was about to cross the frontiers<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a>; but the Duke, for reasons
we shall hereafter give, did not think proper to move his
troops until quite satisfied as to the point where Napoleon
would make his attack; that point proved to be Charleroi, on
the high-road to Brussels, on the left of the allied and right
of the Prussian armies, said to be the most favourable for
defeating the two armies, in detail; which I am inclined to
doubt. Situated as the allied and Prussian armies were, Napoleon,
by attempting to wedge his army in between the two,
was pretty certain of having both upon him: he could not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span>
aim a blow at one enemy without being assailed in flank or
rear by the other.</p>

<p>Brussels, the capital of Belgium, lies in the very centre of
that country, which was declared by general Gneisenau, chief
of the Prussian staff, to be a formidable bastion, flanking
efficaciously any invasion meditated by France against Germany,
and serving at the same time as a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">tête de pont</i> to
England.</p>

<p>Napoleon had numerous partisans and friends in Belgium,
who secretly espoused his cause, and who, no doubt, would
have seconded him in his attempt to again annex that country
to the French Empire. The people also were by no means
reconciled to the union forced upon them by the congress of
Vienna, a union with a country differing from them in religion
and customs; and the dense population and troops of Belgium
might probably have made a movement in favour of the French,
had Napoleon obtained possession of the capital. From the
tenor of Napoleon’s letter to Ney, and his proclamations to his
army and to the Belgians<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>, it is quite evident that the
Emperor expected a manifestation of this kind. This would
certainly have added to his cause that moral force of which it
stood so much in need, and have induced thousands to rally
round the Imperial eagles.</p>

<p>Brussels was our main line of operations and the line of communication
with Ostend and Antwerp, the dépôts where our
reinforcements and supplies were landed. The Duke, in consequence,
saw clearly, it was of the utmost importance, both in
a military and political point of view, to preserve an uninterrupted
communication with those ports, and that the enemy
should not, even for a moment, obtain possession of Brussels<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a>.</p>

<p>By the Emperor’s masterly arrangements his army was
assembled on the frontiers with astonishing secrecy; but his
intention of taking the two armies by surprise was defeated,
on the night of the 13th, by the Prussian outposts, in advance
of Charleroi, having observed the horizon illumined by the
reflection of numerous bivac fires in the direction of Beaumont<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span>
and Maubeuge, which announced that a numerous
enemy had assembled in their immediate front; this intelligence
was forthwith transmitted to both Wellington and Blücher.</p>

<p>Zieten, the Prussian commander at Charleroi, received
intelligence, on the afternoon of the 14th, that the enemy’s
columns were assembling in his front, the certain prelude to an
attack, probably the next day. Blücher, apprized of this
about ten o’clock the same evening, immediately sent off
orders for the concentration of the Prussian army at Fleurus,
a preconcerted plan between the two commanders. When the
order was first sent to Bulow at Liège, to move to Hannut,
had the most trifling hint been given him of the French being
about to attack, he would probably have been up in time to
share in the battle of Ligny, which might have changed the
aspect of affairs.</p>

<p>After dispatching orders for the concentration of the Grand
army, Napoleon left Paris on the 12th, and, as he himself
states, under a great depression of spirits, aware he was leaving
a host of enemies behind, more formidable than those he was
going to confront. He slept at Laon, and arrived at Avesnes
on the 13th, near which place he found his army assembled,
amounting, according to his own account, to 122,400 men and
three hundred and fifty guns. Their bivacs were behind
small hills, about a league from the frontier, situated so as
to be concealed, in a great measure, from the view of their
opponents.</p>

<p>The Emperor’s arrival amongst his devoted soldiers raised
their spirits to the highest degree of enthusiasm, and on the
14th he issued the following order:</p>

<div class="blockquotx">
<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Imperial head-quarters</span>, 14th June, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“Napoleon, by the grace of God and the constitution of
the Empire, Emperor of the French, etc.</p>

<p>“Soldiers! this day is the anniversary of Marengo and of
Friedland, which twice decided the fate of Europe. Then, as
after Austerlitz, as after Wagram, we were too generous: we
believed in the protestations and in the oaths of princes, whom
we left on their thrones. Now, however, leagued together,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span>
they aim at the independence and most sacred rights of
France; they have commenced the most unjust of aggressions.
Let us then march to meet them: are they, and we, no longer
the same men?</p>

<p>“Soldiers! at Jena, against those same Prussians, now so
arrogant, you were one to three, and at Montmirail one to six.
Let those amongst you, who have been captives to the English,
describe the nature of their prison ships, and the frightful miseries
you endured.</p>

<p>“The Saxons, the Belgians, the Hanoverians, the soldiers of
the Confederation of the Rhine, lament that they are compelled
to use their arms in the cause of princes, the enemies of justice,
and of the rights of nations. They know that this coalition is
insatiable: after having devoured twelve millions of Italians,
one million of Saxons, and six millions of Belgians, it now
wishes to devour the states of the second rank in Germany.
Madmen! one moment of prosperity has bewildered them: the
oppression and humiliation of the French people are beyond
their power: if they enter France, they will find their grave.</p>

<p>“Soldiers! we have forced marches to make, battles to fight,
dangers to encounter; but with firmness, victory will be ours.</p>

<p>“The rights, the honour and the happiness of the country
will be recovered.</p>

<p>“To every Frenchman who has a heart, the moment is now
arrived to conquer or to die<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>.”</p>
</div>

<p>About four o’clock in the morning of the 15th of June, Napoleon
attacked the Prussian outposts in front of Charleroi, at
Thuin and Lobbes<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a>. The Prussians fell back, slowly and
with great caution, on their supports. By some unaccountable
neglect Willington was not informed of the attack until after
three o’clock in the afternoon, although the distance from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span>
Thuin and Lobbes to Brussels is but forty-five miles<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a>. Had
a well arranged communication been kept up, the Duke could
have been informed of the first advance of the French by ten
o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, and of the real line of attack by four <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span></p>

<p>The French were in possession of Charleroi by eleven o’clock.
The Prussians retired to a position between Ligny and St.-Amand,
nearly twenty miles from the outposts. At three
o’clock in the afternoon, the 2d Prussian corps had taken position
not far from Ligny; Blücher had established his head-quarters
at Sombreffe. The advanced posts of the French left
column were at Frasnes, three miles beyond Quatre-Bras, from
which the advanced posts of the allies had been driven.
Ney’s head-quarters were at Gosselies, with a part of his troops
only, whilst D’Erlon’s corps and the cavalry of Kellermann
were on the Sambre. The centre column of the French army
lay near Fleurus, the right column near Châtelet, and the reserve,
composed of the Imperial guard and the 6th corps,
between Charleroi and Fleurus.</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington, although apprized of the advance
of Napoleon and his attack on the Prussian outposts, would
make no movement to leave Brussels uncovered, until certain
of the real line of attack, as such attacks are often made to
mask the real direction of the main body of the enemy. But
orders were immediately transmitted to the different divisions
to assemble and hold themselves in readiness to march, <em>some
at a moment’s notice</em>, and <em>some at day-light in the morning</em><a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a>.</p>

<p>Lord Uxbridge was ordered to get the cavalry together at
the head-quarters (Ninove) that night, leaving the 2d hussars
of the King’s German legion on the look-out between the
Scheldt and the Lys.</p>

<p>The troops in Brussels, composed of the 5th, or Picton’s
division, the 81st regiment, and the Hanoverian brigade of
the 6th division, called the reserve, were to be in readiness
to march at a moment’s notice.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span></p>

<p>After the Duke had completed his arrangements for the
concentration of the army, his Grace, with many of our officers,
went to the celebrated ball, given, on the eve of the
memorable engagement at Quatre-Bras, by the duchess of
Richmond, at her residence, now <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Nº 9, Rue des Cendres, Boulevard
Botanique</i>, near the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Porte de Cologne</i>. The saloons
of the duchess were filled with a brilliant company of distinguished
guests. The officers in their magnificent uniforms,
threading the mazy dance with the most lovely and beautiful
women. The ball was at its height, when the duke of Wellington
first received <em>positive</em> intelligence that Napoleon had
crossed the Sambre with his whole army and taken possession
of Charleroi. The excitement which ensued, on the company
being made acquainted with Napoleon’s advance, was most
extraordinary. The countenances which, a moment before,
were lighted up with pleasure and gaiety, now wore a most
solemn aspect. The duke of Brunswick, sitting with a child
(the present prince de Ligne) on his knees, was so affected,
that in rising he let the prince fall on the floor. The guests
little imagined that the music which accompanied the gay
and lively dances at her Grace’s ball, would so shortly after
play martial airs on the battle field, or that some of the officers
present at the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">fête</i> would be seen fighting in their ball
dresses, and, in that costume, found amongst the slain.</p>

<p>At about the same time, his Grace also received information
from his outposts in front of Mons, and from other sources,
which proved that the enemy’s movement upon Charleroi
was the real point of attack, and he immediately issued the
following orders:</p>

<div class="blockquotx">
<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, 15th June, 1815.</p>

<p class="center">“AFTER-ORDERS.—TEN O’CLOCK, P.M.</p>

<p>“The 5th” (Picton’s) “division of infantry, to march on
Waterloo at two o’clock to-morrow morning.</p>

<p>“The 3d” (Alten’s) “division of infantry, to continue its
movement from Braine-le-Comte upon Nivelles.</p>

<p>“The 1st” (Cooke’s) “division of infantry, to move from
Enghien upon Braine-le-Comte.</p>

<p>“The 2d” (Clinton’s) “and 4th” (Colville’s) “division<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span>
of infantry, to move from Ath and Grammont, also from Audenaerde,
and to continue their movements upon Enghien.</p>

<p>“The cavalry, to continue its movement from Ninove upon
Enghien.</p>

<p>“The above movements to take place with as little delay as
possible.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</p>
</div>

<p>Picton’s division and the Hanoverian brigade marched
from Brussels about two o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, on the 16th, taking
the road to Waterloo by the forest of Soigne; near which
they halted to refresh, and to await orders, to march either
on Nivelles or Quatre-Bras, (the roads branching off at Mont-St.-Jean,)
according as the Duke might direct, upon his
becoming acquainted with the real state of affairs in front.
Shortly after they were joined by the Brunswickers.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent0">“And Ardennes<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a> waves above them her green leaves,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Dewy with nature’s tear-drops, as they pass,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Grieving, if aught, inanimate e’er grieves,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Over the unreturning brave,—alas!</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Ere evening to be trodden like the grass</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Which now beneath them, but above shall grow</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">In its next verdure, when this fiery mass</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Of living valour, rolling on the foe</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And burning with high hope, shall moulder cold and low.”</div>
</div>
</div>

<p>While halting, the duke of Wellington, who had left Brussels
between seven and eight o’clock, passed with his staff, and gave
strict orders to keep the road clear of baggage, and everything
that might obstruct the movements of the troops. The duke
of Brunswick dismounted, and seated himself on a bank on
the road side, in company of his adjutant-general, colonel
Olfermann. How little did those who observed this incident,
think, that in a few hours the illustrious duke would, with
many of themselves, be laid low in death! and numbers truly
there were amongst the slain ere the sun set.</p>

<p>About twelve o’clock, orders arrived for the troops to proceed
on to Quatre-Bras, leaving the baggage behind; this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span>
looked rather warlike, but as yet nothing was known for certain.
The Duke galloped on, and, after a hasty glance at
the Waterloo position, rode to Quatre-Bras, where he conversed
with the prince of Orange respecting the disposition of
the troops as they arrived. His Grace well reconnoitred the
enemy’s position. Seeing the latter were not in great force,
he rode on to hold a conference with Blücher, whom he found
about half-past one o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> at the wind-mill at Bussy,
between Ligny and Bry, where towards noon, by great activity
and exertion, three corps of the Prussian army, about 85,000
men, had been put in position, but so disposed as to draw from
the Duke his disapprobation of the arrangements. His Grace
saw that the enemy were strong in Blücher’s front, and promising
to support his gallant and venerable colleague, shook
hands and returned to Quatre-Bras, where he arrived at about
half-past two o’clock, soon after which time Napoleon began
his attack upon Blücher.</p>

<p>Marshal Ney, who commanded the French troops at Quatre-Bras,
commenced his attack upon Perponcher’s Dutch-Belgian
division under the prince of Orange. About two o’clock,
Picton’s division came up, composed of Kempt’s brigade, the
28th, 32d, 79th Highlanders, and 1st battalion 95th rifles, and
of Pack’s brigade, the 1st Royal, 44th, 42d and 92d Highlanders,
with Best’s Hanoverian brigade; soon after, the
Brunswickers arrived incomplete, and some Nassau troops.
Towards six o’clock, sir Colin Halkett’s brigade, the 30th,
33d, 69th, and 73d regiments, also Kielmansegge’s Hanoverian
brigade, most opportunely reached the scene of action.
Pack’s noble fellows were by this time so hard pressed, so
much exhausted, and their ammunition was so nearly expended,
that sir Denis Pack applied for a fresh supply of cartridges,
or assistance, to sir Colin Halkett, who immediately
ordered the 69th to push on and obey any orders given by
Pack; the latter then galloped forward to a commanding
point, and soon discovered the formation of a large force of
cuirassiers preparing for attack. He spurred off to his brigade
to prepare them for the coming storm, and in passing by the
69th, ordered colonel Morice to form square, as the enemy’s
cavalry was at hand. The formation was nearly completed,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span>
when the prince of Orange rode up, and, by a decided misconception,
most indiscreetly directed them to reform line, which
they were in the act of doing, when the rushing noise in the
high corn announced the arrival of the enemy’s cuirassiers,
who charged them in flank, rode right along them, regularly
rolling them up. A cuirassier carried off the 69th’s colour, in
defence of which cadet Clarke, afterwards lieutenant in the
42d, received twenty-three wounds, one of which deprived
him of the use of an arm for life.</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington was nearly taken prisoner, and
owed his escape to an order which he promptly gave to a part
of the 92d, who were lining a ditch, to lie down whilst he
galloped over them.</p>

<p>A little before seven o’clock, sir G. Cooke’s division, composed
of the 1st brigade, under major-general Maitland, (the
second and third battalions of the 1st foot-guards,) and of the
2d brigade, under sir J. Byng, (now lord Strafford,) composed
of the 2d battalions of the Coldstream and the 3d foot-guards,
came up, and soon drove the enemy back. Ney’s attacks
were maintained with the greatest impetuosity during the first
hours, but they became fewer and feebler as our reinforcements
joined us, and towards the close of the day conducted
with greater caution. Soon after sun-set, Ney fell back upon
Frasnes, and the desperate struggle terminated. The duke
of Wellington then advanced his victorious troops to the foot
of the French position, when piquets for the night were thrown
forward by both parties. Thus ended the action of Quatre-Bras,
during which our troops were fully employed, and the
Duke prevented from rendering his promised aid to the Prussians.
It was only through the greatest personal exertions of
our gallant chief and the most determined resistance on the
part of his troops, that the enemy’s attacks were repulsed, and
our communication with Blücher at Ligny by the Namur
road kept open. The Emperor’s instructions to Ney to drive
back the English, whom he supposed to be at that point in
no great numbers, and afterwards to turn round and envelop
the Prussian right flank, were completely frustrated. Our
force in the field towards the close of the day was about
29,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and sixty-eight guns; that of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span>
the enemy, about 16,000 infantry, 5,000 cavalry, with fifty
guns.</p>

<p>To the fortunate circumstance of the marching and countermarching
of D’Erlon’s corps (Ney’s reserve) between
Frasnes, Ligny and Quatre-Bras, without pulling a trigger,
we may probably attribute our success on the 16th. An additional
force of 25,000 men, either at Ligny or Quatre-Bras,
might have gained Napoleon a decisive victory.</p>

<p>The action at Quatre-Bras possessed its own peculiar and
important merits, which, with our masterly retreat to the
Waterloo position, would have been sounded by the trumpet
of fame, but for the glorious achievement that immediately
followed on the field of Waterloo.</p>

<p>In no battle did the British infantry display more valour or
more cool determined courage than at Quatre-Bras. Cavalry
we had none that could stand the shock of the French; the
Brunswick and Belgian cavalry, it is true, made an attempt,
but were scattered like chaff before the wind by the veteran
cuirassiers, who, to render them the more effective, had been
mounted on horses taken from the gendarmes throughout
France. The British cavalry had had a long march, some
nearly forty miles, and consequently did not arrive until the
battle was over. The gallant Picton, seeing the cavalry
driven back, led on our infantry in squares into the centre of
the enemy’s masses of cavalry; faced with squares the charging
squadrons, and in line, the heavy columns of infantry.
What may not be effected by such troops, led by such a
general? The duke of Brunswick fell, while rallying one
of his regiments that had given way. Colonel sir Robert
Mac Ara of the 42d, and colonel Cameron of the 92d, were
also killed.</p>

<p>During our struggle at Quatre-Bras, Napoleon had attacked
the Prussians at Ligny, and between nine and ten
o’clock in the evening, their centre was broken, and they
began a retreat upon Wavre<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a>. The horse of marshal Blücher,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span>
a beautiful grey charger, presented to him by our Prince
Regent in 1814, was shot under him, and, while lying on the
ground, the field-marshal was twice charged over by the
enemy’s cavalry. Sir Henry Hardinge, attached to the Prussian
head-quarters, lost his left hand at Ligny; and about
eight thousand Prussians deserted, and returned home.</p>

<p>The battle of Ligny may be considered as a series of village
fights, and had the impetuous old hussar, the gallant
Blücher, then seventy-three years of age, not drawn troops
from his centre, to strengthen his right, and to enable him to
attack the enemy’s left, he might probably have maintained
his position; but immediately Napoleon perceived that Blücher
had withdrawn his troops from his centre, he made a dash at
it, forced it, and thus gained the victory. Notwithstanding
the Prussians were defeated, they highly distinguished themselves
by their audacity and valour. The battle of Ligny was
a fierce and sanguinary contest, and little or no quarter given
by either side. Both parties were excited by deadly animosity,
and the helpless wounded became the victims. The
Prussian loss was about fifteen thousand men and twenty-five
guns, exclusive of the eight thousand men that disbanded
themselves. The French loss was rather less.</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_018" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_018.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a cannon)">
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span><br></p>

<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II.</h2>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Colonel Gordon’s patrol discovers the Prussians are retreating upon Wavre.—The
allied army ordered to retire upon Waterloo.—The Duke writes to
Blücher.—Retreat commenced, followed by the enemy.—Skirmishing.—Pressed
by the lancers, who are charged by the 7th hussars; the latter are repulsed.—The
life-guards make a successful charge.—Lord Anglesey’s letter,
refuting a calumnious report of his regiment.—Allied army arrives on the
Waterloo position.—The enemy arrive on the opposite heights, and salute us
with round-shot, to which we reply to their cost.—Piquets thrown out on
both sides.—Dismal bivac; a regular soaker.—The Duke and Napoleon’s
quarters.—His Grace receives an answer from Blücher.—Probability of a
quarrel on the morrow.—Orders sent to general Colville.—Description of
the field of Waterloo; Hougoumont and La Haye-Sainte.—Disposition
of the allied army, and the advantages of our position.—Disposition of the
enemy, and admirable order of battle.—<em>The eve of Waterloo.</em>—Morning
of the 18th wet and uncomfortable; our occupation.—The Duke arrives;
his appearance, dress, staff, etc.—Positions corrected.—French bands play,
and their troops appear; are marshalled by Napoleon, a magnificent sight,
worth ten years of peaceful life.—Why tarries Napoleon with his grand
martial display?—The Emperor passes along his lines; his troops exhibit
unbounded enthusiasm; his confidence of victory.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">Our bivac was quiet during the night, except that the
arrival of cavalry and artillery caused an occasional movement.</p>

<p>About two o’clock in the morning, a cavalry patrol got
between the piquets, and a rattling fire of musketry began,
which brought some of our generals to the spot; Picton was
the first that arrived, when it was found that no attempt to
advance had been made, and all was soon quiet again. After
which the stillness of the enemy quite surprised his Grace,
and drew the remark, “They are possibly retreating.”</p>

<p>The Duke, who had slept at Genappe, was early at Quatre-Bras.
Up to this time we had no satisfactory intelligence of
the Prussians. His Grace consequently sent a patrol along
the Namur road to gain intelligence; captain Grey’s troop of
the 10th hussars was sent on this duty, accompanied by lieutenant-colonel<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span>
the Hon. sir Alexander Gordon, one of the
Duke’s aides-de-camp. Shortly afterwards, captain Wood, of
the 10th, who had been patrolling, informed the Duke that
the Prussians had retreated. Gordon’s patrol discovered, on
the right of the road, some of the enemy’s vedettes and a
piquet; they fell back hurriedly before the patrol, who
turned off the high-road to their left, about five miles from
Quatre-Bras, and about an hour afterwards came up with
the Prussian rear. After obtaining the required information,
the patrol returned to head-quarters at Quatre-Bras, where
they arrived about seven o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, reporting that the
Prussians were retreating upon Wavre<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a>.</p>

<p>The Duke immediately issued the following orders:</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To General Lord Hill, G.C.B.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">
<p class="right">
“<span class="allsmcap">QUATRE-BRAS</span>, 17th June, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The 2d division of British infantry, to march from Nivelles
on Waterloo, at ten o’clock.</p>

<p>“The brigades of the 4th division, now at Nivelles, to
march from that place on Waterloo, at ten o’clock. Those brigades
of the 4th division at Braine-le-Comte, and on the road
from Braine-le-Comte to Nivelles, to collect and halt at Braine-le-Comte
this day.</p>

<p>“All the baggage on the road from Braine-le-Comte to
Nivelles, to return immediately to Braine-le-Comte, and to
proceed immediately from thence to Hal and Brussels.</p>

<p>“The spare musket ammunition to be immediately parked
behind Genappe.</p>

<p>“The corps under the command of prince Frederick of
Orange will move from Enghien this evening, and take up
a position in front of Hal, occupying Braine-le-Château with
two battalions.</p>

<p>“Colonel Erstorff will fall back with his brigade on Hal,
and place himself under the orders of prince Frederick.”</p>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span></p>

<p>An officer from the Prussian head-quarters, bearing dispatches,
written, no doubt, in secret characters, or the French
would have immediately discovered the direction in which the
Prussians retreated, had been waylaid and made prisoner in the
night. But a second officer afterwards arrived at our head-quarters,
and confirmed colonel Gordon’s statement that the
Prussians had fallen back upon Wavre. The Duke immediately
wrote to Blücher, informing him of his intention to retreat
upon the position in front of Waterloo, and proposing to accept
battle on the following day, provided the Prince would
support him with two corps of his army.</p>

<p>The first hint to Picton of the Duke’s intention to retreat,
was an order conveyed to him, to collect his wounded; when
he growled out, “Very well, sir,” in a tone that showed his
reluctance to quit the ground his troops had so bravely maintained
the day before.</p>

<p>The Duke commenced the retrograde movement, masked
as much as possible from the enemy, who followed us with a
large force of cavalry, shouting, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i></p>

<p>The first part of the day (the 17th) was sultry, not a breath
of air to be felt, and the sky covered with dark heavy clouds.
Shortly after the guns came into play, it began to thunder,
lighten, and rain in torrents. The ground very quickly became
so soaked, that it was difficult for the cavalry to move, except
on the paved road: this, in some measure, checked the advance
of the French cavalry, who pressed us very much.</p>

<p>The regiment to which I belonged covered the retreat of
the main columns. As we neared Genappe, our right squadron,
under major Hodge, was skirmishing. By this time the
ploughed fields were so completely saturated with rain, that
the horses sunk up to the knees, and at times nearly up to the
girths, which made this part of the service very severe. Our
other two squadrons cleared the town of Genappe, and formed
on the rising ground on the Brussels side. Shortly after, the
right squadron retired through the town, and drew up on the
high-road in column, when a few straggling French lancers,
half tipsy, came up and dashed into the head of the column;
some were cut down, and some made prisoners. The head of
the French column now appeared debouching from the town,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span>
and lord Uxbridge being present, he ordered the 7th hussars
to charge.</p>

<p>The charge was gallantly led by the officers, and followed
by the men, who cut aside the lances, and did all in their
power to break the enemy: but our horses being jaded by
skirmishing on heavy ground, and the enemy being chiefly
lancers, backed by cuirassiers, they were rather awkward
customers to deal with, particularly so, as it was an arm with
which we were quite unacquainted. When our charge first
commenced, their lances were erect, but upon our coming
within two or three horses’ length of them, they lowered the
points and waved the flags, which made some of our horses
shy. Lord Uxbridge, seeing we could make no impression
on them, ordered us about: we retired, pursued by the
lancers and the cuirassiers intermixed. We rode away from
them, reformed, and again attacked them, but with little more
effect than at first. Upon this, lord Uxbridge brought
forward the 1st life-guards, who made a splendid charge, and
drove the cuirassiers and lancers pell-mell back into Genappe;
the life-guards charging down hill, with their weight of
men and horses, literally rode the enemy down, cutting and
thrusting at them as they were falling. In this affair my old
regiment had to experience the loss of major Hodge and lieutenant
Myer, killed; captain Elphinstone<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a>, lieutenant Gordon
and Peters, wounded; and forty-two men, with thirty-seven
horses, killed and wounded. We were well nigh getting
a bad name into the bargain.</p>

<p>Reports, as false as they were invidious, having been propagated
by some secret enemy of the 7th hussars, it may not
be uninteresting to the military world to be made acquainted
with the opinion of their colonel, the marquis of Anglesey<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a>,
as conveyed in the following letter:</p>

<div class="blockquotx">
<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, 28th June 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="allsmcap pad2">“MY DEAR BROTHER OFFICERS</span>,</p>

<p>“It has been stated to me, that a report injurious to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span>
reputation of our regiment has gone abroad, and I do not
therefore lose an instant in addressing you on the subject. The
report must take its origin from the affair which took place
with the advance-guard of the French cavalry, near Genappe,
on the 17th inst., when I ordered the 7th to cover the retreat.
As I was with you and saw the conduct of every individual,
there is no one more capable of speaking to the fact than I am.
As the lancers pressed us hard, I ordered you, (upon a principle
I ever did, and shall act upon,) not to wait to be attacked,
but to fall upon them.</p>

<p>“The attack was most gallantly led by the officers, but it
failed. It failed because the lancers stood firm, had their
flanks completely secured, and were backed by a large mass
of cavalry.</p>

<p>“The regiment was repulsed, but it did not run away:
no, it rallied immediately. I renewed the attack; it again
failed, from the same cause. It retired in perfect order,
although it had sustained so severe a loss; but you had thrown
the lancers into disorder, who being in motion, I then made
an attack upon them with the 1st life-guards, who certainly
made a very handsome charge, and completely succeeded.
This is the plain honest truth. However lightly I think of
lancers under ordinary circumstances, I think, posted as they
were, they had a decided advantage over the hussars. The
impetuosity however and weight of the life-guards carried all
before them, and whilst I exculpate my own regiment, I am
delighted in being able to bear testimony to the gallant
conduct of the former. Be not uneasy, my brother officers;
you had ample opportunity, of which you gallantly availed
yourselves, of avenging yourselves on the 18th for the failure
on the 17th; and after all, what regiment, or which of us, is
certain of success?</p>

<p>“Be assured that I am proud of being your colonel, and
that you possess my utmost confidence.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr30pc">“Your sincere friend,</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Anglesey</span>, lieutenant-general.”<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>The 23d light dragoons, supported by the life-guards,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span>
covered our retreat, and we arrived at a position on which
was exhibited as noble a display of valour and discipline, as
is to be found either in our own military annals, or in those
of any other nation. This position was in front of and about
two miles and a half from Waterloo, where most of our army
was then drawn up.</p>

<p>The French advance-guard halted on the heights near La
Belle-Alliance, when Napoleon said, he wished he had the
power of Joshua to stop the sun, that he might attack us that
day.</p>

<p>They opened a cannonade upon our line, but principally
upon our centre behind the farm of La Haye-Sainte: our
guns soon answered them to their cost, and caused great
havock amongst the enemy’s columns, as they arrived on the
opposite heights between La Belle-Alliance and the orchard
of La Haye-Sainte. It was now getting dusk, and orders
were given to throw out piquets along the front and flanks of
the army.</p>

<p>Our left squadron, under captain Verner, was thrown into
the valley in front of the left wing; the rest of my regiment
bivacked near where Picton fell the next day.</p>

<p>The spirit of mutual defiance was such, that in posting the
piquets, there were many little cavalry affairs, which, although
of no useful result to either side, were conducted with great
bravery, and carried to such a pitch, that restraint was absolutely
necessary. Captain Heyliger, of the 7th hussars, (part
of our piquet,) with his troop, made a spirited charge upon
the enemy’s cavalry, and when the Duke sent to check him,
his Grace desired to be made acquainted with the name of the
officer who had shown so much gallantry. A better or more
gallant officer, than captain Heyliger, never drew a sword;
but he was truly unfortunate: if there was a ball flying about,
he was usually the target. I was three times engaged with
the enemy, serving with the captain, and he was wounded on
each of those occasions: the first time, foraging at Haspereen;
next, at the battle of Orthez; and thirdly, at Waterloo. The
ball he received on the last occasion was extracted at Bruges,
in 1831.</p>

<p>Our bivac was dismal in the extreme; what with the thunder,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span>
lightning and rain, it was as bad a night as I ever
witnessed, a regular soaker: torrents burst forth from the
well charged clouds upon our comfortless bivacs, and the
uproar of the elements, during the night preceding Waterloo,
seemed as the harbinger of the bloody contest. We cloaked,
throwing a part over the saddle, holding by the stirrup leather,
to steady us if sleepy: to lie down with water running in
streams under us, was not desirable, and to lie amongst the
horses not altogether safe. A comrade of mine, Robert Fisher,
a tailor by trade, proposed that one of us should go in search
of something to sit on. I moved off for that purpose, and obtained
two bundles of bean-stalks from a place that I now
know as Mont-St.-Jean farm. This put us, I may say, quite
in clover. The poor tailor had his thread of life snapped short
on the following day.</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington established his head-quarters opposite
the church at Waterloo, (now the post-house and post-office;)
while his Imperial antagonist, Napoleon, pitched his
tent near the farm of Caillou, about five miles from Waterloo,
on the left of the Genappe road, in the parish of Old-Genappe.
The Imperial baggage was also at this farm.</p>

<p>Most of the houses in the villages adjacent Waterloo were
occupied by our generals, their staff, and the superior officers.
Their names and rank were chalked on the doors, and
legible long after a soldier’s death had snatched many of them
from the field of their prowess and glory.</p>

<p>In the course of the evening the Duke received a dispatch
from Blücher, in answer to his letter sent from Quatre-Bras,
requesting the support of two corps of the Prussian army.
The officer bearing this dispatch was escorted from Smohain,
to Waterloo, by a party of the 1st King’s German hussars.
Blücher’s reply was:</p>

<p>“I shall not come with two corps only, but with my whole
army, upon this condition, that should the French not attack
us on the 18th, we shall attack them on the 19th.”</p>

<p>The Duke therefore accepted battle only under these circumstances;
Napoleon’s lauded plan of operations enabling
his Grace to ultimately place the author of those brilliant
conceptions between two fires. Blücher appeared most anxious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span>
to fight side by side with the allies and their chief, deeming
an Anglo-Prussian army invincible; while Wellington, after
having defeated most of Napoleon’s best marshals, was no
doubt desirous of measuring swords with their mighty master
himself, the hero of a hundred battles.</p>

<p>There is every reason to believe that the Duke was more
apprehensive of being turned by Hal on his right, and of
Brussels being consequently taken by a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de main</i>, than
about any other part of his position. This fact is confirmed
by the following orders, dated</p>

<div class="blockquotx">
<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Waterloo</span>, 17th June, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The army retired this day from its position at Quatre-Bras,
to its present position in front of Waterloo.</p>

<p>“The brigades of the 4th division at Braine-le-Comte are
to retire at day-light to-morrow morning upon Hal.</p>

<p>“Major-general Colville must be guided by the intelligence
he receives of the enemy’s movements, in his march to Hal,
whether he moves by the direct route, or by Enghien.</p>

<p>“Prince Frederick of Orange is to occupy with his corps
the position between Hal and Enghien<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a>, and is to defend it
as long as possible.</p>

<p>“The army will probably continue in its position, in front
of Waterloo, to-morrow.</p>

<p>“Lieutenant-colonel Torrens will inform lieutenant-general
sir Charles Colville of the position and situation of
the armies.”</p>
</div>

<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_b_026fp" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_026fp.jpg" alt="La Haye-Sainte and monuments">
  <div class="caption">FIELD OF WATERLOO, LA HAYE-SAINTE AND MONUMENTS.</div>
</div>

<p>The field of Waterloo is an open undulating plain; and,
on the day of the battle, was covered with splendid crops of
rye, wheat, barley, oats, beans, peas, potatoes, tares and
clover; some of these were of great height. There were a
few patches of ploughed ground. The field is intersected by
two high-roads which branch off at Mont-St.-Jean; these
are very wide: the one on the right, leading to Nivelles and
Binche, since planted with trees, is straight as an arrow for
miles; that on the left, lying in the centre of both armies,
leading south to Genappe, Charleroi and Namur, is not so<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span>
straight as the former: about eleven hundred yards in advance
of the junction, is a gently elevated ridge which formed a
good natural military position.</p>

<p>Nearly a year before these events, the Duke had written
to lord Bathurst, enclosing “a Memorandum on the defence
of the Netherlands,” in which he says:</p>

<p>“About Nivelles, and between that and Binche, there are
many advantageous positions; and the entrance of the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">forêt
de Soigne</i>, by the high-road which leads to Brussels from
Binche, Charleroi and Namur, would, if worked upon, afford
others<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a>.”</p>

<p>The great advantage was that the troops could rest in rear
of the crest of the ridge, screened in a great measure from the
enemy’s artillery and observation, whilst our guns were
placed at points, from whence they could sweep (they are
wonderful brooms) the slope that descends to the valley in
front. Upon the crest is a cross-road running east and west,
intersecting the Genappe road at right angles, about two
hundred and fifty yards on this side of the farm of La Haye-Sainte.
The cross-road marks the front of the allied position.
Near where the Lion now stands, the cross-road or
line runs curving forward a little for about six hundred yards,
when it first gently and then abruptly falls back into the
Nivelles road, near the termination of the ridge, where it takes
a sweep to the rear.</p>

<p>This point was at first our right centre, but became our
right when lord Hill’s troops were brought forward into the
front line, between four and five o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span></p>

<p>About four hundred and fifty yards south of this point, is
the important post of Hougoumont, destined to become so
celebrated in the annals of history, and which even now stands
a noble monument of the determined valour of both the assailed
and assailants.</p>

<p>It was then a gentleman’s seat, with farm, out-buildings,
walled garden, orchard and wood. The latter has been since
cleared, in consequence of the injury the trees sustained in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span>
the battle. The buildings are more than two hundred years
old, and were erected for defence. Many of the stone loop-holes
made in the garden walls when first built, are still
quite perfect, as are also those made by our troops on the spur
of the moment. The hedges were all banked up, and with
the ditches on the inner side formed excellent breastworks.</p>

<p>A ravine or hollow-way, called by colonel Hepburn “our
friendly hollow-way,” runs along the northern boundary of
the premises, which during the battle frequently served as a
covered communication with the walled enclosures and buildings,
as also for a rallying point and cover.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_b_028fp" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_028fp.jpg" alt="The farm of Hougoumont">
  <div class="caption">NORTH VIEW OF THE FARM OF HOUGOUMONT.</div>
</div>

<p>Hougoumont was formerly the property of Arrazola Deonate,
who had been viceroy of Naples. In 1815 it was in the
occupation of M. de Luneville, a descendant of the above family;
it is now the property of count Robiano. This post is
situated about midway between the positions of the two hostile
armies. The château, farm, walls, etc., were at the time of
the battle of a substantial nature. The garden, or park, was
enclosed, on the east and south sides, by a wall, in which our
troops made additional loop-holes; they also cut down a portion
of the buttresses, on the inside of the south wall, for
the purpose of erecting a scaffolding which would enable them
to fire over the top of the wall, or to bayonet intruders. At
the east wall, an embankment, and the scaffolds erected with
some farming utensils, enabled the Coldstream to throw such
a fire upon the enemy’s left flank when in the large orchard,
that colonel Hepburn, who commanded there from about two
o’clock, considered it (the east wall) as the strength of his position.
Loop-holes were also made in the stables joining the
south gate, and a scaffold was erected against the wall on the
west, that ran from the south stables to the barn. The flooring
over the south gateway was partly torn up, to enable our
men to fire down upon the enemy, should they force the gate
which had been blocked up, and was not opened during the
action. The little chapel and crucifix still remain; but the
numerous autographs of persons visiting the field since 1815,
are all destroyed, the walls having been lately fresh plastered.
The most interesting objects now at Hougoumont, for visitors
to see, are the north gateway facing our position, by which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span>
the enemy entered, its burnt beams, the small barn where
many of the wounded were burnt, the cannon-ball hole in the
east gable of the building attached to the present farm-house<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a>,
the well perforated top part of the south gate, the battered
front of the house, stables, and the loop-holed walls with the
banked-up hedges, hollow-way, and some perforated trees in
front of the walls. In the garden is a tomb, beneath which
lie the remains of captain Blackman of the Coldstream,
(brother to sir George Harnage,) who fell on that spot<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a>.
Hougoumont presents even at this moment a scene of shattered
ruins, which cannot be viewed without exciting feelings
of the deepest interest.</p>

<p>On the troops being thrown into Hougoumont on the 17th,
all means were employed to strengthen it as much as possible,
and there are still to be seen many of the intended loop-holes
in an incomplete state, from which it may be inferred that the
troops were called off to defend the post, whilst in the act of
making them.</p>

<p>Hougoumont was first occupied on the afternoon of the 17th
by the light companies of the 1st division of British guards:
the light troops of the 1st regiment, under colonel lord Saltoun,
held the orchard and wood; those of the Coldstream and 3d
guards, under colonel Macdonell, held the buildings and garden.
In the out-grounds and wood there were also a battalion
of Nassau troops, a company of Hanoverian field riflemen, and
a hundred men from the Luneburg battalion. The supernumerary
light companies of the guards were thrown into the
valley on our side of the enclosures, as a support, and to keep
up a communication with the main line.</p>

<p>On the east side of the Genappe road, the cross-road was
lined by two broken banked-up hedges, extending about half
a mile; near the termination of which is a knoll, with a bit of
copse or brushwood on the rear slope: this mound, or knoll,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span>
overlooks the farms of Papelotte, La Haye, Frischermont, and
the hamlet of Smohain in the valley.</p>

<p>The undulation in rear of the ridge afforded excellent protection
to the second line, cavalry and reserves, which were
quite concealed from the enemy’s view. Beyond the right of
the main ridge, on the right of the Nivelles road, is a deep
valley which runs round Hougoumont in the direction of
Merbe-Braine, and from the valley cutting through the ridge
to the little white chapel on the Nivelles road, runs a deep
ravine, which is the one mentioned by the Duke in his dispatch,
and intersects the second ridge or plateau, that was
occupied by part of the 2d corps, under lieutenant-general lord
Hill, who were to act as a right wing, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i><a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a>, or as a
reserve, as circumstances might require.</p>

<p>The principal part of the troops occupying this plateau and
valley, belonged to the 2d British division under lieutenant-general
sir Henry Clinton: it was composed of the 3d light
brigade, major-general F. Adam; the 52d, colonel sir John
Colborne (now lord Seaton); the 71st, colonel T. Reynell;
the 2d battalion 59th rifles<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a>, colonel Norcott, with two
companies of the 3d battalion 95th, under lieutenant-colonel
Ross, who were posted near Merbe-Braine.</p>

<p>The 1st brigade, King’s German legion, under colonel
Duplat, was composed of the 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th line battalions.
The 3d, Hanoverian brigade, under colonel Hugh
Halkett, consisted of the militia battalions, Osnabruck, Salzgitter,
Bremeverden, and Quakenbruck.</p>

<p>The Brunswick corps, after their duke had fallen, were
under colonel Olfermann, also near Merbe-Braine. Along the
Hougoumont avenue and the road leading from it to Braine-l’Alleud,
were some light troops, who, in conjunction with the
hussars posted on their right, had in the morning, before the
battle began, a sharp skirmish with the enemy. They were
part of the fourth brigade of the 4th division, under colonel
Mitchell, and attached to the 2d division, composed of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span>
51st regiment, lieutenant-colonel Rice, the 15th regiment,
lieutenant-colonel Tidy, and of the 32d fuzileers, colonel sir
H. Ellis; the latter came into front line during the afternoon.</p>

<p>On the right of the former, was a squadron of the 15th hussars,
under captain Wodehouse, who threw out vedettes and
kept a look-out upon our extreme right. Upon the Nivelles
road, opposite the Hougoumont avenue, was an <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">abattis</i>, or
barricade. Near Mitchell’s brigade were posted, about two
o’clock, two companies of the Coldstream guards, with their
colours, in reserve.</p>

<p>Upon the ridge above and overlooking, Hougoumont was
posted the 1st division of British guards, composed of the
2d battalion of the Coldstream guards, colonel Woodford,
who was a little in advance; the 2d battalion of the 3d guards,
colonel Hepburn, posted a little in rear of the crest of the
ridge. The whole were in battalion columns, with deploying
intervals, and in chequer.</p>

<p>On their left was the first brigade, composed of the 2d battalion
of the 1st guards<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a>, colonel Askew, and posted in rear;
and of the 3d battalion, colonel the Hon. W. Stuart, posted a
little in advance of the crest.</p>

<p>On the left of Maitland, was the 3d division, under lieutenant-general
count Alten; the 5th British brigade, composed
of the 30th, colonel Hamilton, and the 73d, colonel G. Harris,
posted in advance; and of the 33d, colonel Elphinstone,
with the 69th, colonel Morice, posted upon the right rear of
the 30th and 73d. The four regiments formed and acted as
two.</p>

<p>On their left was the 1st Hanoverian brigade, under major-general
count Kielmansegge. The field battalions of Bremen,
Verden, York, Grubenhagen and Luneburg were posted three
in front and two in second line.</p>

<p>On Kielmansegge’s left, was the 2d brigade of the King’s
German legion, under colonel Ompteda, which formed Alten’s
left and rested upon the Genappe high-road: it was composed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span>
of the 1st light battalion, major Bussche, and the 2d, colonel
Baring; of the 5th line, colonel Linsingen, and the 8th,
colonel Schröder: the 1st and 5th were a little in rear of
the cross-road upon the ridge; the 8th in reserve.</p>

<p>The 2d light, under colonel Baring, held La Haye-Sainte,
a post far from being so commodious as Hougoumont, but
considerably nearer our position, consequently easier of access,
although more exposed to the enemy’s attacks and cannonade.
It was a strong stone and brick building, with a narrow orchard
in front, and a small garden in the rear, both of which were
hedged round, except the east side of the garden, on which
there was a strong wall running along the high-road side, then
taking a western direction terminated upon the east end of
the barn; a large and small gate opened on the road; a yard
and barn door led to the orchard and fields which now face
the Lion. At this point was the chief tug of war.</p>

<p>A passage led through the house from the farm-yard into
the garden, which lies on the north or allied side of the buildings,
the door of which was four feet wide; there were also on
the same side four windows and ten loop or air-holes, by which
any quantity of ammunition might have been thrown in; consequently,
the oft-told tale that a breach should have been
made on that side but was forgotten, falls to the ground, like
many other false reports. A dozen loop-holes in the west
or Lion side of the buildings would have added considerably to
the strength of the post. Loop-holes were made in the south
and east walls as well as in the roofs, and the post strengthened
on being occupied by our troops.</p>

<p>A barricade was thrown across the high-road, near the
south-east angle of the wall; but there were several drawbacks
to the strengthening of this post. The working tools
had been lost, the carpenters had been sent to assist at Hougoumont;
half of the large west barn door was wanting, and
in addition, the post was exposed to a line of batteries, that
had been pushed forward upon the inner ridge of the French
right wing, at a range of from six to eight hundred yards.</p>

<p>In rear of the interval between Halkett’s and Kielmansegge’s
brigades stood the Nassau brigade, three battalions
of the 1st regiment of Nassau, under general Kruse.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span></p>

<p>Upon the left of the Genappe road, in columns just under
the crest of the ridge, was the 5th division: the 8th brigade,
composed of the 28th, colonel sir P. Belson; the 32d, colonel
Hicks; the 79th Highlanders, colonel Douglas, and of the
1st battalion 95th rifles, colonel Sir A. Barnard. In front of
the right of the brigade, and about a hundred and forty yards
from the cross-road, stood a knoll, in front of which was a
sand-hole, (where the Hanoverian monument now stands;)
on our side of the knoll and parallel with our front, was a
hedge slightly studded with trees, about a hundred and forty
yards long. The whole of this ground was occupied by three
companies of riflemen, under major Leach, who made a barricade
across the road: more of the rifles lined the straggling
hedge along the cross-road; their reserve was at the junction
of the roads.</p>

<p>On their left was the 9th brigade, consisting of the 1st or
Royal Scots, colonel Campbell; the 42d Royal Highlanders,
colonel sir R. Mac Ara; the 44th, colonel Hamerton; and
the 92d Highlanders, colonel Cameron; their left near the
brushwood, upon the rear face of the knoll on our left. From
this to Wavre, which is concealed by woods and high ground,
and from whence the Prussians had to march, the distance is
about twelve miles: consequently the Duke had good reason
for calculating on a much earlier support by Blücher.</p>

<p>In Pack’s left front was the 4th Hanoverian brigade, under
colonel Best, composed of the militia battalions, Luneburg,
Verden and Osterode; the Munden in reserve.</p>

<p>In Best’s left rear, and posted a little under the crest of the
ridge, was the 5th Hanoverian brigade, 5th division, under
colonel Vincke, in columns of battalions: namely, those of
Hameln and Hildesheim, Peine and Gifhorn.</p>

<p>The hamlet of Smohain, with the farms of Papelotte and
La Haye, and the houses and enclosures in the valley, were
occupied by the second brigade of the 2d Dutch-Belgian
division, under general Perponcher. This brigade, under the
duke of Saxe-Weimar, was composed of the two battalions of
Orange-Nassau, and the 2d and 3d battalions of the regiment
of Nassau, the 1st battalion of which was at Hougoumont.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span></p>

<p>Upon our extreme left was the 6th cavalry brigade, under
major-general sir Hussey Vivian, composed of the 10th hussars,
colonel Quentin; the 18th hussars, colonel the Hon.
H. Murray, and of the 1st hussars of the German legion,
colonel de Wissel. A piquet of the 10th, under captain
Taylor<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> was thrown into Smohain in the valley; their vedettes
were posted on the rising ground beyond.</p>

<p>Before the battle began, a Prussian patrol arrived at this
piquet, and informed captain Taylor, that part of Bulow’s
(4th) corps was at St.-Lambert; this intelligence was immediately
sent to the duke of Wellington.</p>

<p>On Vivian’s right was the 4th cavalry brigade, under major-general
sir J. O. Vandeleur, composed of the 11th light
dragoons, colonel Sleigh; the 12th, colonel the Hon. F. Ponsonby,
and the 16th, colonel J. Hay. In advance of the
hedge, in front of the centre of the left wing, was Byland’s
brigade of the Netherlands, deployed in line, composed of
the 27th Dutch light infantry, the 5th, 7th, and 8th Dutch
militia, and the 7th of the Belgian line; the 5th Dutch was in
reserve.</p>

<p>On the left of the Genappe road, in rear of Picton’s division,
was the 2d cavalry brigade, under major-general sir William
Ponsonby, composed of the 1st Royal dragoons, colonel Clifton;
the 2d or Scots Greys, colonel Hamilton, and the 6th,
Inniskilling, colonel Muter.</p>

<p>Near the farm of Mont-St.-Jean<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a>, was the 10th brigade of
the 6th division, which was to have been under lieutenant-general
the Hon. sir L. Cole, but he had not joined. Sir
J. Lambert commanded this brigade, which was composed of
the 4th, colonel Brook; the 27th, Inniskilling, major Hare, and
the 40th, major Heyland; they had just landed from America,
and had made forced marches from Assche. These were what
the Duke termed Spanish, or old tried infantry, most of whom
being on their way from America did not arrive until the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span>
battle was fought. Sir Harry Smith (the hero of Aliwal)
was on sir J. Lambert’s staff.</p>

<p>In the hollow, on the right of the high-road in rear of
Ompteda, was the 1st or household brigade, under major-general
lord Edward Somerset, viz. the 1st life-guards, colonel
Ferrior; the 2d ditto, colonel the Hon. E. Lygon; the Royal
horse-guards (Blues,) colonel R. Hill; 1st dragoon guards,
colonel Fuller.</p>

<p>In rear of Alten’s centre were the 3d hussars of the King’s
German legion, under colonel sir F. Arentschild. Behind
the centre was the cavalry division of the Netherlands, under
lieutenant-general baron Collaert: the 1st brigade, major-general
Tripp, the 1st and 3d Dutch, and 2d Belgian carabineers.
The second brigade, major-general de Ghigny, consisted
of the 4th Dutch light dragoons, and the 8th Belgian
hussars. The 3d brigade, major-general Merle, was composed
of the 5th Belgian light dragoons and the 6th Dutch
hussars.</p>

<p>On the right of the 3d German hussars were the Cumberland
Hanoverian hussars, under colonel Hake.</p>

<p>In rear of Halkett’s right was the 3d cavalry brigade, under
major-general sir William Dornberg, consisting of the 23d light
dragoons, major Cutcliffe, and of the 1st and 2d light dragoons
of the King’s German legion.</p>

<p>In rear of Byng was the 5th cavalry brigade, under major-general
sir Colquhoun Grant, composed of the 7th hussars,
colonel Kerrison, of the 15th hussars, colonel L. Dalrymple,
and of the 13th light dragoons, lieutenant-colonel Boyse.
The 13th did not properly belong to this brigade.</p>

<p>The 3d division of the Netherlands, lieutenant-general
Chassé, (who so gallantly defended the citadel of Antwerp
in 1832,) was under lord Hill: its 1st brigade, under colonel
Ditmers, was composed of the 33d battalion of Belgian light
infantry, and the 2d of the line, with the 4th, 6th, 17th, and
19th battalions of Dutch militia. It occupied the town of
Braine-l’Alleud; the 17th was posted a little nearer to the
2d British division, to keep up the communication.</p>

<p>The 2d brigade, under major-general d’Aubremé, composed
of the 36th Belgian light infantry, the 3d, the 12th,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span>
and the 13th line, and the 10th militia, was at the farm of
Vieux-Forêt, beyond Braine-l’Alleud, for the security of our
right flank, and to keep open the communication with our
detached forces at Hal, etc., for the protection of our extreme
right. The 6th British brigade thus detached was composed
of the 35th, 55th, 59th, and 91st regiments, under major-general
Johnstone, with the 6th Hanoverian brigade, major-general
sir James Lyon, and two regiments of Hanoverian
cavalry, under colonel Erstorff, and a division of Netherlanders,
under prince Frederick of Holland. These troops
were thus posted for the protection of Brussels against a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup
de main</i> by any detached force of the enemy<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a>.</p>

<p>The reader will observe that the principal advantages of
the allied position were.</p>

<p>1º The junction of the two high-roads immediately in rear
of our centre, from which branched off the paved broad road
to Brussels, our main line of operation, and the paved road to
the capital by Braine-l’Alleud and Alsemberg. This added
to the facility of communication, and enabled us to move ammunition,
guns, troops, the wounded, etc., to or from any part
of our main front line, as circumstances demanded.</p>

<p>2º The advanced posts of Hougoumont, La Haye-Sainte,
Papelotte, and La Haye farms, near which no enemy could
pass without being assailed in flank by musketry.</p>

<p>3º The continuous ridge from flank to flank towards which
no hostile force could advance undiscovered, within range of
our artillery upon the crest. Behind this ridge our troops
could manœuvre, or lie concealed from the enemy’s view,
while they were in great measure protected from the fire of
the hostile batteries.</p>

<p>4º Our extreme left was strong by nature. The buildings,
hollow-ways, enclosures, trees and brushwood, along the
valley from Papelotte to Ohain, thickly peopled with light
infantry, would have kept a strong force long at bay. Our
batteries on the left on the knoll commanded the valley and
the slopes. The ground from those batteries to Ohain,
which was occupied till near eight o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> by Vandeleur’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span>
and Vivian’s brigades, was admirably adapted for
cavalry.</p>

<p>5º Our extreme right was secured by numerous patches of
brushwood, trees and ravines, and further protected by hamlets,
and by lord Hill’s troops <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>, part of which occupied
Braine-l’Alleud and the farm of Vieux-Forêt, on the
height above that town.</p>

<p>Between nine and ten o’clock, the French began to take
up their position in our front, on an opposite ridge running
nearly parallel to ours; their centre being near La Belle-Alliance,
about fourteen hundred yards from ours; their right
running east along the ridge towards Frischermont. At two
hundred yards behind La Belle-Alliance is a cross-road, leading
from Plancenoit to the Nivelles road, and intersecting the
latter about midway between Hougoumont and Mon-Plaisir,
at which point there are now two small houses built, and
visible from the allied right wing. It was near this point
that the French left terminated.</p>

<p>The French right wing was the 1st corps, under lieutenant-general
count d’Erlon, the same, (with the exception of
Durutte’s infantry and Jacquinot’s cavalry divisions, which
were at Ligny,) that had been marching and countermarching
between Gosselies, Ligny and Frasnes on the 16th,
and which, up to this time, had not fired a shot during the
campaign. It was composed of four divisions of infantry, and
one of light cavalry. The 2d or left division, under general
Donzelot, had its left upon La Belle-Alliance. It consisted of
the 13th light, and 17th, 19th, 51st of the line, and was drawn
up, like the whole of their front, in two lines about sixty yards
apart. On their right was the 1st division, under general
Alix: the 28th, 54th, 55th, and 105th of the line. On their
right was the 3d division, under lieutenant-general Marcognet:
the 21st, 25th, 45th, and 46th of the line. On their
right was the 4th division, under general Darutte: the 8th,
29th, 85th, 95th of the line. The 1st division of cavalry,
under general Jacquinot, was on the right of this corps: it
consisted of the 3d and 7th light dragoons, and the 3d and
4th lancers, with seven batteries to the corps.</p>

<p>The left wing was the 2d corps, under lieutenant-general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span>
count Reille, composed of three divisions of infantry and one
of cavalry. The right division, the 5th, under lieutenant-general
Bachelu, rested its right upon La Belle-Alliance,
and its left in the valley that runs round the south enclosures
of Hougoumont: it comprised the 12th, 61st, 72d, and
108th line. Girard’s division was during the 16th and 17th
at Ligny, where it was left on the 18th, it is said, by mistake.</p>

<p>Upon their left, and facing the wood of Hougoumont, was
the 9th division, under lieutenant-general Foy; viz. the 4th
light, the 92d, 93d, and 100th line. On the left of the 9th division,
upon the ridge facing the buildings of Hougoumont,
was the 6th division, under general prince Jérôme Napoleon,
comprising the 1st and 2d light, and 1st, 2d, and 3d line; the
last three regiments were composed of three battalions each.
On the left of the corps was the 2d cavalry division, under
lieutenant-general Piré, being the 1st and 6th light dragoons,
and the 5th and 6th lancers; they crossed the Nivelles road
in lines, and threw forward piquets towards Braine-l’Alleud
and Uphain; thus keeping a look-out upon the extreme left
of their army. Their artillery, composed of five batteries,
was ranged along the front of the divisions.</p>

<p>Behind their centre, close along their left of the Genappe
road, was the 6th corps, under lieutenant-general count de
Lobau (George Mouton). The 19th and 20th divisions only
were present: they were formed in close columns of battalions,
by divisions. The 19th division was about two hundred
yards behind the right of the 2d corps; the 20th about two
hundred yards in rear of the 19th division. The former was
under lieutenant-general Simmer, being the 5th, 11th, 27th,
and 84th of the line. The 20th division, under lieutenant-general
Jeannin, was formed of the 5th light, and 10th, 47th,
and 107th line. There were five batteries to this corps. The
21st, or Teste’s division, was with Grouchy.</p>

<p>Upon the right of the 6th corps, separated only by the road,
was the 3d cavalry division, under lieutenant-general Domont,
being the 4th, 9th, and 12th light dragoons; and the 5th cavalry
division, under lieutenant-general Subervie, being the
1st and 2d lancers, and the 11th light dragoons. They were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span>
in close columns. Their two troops of artillery were on their
right.</p>

<p>Behind the centre of the right wing was the 4th cavalry
corps, under lieutenant-general count Milhaut.</p>

<p>The 13th cavalry division, under lieutenant-general Wattier,
comprised the 5th, 6th, 9th, and 10th cuirassiers; and
the 14th division, under lieutenant-general Delort, consisted
of the 1st, 4th, 7th, and 12th cuirassiers. Their two troops
of artillery were in the centre.</p>

<p>In rear of those divisions, in reserve, was the light cavalry
of the Imperial guard, composed of light dragoons and lancers,
under generals Lefebvre-Desnouettes and Colbert, like
the rest, drawn up in two lines; their artillery in the centre.</p>

<p>In rear of the centre of the left wing was the 3d cavalry
corps, under lieutenant-general Kellermann. It comprised
the 11th cavalry division, the 2d and 7th dragoons, and 8th
and 11th cuirassiers, under lieutenant-general L’Héritier; and
the 12th division, viz. the 1st and 2d carabineers (brass-clad
cuirassiers,) and 2d and 3d cuirassiers, under lieutenant-general
Roussel. Their two troops of artillery were upon their
flanks.</p>

<p>In rear of those two divisions were the horse-grenadiers
and dragoons of the Imperial guard, in reserve, under the
generals Guyot and Hoffmeyer; their artillery was in their
centre.</p>

<p>In rear of the 6th corps and the 3d and 5th cavalry divisions,
near the farm of Rossomme, was the infantry of the
Imperial guard, in reserve, under lieutenant-general Drouot:
it consisted of four regiments of grenadiers, four regiments of
chasseurs, two regiments of tirailleurs and two of voltigeurs,
of two battalions each. The 1st and 2d regiments of grenadiers
and chasseurs formed the old guard, under lieutenant-general
Friant; the 3d and 4th regiments of grenadiers and
chasseurs formed the middle guard, under lieutenant-general
count Morand; and the four regiments of voltigeurs and
tirailleurs formed the young guard, under lieutenant-general
Duhesme. They were drawn up in six lines of four battalions
each; the Genappe high-road divided them into two equal
parts; their artillery (six batteries) was on their flank. The<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span>
reserve artillery of the guard (twenty-four guns) was in
their rear.</p>

<p>Such was Napoleon’s disposition of his eager and gallant
followers.</p>

<p>“This admirable order of battle,” observes a distinguished
military writer, “at once grand, simple and imposing, and
presenting to its skilful designer the most ample means of
sustaining, by an immediate and efficient support, any attack
from whatever point he might wish to direct it, and of possessing
everywhere a respectable force at hand to oppose any
attack made upon himself, from whatever quarter it might be
made, was no less remarkable for the regularity and precision
with which the several masses, constituting thirteen distinct
columns, advanced to their destined stations, than for the
unusual degree of warlike pomp and high martial bearing
with which the lines drew up in this mighty battle array.”
(<span class="smcap">Siborne</span>, vol. I.)</p>

<p>Both positions, whatever some prejudiced French writers
may assert, offered everywhere fair fighting ground, on which
all arms could act without any disadvantage.</p>


<p class="p2 pfs80">THE EVE OF WATERLOO.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Kneel, warrior, kneel: to-morrow’s sun</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">May see thy course of glory run;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And batter’d helm and shiver’d glave</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">May lie neglected near thy grave.</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Kneel; for thy prayer in battle field</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">May sanctify thy sword and shield,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And help to guard, unstain’d and free,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Our altars, home and liberty.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Arm, warrior, arm: the hostile bands</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Now grasp in haste their whetted brands,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And seek the vantage of the height,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Ere the first blush of morning light;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And hark! the trumpet’s stormy bray!</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">God speed thee, warrior, on thy way!</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The stirring word of onset be,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Our altars, home and liberty!</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Shout, warrior, shout: the field’s thine own,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The Emperor’s ranks are all o’erthrown;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">His columns dense and squadrons vast</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Were but as dust before the blast.</div><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span>
    <div class="verse indent0">Shout, till the mountain voice replies</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">In thunder, as Napoleon flies;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And leaves again, unstain’d and free,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Our altars, home and liberty.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>Sunday the 18th June 1815, which cast such a brilliant
lustre on the military annals of Britain, broke but slowly
through the heavy clouds. The rain descended in torrents,
succeeded, as the morning advanced, by a drizzling shower
which gradually ceased. Soon after break of day, all who
were able were on the move. Many, from cold and fatigue,
could not stir for some time; fortunately, on most of us the
excitement was too powerful to allow this physical inconvenience
to be much felt; although, in after-years, many suffered
most severely from it. Some were cleaning arms; others
fetching wood, water, straw, etc., from Mont-St.-Jean, (my
present place of abode;) some trying, from the embers of our
bivac, to light up fires, most of which had been entirely put out
by the heavy rain. At this time there was a continual irregular
popping along the line, not unlike a skirmish, occasioned
by those who were cleaning their fire-arms, discharging
them, when practicable; which was more expeditious and
satisfactory than drawing the charges. Our bivac had a
most unsightly appearance: both officers and men looked blue
with cold; our long beards, and wet and dirty clothing drying
upon us, were anything but comfortable. As morning advanced
and all were in motion, one might imagine the whole
plain itself to be undergoing a movement. Imagine seventy
thousand men huddled together. The buzzing resembled the
distant roar of the sea against a rocky coast.</p>

<p>Between nine and ten o’clock, the duke of Wellington, with
his usual firm countenance, passed along the line and was
loudly cheered. His Grace was dressed in his ordinary field
costume, white buckskin pantaloons, hessian boots and tassels,
blue frock coat with a short cloak of the same colour, white
cravat, sword, a plain low cocked hat without plume or ornament,
except the large black cockade of Britain, and three
smaller ones of Spain, Portugal and the Netherlands. In his
right hand he carried a long field telescope, drawn out, ready
for use. His Grace was mounted on his favourite chesnut<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span>
charger, Copenhagen. He was followed by a numerous staff,
several foreign officers, and the Russian, Austrian, Prussian
and Spanish ministers, count Pozzo di Borgo, baron Vincent,
baron Müffling, and general Alava. I observed several in
his train dressed in plain clothes. Their number was much
diminished ere the day was over.</p>

<p>The Duke generally rode alone, or rather without having
any one by his side, and rarely spoke, unless to send a message
or to give orders; sometimes he would suddenly turn round and
glide past his followers; halting occasionally, and apparently
paying no attention to his own troops, his Grace would observe
through his telescope those of the enemy, which the docile
Copenhagen appeared perfectly to understand, from his showing
no impatience nor getting restive.</p>

<p>The troops had been previously placed in their respective
positions, and afterwards the cavalry dismounted.</p>

<p>About this time, the French bands struck up, so that we
could distinctly hear them. I have no doubt, this was the
moment when Napoleon assembled all his generals, and forming
a circle, placed himself in the centre, and gave his orders.
This was in the hamlet of La Maison-du-Roi, about a mile in
the rear of his centre.</p>

<p>Not long after, the enemy’s skirmishers, backed by their
supports, were thrown out; extending as they advanced, they
spread over the whole space before them. Now and then,
they saluted our ears with well-known music, the whistling
of musket-balls.</p>

<p>Their columns, preceded by mounted officers to take up
the alignments, soon began to appear; the bayonets flashing
over dark masses at different points, accompanied by the
rattling of drums and the clang of trumpets.</p>

<p>Could any one behold so imposing a spectacle without awe,
or without extreme excitement? Could any one witness the
commencement of the battle with indifference? Can any one
forget the impressions that are made upon the mind at such
a moment? What a magnificent sight! Napoleon the Great,
marshalling the chosen troops of France, against those of
Britain and her allies under the renowned Wellington! Here,
on one side, were the troops that had held nearly all Europe<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span>
in bonds, and by whom kings and princes had been humbled
and deposed; and although it was not the first time that many
of us had faced them, yet, on the present occasion, they were
under the immediate command of their idolized Napoleon.
It was impossible to contemplate so formidable a power in
battle array, without a feeling of admiration towards such
noble antagonists.</p>

<p>It presented altogether a sight that must be seen and felt
to be duly appreciated, a sight that “survivors recollect in
after-years.”</p>

<p>Such a scene fires the blood of the brave, and excites feelings
and hopes, compared with which, all other emotions are
cold and powerless:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“To him who’s born for battle’s strife,</div>
    <div class="verse indent7">Or bard of martial lay,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">’Twas worth ten years of peaceful life,</div>
    <div class="verse indent7">One glance at this array.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>Picture their infantry in front, in two lines sixty yards
apart, flanked by lancers with their fluttering flags. In rear
of the centre of the infantry wings were the cuirassiers, also
in two lines. In rear of the cuirassiers, on the right, the
lancers and chasseurs of the Imperial guard, in their splendid
but gaudy uniforms: the former clad in scarlet; the latter like
hussars, in rifle-green fur-trimmed pelisse, gold lace, bear-skin
cap. In rear of the cuirassiers on the left, the horse-grenadiers
and dragoons of the Imperial guard, with their dazzling arms.</p>

<p>Immediately in rear of the centre was the reserve, composed
of the 6th corps, in columns; on the left, and on the right of
the Genappe road, were two divisions of light cavalry.</p>

<p>In rear of the whole, was the infantry of the Imperial guard
in columns, a dense, dark mass, which, with the 6th corps and
cavalry, were flanked by their numerous artillery. Nearly
seventy-two thousand men, and two hundred and forty-six
guns, ranged with matches lighted, gave an awful presage of
the approaching conflict.</p>

<p>The enemy were quite in hand, all within call, there was
nothing to prevent a movement being made. Why tarries
Napoleon, so often termed “the thunderbolt of war?”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span>
Every minute’s delay is loss to him, and gain to Wellington,
whose game it was to stand fast until the Prussians arrived.
Was the Emperor tampering with a portion of the allies who
had formerly fought in his ranks, and who might again rally
round his eagles, (as he had been led to believe,) should a favourable
opportunity present itself? French writers reply, and
with some justice, that Napoleon waited for the partial drying
of the ground, which the night’s rain had rendered very unfavourable
for cavalry and artillery. The grand martial display
was calculated to heighten the enthusiasm of his legions, at
the same time that it gratified the Emperor’s unbounded ambition.</p>

<p>The allied army, a motley group, of nearly sixty-eight
thousand men and a hundred and fifty-six guns, though almost
as numerous as that of the enemy, did not present so imposing
a spectacle, being for the most part drawn up in chequered
columns of battalions at deploying intervals, the cavalry being
on the flanks and in the rear. According to the nature of
the ground, the guns were skilfully ranged at points whence
the melancholy work of destruction could be best effected;
yet, from its undulating form, it concealed from the enemy’s
view a great portion of our force.</p>

<p>“Never,” said Napoleon, “had his troops been animated
with such spirit, nor taken up their ground with such precision.
The earth seemed proud of being trodden by such combatants....
Never yet, I believe,” said he at St.-Helena, “has
there been such devotion shown by soldiers, as mine have
manifested to me; never has man been served more faithfully
by his troops.”</p>

<p>The two armies were now fairly in presence of each other.</p>

<p>The French lines being completed, the Emperor passed
along them, attended by a brilliant and numerous staff: a
forest of plumes waved around him. The troops hailed him
with repeated shouts of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i> the infantry raising
their caps upon their bayonets, and the cavalry their casques
or helmets upon their swords and lances. The parade over,
the whole instantly formed columns.</p>

<p>With an army thus animated by one sentiment, and doubtless
calculating on being joined during the fray by more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span>
than a few of the motley group who stood in his front, it
may readily be conceived that Napoleon fully participated in
the general confidence of a signal victory.</p>

<p>“The force of the two armies,” said the Emperor just
before the battle began, “could not be estimated by a mere
comparison of numbers; because the allied army was composed
of troops more or less efficient: so that <em>one Englishman
might be counted for one Frenchman</em>; but two Netherlander,
Prussians, Germans, or soldiers of the Confederation, were
required to make up one Frenchman.”</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_045" style="max-width: 15.625em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_045.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a sword)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> “I did in truth,” said Ney at his trial, “kiss the hand of the king, his
Majesty having presented it to me when he wished me a good journey. I spoke
of the descent of Napoleon with indignation, and made use of the expression,
<em>the iron cage</em>. During the night of the 13th of March, (down to which time
I protest my fidelity,) I received a proclamation from Napoleon, which
I signed.” On the following day he published the fatal proclamation to his
troops, which afterwards cost him his life. <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Note_II">No. II.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, pages 350, 356.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> <em>Ibid.</em>, page 363.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, page 365.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Note_I">No. I.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> The 3d guards and 42d Highlanders had near eight hundred militia-men
in their ranks. The guards actually fought in their Surrey militia jackets.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Colonel de Wissel, of the 1st German hussars, reported the fact to general
Vivian, who went to the outposts next day, and, finding the enemy ready to
attack, informed the Duke.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> <em>See</em> the following page, and the beginning of <a href="#CHAPTER_XI">chap. XI.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, page 290.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> One would say, after such language as this to his devoted and enthusiastic
followers, and maintaining as Napoleon did, that Frederick the Great was
right in carrying poison about his person to put an end to his existence in case
of a great reverse of fortune, “He was right, he was right, it would have been
dastardly indeed to live like a wretch (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pleutre</i>) after having once attained to
the highest pinnacle of fame;” the Emperor would have brought his actions
more in unison with his words, if, when on finding the day of Waterloo going
against him, he had, in person, led his Imperial guard to attack our position.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> <em>See</em> <a href="#i_b_001">Outline map of the Waterloo campaign</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> Had general Zieten been equally alert in making the duke of Wellington
acquainted with the attack of the French, as he was in communicating the
intelligence to Blücher, the battle of Ligny might have either not been fought
at all, or would have terminated less disastrously to his countrymen. (<span class="smcap">Gleig’s</span>
<cite>Story of the Battle of Waterloo</cite>.)</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Note_I">No. I.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> A pity the poet did not put, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Soigné</i>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> What appears most astonishing is, that the real line of retreat of the
Prussian columns was not discovered by the victorious French until the afternoon
of the 17th.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> The road by which the Prussians retreated upon Wavre, was examined by
lieutenant-colonel Jackson, of the Royal staff corps, and a report thereof sent
to the Prussian head-quarters, before the campaign opened.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> <em>See</em> anecdote, Appendix, <a href="#Note_VI">No. VI.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> Lord Uxbridge was created Marquis of Anglesey, for his distinguished
conduct on the field of Waterloo.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> <em>See</em> <a href="#i_b_001">Outline map of the Waterloo campaign</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, page 129.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> The cannon-ball entered the west end of the large building still in existence;
consequently must have passed through four, if not five walls, before it
came out at the east end looking into the garden, or park.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> Sergeant-major Cotton, the author of this “<span class="smcap">Voice from Waterloo</span>,”
also lies buried in the same garden, not far from captain Blackman’s grave.
He died at Mont-St.-Jean, the 24th June, 1849. <span class="pad4">(<em>Editor.</em>)</span></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">En potence</i>, is a military phrase which expresses a bending or throwing
back of either flank or wing of an army.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> Now the Rifle brigade.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> Since called Grenadier guards, on account of their gallant conduct when
opposed to the Imperial grenadiers of France, at the close of the day of Waterloo.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> Now Major-General Taylor and deputy governor of Sandhurst college.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> Every house in the neighbourhood was used for the wounded; the farm
of Mont-St.-Jean was the chief hospital, or the head-quarters for the medical
staff.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <em>See</em> <a href="#i_b_001">Outline map of the Waterloo campaign</a>.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III.</h2>
</div>


<div class="blockquot">

<p>The Duke at Hougoumont, makes a slight change, returns to the ridge.—Battle
commences at Hougoumont: Jérôme’s columns put in motion,
drew the fire of our battery upon them, to which theirs replied.—Close
fighting at Hougoumont.—Our left menaced by the enemy’s cavalry.—Howitzers
open upon the enemy in the wood of Hougoumont.—The enemy
press on and approach the masked wall, from whence the crashing fusillade
astounds them.—Our troops under lord Saltoun charge and rout the enemy;
a portion of whom pass Hougoumont on their right, and enter the gate:
a desperate struggle ensues.—Gallantry of colonel Macdonell, sergeant
Graham, and the Coldstream.—The enemy’s light troops drive off our right
battery.—Colonel Woodford, with a body of the Coldstream, reinforces
Hougoumont.—Sergeant Graham rescues his brother from the flames.—Prussian
cavalry observed.—Hougoumont a stumbling-block to the enemy,
who now prepare to attack our left.—Napoleon observes a part of Bulow’s
Prussian corps, and detaches cavalry to keep them in check.—A Prussian
hussar taken prisoner; his disclosures to the enemy.—Soult writes a
dispatch to Grouchy.—Oversight of Napoleon, who orders Ney to attack
our left.—D’Erlon’s columns advance; terrific fire of artillery.—La
Haye-Sainte and Papelotte attacked.—Picton’s division, aided by Ponsonby’s
cavalry, defeat the enemy.—Shaw the life-guardsman killed.—Struggle
for a colour.—A female hussar killed.—Picton killed.—Scots
Greys and Highlanders charge together.—Two eagles captured, with a host
of prisoners.—Our heavy cavalry get out of hand.—Ponsonby killed.—12th
dragoons charge.—Our front troops drawn back.—Charge of Kellermann’s
cuirassiers, repulsed by Somerset’s household brigade, who
following up the enemy mix with Ponsonby’s dragoons on the French position.—Captain
Siborne’s narrative of the attack upon our left and centre.—Heroism
of lord Uxbridge.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">Just before the commencement of the battle, and after taking
a minute survey of his troops on the position, the Duke rode
down to Hougoumont, and following the footpath that traversed
the wood, halted at the eastern boundary, from whence
he surveyed the enemy’s masses in that vicinity. He afterwards
returned to the buildings, and, casting a hasty glance
around, made a few observations to colonel Macdonell, ordered
a slight change to be made in the troops holding the
wood and out-grounds, and then rode away.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span></p>

<p>At about half-past eleven o’clock, his Grace was near the
bit of hedge-row on the road side, midway between the Lion
and Hougoumont, in conversation with one of his staff, when
a strong force of light troops of prince Jérôme’s division commenced
an attack in the wood of Hougoumont upon our light
troops, who, being under cover of the hedge and trees, kept
them at bay for some time: the French however pressed on
briskly into the wood, and drove our troops back towards
the buildings. The rattle of the musketry was kept up in the
wood for some time; and thus opened the memorable day of
Waterloo.</p>

<p>Upon Jérôme’s supporting columns being put in motion,
(about ten minutes to twelve, according to lord Edward
Somerset and general Shaw Kennedy’s watches<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a>,) captain
Cleeve’s German battery first opened upon them, and produced
a most terrific effect, making a complete road through
the mass<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a>: the leading column was broken, and fell back
behind the ridge; upon which our artillery more to the right
opened upon the French rear columns which had slightly
changed their position. Reille’s guns now opened, and a
heavy cannonade was carried on. Napoleon ordered Kellermann
to push forward his horse batteries: thus the fire
augmented like thickening peals of thunder, and the whole
kept up a continual roar;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“And from their deep throats</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The shot and shells did pour.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>Our Nassau and Hanoverian light troops being forced
out of the wood by the French, the light companies of the
British guards advanced on the right of the buildings, and
also from the orchard into the fields, driving the enemy before
them.</p>

<p>During the time the French occupied the wood, the Duke,
after explaining the danger attending the howitzers’ range,
as, from the proximity of the hostile forces, friends might be<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span>
destroyed as well as foes, ordered Bull’s howitzer battery to
throw shells into it. A shower of shells was soon sent flying
into the wood, which forced Jérôme’s light troops and their
supports to retire. Up to this time, except a little skirmishing,
the battle was confined to Hougoumont. The roar of artillery
was increasing. At this period a body of the enemy’s cavalry
approached our left at a good pace; upon which, Best’s Hanoverians
formed square; but the French cavalry went about.
It was a reconnoitering party, to see whether we had thrown
up any field-works, as our position, when seen from the
French right, had all the appearance of being intrenched.
Fresh columns of Jérôme’s division, supported by Foy’s, were
sent upon our post at Hougoumont; they united, extended
their front, and pressed through the wood and open fields.</p>

<p>The horse battery upon the French left opened upon our
right, and a sharp cannonade was kept up between the batteries.
Our light troops in the wood and orchard made a desperate
resistance, but were ultimately obliged to fall back upon
the flanks of the buildings. As the French approached the
banked-up hedge that masked the loop-holed wall, they pressed
up to it, thinking our troops were behind it; but they
were suddenly brought to a stand, by an efficacious fire through
the loop-holes and from the scaffold over the top of the wall:
most of their advance were brought down, and those who followed
were staggered, without being able to make out whence
the fire came that caused such havock in their ranks; little
thinking that a masked battery of muskets was within forty
yards of them. They at length perceived whence this well-directed
fire came; still they returned with redoubled fury to
the attack, in hopes of carrying this important post. Not
thinking it prudent to attempt an escalade, they covered
themselves, as best they could, by the banked-up hedge and
trees, and continued a dropping fire upon the wall, which was
so peppered as to lead one to suppose they had an idea of battering
it down with musketry, or mistook the red bricks for
our red coats. At length some of the more daring, and there
were many in their ranks, rushed over the hedge up to the
wall, and seized the muskets which protruded through the
loop-holes.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span></p>

<p>The enemy were making their way through a gap, out of
the wood, into the large orchard, when lord Saltoun charged
them with his light troops and drove them back. Our howitzers
upon the right of the main ridge began again plying with
shells the enemy in the wood: they falling back, and our men
moving on slowly, the shells were thrown in another direction,
upon some supports. The enemy were again reinforced, and
pressed on in a most daring manner.</p>

<p>Our guards on the right, under colonel Macdonell, fell back
upon the haystack (afterwards burnt) that stood between the
buildings and the wood, and upon the hedges and the right
enclosures; while those on the left or orchard side, under colonel
lord Saltoun, fell back to the south banked-up hedge of
the orchard. Those on the right were assisted by their comrades
from the windows of the house, as well as from the loop-holes
of the south stables. They managed upon that point
to keep the enemy at bay for some time, but perceiving some
of Jérôme’s troops out-flanking them on the allied right of the
buildings, and thus exposing our men to the danger of being
turned on their right and cut off from retreat, they hastily
fell back and entered the buildings by the north gate, which
they attempted to block up: but the French were too close
upon them, and forced an entrance. Our men quickly taking
the best cover they could find, opened a rattling fire upon
the intruders, then darted forward, and a struggle ensued,
distinguished by the most undaunted courage on both sides.
At length colonel Macdonell and his small force, amongst
whom was sergeant Graham, succeeded in overpowering the
enemy and closing the gate. All of the enemy who had entered
were either killed or severely wounded. Shortly after
a French soldier climbed to the top of the gateway, and
sergeant Graham immediately shot him, by order of captain
Windham, who at the time was holding Graham’s musket,
whilst the latter was further securing the gate.</p>

<p>At this moment the position was nearer falling into the
hands of the enemy, than at any other period during the
day. A party of French drove back our light companies,
and passed the avenue hedge which leads to the Nivelles road,
turning the post on the allied right. Being favoured by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span>
brushwood and high crops, they got close up under the ridge
on the right of our main front line, and destroyed some of our
artillery-men and horses, causing Webber Smith’s battery
to be drawn back into the hollow road, where his guns were
refitted. Colonel Woodford, with the rest of the Coldstreams,
went down and drove the French before him; but, before
his arrival, such a numerous body of the enemy had congregated
at the north gate and wall of Hougoumont, that our
artillery opened fire upon them. Colonel Woodford’s advance
caused it to cease, from the fear of destroying our
own men. Woodford cleared all before him, and leaving a
detachment to guard the avenue, he entered the building
from the lane by a small door of the barn (now bricked up).</p>

<p>Sergeant Graham, some time after this, asked permission to
fall out for a few minutes: a request which surprised colonel
Macdonell, and induced him to inquire the motive. Graham
replied, that his brother was lying in the buildings wounded,
and, as the flames were then fast extending, he wished to
remove him to a place of safety. The request was granted,
and Graham, having rescued his brother from the fate
which menaced him, speedily returned to his post. Graham
died an inmate of the Royal hospital, Kilmainham, Dublin,
in 1845.</p>

<p>The French on our left of Hougoumont, pressed on, and
turned lord Saltoun’s troops on their left, driving them across
the orchard to the friendly hollow-way; but upon the enemy
following through the south hedge, all within musket range
received, from the Coldstreams stationed inside the east garden
wall, such a severe fire upon their left flank, as staggered and
brought them up. Upon which lord Saltoun, who had been
reinforced upon his left by some of the 3d guards from the
main line, advanced, drove the enemy before him, and again
occupied the front hedge; than which there was not a more
secure position on the field, as long as the enemy did not outflank
it: but this the French frequently attempted to do by
attacking, from the open field beyond the east hedge of the
enclosure, Saltoun’s left, posted at the south-east angle of the
orchard.</p>

<p>The enemy now occupied the wood and open fields on both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span>
flanks. Outside the left enclosures there was cavalry-skirmishing.
About this time small bodies of cavalry, supposed to
be Prussians, were observed on the heights on our left, near
St.-Lambert.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp77" id="i_b_052" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_052.jpg" alt="(Marshall Ney)" title="(Marshall Ney)">
</div>

<p>In consequence of the determined resistance the enemy met
with at our advanced post of Hougoumont, which proved a
regular stumbling-block to Napoleon, he resolved upon attacking
the left of our main line<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a>. Marshal Ney had been
making preparations for so doing, by pushing forward part
of his artillery to the intermediate ridge of their right wing,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span>
placing his guns so that their range was not beyond half a
mile; they were to cover, as is usual, the advance of their
columns of attack, formed of the whole of d’Erlon’s corps,
supported by part of Reille’s.</p>

<p>Napoleon’s aim was to turn our left, force the left centre, get
possession of the farms of La Haye-Sainte and Mont-St.-Jean,
and establish a force there, in order to cut off our communication
with Brussels, and to prevent our cooperation with the
Prussians. The French columns had been moved to the hollow,
between the main and inner ridges. All was ready for the
grand attack, of which Ney apprized Napoleon; who, before
he gave the order to begin, took a general survey upon his
right, when, perceiving in the direction of St.-Lambert what
he thought to be troops, he asked his adjutant-general
(Soult<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a>,) what the cloud of troops were that he saw in the
distance? Soult replied, “I think I see five or six thousand
men: possibly part of Grouchy’s corps.” The telescopes were
all put in requisition; but the day being hazy, the opinions
were various and conflicting. Upon this, general Domont
was sent for, and ordered to proceed with two light cavalry
divisions in the direction of St.-Lambert, and ascertain what
the supposed troops were. Domont and Subervie, it is said,
immediately moved to the right, and drew up <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>
on the right of the French army, and facing the wood of Paris.
This must have occurred about one o’clock. Soon after, an
officer of the light cavalry brought in a Prussian hussar taken
prisoner, who had been charged with a letter for orders from
Bulow to Wellington. The Prussian was very communicative,
and answered all questions in a loud tone; he said, “his
corps had been that morning at Wavre, near which the other
three Prussian corps had encamped; that his regiment had
sent out patrols for six miles in all directions, but had not
fallen in with any part of the French army, consequently
they had concluded that Grouchy had joined the Emperor at
Plancenoit; and that the column seen near St.-Lambert was the
advance-guard of Bulow’s (4th) corps, about 30,000 strong,
that had not been present at the battle of Ligny.” This intelligence<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span>
obliged Napoleon to hold a considerable force in hand,
in order to defend his right flank. It is therefore evident,
that more caution and vigilance should have been used by
him, at an earlier period, in that direction.</p>

<p>Soult, who was at this time writing a dispatch to Grouchy,
informed him that the Emperor wished him to manœuvre in
the direction of the main army; to find out the point where it
was, to keep up a close communication, and to be at hand
to fall upon and destroy any enemy that might attempt to
disturb their right flank.</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p>“At this moment,” he continued, “we are engaged in
battle on the line of Waterloo. The centre of the English
army is at Mont-St.-Jean; so manœuvre to join our right
without loss of time.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Duke of Dalmatia.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“One o’clock, 18th June.”</p>
</div>

<p>It was sent off with the intercepted letter, but did not
reach Grouchy till after seven <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> Domont soon after made
the communication, that he had fallen in with the enemy in
the direction of St.-Lambert; the Emperor might be assured
that the troops he had seen were enemies, and that he had
sent out patrols to find out Grouchy and to open a communication
with him.</p>

<p>Napoleon remarked to Soult, “This morning we had ninety
chances for us; the arrival of Bulow loses us thirty, but we
have still sixty against forty. If Grouchy repair the horrible
fault which he committed yesterday in amusing himself
at Gembloux, and send his detachment with rapidity, the
victory will be more decisive, because Bulow’s corps will be
quite destroyed.” The Emperor still felt sanguine as to the
successful result of the battle, notwithstanding he had received
no intelligence from Grouchy, nor any information which he
considered satisfactory respecting the Prussians. It was only
by a gross oversight on the part of Napoleon, or some of his
officers, that Bulow was allowed to approach his right. Had
he detached six or eight thousand men of all arms on the 17th,
or at an early hour on the 18th, to command the entrance to
the defiles of the Lasne and St.-Lambert, through which Bulow<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span>
had to pass, and not above ten minutes’ gallop from the French
right (consequently the force could have been recalled at any
moment,) Napoleon could have kept Bulow’s corps, out of
action until the arrival of Zieten’s (1st) corps, at about eight
o’clock, and before that hour he might with his whole force
have assailed Wellington’s position.</p>

<p>The appearance of the Prussians at St.-Lambert was ominous
for Napoleon: it compelled him to alter his plan of battle,
and tended to paralyze part of his reserves. The Prussians
were now in great force between Grouchy’s corps and the
French right. Grouchy might indeed fall upon the Prussian
rear; but he might also be retarded at the passage of the Dyle,
or by some other difficulty or misfortune. The prospect was
sufficiently gloomy to make Napoleon detach some cavalry
for the purpose of observing Bulow’s corps, and to keep a
strong force in hand ready to check the Prussians, should
they attempt to disturb his right.</p>

<p>The Emperor now sent word to Ney to commence the attack.
D’Erlon’s four massive columns advanced, accompanied
by Ney, who halted on the high-road where it cuts through
the bank, before reaching La Haye-Sainte orchard. As soon
as the columns reached the inner ridge, and were passing between
their batteries, our guns opened upon them; they were
scarcely down the slope so as to be under cover from their
own guns, when their batteries of between seventy and eighty
pieces, posted on their main and inner ridges, opened with a
tremendous roar upon our lines, causing dreadful havock in
Picton’s division and Byland’s brigade. The balls that went
over fell with terrific effect amongst our cavalry in the rear.
The flank columns which were detached to attack La Haye-Sainte,
and Papelotte, La Haye and Smohain on our left,
soon became engaged. The German rifles from the orchard
of La Haye-Sainte opened first: then the Nassau on the left,
with the light troops in advance of the columns, and soon the
skirmish became general along the whole front of attack.
Papelotte, la Haye and the orchard of La Haye-Sainte were
carried.</p>

<p>As the columns approached the rise of our position, they
appeared <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i> from their left. Byland’s brigade of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span>
Netherlands was overpowered and gave way before the overwhelming
force which advanced against it, but was rallied
again in rear of the ridge, where it remained for the rest of
the day. Some of this brigade, particularly the 5th militia,
had behaved with great gallantry on the 16th, at Quatre-Bras.
The flanking fires from La Haye-Sainte and the enclosures of
Smohain induced the enemy’s flank columns to swerve away
towards the centre, before they dropped off their supports:
so much so, that their central columns had not sufficient space
to deploy. The left column got a strong fire from the walls
of La Haye-Sainte, which it had scarcely cleared, when our
sand-hole rifles began; this at first staggered the column, but
still it pressed on with deafening shouts of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i>
and turned our sand-larks, who fell back behind the knoll,
and from thence upon their battalion.</p>

<p>The enemy had dislodged the green Germans from the
orchard of La Haye-Sainte, and were desperately disputing
the buildings, a most serious impediment to the French, whose
attacking columns were advancing towards the hedge. The
French artillery now suspended their fire, for fear of destroying
friends as well as foes: whilst our few but well-served
batteries were carrying destruction through the enemy’s
columns, who, regardless of the iron hail, gallantly pressed on
until within forty yards of the hedge, when the undaunted
Picton ordered Kempt’s brigade to deploy into line. This
brigade moved up to the hedge, fired a volley into the enemy
while deploying, which dreadfully shattered their ranks and
stemmed their further progress; then with a loud Hurrah!
rushed through the hedge and received a murderous volley
in return. This caused some disorder and delay, particularly
among the 79th regiment: but the delay was momentary;
our soldiers quickly rallied, and levelling their bayonets, presented
a line of British infantry at the charge. Picton’s gallant
example at Quatre-Bras had so inspired his troops, that
nothing could now resist the impetuosity of their attack.</p>

<p>By the terrific fire of our infantry, a timely check was
given to the burning ardour of the assailing columns, which
were soon turned into a shapeless mass of men, destitute of
order, although still endeavouring to hold their ground; pouring<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span>
out a straggling fire, yet unable to withstand the storm
about to burst upon their devoted heads. During this time
a portion of the first light battalion of the German legion
crossed the high-road to support our advancing brigade. The
French left attacking column became panic-stricken, and, in
utter confusion, fled precipitately down the slope. As the
British pressed forward, their front was crossed by a body of
cuirassiers hotly pursued by the 2d life-guards. The cuirassiers
dashed in amongst their own broken infantry, who flung
themselves on the ground to allow both cavalries to ride over
them, they then rose up and fired after the life-guards. The
cuirassiers coming nearer to their own position pulled up their
steeds, and boldly faced their pursuers, but in vain; after
many an isolated and individual combat, they were obliged
again to turn and fly. It was here that Shaw, the famous life-guardsman,
fell in the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i>, mortally wounded by a carbine-ball,
after having, it is said, killed nine of his steel-clad
opponents.</p>

<p>During this same attack, a French officer, whose horse had
been shot under him, seized the regimental colour of the 32d,
which was carried at the moment by lieutenant Belcher: a
struggle ensued; the Frenchman was in the act of drawing
his sword, when he received a thrust in the breast from a sergeant’s
halbert, and instantly after, notwithstanding the major
(Toole) called out, (alas! too late,) “Save the brave fellow!”
he was shot by a man named Lacey, and fell dead at lieutenant
Belcher’s feet. This officer and lieutenant-colonel Brown,
both of the 32d and actors in this scene, revisited the spot in
1845. They related all that took place on this part of our line
during the day, and further told me, that in collecting their
wounded on the morning after the battle, they found, near
where the Hanoverian monument now stands, a most beautiful
young lady who had been shot dead in the costume of an officer
of the French hussars<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a>.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp66" id="i_b_058" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_058.jpg" alt="(Sir Thomas Picton)" title="(Sir Thomas Picton)">
</div>

<p>It was during this gallant and eminently successful repulse<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span>
of the enemy, that the brave Picton fell<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a>: he was struck by
a musket-ball in the right temple, and died immediately. His
last words were, “Charge! charge! Hurrah!” His life had
been spent in fighting the battles of his country: his end was
suited to his stormy career; and although he had attained the
meridian of military glory, no one of the many that fell that
day was so lamented, as no one had been so admired and loved
by the British army. His renown had attracted the notice
of Napoleon, who on the morning of the battle inquired,
“Where is Picton’s division?” His desire to know this might
be attributed to his thinking, that, as they had been so roughly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span>
handled and had lost so many men at Quatre-Bras, their
<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">morale</i> was shaken and they might be easily overpowered.</p>

<p>It appears that Picton had been wounded on the 16th, at
Quatre-Bras; but it was not discovered till his body was laid
out on the 19th, at Brussels.</p>

<p>He was succeeded in the command of the division by sir
James Kempt; colonel Belson, of the 28th, taking command
of the brigade.</p>

<p>The 95th rifles were soon in the midst of the broken French
infantry, over which the two cavalries had ridden; they took
a vast number of prisoners and sent them to the rear. The
rifles then reoccupied the knoll and sand-pit, and Baring’s
gallant Germans the little garden and orchard of La Haye-Sainte,
from whence the enemy had been driven.</p>

<p>Ponsonby’s brigade had advanced close up to the ridge,
and was waiting the proper moment to charge; for the
French columns on Kempt’s left, having had nothing in their
front to check them after Byland retreated, were making
through the hedges that lined the road. Part of the Royal
dragoons dashed into the head of the enemy’s column in their
front, and at the same moment a portion of the 28th regiment
brought their right shoulders forward and fired a volley into
its left flank. At this time, part of Pack’s brigade, formed of
the redoubtable remains of the 92d Highlanders, was in rear
of the ridge, their left brought forward, resting in front of
the brushwood upon the knoll on our left. Part of another
French column had passed the straggling hedge, and were
pressing on towards the position of this brigade, bearing
directly on its left. This handful of tried soldiers, partially
aided by the Royal Scots and 42d Highlanders, immediately
advanced in order to come to close quarters with the enemy,
whose fire they received without returning, until within thirty
yards; they then threw in a concentrated and destructive
volley, which completely staggered the French, who however
soon sufficiently recovered themselves to return the fire.
At this moment, the Scots Greys came up, and the Highlanders
opened out to let them pass. The wild shrill squeaking
bagpipes, mixed with the shouting of “Scotland for ever!”
heightened the national enthusiasm, and many of them, breaking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span>
from their ranks, caught hold of the Grey’s stirrups to
be able to keep up with them, and to take their part in completing
the destruction of the enemy.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Where stream’d fair Scotia’s banners high,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Or nodded where her bonnets blue,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Where peal’d the bagpipe’s deafening cry,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Or where the varied tartans flew:</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">There did the rush of battle burst,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Blazing the deadly fight begun;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">There did the shouts of triumph first</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Proclaim the Gallic host undone.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>While we see in this fact ample proof of the ardour which
fired the breasts of our brave Scottish troops, yet we must
allow that the mingling of broken infantry with cavalry advancing
to an attack, must have materially impeded the impetus
and efficiency of both. The cavalry having the advantage
of the descent, bore down all before them. Unfortunately this
splendid result was not enough for the gallant spirits that
achieved it. Wild with their success and carried away by the
ardour of the fight, they hurried in utter confusion up the
opposite slopes, sabring every living thing that came in their
way. This was not the only instance of our cavalry getting
disordered and out of hand by their own headlong rashness,
and in consequence causing most serious loss of life.</p>

<p>The eagle and colour of the 45th regiment in the French
column, attracted the particular attention of sergeant Ewart
of the Greys; he gallantly rushed forward to secure the trophy.
The following is his account of the affair: “It was in the charge
I took the eagle from the enemy: he and I had a hard contest
for it; he made a thrust at my groin, I parried it off and cut
him down through the head. After this a lancer came at me;
I threw the lance off by my right side, and cut him through the
chin and upwards through the teeth. Next, a foot-soldier
fired at me, and then charged me with his bayonet, which I
also had the good luck to parry, and then I cut him down
through the head; thus ended the contest. As I was about to
follow my regiment, the general said, ‘My brave fellow, take
that to the rear; you have done enough till you get quit<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span>
of it.’ I took the eagle to the ridge, and afterwards to
Brussels<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a>.”</p>

<p>The Greys, with the Highlanders, took and destroyed nearly
the whole of the front attacking column. Upon the right of
the Greys were the Inniskilling dragoons, who dashed through
the straggling hedge<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> down upon the supporting columns,
and made fearful havock amongst them; and although they
had not the good fortune to capture an eagle, their attack was
as brilliant as that of the other regiments of the brigade. On
the right of the brigade were the Royal dragoons, as before mentioned,
who, like the Greys<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a>, met the head of the enemy’s
column on our side of the Wavre road and hedge; the column
threw out a straggling fire, and attempted to repass the hedge;
but the Royals were soon among them, cutting and slashing
away, and causing a panic, which, from the enemy’s situation,
was not to be wondered at. In the centre of this column was
the eagle of the 105th regiment; this caught the eye of captain
Clarke, of the Royal dragoons. The following extract is from
the records of the regiment, page 105: “I was,” he said,
“in command of the centre squadron of the Royal dragoons
in this charge; while following up the attack, I perceived a
little to my left, in the midst of a body of infantry, an eagle
and colour, which the bearer was making off with towards
the rear. I immediately gave the order to my squadron,
‘Right shoulders forward!’ at the same time leading direct
upon the eagle and calling out to the men with me to secure
the colour; the instant I got within reach of the officer who
carried the eagle, I ran my sword into his right side, and he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span>
staggered and fell, but did not reach the ground on account
of the pressure of his companions: as the officer was in the act
of falling, I called out a second time to some men close behind
me, ‘Secure the colour, it belongs to me.’ The standard
coverer, corporal Styles<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a>, and several other men rushed up,
and the eagle fell across my horse’s head against that of corporal
Styles’s: as it was falling, I caught the fringe of the
flag with my left hand, but could not at first pull up the
eagle: at the second attempt however I succeeded. Being
in the midst of French troops, I attempted to separate the
eagle from the staff, to put it into the breast of my coatee,
but it was too firmly fixed. Corporal Styles said, ‘Sir,
don’t break it;’ to which I replied, ‘Very well; carry it off
to the rear as fast as you can:’ he did so. Though wounded,
I preferred remaining on the field in command of my squadron,
which I did till near seven o’clock in the evening, when I was
obliged to withdraw; having had two horses killed under me,
and having received two wounds, which confined me to my
quarters at Brussels for nearly two months.”</p>

<p>During this conflict, the valley and slopes of both positions
presented a sight indeed! they were covered with broken troops
of both armies: ours, both infantry and cavalry, bringing up
prisoners singly and in groups. Some few of our fellows, until
driven back by their officers, were helping themselves to any
little valuable article they could lay hand on.</p>

<p>Many French officers were brought up prisoners; they
delivered up their swords to our officers. The enemy upon the
opposite heights were similarly employed in taking prisoners,
and destroying such of our cavalry as had ventured too far,
particularly the Scots Greys, who, by their ill-timed impetuosity,
lost many men and horses. In fact most of Ponsonby’s
brigade, with a portion of the household brigade, animated by
their first success, pursued their advantage too far; they
crossed the valley in disorder, and galloped up to the French
position in two’s and three’s and groups, brandishing their
swords in defiance, riding along the ridge, sabring the gunners,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span>
and rendering about thirty guns useless: the bugles, or trumpets,
sounding to rally, were unheeded.</p>

<p>General Ponsonby rode forward to stop their wild career,
but he was intercepted in a ploughed field by the lancers, and
killed. The command of the brigade devolved on colonel
Muter, of the Inniskillings. The enemy’s cuirassiers, lancers
and chasseurs, perceiving the isolated and unsupported position
of our broken dragoons, rushed forward and made serious
havock, pursuing them down the slope into the valley. Those
of our men whose horses where blown and exhausted by their
recent exertions, became an easy prey to the enemy; but at
length the 12th and 16th light dragoons, part of Vandeleur’s
brigade, came forward. The 12th, under colonel F. Ponsonby,
charged some unsteady infantry in the valley, and then
attacked the lancers, whom they overpowered, thus relieving
our broken cavalry. In advancing, the 12th suffered most
severely from the fire of some of Durutte’s division, who
were concealed by a high bank in the valley, in front of our
left.</p>

<p>The 16th light dragoons charged some of the enemy’s cavalry;
part of Merle’s Dutch-Belgian cavalry came up as a
support; a portion went down the slope. Vivian’s brigade
moved from our extreme left towards the scene of action, but
like Merle’s it was not required. Both sides were now employed
in reforming upon their original positions, except our
two light cavalry brigades, which took position somewhat
more to their right. The skeleton remains of Ponsonby’s
brigade, at a later period of the day, crossed the Charleroi
road, and joined lord Edward Somerset’s. Meanwhile our
rockets were playing with destructive effect upon the enemy,
who were rallying opposite to our left.</p>

<p>After this sanguinary conflict, Napoleon rode along his right
wing, and as usual he was loudly cheered. Sir Hussey Vivian,
who at the time was in front of the knoll on our left, told me
that he distinctly saw the Emperor: he was galloping towards
some of his lancers that were reforming; upon the near approach
of Napoleon they waved their lance-flags and shouted,
<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i> Shortly before this, Vivian ordered two of
major Gardner’s guns which were attached to his brigade, to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span>
open fire. Upon this the French artillery opened, and a shot
striking one of our ammunitions tumbrels, it blew up, which
called forth a shout from the French gunners.</p>

<p>We may remark upon this attack<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a>, which the Duke pronounced
the most serious that occurred during the day, that it
was entirely defeated; that it gave us a great many prisoners,
led to our disabling many of their guns, and that its failure
frustrated Napoleon’s entire plan. Nor can any doubt be
entertained, that if Wellington’s forces on this eventful day
had been wholly composed of his Peninsular soldiers, of whom
he had said, “I always thought, I could go anywhere and
could do anything with that army!” we should not have
looked so anxiously for the arrival of the Prussians, nor
would they have been up in time to have taken any share in
the victory.</p>

<p>Meanwhile the enemy’s attack upon La Haye-Sainte had
been continued; they had, as related, dislodged the German
riflemen from the orchard and garden, although a most determined
resistance had been made by major Baring. During
the advance of d’Erlon’s columns, the Duke observed the
dreadful havock made by the enemy’s batteries in his front
troops posted between the two high-roads, and ordered them to
retire behind the crest of the ridge for shelter. This movement
was mistaken by Napoleon for one of retreat, and he
immediately launched forward Kellermann’s cuirassiers and
carabineers to pick up our guns and stragglers, and press our
rear. Shortly before this, his Grace advanced a reinforcement
to La Haye-Sainte, having observed that the enemy
was about to make another attack. Upon the arrival of this
reinforcement, Baring tried to recover the orchard, as well as
the little garden on our side of the farm, which had fallen into
the hands of the French. The Germans were advancing, when
they observed some cuirassiers moving forward. Lord Edward
Somerset, whose brigade was now in line immediately in rear
of this part of the position, had placed two officers on the ridge,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span>
to give a signal of the enemy’s advance, in order to time his
charge. Upon the cuirassiers approaching the line of skirmishers
in front of our right of the farm, these latter ran in
upon Baring’s troops, who were near the orchard, and threw
them into confusion. They took to flight, but were overtaken,
ridden down and sabred. While the cuirassiers were
ascending the ridge, our artillery opened with grape and case-shot,
which laid many low, and disordered their ranks: they
however pressed forward most gallantly. Somerset’s line was
now coming over the ridge, led by Uxbridge, and, at the
moment our front squares fired into the cuirassiers, the two
cavalries dashed into each other: the shock was terrific; the
swords clashing upon the casques and cuirasses so that, as
lord Edward Somerset humorously observed to me when he
visited the field in June 1842, “You might have fancied that
it was so many tinkers at work.” But it was of short duration.
The British household cavalry soon cleared the ridge of the
cuirassiers, although these made a most gallant resistance:
they fled down the slope on both sides of La Haye-Sainte,
closely followed by the brigade; those on the allied left of
the farm, by the 2d life-guards. It was in following up this
charge, that part of this brigade mixed with Ponsonby’s
broken dragoons on the French position, and fell upon and
sabred some of the enemy’s infantry who had been assaulting
La Haye-Sainte. Part of the 1st life-guards pursued some
cuirassiers, till both became wedged in between the two high
banks of the Genappe road, beyond the orchard of La Haye-Sainte.
Some of Reille’s troops, who had advanced in support
of d’Erlon’s attack, fired down from these banks upon our
life-guards, who had to get back to our line as well as they
could. Most of the King’s dragoon guards had dashed over
the road and were falling back to reform; but they lost many
men and some officers, by the enemy’s fire from the little
garden of La Haye-Sainte.</p>

<p>In leading this charge, lord Edward Somerset lost his cocked
hat, and went to the charge bare-headed. On his return,
whilst looking for his hat, a cannon-ball took off the flap of
his coat and killed his horse. During the rest of the day he
appeared in a life-guard’s helmet.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span></p>

<p>Lambert’s brigade was now brought forward to reinforce
the remains of Kempt’s division.</p>

<p>Captain Siborne, in the following spirited manner, concludes
his narrative of the attack and defeat of the enemy, upon our
left and centre, between half-past one and three o’clock:</p>

<p>“Thus terminated one of the grandest scenes which distinguished
the mighty drama, enacted on the ever-memorable
plains of Waterloo: a scene presenting in bold relief genuine
British valour, crowned with resplendent triumph; a scene
which should be indelibly impressed upon the minds as well
of living British warriors, as of their successors in ages yet
unborn.</p>

<p>“Britons, before other scenes are disclosed to your view,
take one retrospective glance at this glorious, this instructive
spectacle. Let your imagination carry you to the rear of
that celebrated position, and a little to the left of the Charleroi
road. Behold, in the foreground on the right, a British
line of cavalry advancing to the charge, exulting in the
consciousness of its innate courage, indomitable spirit, and
strength of arm. Whilst you are admiring the beautiful order
and steadiness of their advance, your eyes are suddenly attracted
by the glittering of a line of horsemen in burnished
coats of mail, rising above the brow, and now crowning the
summit of the ridge.</p>

<p>“They are the far-famed cuirassiers of France, led on by a
Kellermann: gallant spirits, that have hitherto overcome the
finest troops that could be brought against them, and have
grown grey in glory. Trumpets sound the charge; in the
next instant your ears catch the low thundering noises of their
horses’ hoofs, and your breathless excitement is wound to the
highest pitch as the adverse lines dash together with a shock,
which at the moment you expect must end in their mutual
annihilation. Observe the British, how they seem to doubt
for a second in what manner to deal with their opponents.</p>

<p>“Now they urge their powerful steeds into the intervals
between the necks of those of the cuirassiers. Swords brandished
high in air gleam fitfully in rapid succession throughout
the lines, here clashing together, there clanging against
helmet and cuirass, which ring under their redoubled strokes.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span>
See, the struggle is but a moment doubtful: the cuirassiers,
seemingly encumbered by their coats of mail, are yielding to
superior strength, dexterity and bravery combined; men and
horses reel and stagger to the earth: gaps open out in their
line; numbers are backing out, others are fairly turning round;
their whole line now bends and breaks asunder into fragments:
in the next moment they appear, as if by a miracle,
to be swept from off the crest of the position, and being closely
and hotly pursued by the victors, the whole rushing down the
other side of the ridge, are snatched from your view. Your
attention is now irresistibly drawn to that part of the foreground
immediately facing you, where you have barely time
to catch sight of a line of British infantry just as it forces its
way through the hedge that runs along the crest of the ridge,
to charge a column advancing up the other side.</p>

<p>“At the moment the shouts that proclaim its triumph reach
your ear, you are struck by the majestic advance, close to
your left, of another line of British horsemen. These halt
just under the brow of the ridge. In their left front your eye
now also embraces a line of British infantry moving quickly
up the steep; whilst at the same time you see the heads of two
hostile columns issuing through the hedge, and crowning the
ridge amidst shouts of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i> The one nearest to
you, finding no immediate opposition to its farther advance,
is rapidly establishing itself on the height; the other is met
by the advancing line of infantry. A struggle ensues; the
farther column is concealed from your view by the smoke by
which it is suddenly enshrouded: but, at the very moment
when doubts arise in your mind as to the result, the cavalry
rushes forward, and passing through intervals opened out for
it by the infantry, charges both those heads of columns,
cutting them up, as it were, root and branch; and then
bounding through the hedge, the whole disappears as if by
magic.</p>

<p>“Now let your imagination, keeping pace with the intensity
of feeling excited by such a scene, carry you up to the
summit of the ridge. Behold, at once, the glorious spectacle
spread out before you; the furious impetuosity of their onslaught
overcomes all resistance: the terror-stricken masses,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span>
paralyzed by this sudden apparition of cavalry amongst them,
have neither time nor resolution to form squares, and limit
their defence to a feeble, hasty, straggling fire from their ill-cemented
edges: a flight, commencing from the rearmost rank,
is rapidly augmented by the outward scattering, occasioned
by the continually increasing pressure upon the front; the
entire slope is soon covered with the dispersed elements of the
previously attacking force: parties of infantry are hurrying
over the brow of the ridge to aid others of the cavalry in
securing their prisoners; three thousand of these are swept to
the rear, and two eagles are gloriously captured. From the
momentary contemplation of these trophies, your eyes instinctively
revert to the course of the victors, whom you now perceive
in the middle distance of the view; a broken line of
daring horsemen rushing up the opposite height.</p>

<p>“Their intoxicating triumph admits of no restraint. They
heed not the trumpet’s call to halt and rally; but, plunging
wildly amidst the formidable line of batteries ranged along
the French position, they commence sabring the gunners,
stabbing the horses, and seem to clear the ground of every
living being. But physical efforts, however powerfully developed
and sustained, have their limit; exhausted nature
yields at length, and their fiery steeds, subdued not by force
but by exhaustion, retire with lagging, faltering pace. You
look in vain for a support; there is none: but your eye is
suddenly caught by the fluttering of lance-flags of a column
of the enemy’s cavalry approaching from the left, and you
become nervously alive to the danger that awaits the valiant
band of heroes, who are only now made sensible of the necessity
of retiring to collect and rally their scattered numbers.
Seeing no support ready to receive them, and becoming aware
of the near approach of hostile cavalry, they make a last and
desperate effort. Those who are best mounted, and whose
horses are least blown, succeed in regaining the allied position
unmolested; but a very considerable number are overtaken
by the lancers, with whom they now contend under a fearful
disadvantage in point of speed and order.</p>

<p>“But mark! a rescue is at hand: a gallant line of friendly
cavalry throws itself against the right flank of the lancers,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span>
the farther portion or left of that line first dashing through
and scattering an unsteady mass of infantry, the sole remaining
column out of the entire attacking force that has yet
kept together. The tide of destruction now sets in strongly
against the lancers: their pursuit is checked; the heavy
dragoons are relieved from the pressure. A <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i> ensues, but
you are not kept long in suspense; for in another moment
this newly arrived force, making good its way, succeeds in
driving the lancers in confusion down to the foot of the valley.
The arena in your front is speedily cleared of both friends and
foes; the discharge of rockets which now attracts your attention
appears like a display of fireworks in celebration of the
glorious triumph. The affair has terminated.</p>

<p>“But stay to witness the concluding part of the scene.
Observe the splendidly attired group entering upon the right,
just above La Haye-Sainte.</p>

<p>“It is headed by one whom you cannot for a moment
mistake, the illustrious Wellington. Lord Uxbridge, returning
from his brilliant charge, now joins the Duke, while the
whole <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Corps diplomatique et militaire</i> express in the strongest
terms their admiration of the grand military spectacle of
which they have been spectators. Among them are representatives
of nearly all the continental nations; so that this
glorious triumph of your valiant countrymen may be said
to have been achieved in the face of congregated Europe.
Honour, imperishable honour, to every British soldier engaged
in that never-to-be-forgotten fight.</p>

<p>“When Britain again puts forth her strength in battle,
may her sovereign’s guards inherit the same heroic spirit
which animated those of George, Prince Regent, and inspire
them with the desire to maintain, in all their pristine purity
and freshness, the laurels transmitted to them from the field of
Waterloo; and when the soldiers of the three united kingdoms
shall again be found fighting side by side against the common
enemy, may they prove to the world that they have not
degenerated from the men of the ‘Union brigade,’ who, by
their heroic deeds on that great day, so faithfully represented
the military virtues of the British empire.”</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="i_b_070" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_070.jpg" alt="(Lord Uxbridge)" title="(Lord Uxbridge)">
</div>

<p>Several instances of extraordinary heroism were displayed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span>
by lord Uxbridge<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a>, especially when, between one and two
o’clock, he was leading on to the charge the admiring men of
the two heavy cavalry brigades. It was perhaps not less prudent
than gallant to kindle a daring spirit in our cavalry, and rouse
them to the highest pitch of emulation by the dashing valour
of their chief. There was not a man amongst us who did not
feel certain that Uxbridge would have led the charge, even if
the whole French army had been moving in mass against him;
yet it is well known that there was one looking on, who did<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span>
not wear a black stock nor carry a musket<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a>, that would have
been better pleased if our chivalric leader had been a little
more cautious to support, and more successful in keeping the
cavalry well in hand.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“But on the British heart were lost</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The terrors of the charging host;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">For not an eye, the storm that view’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Changed its proud glance of fortitude.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_071" style="max-width: 15.625em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_071.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a soldier)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> Both those officers told me this on the field, in 1842.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> I was told by an officer who accompanied this column, that seventeen
men were killed by the first shot.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> Why this attack was not made simultaneously with that upon Hougoumont,
and at the same time a demonstration upon the allied centre, to prevent
troops being drawn from it to support the points assailed, I am at a loss to
say.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> Soult, Ney, Napoleon and Wellington were all born in 1769.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> Many females were found amongst the slain, although not of the same
class as the heroine alluded to. As is common in the camp, the female followers
wore male attire, with nearly as martial a bearing as the soldiers, and
some even were mounted and rode astride.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> Picton appears to have had a presentiment that this campaign would close
his glorious career. What a pity he did not survive to see the effect of his
charge!</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> Ewart got a commission the following year. Like Shaw, the life-guardsman,
he was a man of herculean strength, and of more than ordinary stature,
being six feet four inches, and of consummate skill as a swordsman. He died
in 1845, having attained the age of seventy-seven.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> It was here, and at this period, that a gentleman in plain clothes called
out to the dragoons, “Go along, my boys! now’s your time!” It was the
late duke of Richmond, come out merely as an amateur, and to see how his
ball-guests, and his sons, three of whom were on the field, were faring. He
was not attached to the staff of this army: otherwise he would have been
second in command, as, besides being colonel of the 35th, he was full general.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> The Greys and Royal dragoons having each captured an eagle at Waterloo,
they were both ordered to wear an eagle on their colours, accoutrements
and buttons.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> Styles received a commission; and captain Clarke, now colonel Kennedy,
the order of the Bath and the Hanoverian Guelphic order.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> I am quite at a loss to explain the most unaccountable remissness of the
enemy’s cavalry in not supporting this attack; and why our light cavalry on
the left, did not more promptly carry out the orders given by lord Uxbridge
before the battle began, to vigorously support offensive operations in their front.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> Personal intrepidity in a chief is no doubt important, and those under
him acquire courage at times from the example of their leader. But be it
said, without any disrespect to my high-spirited old commander, discretion
may sometimes be outstripped, when personal intrepidity passes the bounds of
prudence.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> His Grace has said, he would rather carry a musket than be attached to
the emperor of Russia. (<cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, page 268.)</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV.</h2>
</div>


<div class="blockquot">

<p>Hougoumont reinforced, the enemy driven back.—The enemy’s cavalry
charge, and are driven off.—Struggle in the orchard continued.—Advance
of a column of French infantry, who suffer and are checked by the terrific
fire of our battery.—Napoleon directs his howitzers upon Hougoumont,
which is soon set on fire; notwithstanding, the Duke ordered it to be held
at any cost.—La Haye-Sainte again assailed.—A <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ruse</i> of the enemy’s
lancers.—Fire of the enemy’s artillery increases.—Importance of our
advanced posts.—Ney’s grand cavalry attacks; destructive fire of our guns
upon them, and their gallantry.—After numerous fruitless attempts against
our squares, the enemy get mixed; are broken, and driven back by our cavalry.—Their
artillery again open fire upon us.—Extraordinary scene of
warfare.—An ammunition waggon in a blaze.—The earth trembles with
the concussion of the artillery.—Ney, reinforced with cavalry, continues
his aggressions, and, as before, after repeated fruitless attacks, the assailants
are driven off.—Terrific fire of artillery.—Not so many saddles emptied by
our musketry as expected.—The enemy’s attacks less frequent and animated.—Captain
Siborne’s lively description of Ney’s grand cavalry attack.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">Skirmishing continued along our whole front: the entire
space between La Haye-Sainte and Hougoumont was up to
this time defended by Alten’s skirmishers, commanded by
colonel Vigouroux, (30th regiment). The light companies of
the guards were, as already stated, fully engaged at Hougoumont,
to which post, about two o’clock, sir J. Byng ordered
colonel Hepburn to advance, with the remaining companies
of the 3d guards. When they reached the first hedge of the
orchard, in the hollow-way, they met with lord Saltoun, who, in
consequence of the severe loss of his light troops, gave up the
command to colonel Hepburn, and returned to his own regiment,
(the 1st guards,) posted on the main ridge.</p>

<p>General Cooke having lost an arm by a round-shot, the
command of the division devolved on general Byng, and the
latter’s brigade on colonel Hepburn, who soon after crossed
the orchard, driving the French before him, and occupied
the south hedge; this he considered his position. The French<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span>
went through a gap at the south-west corner of the orchard,
into the wood, and, being huddled together, suffered severely
from the concentrated fire of their pursuers, as well as from that
of the Coldstream upon the scaffolds and through the loop-holes
of the wall. I have been told by a British staff officer,
who passed along the south hedges on the morning of the 19th,
that, notwithstanding he had been at most of the battles in the
Peninsula, he had never seen, except at a breach, dead and
wounded men lie thicker than along those hedges.</p>

<p>About this time, the 7th hussars were in line, and near the
right of the main ridge. Our officers and men were falling
fast from the fire of musketry; at length it was discovered
that a dropping fire came from a spot covered with standing
rye. Sergeant Montague and a few hussars galloped to the
place, and surprised a group of the enemy’s skirmishers, all
of whom they cut down.</p>

<p>A strong line of the enemy’s cavalry passed Hougoumont on
their left, and ascended our position, apparently regardless of
the fire of our artillery, although it somewhat disordered their
ranks. The 7th, with a portion of the 15th hussars, was led
against them. After a few cuts and points, the enemy went
about, and rallied behind another well-formed body of their
cavalry; we rallied in rear of our position. About the same
time colonel Hepburn’s troops were warmly attacked, out-flanked,
and again obliged to retire to their friendly hollow-way;
but when the enemy passed the south hedge and entered
the large orchard, all within musket range got again such a
severe fire from the Coldstream at the east wall that they
were staggered; Hepburn again advanced, and recovered his
position.</p>

<p>About the time the 2d brigade of guards advanced to Hougoumont,
the Brunswickers came into line on the right. A
column of French infantry was now seen advancing towards
Alten’s and the left of Cooke’s divisions. Our skirmishers
were pushed forward to feel them; upon which they changed
their direction towards the Hougoumont enclosures through a
winding valley, and got as it were under our position, so that
they could not be seen. The officer of artillery, who fired the
first shot, was posted near where the Lion now stands; judging<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span>
the course they were taking, he allowed them to proceed to a
point where he could best exercise his engines of destruction,
and opened upon the mass with fearful precision and awful
effect. The whole column was thrown into confusion, and
moved to some lower ground for protection; there it was
reformed, and again put in motion towards the enclosures of
Hougoumont; the guns opened once more upon them with
similar results, which probably prevented a serious flank
attack on this post.</p>

<p>Napoleon, finding his repeated attacks upon Hougoumont
quite unavailing, ordered general Haxo to establish a battery
of howitzers to set it on fire. The shells fell into the buildings,
and flames shortly burst forth: at about three o’clock, the
whole of the château and a portion of the out-offices were on
fire. From the right of the allied position the appearance was
awfully grand. It is surprising that the enemy, with so large
a force of artillery, chiefly twelve-pounders, did not level
Hougoumont with the ground. With his left batteries near
the Nivelles road, from whence it was completely commanded,
he might have soon beaten it about the ears of its defenders;
he preferred however burning them out with shells.</p>

<p>The Duke considered it of great importance to withhold
this position from the enemy, and directed that it should not
be abandoned, whilst there was a man left to defend it, although
it was in flames. He deemed the maintaining of the post
essential to the success of the day’s operations. Many of the
wounded who were in the buildings perished in the flames;
those in the chapel escaped, as the flames did not extend far
beyond the entrance; and it is a remarkable fact, that they
ceased at the feet of the wooden image of our Saviour.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Yes! Agincourt may be forgot,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And Cressy be an unknown spot,</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">And Blenheim’s name be new;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">But still in story and in song,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">For many an age remember’d long,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Shall live the walls of Hougoumont</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">And field of Waterloo.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>The Duke’s orders were carried down to Hougoumont by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span>
major Hamilton, aide-de-camp to general Barnes, the adjutant-general
of the forces, and given to colonel Home, commanding
some of the 3d guards on the allied right of the
building, near the wood. After delivering the order, major
Hamilton went away, but shortly returned and asked colonel
Home, if he perfectly understood his Grace’s instructions:
“I do,” replied the colonel, “and you can tell the Duke from
me, that, unless we are attacked more vigorously than we have
hitherto been, we shall maintain the post without difficulty.”
Shortly afterwards colonel Home entered the buildings, the
greater part of which, together with some stacks, were in a
blaze; he found the colonels Macdonell and Woodford in the
walled garden, and gave them the Duke’s orders. Colonel
Woodford, at this time, commanded in the interior of Hougoumont,
and colonel Hepburn in the orchard. To have
allowed the enemy to establish himself in such a post, so near
our front and flank, might certainly have been followed by the
most serious consequences. But why our gallant assailants
wasted so much ammunition against brick and stone walls,
that might elsewhere have been used with effect against their
enemy, is not easily answered. A post of the description of
Hougoumont never before sustained such a succession of
desperate attacks: the battle began with the struggle for its
possession, which struggle only terminated on the utter defeat
and rout of the enemy.</p>

<p>The attack upon La Haye-Sainte<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a> was repeated, notwithstanding
the punishment the enemy had received at the hands
of the German rifles. The French again pressed on to closer
combat with determined bravery. The principal attacks were
directed to the west barn and yard doors leading into the open
fields towards the Lion.</p>

<p>About four o’clock, the 13th light dragoons and 15th hussars<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span>
(part of the brigade in which I served,) were sent off in
haste, under general Grant<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a>, towards Braine-l’Alleud, to
watch the movement of a portion of the enemy’s lancers
moving in that direction. The 2d German dragoons also were
ordered on the same service, to act as a support, if needful.</p>

<p>The fire of the enemy’s artillery had been continued with
great vigour; it was now increased upon that part of our
position which was between the two high-roads. Our squares,
which were lying down behind the crest of the ridge and
could not be seen by the enemy, were, in a great degree,
protected from the round and grape-shot, but not from the
shells, which were bestowed upon them most liberally. They
sometimes fell amongst us with great effect. Those missiles
may be both seen and heard as they approach; so that by
keeping a look-out many lives were saved; the ground too was
so saturated with rain that the shells in some instances sunk
beneath the surface, and bursting threw up mud and sand,
which were comparatively harmless. The oldest soldier however
had never witnessed so furious a cannonade. The Duke,
writing to lord Beresford, says, “I never saw such a pounding
match.” The havock was dreadful in the extreme, for some
considerable time before the impetuous Ney came on with his
grand cavalry attack, made by forty squadrons. On their
right, close to La Haye-Sainte, were the cuirassiers; then
the lancers and chasseurs <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">à cheval</i> of the Imperial guard.
They advanced in lines, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i>, their left reaching nearly
to the east hedge of Hougoumont.</p>

<p>As those on the right neared the ridge, their artillery
discontinued firing; and ours opened with grape, canister and
Shrapnel shells, which rattled like hail on the steel-clad warriors;
but they still pressed on, regardless of our fire, towards
the guns, the horses of which had been sent to the rear.
Every discharge (the load was usually double,) dreadfully
shattered their ranks, and threw them into great disorder; but
excited by the trumpets sounding the charge, they rode up to
the cannons’ mouths, shouting, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i></p>

<p>Our gunners fled to the squares, which were all ranged in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span>
chequer; the front ones had advanced again nearly close to
the guns. The French, not perceiving the advantage which
the squares afforded the gunners, and imagining that they
had captured the guns, shouted out in triumph, and then
crossed over the ridge; here they were assailed by a rolling
fire from our squares, which were all prepared, the front rank
on the right knee, the next rank at the charge.</p>

<p>When the cuirassiers had passed over the ridge, they were
out of sight of the lancers and chasseurs, who immediately
pressed on to share in the contest. Our artillery received
them in a similar manner; some of the men rushing back to
their guns, and after discharging them at the foe, taking
shelter again within the squares, or under the guns. The firing
produced a much greater effect upon such of the enemy’s cavalry
as were not protected by the cuirass and casque; consequently
their ranks were much more disordered than were
the cuirassiers’; still they pursued their onward course, passed
the guns, raised a shout and swept round the squares. Some
halted and fired their pistols at the officers in the squares;
others would ride close up, and either cut at the bayonet or
try to lance the outside files. No sooner had the broken
squadrons passed the guns, than the gunners were again at
their post, and the grape rattled upon the retiring hosts; but
frequently, before a succeeding round could be discharged,
the hostile cavalry were again upon them, and compelled them
to seek shelter.</p>

<p>During the cavalry attacks, those of the enemy were at one
time on the allied position, riding about amongst our squares
for three quarters of an hour; all cannonading having ceased
between the two high-roads.</p>

<p>When the enemy’s squadrons became broken and disordered,
our cavalry, who were kept in hand till the favourable
moment, again attacked them and drove them down the slope,
often following too far, by which they burned their fingers, and
likewise prevented our gunners from keeping up a constant fire.</p>

<p>Our position was scarcely free from the enemy’s cavalry,
before their numerous artillery began to ply us again with
shells and round-shot. After the first cavalry charges, our
infantry squares, finding the odds in their favour, gained<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span>
confidence, and it was soon evident they considered the
enemy’s cavalry attacks as a relief, and far more agreeable
than their furious cannonade, which was invariably suspended
on their attacking force crowning our ridge. I am confident
from what I saw and heard, as well during as after the battle,
that our British infantry would rather, when in squares, have
the enemy’s cavalry amongst them than remain exposed to
the fire of artillery. The 1st foot-guards had the enemy’s
cavalry on every side of their squares several times, and beat
them off. Our squares often wheeled up into line, to make
their fire more destructive on the French cavalry when retiring:
on this, the cuirassiers would suddenly wheel round to charge;
but our infantry were instantly in square, and literally indulged
in laughter at the disappointment and discomfiture of their
gallant opponents. Throughout the day our squares presented
a serried line of bristling bayonets, through which our enemy’s
cavalry could not break. Had the French made their attacks
throughout with infantry and cavalry combined, the result
must have been much more destructive; for, although squares
are the best possible formation against cavalry, there can be
nothing worse to oppose infantry. I am not aware of any
parallel to the extraordinary scene of warfare which was now
going forward: most of our infantry were in squares, and the
enemy’s cavalry of every description riding about amongst
them as if they had been our own; for which, but for their
armour and uniforms, they might have been mistaken.</p>

<p>An ammunition waggon in a blaze passed about this time
in full gallop close to our rear, and one of our men, I think
Fowler, afterwards the sergeant saddler, drew his pistol and
fired at the horses, but without taking effect: the waggon
shortly after blew up.</p>

<p>The skirmishing at the farms of La Haye and Papelotte,
which were retaken, and in the hamlet of Smohain, went on
with unabated fury: the attacks upon La Haye-Sainte and
Hougoumont were continued. The artillery on both sides
was now pealing forth its thunders: the earth trembled with
the repeated concussions. Ney and his Imperial master, no
doubt, expected to bear down all before them by the aid of
the thirty-seven additional squadrons they were about to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span>
bring forward; whilst we could only command in addition
two regiments, the 13th light dragoons and the 15th hussars,
under Grant, who, on discovering that the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ruse</i> of the enemy
was to draw off a part of our cavalry from the right of our
main front line, had now returned and driven some of the
enemy’s cavalry down the slope. He was however obliged to
retire immediately, as their cavalry was collected in great
force in the valley, as also in the hollows near La Haye-Sainte.
Being there exposed to the fire of our batteries, the French
horsemen would at times call out aloud, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">En avant, en avant!</i>
(Forward, forward!) here we are knocked to pieces;” upon
which their chiefs would again advance and assail our position.
About this period our attention was drawn to the firing of a
battery in our rear; we all, to a man, looked round, as if by
word of command: but found it to be our own guns, which,
from the second ridge across the Nivelles road, were firing
upon some lancers that were attacking our Brunswick squares
upon the rear face of our right wing. They were twice
driven off by Bolton’s battery.</p>

<p>The allied position was again cleared of the enemy, and
skirmishers were thrown forward along the valley; some
were sent to cover the front from the Hougoumont orchard as
far as La Haye-Sainte. At this point the attack had been
carried on with great vigour: colonel Baring had made
another application for rifle ammunition, which, from some
cause or other, was not supplied.</p>

<p>Ney’s cavalry attacks were now renewed, his force being
nearly doubled by the addition of a part of general Guyot’s
heavy cavalry of the guard, and Kellermann’s cuirassiers.</p>

<p>With this additional force, Ney had a stupendous body of
cavalry in comparison with ours. The attack, like the previous
ones, was covered by a tremendous fire of artillery,
which played on every part of our right wing; the round-shot
ploughing up the ground, or tearing open the files of the close
and serried ranks; shells exploding in all directions; and
at every moment the flashes of the guns, amidst expanding
volumes of dense smoke, challenging the attention of every
man to the sources of destruction, the well-worked batteries
on both sides. Nothing could be more imposing than the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span>
advance of Ney’s cavalry, (flanked by infantry to assail our
advanced posts,) as they swept up the slope of the allied position
under a murderous fire of our double-shotted guns, of
which they again succeeded in getting temporary possession.
Our devoted squares at times seemed lost amidst the
hostile squadrons, who, in vain, made repeated endeavours
to penetrate these impregnable barriers; as before, their
squadrons got mixed, broken, and their ardour sobered down,
when a retrograde movement was commenced, which soon
became general.</p>

<p>The allied cavalry, who had been kept in hand to act at
the favourable moment, now darted forward and completed
the disorganization of the French cavalry. Our undaunted
artillery-men, ever on the alert, were to be found at their
guns, plying the retiring hostile cavalry with grape, canister,
or case-shot.</p>

<p>But the enemy’s cavalry, which frequently reformed in the
valley just under our position, where their lances and the tops
of their caps might be seen, were soon again on the position
and amongst the squares. Some of the most daring would
ride up to the squares and cut aside the bayonets. Such parties
seldom escaped unhurt: the man, or horse, was almost
sure to be brought down; but not near so many saddles were
emptied as might have been expected.</p>

<p>During the attacks made by the French cavalry, not a single
individual set an example of soldier-like devotedness by rushing
upon the bristling bayonets: certainly no agreeable task,
nor to be attempted without imminent danger; but one, when
required and gallantly done, that raises men to military rank
and renown, and that may hasten the crisis and lead to victory.
Of the fifteen thousand French horsemen, it is doubtful
whether any perished on a British bayonet, or that any of
our infantry in square fell by the French cavalry’s sabres;
few, comparatively, of the enemy’s cavalry were destroyed,
even by our musketry<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span></p>

<p>Many pretend that good infantry in square can resist the
onset of cavalry, however skilful, bold and determined: my
opinion is the reverse; much depends on circumstances.</p>

<p>The menacing approach of the French cavalry, who rode
amongst and round our squares, was not quietly witnessed by
our own horsemen: we made many spirited charges between
the allied squares, as well as on every side of them. All the
British, German, and Tripp’s Dutch-Belgian cavalry, that
were between the two high-roads, were more or less engaged
during these attacks.</p>

<p>At times it was quite amusing to see some of the foreign
troops cut away from the angles of their squares, and our staff
officers galloping after them to intercept their flight. It was
surprising to see how readily they returned to their squares.</p>

<p>The fire of volleys from our squares did no great damage;
the independent file-firing was the most destructive to the
enemy’s cavalry, to such particularly as were not clad in steel
or brass. The killed and wounded men and horses, the broken
guns, etc., afforded excellent cover to the skirmishers, whilst
they impeded the movements of the horsemen, and augmented
their disorder and confusion.</p>

<p>It is not difficult to conceive from the foregoing circumstances,
what was the rage, the ungovernable fury that animated
those attacks; and how, after unceasing combats for
above two hours, in a limited space, no result was obtained by
the French but a most horrible and bloody-carnage. It was
one of the greatest of their errors, on that eventful day, to
get their cavalry into a labyrinth from which there was no
extricating it before the pride of their fifteen thousand horsemen
had been completely broken. It was now evident, from
the enemy’s attacks becoming less animated and frequent,
that they began to see the utter folly of their attempts against
our invincible infantry. It is, in my opinion, very doubtful,
whether the enemy’s cavalry ever came into actual collision
with our squares<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span></p>

<p>It has been said by Napoleon, and it is also the remark of
most the French writers, that Guyot went into action without
orders. Napoleon dispatched general Bertrand to stop
the heavy cavalry of the guard; but they were so engaged
that a retrograde movement would have then been dangerous.
“This,” Napoleon observed, “had deprived him of a cavalry reserve
at about five o’clock, because they went two hours sooner
than they should have gone into action, and that the same
troops well employed had many times gained him a victory.”</p>

<p>I cannot reconcile myself to the idea that a division of cavalry
would go into action without orders; it is much more
probable that there was some mistake in the transmission of
them: but why was not the advance countermanded? Most
of their cavalry movements were so slow towards the end of
the day, in consequence of the jaded condition of their horses,
and the saturated and encumbered state of the ground, that
an order sent on foot might have soon brought them back.</p>

<p>At one time during that memorable afternoon, the ridge and
rear slope of our position were literally covered with every
description of horsemen, lancers, cuirassiers, carabineers, horse-grenadiers,
light and heavy dragoons and hussars; during
which our guns stood in position, abandoned by the artillery-men,
who took refuge in and around the squares: when
at length the enemy’s gallant but fruitless efforts became
exhausted, our cavalry appeared and cleared the allied position.
On one occasion a body of cuirassiers passed along the
Nivelles road, closely followed by a party of my regiment,
under captain Verner. Upon the high bank on the right of
the Nivelles road, a party of the 51st regiment, under lieutenant
Kennedy, was firing upon the enemy, and our advanced
files narrowly escaped being shot. As the cuirassiers neared
the avenue between the Nivelles road and Hougoumont, they
came upon an <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">abattis</i>, or barricade, near which was a party
of the 51st, under captain Ross, who fired upon them; about
a hundred and fifty were killed, wounded or taken prisoners.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span></p>

<p>Ney’s grand cavalry attack has called forth the following
lively description from the pen of captain Siborne:</p>

<p>“When the tremendous cavalry force, which Ney had now
assembled, moved forward to the attack, the whole space
between La Haye-Sainte and Hougoumont appeared one
moving, glittering mass; and as it approached the Anglo-allied
position, undulating with the conformation of the ground,
it resembled a sea in agitation. Upon reaching the crest of
the ridge, and regaining temporary possession of the batteries,
its very shouts sounded on the distant ear, like the ominous
roar of breakers thundering on the shore. Like waves following
in quick succession, the whole mass now appeared to roll
over the ridge; and as the light curling smoke arose from the
fire which was opened by the squares, and by which the latter
sought to stem the current of the advancing host, it resembled
the foam and spray thrown up by the mighty waters, as they
dash on isolated rocks and beetling crags: and as the mass
separated and rushed in every direction, completely covering
the interior slope, it bore the appearance of innumerable eddies
and counter-currents, threatening to overwhelm and ingulph
the obstructions by which its onward course had been opposed.
The storm continued to rage with the greatest violence, and
the devoted squares seemed lost in the midst of the tumultuous
onset. In vain did the maddening mass chafe and fret away
its strength against these impregnable barriers, which, based
upon the sacred principles of honour, discipline and duty, and
cemented by the ties of patriotism, and the impulse of national
glory, stood proudly unmoved and inaccessible. Disorder and
confusion, produced by the commingling of corps and by the
scattering fire from the faces of the chequered squares, gradually
led to the retreat of parties of horsemen across the
ridge: these were followed by broken squadrons, and at
length the retrograde movement became general.</p>

<p>“Then the allied dragoons, who had been judiciously kept
in readiness to act at the favourable moment, darted forward
to complete the disorganization of the now receding waves of
the French cavalry.”</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="title_sep_3" style="max-width: 15.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/title_sep.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> Our advanced posts of Hougoumont, La Haye-Sainte, and Papelotte,
were of the utmost importance to us, more particularly the former. An
eminent military writer (Jomini) says, “Posts that can be readily defended,
are of greater value in battle than insurmountable obstacles; since it is sufficient
if such posts can be maintained for a few hours by means of mere
detachments. Hougoumont with its enclosures, the farm of La Haye-Sainte
and the rivulet of Papelotte, presented more serious impediments to Ney, than
did the celebrated position of Elchingen.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> General Grant had three horses shot under him.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> This might be attributed to many of our infantry, when hard pressed,
adopting the French skirmisher’s method of loading, viz. after priming, shaking
the rest of the powder into the barrel, dropping the ball after it, and
then giving the butt a rap or two on the ground, which, from the rain, was
quite soft. The ball, in consequence, not being rammed down to confine the
powder, came out at times nearly harmless.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> That his Grace ever threw himself into a square, is untrue; but, from the
commencement of the battle till the close, he was more exposed than many of
his troops: whenever there was a chance of rendering service, let the danger
be what it would, the Duke was there, and, as on all occasions, showed the
most perfect coolness and self-possession.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Difficulties encountered by the Prussians on their march from Wavre; a
portion of them are about debouching.—Blücher encourages them by his
presence.—The Duke had been in constant communication with the
Prussians, who take advantage of Napoleon’s neglecting to protect his right.—Two
brigades of Bulow’s corps advance upon the French right.—A
Prussian battery opens fire.—Cavalry demonstrations.—Napoleon orders
De Lobau’s (sixth) corps to his right, to oppose the Prussians, and brings the
old and middle guard forward.—Bulow extends his line and presses on.—De
Lobau’s guns exchange a brisk cannonade with the Prussian batteries.—La
Haye-Sainte again assailed and set on fire, which was got under.—Loss
of a colour.—Destructive fire of our battery upon the French cavalry.—Our
artillery suffer dreadfully from that of the enemy.—Hanoverian
cavalry quit the field.—A column of the enemy’s infantry advances and
is driven back.—Chassé’s division called back from Braine-l’Alleud.—Lord
Hill’s troops brought forward, a sight quite reviving.—Struggle at Hougoumont
continued.—Adam’s brigade attacks, drives back the enemy, and takes
up an advanced position.—La Haye-Sainte taken by the French.—The
52d regiment in line repulses a charge of cuirassiers.—General Foy’s eulogium
on our infantry.—Napoleon’s snappish reply to Ney’s demand.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">In consequence of the enemy’s not closely pursuing, between
the evenings of the 16th and 17th, the Prussians from
Ligny to Wavre, these, during their retreat, scoured with
strong patrols the whole country between their own left and
the right of Napoleon’s army, which was then advancing, by
the Charleroi road, towards Waterloo. The movements of
both Grouchy and the Emperor were thus closely observed,
and correct information forwarded from time to time to the
Prussian head-quarters. The great vigilance exercised, not
only retarded the communication between the Emperor and
his detached marshal, by forcing the bearers of their dispatches
to take a circuitous route, but also enabled Blücher
to perform the contemplated and most important flank movement,
without molestation, in order to join us on the field of
Waterloo. During the battle of Ligny, some of the Prussian<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span>
army had shown a bad spirit, and many even had abandoned
their colours and gone over to the enemy; while eight thousand
men belonging to the provinces newly incorporated with
Prussia, had returned home: still the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">morale</i> of the great mass
of the army remained firm and unshaken. On no occasion
whatever did a defeated army extricate itself with so much
adroitness and order, or retire from a hard-fought battle with
so little diminution of its moral force. The example of their
venerable and heroic commander, “Marshal <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">Vorwärts</i>,” as
he was termed by his soldiers, no doubt stimulated their courage.
The Prince, notwithstanding his having been severely
shaken and bruised by his fall on the 16th, and his advanced
age and toil-worn frame, was, on the morning of the 18th,
early on horseback amongst those he termed his children.
By an order of the day his troops were thus addressed, “I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span>
shall immediately lead you once more against the enemy; we
shall beat him, because it is our duty to do so.”</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp64" id="i_b_086" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i_b_086.jpg" alt="(Field-Marshal Blücher)" title="(Field-Marshal Blücher)">
</div>

<p>The difficulties encountered by the Prussians on their march
from Wavre, by St.-Lambert, to the field of Waterloo, would
have put the endurance of any troops to the test. From the
heavy rains, the roads were ancle deep, and the defiles of
St.-Lambert turned into a regular swamp, almost impassable
for men and horses; still worse for the guns and tumbrels of
ammunition. These were very numerous and far from being
well horsed, sinking at intervals up to the axle-trees. The
horses floundering caused a stoppage, and the most robust
soldiers in endeavouring to extricate the guns and ammunition
waggons would drop down, overcome by the fatigue of
their exertions, and declare “they could not get on.”—“But
we <em>must</em> get on,” replied their veteran commander,
who seemed to multiply himself, and might be seen at different
points along the line of march, exciting his men to exertion
by words of encouragement: “I have promised Wellington
to be up,” said Blücher “and up we <em>must</em> get. Surely you
will not make me forfeit my word. Exert yourselves a little
more, and victory is certain.”</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington was in constant communication
throughout the day with the Prussians, by means of general
Müffling, who was attached to our head-quarters’ staff, and
by colonel Freemantle, aide-de-camp, colonel Stavely, and
captain (now lieutenant-colonel) Basil Jackson of the Royal
staff corps, and on the Duke’s staff.</p>

<p>The four corps of Blücher’s army had been concentrated at
and near Wavre on the evening of the 17th. The guns of
the three corps which had fought at Ligny were refitted, and,
as well as the troops, supplied with a fresh provision of ammunition.</p>

<p>The 4th (Bulow’s) corps, which, up to this time, had not
fired a shot in the campaign, set out at sunrise on the 18th
towards the French right flank, by way of St.-Lambert; they
were preceded by strong patrols to ascertain whether Napoleon
had yet taken precautionary measures to obstruct their junction
with us, or to protect his own right. It was soon discovered
that this precaution, so essential to the protection of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span>
right, had been overlooked by the Emperor: the Prussians
immediately availed themselves of the advantage which his
neglect afforded, by throwing a force into the wood of Paris,
which commanded the defiles of the Lasne and St.-Lambert.
Zieten’s, or the first corps, was to march, by Fromont and
Ohain, direct upon our left; Pirch’s, or the second corps,
was to follow Bulow’s: they were delayed by a part of Wavre
being on fire, and by the great difficulty of making progress
through the defiles of St.-Lambert. They were expected,
nevertheless, to be up by or before two o’clock. It was near
five o’clock when the first two brigades of Bulow’s corps
debouched from their covered position in the wood of Paris.</p>

<p>The 15th brigade, under general Losthin, and the 16th
under colonel Hiller, with some cavalry, (altogether about
16,000 men and forty-four guns,) drew up perpendicularly to
the French right flank; upon which Durutte’s division, which
formed the right of the French main front line, was thrown
back <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>. The Prussian commanders detached some
battalions to Frischermont and Smohain to secure their right
flank, they also sent a few battalions to the Lasne, the woods
of Virère and Hubremont, to support their left. So stealthily
and cautiously did the Prussians approach Smohain, that both
the enemy and allies seemed astounded upon their debouching
from the enclosures.</p>

<p>General Domont’s cavalry were still <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>, but at a
considerable distance from the Prussians, whose advanced
batteries opened upon the French cavalry, although at a long
range; but this was merely to acquaint Wellington and Napoleon
of their arrival, which doubtless alarmed the latter, whilst,
by the former, it was listened to with joy.</p>

<p>Domont sent on part of his force to attack the Prussians,
and moved forward his line. Some Prussian cavalry passed
through the infantry to meet them, and drove back the French
advance: the Prussian cavalry were soon obliged to fall back;
but, as their infantry were advancing, and their artillery kept
up a sharp fire, Domont did not attack. The Prussian battalions,
detached to Smohain, cleared the enclosures, and
drew up near the French right flank: they were attacked and
driven back by a part of Durutte’s division; but upon the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span>
Prussians reaching the enclosures and hollow-ways, they
maintained their ground and kept up a rattling fire. This
was after six o’clock. Napoleon had ordered the 6th corps,
under count de Lobau, to move to the right, and take up a
position, where, with six to eight thousand men of all arms,
and favoured by the strong ground in front of Plancenoit, he
could keep in check thirty thousand of his enemies: at the
same time the old and middle guard were advanced into the
plain, and occupied the ground vacated by the 6th corps.</p>

<p>Durutte’s light troops had been previously reinforced, and
made a desperate effort to force back the Nassau-men at
Papelotte and Smohain, for the purpose of preventing the
junction of Bulow’s corps with the allied left; but, after a
sharp and close skirmish, the enemy’s intention was frustrated.
The Prussian general, observing De Lobau’s advance, extended
his line; his right rested upon Frischermont, and his
left upon the wood of Virère. Part of prince William’s
cavalry was in reserve. De Lobau’s corps moved forward;
Domont’s and Subervie’s cavalry remained as a second line.
De Lobau’s guns soon opened a brisk cannonade upon Bulow’s
corps, and were answered with equal spirit.</p>

<p>La Haye-Sainte<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> was again to be attacked, and the west
gates soon became the scene of a most dreadful struggle and
carnage. Colonel Baring had again applied for a reinforcement
and ammunition: the former was sent; but the latter, of
which he stood so much in need, was not supplied. The gallant
defenders were now cautioned to be sparing of the few
cartridges left, and to take deliberate aim at the assailants,
who seemed to press on with renewed vigour.</p>

<p>On this occasion, the enemy set fire to the barn, which
caused considerable alarm to those on the defensive; but, fortunately,
the reinforcement arrived. The Nassau-men, with
their huge camp kettles, which they used as buckets, arrived<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span>
most opportunely, and Baring, with his officers and men,
soon extinguished the flames, but not without the loss of
many a brave fellow. At this time a portion of the enemy
again succeeded in getting into the little garden, and made an
effort to force an entrance by the back door. Swarms of
their skirmishers passed the buildings and established themselves
immediately under the crest of our position, where they
not only found cover from the fire above, but, as before, cut
off the communication between the farm and our main line.
The 5th and 8th line battalions of the German legion were
led against the assailants; they pressed on at a good pace, the
enemy giving ground. A body of cuirassiers was at hand
and fell upon the 5th Germans; but these, being supported by
a portion of the remnant of lord Edward Somerset’s brigade,
suffered but little; the 8th however were dropped upon quite
unawares, and nearly all destroyed. Colonel Schröder was
wounded mortally; ensign Moreau, who carried the King’s
colour, was severely wounded, and the colour carried off by
the enemy.</p>

<p>Every arm on the right of our front line was much annoyed
by some of the French left batteries, which had been pushed
forward. My horse was killed by a round-shot from that
direction; I was however soon mounted again on a cuirassier’s
horse.</p>

<p>At length lieutenant Louis was ordered to turn two guns
upon those on the enemy’s left; he soon silenced them, and
thus rendered essential service, particularly to us, who being
on the right, were completely enfiladed by them. A battery
was run up to the bank on the side of the cross-road, about a
hundred and fifty yards on the Lion side of where the cross-road
leads down towards the north-east angle of the orchard
of Hougoumont. The muzzles of the guns rested upon the
bank, on a level with the ridge in their front, which screened
the carriages and wheels from the enemy’s observation and
fire. Soon after, a strong body of the enemy’s cavalry advanced
upon the battery, which reserved its fire until they
came within fifty yards, when, with terrific effect, it opened,
doubly charged with grape. The space in front of the battery
was quickly covered with killed and wounded. The fire of our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span>
artillery during the action surpassed everything of the kind
ever before witnessed, frequently making wide roads through
the enemy’s masses. From our infantry being generally kept
recumbent behind the crest of our position and thus screened
from the enemy’s observation, our gunners suffered most
dreadfully from the constant exposure to the direct fire of the
French artillery, who at times saw nothing else at which to
aim.</p>

<p>From certain movements in the enemy’s line, there was
reason to expect an attack of infantry towards the right of
Alten’s division. Part of the King’s dragoon guards and
Blues were moved towards that point. The Cumberland Hanoverian
hussars, posted some distance from the front, were
also moved close up to general Halkett’s squares; but a few
musket-balls whistling about them, and a shell falling into a
Nassau square close by, so alarmed them, that they took
themselves off. Upon seeing this, lord Uxbridge sent an aide-de-camp,
captain T. Wildman, to bring them back, but to
no purpose, and Uxbridge, deeming his absence long, sent a
second messenger after them, captain H. Seymour, who,
finding that the colonel and his men were anxious to quit the
scene of action, took the former by the collar, and nearly
shook him out of his saddle; he then inquired for the next in
command, but it appeared there was no one; Seymour then
laid hold of the bridle of colonel Hake’s horse, to lead him
back to his post, hoping that the men would follow, but to no
purpose: the colonel and his regiment preferred going to
Brussels in whole skins, to the chance of having them perforated
in the field. So strong was their dislike to the smell of
gunpowder, that they had no perception of the honours that a
gallant bearing might win. The cowards proceeded forthwith
to Brussels, spreading a false alarm throughout the journey.
The regiment was soon after disbanded, and the colonel
cashiered<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a>.</p>

<p>The expected attacking infantry were now seen in motion
on the heights in front of La Belle-Alliance; a body of cuirassiers<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span>
from the valley under our position near La Haye-Sainte
joined them, keeping a little on their right rear. As
they neared the point about where the Lion now stands, lord
Edward Somerset led part of his brigade down to meet them:
he was received with a heavy fire; his men however galloped
down upon the head of the column, but, being at this time very
much reduced, they could not penetrate it; they nevertheless
checked the enemy. Lord Uxbridge rode up to Tripp’s brigade,
and after addressing a few words to them, turned round
to lead them on: he had scarcely crossed the ridge and begun
to descend the slope towards the enemy, when he found that
he was alone, no one following him; upon which he returned
to Tripp, expressed himself in severe terms, and rode off in
anger. After this, one of the German light cavalry regiments
was led on, and it succeeded in stopping the enemy, but it
was much cut up.</p>

<p>During this time, Wellington, observing that Napoleon’s
attention was directed towards the Prussians advancing upon
his right, and his Grace seeing there was no danger of his
own extreme right being disturbed, had ordered lord Hill to
move Chassé’s Dutch-Belgian division from Braine-l’Alleud
towards the scene of action. Some short time afterwards,
the hero of Almaraz and Aroyo-de-Molinos brought into
front line Duplat’s German legion brigade, followed by general
Adam’s light brigade, which latter took position on the
rear slope of our right wing; those were followed shortly after
by colonel Hugh Halkett’s Hanoverians. Altogether these
reinforcements, with the batteries accompanying them, were
a sight more reviving to our part of the line than a double
share of grog, though even that would have been most welcome.
Soon after the Germans had passed us, the steel-jacket
cavalry were at them while in motion; but the
Germans, several of whom in advance were riflemen, emptied
many a saddle and made many a horse rear, plunge and fall,
and ultimately beat off the cuirassiers.</p>

<p>Lord Hill rendered himself most conspicuous by the energy
and zeal he displayed, and the efforts he used to support the
gallant defenders of Hougoumont, as also to repel the repeated
desperate assaults upon our right wing; thus vigorously<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span>
assisting the chief, under whom he had immortalized himself
during the Peninsular campaign.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp58" id="i_b_093" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_093.jpg" alt="(Lord Hill)" title="(Lord Hill)">
</div>

<p>Our 23d fuzileers, who came into front line after Byng’s
brigade was advanced to Hougoumont, and suffered severely
from the enemy’s fire, received an unfriendly visit from some
cavalry, whom they eventually disposed of in most gallant
style.</p>

<p>At this time part of the Brunswick troops were with us on
the right, and Duplat’s Germans with part of Halkett’s Hanoverians
were between the right of the main line and Hougoumont
orchard. These, with the troops at the loop-holed
wall and hedges on the right and along the avenue, were kept
wide awake, particularly those under Hepburn in and about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span>
the orchard, which must have changed masters at least a dozen
times during the day.</p>

<p>Adam was now in our left rear, and his men most anxious
to have a blow at their old acquaintances. Their wishes were
soon gratified, by orders from the Duke in person, to drive
back some fellows, as his Grace always called them, who had
crept close up to our ridge, near where the hedge-row is on
the road side between the Lion and Hougoumont; they were
concealed by the smoke of the crashing fire which they threw
into our gunners and front squares. The order was received
with joy from the white cravat man whom they were wont to
follow, and acknowledged by a hearty cheer from the Lights,
who felt gratified that the old order of things was about being
renewed, and that they at Waterloo, as well as through the
Peninsula, should take an active part in the battle’s front.</p>

<p>His Grace was here again exposed to a shower of leaden
hailstones, one of which severely wounded in the shoulder our
fire-eating adjutant-general, sir Edward Barnes, who sported
a gold-embroidered scarlet coat; most of our staff officers wore
blue frock coats in the field.</p>

<p>Adam’s fine fellows were much excited, and forward they
pressed up the slope, in line, four deep; for some reason,
their old acquaintances, the French infantry, would not stay
to receive them, but made a retrograde movement down the
outer slopes, followed by the brigade, until its right, which
was thrown rather forward, was near the corner of the orchard
of Hougoumont, and its left at the point where the valley
terminates, in right front of the Lion. The brigade was
formed of the 71st and two companies of the 95th on the
right; the 52d in squares of wings in the centre, and the second
battalion of the 95th on the left. Here, as if to fetch up
for lost time, they were continually pounded by the artillery,
and charged by cavalry.</p>

<p>Soon after five o’clock, La Haye-Sainte was taken by the
enemy, who, led by Ney, and perceiving that the fire of the
defenders had greatly slackened, made a rush at the open
barn door, and broke open the west yard-door: some climbed
upon the wall and fired down upon our poor fellows, who,
for want of cartridges, could not return the fire. After a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span>
desperate struggle at the western gate and barn door, with
the sword-bayonet, and butts of their rifles, they were obliged
to retreat to the house, where, in the passage through the house
to the garden, the remains of the gallant little garrison, with
their spirited commander, made a most determined resistance.
They were ultimately obliged to abandon the post altogether,
and to fall back upon the main position. This was what the
French erroneously called carrying the village of Mont-St.-Jean,
(full three quarters of a mile off). We can afford
however to be good-tempered at their mistake; for the taking
of the <em>farm-house</em>, La Haye-Sainte, which was in our front,
(while Mont-St.-Jean was in our rear,) was the only advantage
they gained during the battle. It seems that the loss of this
post displeased the Duke<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a>. Yet the place was most gallantly
defended as long as there was a round of ammunition to use.</p>

<p>While Adam’s brigade was in its advanced position, it was
frequently charged, and, on one occasion, when in line; the 52d,
directed by the Duke in person, stood firm and received a
charge from the French cavalry, but without any effectual
result to the enemy. Nor ought our foes to have expected
anything else<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a>, as they had not succeeded against any of our
skeletons of squares, when they themselves were in their full
strength and vigour. There is not a doubt that our gallant
enemy and admirer, general Foy, who commanded a division
on that great day, and was stationed in the field beyond the
orchard of Hougoumont, alludes to this brigade and Maitland’s
1st guards, with Halkett’s, when he says:</p>

<p>“We saw these sons of Albion formed upon the plain, between
the wood of Hougoumont and the village of Mont-St.-Jean.
Death was before them and in their ranks, disgrace
in their rear,” (and I hope will ever remain a long day’s march).
“In this terrible situation, neither the cannon-balls<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a> of
the Imperial guard, discharged almost at point-blank, nor
the <em>victorious</em> cavalry of France, could make the least impression<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span>
on the immovable British infantry: one might have been
almost tempted to fancy that it had rooted itself in the ground,
but for the majestic movement<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> which its battalions commenced
some minutes after sun-set, when the approach of the
Prussian army announced to Wellington that he had just
achieved the most decisive victory of the age.”</p>

<p>We may imagine that those steel-clad gentlemen had
some particular pique against the 1st foot-guards and Halkett’s
brigade, from the repeated visits they paid them.
The lancers also did the same. Whatever was the cause,
not a brigade in the line was visited more by the enemy’s
cavalry than sir Colin Halkett’s<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a>; and they were not forgotten
by the Duke, who frequently passed the brigade, it
being rather a central point. The Duke at one moment sent
colonel Gordon to Halkett, to inquire what square of his was
so much in advance: it was a mass of killed and wounded of
the 30th and 73d, of his brigade, huddled together, which his
Grace, through the smoke, had mistaken for a square.</p>

<p>An incident occurred, as related by Siborne, worthy of
notice: “It was about six o’clock, that Napoleon replied to
Ney’s demand for fresh infantry, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Où voulez-vous que j’en
prenne? Voulez-vous que j’en fasse?</i>’” (‘Where can I get
them? Can I make them?’) an expression, the force of
which is rendered sufficiently obvious by the critical circumstances
of his position, and clearly proves that his
operations had taken an unfavourable turn.</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_96" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> The very dilapidated state of the buildings after the battle, is proof, were
any wanted, of the furious efforts made by the enemy to obtain the post, and
of the determined desperate courage of the little garrison which defended it.
The entire edifice was a scene of ravage and devastation. One half of the
little door of the barn, taken away and preserved by the proprietor, was perforated
by upwards of eighty musket-balls.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> In a work of the highest pretensions, I observe that these dastardly hussars
are called <em>Belgians</em>: let the saddle be put upon the right horse: they
were <em>the Duke of Cumberland’s Hanoverian hussars</em>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> <em>See</em> his letter of the 17th August 1815, in the Appendix, <a href="#Note_II">No. II.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> The brigade was above two thousand strong.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> Although according to appearances, those gentry are quite harmless,
and might be stopped like a cricket-ball when bounding along, one of them
would take off a leg or an arm, in much less time than the most skilful operator.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> General Foy, no doubt, alludes to the right-shoulder-forward movement
of Adam’s brigade, together with the movements of Maitland’s and Halkett’s
brigades, towards the close of the day. Foy had also, before the battle began,
declared to the Emperor, that he had an infantry opposed to him, which he
(Foy) had never known to yield.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> Halkett’s left, (30th and 73d regiments,) in square, was attacked eleven
times by the enemy’s cavalry.</p>

<p>The late lord Harris, (then colonel of the 73d.) in a letter which I have,
alludes to the gallant conduct of these two regiments in the following manner.
“My impression is that the gallant and enduring stand made by the 30th
and 73d regiments against <em>thirteen</em> charges of cuirassiers and an unceasing
discharge of artillery for seven hours, besides the fact of successfully driving
the French cavalry away by a charge in square, has not been done sufficient
justice to by historians of the battle, with the exception of a French writer.”
Would that his Lordship had survived to have read my pages!</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>La Haye-Sainte strengthened by the enemy, who drive our riflemen from the
knoll and sand-pit, and throw a crashing fire upon our front troops, who
return it with vigour.—The enemy push forward, between La Haye-Sainte
and our position, some guns that fire grape, but are soon dislodged.—Destructive
fire of our rifles upon the cuirassiers.—Our guards and Halkett’s
brigade assailed by skirmishers, who are driven off.—Prussian force
in the field.—The Prussians approach Plancenoit.—De Lobau falls back.—Prussian
round-shot fall at La Belle-Alliance.—The young guard sent to
Plancenoit.—Blücher informed of Thielmann’s corps left at Wavre being
vigorously attacked.—Desperate struggle at Plancenoit, which is reinforced
by the enemy, when the whole Prussian force is driven back.—Onset follows
onset.—The Duke, by aid of his telescope, looks for the Prussians.—Hougoumont
continues a scene of carnage.—Our centre suffers dreadfully
from the crowds of skirmishers who now press on in swarms.—French
battery pushed forward, and dislodged by one of ours.—The 30th and
73d colours sent to the rear.—The Duke is coolness personified.—The
troops murmur to be led on to try the effect of cold steel.—The Prussians
keep up a cannonade.—Our line remains firm.—More Prussians swarming
along.—Napoleon’s doom soon to be sealed.—Imperial guard formed into
columns of attack.—Many of our guns rendered useless.—Disorder in our
rear.—Our army much reduced; those left are determined to conquer or
perish.—Vivian and Vandeleur’s brigades move from the left to the
centre, which gives confidence to the few brave fellows remaining.—His
Grace observes the enemy forming for attack, and makes preparations to
receive the coming storm.—Colonel Freemantle sent in search of the Prussians.—Our
centre continues a duelling ground.—Gallant conduct of the
prince of Orange, who is wounded.—The Nassau-men and Brunswickers
give way in confusion; Wellington gallops up, and aided by Vivian, Kielmansegge
and other officers, puts all right again.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">La Haye-Sainte was no sooner in the power of the French
troops, than they received orders to press as much as possible
that part of our line, and clear the way for the Imperial
guard.</p>

<p>In order to avail themselves of the advantages of so valuable
a position, they loop-holed the gable-end of the house, erected
a scaffold along the garden wall, cut holes through the garden
hedge, resembling windows, and threw a force in advance of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span>
the garden, which was protected from the fire above by the
natural slope, in addition to an artificial bank that abutted
upon the natural one, extending from the north-east corner of
the garden wall along the road side to where the monument
to colonel Gordon is erected. This breastwork enabled the
enemy to throw a front fire into our riflemen at the knoll and
in the sand-hole, as well as an oblique fire into Lambert’s and
Kempt’s brigades along the Wavre road. Those arrangements
were scarcely completed, when a rattling fire was thrown
among our sand-larks, who, being unable from their position
to return it with any effect, took to flight towards their reserve,
followed by all our riflemen from the knoll. The enemy
immediately sent a force to the knoll and sand-hole, which severely
annoyed our 27th; who, until the advance of the whole
line, were, with the other troops on that part of the front,
kept under a very galling fire; at times, muzzle to muzzle.
The French brought two guns round the garden hedge, and,
placing them between the north-east angle of the garden wall
and our position, threw grape-shot into the 1st, 4th, 27th,
28th, 40th, 79th, and 95th; but, before they had time to fire a
second round, a concentrated fire from our riflemen destroyed
their gunners; they then pushed on a crowd of skirmishers,
who, protected from our fire, crept along the banks, close in
upon Alten’s, Lambert’s and Kempt’s troops. As we could
not get at them with powder and ball, it was thought advisable
to try the effect of steel: colonel Ompteda led on the
5th German line; upon which they gave way, and took shelter,
as well as they could, round the garden hedge, when a line of
cavalry from the hollow rushed upon the Germans; and, as
captain Kincaird of the rifles observes, “Every man of them
was put to death in a short time, except an officer on a little
black horse, who went off to the rear like a shot out of a
shovel.” Some of our light cavalry attempted to rescue the
Germans; and our 95th, who had previously pointed their
rifles at the cuirassiers, but had suspended their fire through
fear of destroying our own infantry, now let fly and entirely
cleared the whole front. Their skirmishers then moved to the
left, towards Halkett’s brigade and the 1st guards; the eagle
eye of the Duke saw it, and he ordered the guards to form<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span>
line and drive the enemy off, which they did, when some
cuirassiers approached, but our lads were in square again.
The cuirassiers moved off, receiving the fire from the squares
of the guards, as well as from those of the 52d and 95th.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp100" id="i_b_099fp" style="max-width: 40.625em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/i_b_099fp.jpg" alt="La Belle-Alliance">
  <div class="caption">LA BELLE-ALLIANCE.</div>
</div>

<p>Some time after, the remaining two brigades of Bulow’s
corps debouched, and forming into columns sent their batteries
to the front, which made the Prussian artillery more
formidable than that of the French. Blücher’s left was making
towards Plancenoit, in the right rear of the enemy. At this
time, seven o’clock, the Prussian force in the field amounted
to nearly 29,000 men and sixty-four guns. Their guns commanded
the whole of the French right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>; which, like
the Prussian line, was parallel to the Genappe road, and
nearly at right angles to their former front. The undulating
ground over which the Prussians were advancing, rose like
an amphitheatre, and their guns, in consequence, could open
from the summit of numerous little heights; whilst at the intervals
between the batteries, their troops advanced into the
plain. Nothing could be more favourable for a force attacking
an enemy’s flank.</p>

<p>A Prussian battery dislodged a French one on the heights
near Chantilly, and taking up the abandoned position, it
directed its fire upon the enemy posted between Plancenoit
and La Belle-Alliance.</p>

<p>The Prussian left was now close approaching the village of
Plancenoit, which, up to the present period, had not been
occupied. The French force being less numerous than the
Prussian, De Lobau fell back towards the Genappe road,
where the Prussian round-shot was now thickly falling upon
both sides of La Belle-Alliance; near which, Napoleon had remained
during the greater part of the day. The only reserve
he now had was the infantry of the Imperial guard, and the
pressure upon his right flank was so great, that he was
obliged to send the eight battalions of the young guard, with
their divisional and two twelve-pounder reserve batteries,
under general Duhesme, to the village of Plancenoit, as the
only means of preventing the Prussians from getting in the
French rear.</p>

<p>At this time Blücher received intelligence that his 3d corps,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span>
which had been left at Wavre as a rear-guard to check the
enemy’s corps under Grouchy, had been attacked by a superior
force and obliged to retire<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a>. Notwithstanding such
intelligence might have shaken the firmest nerves, nothing
changed the purpose of the indomitable veteran. Blücher saw
clearly that the field upon which he was now engaged was the
spot where the fate of the campaign would be decided. He
therefore sent orders to Thielmann, to hold out as well as he
could; and ordered his left wing to move upon Plancenoit,
and to get possession of it, if possible.</p>

<p>Duhesme, with the young guard, had arrived at the village
and made his dispositions. As the Prussians neared Plancenoit,
they were received with a stinging fire of musketry
from the French skirmishers, and some French guns opened
upon the advancing columns, but did not arrest their progress;
they gallantly pressed on, took three guns, and got possession
of the churchyard, a strong position, which shortly after they
were compelled to abandon, though not without making a
most resolute defence. They rallied near the village, and,
being reinforced, advanced to make another assault: this
being observed by Napoleon, he sent general Morand with
two battalions of the old guard and two twelve-pounder batteries,
and shortly after general Pelet, with another battalion
of the guard and a reserve battery; this force, in conjunction
with De Lobau’s line on their left, attacked and routed the
whole Prussian force, pushing them back upon their first
position on the opposite heights. This convinced Napoleon
that Blücher was not up in sufficient force to make an effective
effort against his right flank, and he could, therefore, hold
the Prussians in check without making any change in his line
of battle opposed to Wellington.</p>

<p>Onset now followed onset in rapid succession, and before
one assault was met and repulsed, another was prepared and
pressing on.</p>

<p>His Grace, when he observed the diminished numbers of his
brave troops, presenting still the same fearless attitude, felt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span>
there must be a limit to human endurance, and frequently
turned his telescope in the direction where he expected the
Prussian reinforcements to arrive, and who were to cooperate
more immediately with his left.</p>

<p>Hougoumont, as has been stated, had been repeatedly attacked:
the struggle for its possession was still most obstinate
and sanguinary; the large orchard and wood continued to be
the scene of a dreadful carnage. The enemy generally out-flanked
our men upon their left; and at times stealing along
under the east hedge from the south-east angle of the orchard,
opened a flank fire upon them, when driven through the north
hedge near our friendly hollow-way; but whenever our foes
attempted to cross the orchard near the east garden wall, the
Coldstream sent a galling flank fire into them. Hougoumont
had been reinforced by the 2d line and light companies of
Duplat’s brigade, as well as by the advance-guard battalion
of Brunswickers, who, together with the guards and the remainder
of the Nassau-men and Hanoverian riflemen, drove
the enemy out of the orchard into the wood.</p>

<p>During the time Duplat’s brigade was in its advanced
position, it suffered from the French light troops: many of
the officers were killed or wounded; Duplat was killed.</p>

<p>Skirmishing had gone on briskly at the farms of Papelotte,
La Haye, the hamlet of Smohain, and along our left, where
the want of ammunition was so great, that the enemy pressed
close up to the hedge, driving in our skirmishers<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a>: but they
were soon driven back, when a fresh supply arrived.</p>

<p>From the time that La Haye-Sainte had been taken by
the enemy, the attacks upon our centre were carried on with
the greatest desperation. The French crowded in swarms
round the knoll and sand-hole, and behind the artificial and
road-side banks, which formed excellent breastworks for the
advanced skirmishers. These, by laying their muskets on the
bank at the level of the plain, could sweep it in all directions.
Our advance, at times, moved forward and dislodged them;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span>
but they returned on the falling back of our troops. This fire
was vigorously replied to by Lambert’s and Kempt’s brigades,
and Pack’s Royals. Ompteda’s brigade was reduced to a
mere handful of men; Kielmansegge’s was in a similar condition:
in fact Alten’s division had dwindled away to a weak
brigade. The remains of Halkett’s brigade were from the
first formed into two weak squares. No portion of the line
was more attacked both by infantry and cavalry, or more
cannonaded than Alten’s division. He himself was severely
wounded. The 73d, one of his regiments, was for a time
commanded by a subaltern, (lieutenant Stewart). Pack’s brigade
was reduced to a skeleton, and had, by forming column,
wheeling into line, and by edging and moving to its right,
got from the left close to the Genappe road, a little in rear
of where stood the so called “Wellington tree.” Adam’s
brigade, since brought into action, had been subjected to so
furious a cannonade and repeated cavalry attacks, that it
was deemed necessary to draw it behind the position. On
one occasion a French horse battery was pushed forward near
the south-east angle of the orchard of Hougoumont, where
it opened upon the brigade: but our batteries on the ridge
concentrated their fire upon it, and drove it off. Our artillery-men
cheered. It witnessed the great effect produced by some
rockets which were thrown from the valley upon the French
horse. Our batteries had been most successful on this part of
the line in checking and destroying the enemy’s cavalry.</p>

<p>It must have been evident to Napoleon, that, notwithstanding
the battle had been raging for more than seven hours, the
victory which he had calculated upon early in the morning
was yet to be gained: although the day was far advanced, he
showed no despair, but continued to feed the fight with fresh
victims. The result of the operations, up to this time, had
been most destructive to both sides; more particularly so to
our gallant foes, who, from acting on the offensive throughout,
were frequently much exposed to the close and direct fire of
our batteries in advancing to the attack and retiring to reform,
after each successive repulse. Our troops everywhere maintained
a degree of cool forbearance and courage, which none
but British soldiers could show under such trying circumstances.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span>
About half-past seven <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> the colours of the 30th and
73d were sent to the rear, to the satisfaction of many; the
colonel of the latter regiment, the late lord Harris, who was
wounded soon after, taking the 73d’s colour from the officer,
gave it in charge of a sergeant, to carry to the rear.</p>

<p>The enemy’s cavalry, who were now nearly sobered, would
come up singly, and fire their carbines at the squares. Their
horse artillery often galloped up, unlimbered, when crash!
crash! came the grape into Halkett’s squares, making gaps
which it was admirable to see the fine fellows fill up, and
that without orders. Whenever the Duke came, which at
this momentous period was often, there was a low whisper in
the ranks, “Here’s the Duke!” and all was steady as on
parade. No matter what the havock and destruction might
be, the Duke was always the coolest man there: in the words
of an eyewitness of this bloody scene, the Duke was coolness
personified<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a>. It really appeared that the more desperate the
fight, the more determined were the few brave fellows that
remained to hold their ground; yet often would a murmur
escape them, such as, “This is thundering murderous work!
why don’t we go into them?... Let us give them the cold
steel,” etc., etc. But such murmurs were soon hushed, and
again were displayed those traits of unyielding passive courage,
the grandest, the most sublime characteristics of the
British soldier. The troops evinced in their resignation a discipline
unparalleled in European armies. Though confident in
their chiefs and themselves, their foes were not less so: a
French cuirassier officer, a prisoner in Halkett’s left square,
replied, in a surly and snappish tone, to an officer of the 30th
who asked him what force Bonaparte had, “You will see
directly, sir.”</p>

<p>It was now past seven o’clock. The Prussians kept up a
distant cannonade, and skirmished with the French right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en
potence</i>, seeking a favourable opportunity to make a more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span>
powerful attack with the fresh troops that were then seen
advancing. These war-breathing bands, led by Blücher in
person, full of determination, sure to strike home with the
whole force of their arm, were at length seen streaming along
in swarms, extending round Napoleon’s right wing, and menacing
his rear. The allied line stood firm and unbroken, the
day was fast waning, and Napoleon began to manifest impatience,
and felt much anxiety for the result of the battle, and
he evidently must have imagined that a desperate effort to
break our centre could alone prevent the defeat, which the
arrival of the Prussians in such force must render inevitable.
Thus situated, he had no alternative but to rush into destruction,
or success. The political existence and future destiny of
this renowned chief were fast drawing to a close; he could not
reasonably anticipate assistance from Grouchy, therefore he
at once resolved, as a <em>last resource</em>, his unsuccessful attempt
to force the allied position with his devoted guards, that immovable
phalanx which, in the greatest emergencies, had
invariably stood as the rallying point and rampart of their
army. Count Drouot was ordered to move forward into the
valley (in front of and between La Belle-Alliance and Hougoumont
enclosures,) the remaining twelve battalions of the
old and middle guard, and form them into two columns of
attack and a reserve. With these, Napoleon decided upon
making what proved his final struggle, directing their advance
between La Haye-Sainte and Hougoumont, upon the allied
centre, undoubtedly impressed with the idea, that an overwhelming
mass of fresh and chosen troops must succeed against
an enemy shattered and reduced by repeated and furious
attacks, and a ravaging cannonade<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a>.</p>

<p>Four battalions of the middle guard, in mass of battalion
columns a favourite plan of the French, and formed left in
front into one column of attack, were to advance towards a
point, about where the Lion now stands, then occupied by
Maitland’s brigade, the 2d and 3d battalions of the 1st British<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span>
foot-guards, and on their left by Halkett’s British brigade
whose right was the 69th and 33d, and his left the 30th and
73d regiments. Four more battalions of the middle guard with
two of the old guard, (chiefly chasseurs,) <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i>, upon their
left rear, formed a second column of attack, lower down the
valley. The other two battalions of the old guard remained
in reserve nearly opposite La Belle-Alliance, right and left;
and in rear of them were drawn up in reserve the remains of
the splendid cavalry force with which the Emperor had been
making such desperate but fruitless attacks on our position.
These constituted his last reserve. The attacking columns
were to be supported by the remains of D’Erlon’s corps on their
right, and Reille’s corps on the left. Those movements along
the French position indicated that a decisive blow, which the
situation of the battle now rendered inevitable, was about to
be directed against our centre; it was soon discovered, by
the well sustained order and compactness of the columns, and
the dark waving forest of bear’s-skin caps, that our prowess
would be tested by the redoubted Imperial guard.</p>

<p>At this period of the action, many of our guns stood abandoned
in position: some rendered useless by the enemy’s
fire, others had the muzzles bent down from the excessive
heat, some were left for want of materials to load them; many
touch-holes melted away, when officers were seen applying
paper with a small hole in which to place the fuze, and thus
prevent its dropping into the touch-hole: numerous gunners
were driven off by the enemy. Our confidence in the Duke
was unbounded, notwithstanding that our army was much
exhausted and reduced. Disorder and confusion continued in
our rear: the roads were crowded with broken carriages,
baggage, wounded officers, soldiers, dismounted dragoons, and
trains of followers from the combined army; more particularly
the foreigners, many of whom gave as a reason for abandoning
the field, that Napoleon and his legions were invincible, he
would certainly be victorious, and that it was quite absurd
to contend against them. In fact, what with the killed,
wounded, those in attendance, and others who had gone to the
rear through fear, our fighting army, towards the close of the
day, became reduced to a handful of men, a mere wreck of its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span>
former self. It is on record that upwards of twelve thousand
had sought refuge in the wood of Soigne, whose desertion
imposed great hardships on those who gallantly remained to
achieve so glorious a victory. These were resolved to conquer
or to perish on this sanguinary field, and by none was this
feeling more powerfully manifested, than by the few remaining
in Sir Colin Halkett’s brigade. They were often heard to
exclaim, “This is thundering murderous work: we shall see
which will stand killing longest.”</p>

<p>Vivian, who had been all day on the left of our line, observing
the advance, towards his position, of part of the Prussian
cavalry of general Röder, attached to the 1st corps under
general Zieten, and being aware that fresh cavalry was wanted
on the right, put his brigade in motion. He was soon met by
lord Uxbridge, who felt pleased that the Duke’s wishes had
been anticipated. Vandeleur, who was also on the left, was
ordered to follow Vivian. The right regiment, the 10th hussars,
was posted by lord Uxbridge about a hundred yards in
rear of the junction of the cross-roads, (near the Lion;) the
18th hussars on their left stretching towards the Genappe
road, behind the remains of Alten’s division, and the 1st German
hussars were in second line. After posting Vivian,
Uxbridge joined Vandeleur, whom he posted parallel with the
Nivelles road, the 11th on the right, the 16th next, and on
the left the remains of the 12th light dragoons, in rear of
Adam’s, Maitland’s and Halkett’s brigades; he then returned
to Vivian. In order to draw his own conclusions, his Lordship
dismounted, and, unattended, advanced down the slope to try
and get a view of the enemy who were hidden by the smoke.
Vivian rode after him and begged him not to place himself in
such imminent danger; on which he returned, saying that he
was of Vivian’s opinion, that it would be best to wait an opportunity
to attack.</p>

<p>The opportune arrival of the fresh cavalry upon this part of
our line gave in no small degree confidence to the shattered
remains of brave fellows who were left to defend the front.
The exceeding small force which really defended the crest of
our line on this terrible day, is almost incredible, and their
conduct beyond all praise. They not only stood the brunt of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span>
the strife, but upon their steadiness and determination depended
entirely the holding of the position. Uxbridge returned to
the Duke, who was at a short distance to the right, watching
the formation of heavy columns on our right of La Belle-Alliance;
they were preparing the coming storm.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Twas now the chieftain’s soul was mighty proved,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">That in the shock of charging hosts, unmoved,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Amidst confusion, horror, and despair,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Examined all the dreadful scenes of war;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">In peaceful thought the field of death survey’d;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">To fainting squadrons sent the timely aid;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Inspired repulsed battalions to engage,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And taught the doubtful battle where to rage.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>His Grace dispatched colonel Freemantle in search of
the Prussians, who were expected to join the left of our line,
and to request Zieten, their chief, to send on a part of his force
to strengthen some weak parts of the front. Zieten did not
feel himself authorized to comply with the Duke’s request,
but said that his whole force would soon be up.</p>

<p>Numerous applications reached the Duke for support and
reinforcements, or to be relieved by the second line, as divisions,
brigades and regiments had dwindled away to skeletons
and handfuls of men. The only reply was, “They must hold
their ground to the last man.” Sir Guy Campbell delivered
that answer to the gallant remains of Pack’s brigade, and the
Duke told sir Colin Halkett, that there must not be the least
symptom of falling back, as everything depended on the
steadiness of the front troops. Frequently, as the Duke passed
the men, he heard murmurs, such as, “Are we to be massacred
here? Let us go at them, let us give them <em>Brumme-gum</em>!”
<em>i. e.</em> the bayonet; and he would calmly reply, “Wait
a little longer, my lads; you shall have at them presently.”</p>

<p>The ammunition was nearly exhausted, when, fortunately,
an artillery cart galloped along, and dropped some casks into
the squares: this raised their spirits and made them feel more
satisfied.</p>

<p>The Duke, finding he must depend entirely on his own
resources to ward off the blow about to be struck by his antagonist,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span>
made such dispositions as his means would allow. It
was indeed high time to strain every nerve, to strengthen and
defend the point where the fiercest storm of battle was about
to burst, and repel the last and most desperate struggle, now
ready to be made. Maitland’s and Halkett’s right was advanced:
the Brunswick battalions on the right were to move
into the space between Halkett’s British and Kruse’s Nassau
brigades. Chassé’s Dutch-Belgian division was to cross the
Nivelles road, and form, D’Aubremé on the right, and Ditmers
on the left, in rear of Adam’s, Maitland’s and Halkett’s
brigades. The remains of the allied cavalry, except Merle’s
brigade, were in rear of the position on the right of the
Genappe road, and most of our infantry were deployed into
four-deep lines, and for shelter lay recumbent on the ground
behind the crest of the ridge. About this time a French
officer of carabineers<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> rode into the right of the 52d regiment
as a deserter, and announced to major Blair<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> and colonel
sir A. Fraser, that Napoleon was about to attack us at the
head of his Imperial guard; this was made known to the
Duke. Napoleon, it appeared, was marshalling the Imperial
guard for the approaching attack: of this his Grace was well
aware.</p>

<p>The skirmishers in advance of their columns about La
Haye-Sainte, the knoll and sand-pit, and along the valley right
and left, threw out a rattling fire for the purpose of harassing
and weakening our line, in order to clear the way for the
grand attack by the Imperial guard; this fire was vigorously
replied to by our troops, who were partially covered from
the enemy’s fire by the hedge-row and banks on this part of
the front. Our gallant 27th, upon the bank at the junction
of the roads, was still much exposed. Our 95th rifles and the
4th foot were extended along the Wavre road. The 40th,
79th, 28th, and 1st Royals were in line behind the rear hedge.
The fire increased, and it appeared as if all would be borne<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span>
down before it. The banks on the road side, the garden wall,
the knoll and sand-pit swarmed with skirmishers, who seemed
determined to keep down our fire in front; those behind the
artificial bank seemed more intent upon destroying the 27th,
who at this time, it may literally be said, were lying dead in
square, their loss after La Haye-Sainte had fallen was awful,
without the satisfaction of having scarcely fired a shot; many
of our troops in rear of the ridge were similarly situated.
A British officer, who was an eyewitness of the gallant conduct
of the 27th, says, “If ever the sovereign give them
another motto, it should be, <em>Muzzle to muzzle</em>; for so they
fought at Waterloo.”</p>

<p>Efficient artillery upon this part of the line we had none;
thus the enemy again brought up some guns near the corner
of La Haye-Sainte garden hedge, and placed them so that
their muzzles were on a level with our ridge, from whence
they rapidly dealt out grape upon Kielmansegge’s two squares,
completely smashing them, until they, like the rest, were reduced
to a mere clump of men. The artillery and musketry
fire was increasing. The skirmishers pressing on, and their
drums beating, foretold the advance of columns to the charge.
Upon this, the prince of Orange ordered two battalions of the
Nassau brigade, under general Kruse, to advance, and gallantly
placed himself at their head: the Prince was struck by
a musket-ball in the left shoulder, and the command of this
part of our line devolved on count Kielmansegge. The
Nassau-men were giving way, when the five battalions of
Brunswick infantry moved into the interval between Halkett
and Kruse; but, before they were in position, they were received
by such a stinging fire from the French skirmishers,
and crashing fire of grape from their artillery, and became so
enveloped in smoke, that they could not get into order until
they were in close contact with the enemy. This vigorous
attack caused the part of Alten’s division on Halkett’s left,
with the Nassau-men and Brunswickers, to give way, and
fall back under the crest of the ridge. Now came really the
tug of war, the poise or balance of the battle.</p>

<p>At this critical moment Wellington galloped to the spot, and
addressing himself to the Brunswickers, succeeded, by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span>
electrifying influence of his voice and presence, in rallying the
discomfited columns. Lieutenant-colonel sir Alexander Gordon
was mortally wounded on this occasion. By the example
and encouragement of the commanding officers, the other
brigades were also rallied and formed. The Duke went off
hastily to the right again.</p>

<p>The battle had been now raging for nearly eight hours,
and not a square had been broken, nor had the enemy gained
more than one advantage, viz. the capture of La Haye-Sainte,
which was through one of those mischances in war which often
mar the best planned arrangements. But those continued
furious attacks had not been met and repulsed without a most
severe loss to the troops who had stood the brunt of the battle,
and had been so long exposed to a murderous cannonade.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_110" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_110.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a helmet)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <em>See</em> <a href="#CHAPTER_X">chapter X</a>, Grouchy’s Report, and the English, Prussian, and French
official accounts.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> It in not easy to give a satisfactory reason why the enemy’s infantry
skirmishers were allowed to press so closely up to our position and inflict such
severe losses upon our gunners and infantry, when our cavalry could have
driven them off or destroyed them.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> All those who were near his Grace, and had full opportunity of observing
him during the most critical and trying moments, agree in asserting,
that it was impossible to learn from his countenance, voice or gesture, whether
the affair in hand were trifling or important, quite safe, or extremely
dangerous.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> It appeared throughout the day, that Napoleon was determined to
exhaust our troops, the expense of which was only, to him, a <em>secondary</em> consideration.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> I met this French officer on the field in 1844: he was a captain in the
2d carabineers, or brass-clad cuirassiers; the reason he gave for not coming
over to us till the eleventh hour, was, that he expected a number of his regiment
to desert with him.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> <em>See</em> colonel Hunter Blair’s letter, Appendix, <a href="#Note_VII">No. VII.</a></p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Napoleon advances his Imperial guard; gives it up to Ney.—The Emperor
addresses his men for the last time.—Blücher’s guns blazing away, the
enemy replies.—Napoleon circulates a false report.—The French guards
about to attack men who, like themselves, had never been beaten.—Tremendous
roar of artillery.—Vandersmissen’s brigade of guns arrives.—The
right or leading column of the Imperial guard, on ascending the
tongue of ground, suffers dreadfully from our double-charged guns, which
it appears to disregard.—Ney’s horse killed.—The attacking column
crowns the ridge, well supported.—“<em>Up, guards, make ready!</em>”—The
British guards, Halkett’s brigade, with Bolton’s and Vandersmissen’s batteries,
open fire upon the head of the assailing column, which it returns.—Gallantry
of sir Colin Halkett.—The enemy in confusion, charged by
our guards and Halkett’s 30th and 73d regiments.—The first French column,
after displaying the most heroic courage, gives way in disorder.—The second
attacking column approaching, suffers from our batteries.—Our guards, ordered
to retire, get into disorder, which soon sets to right again.—Halkett’s
brigade in great confusion, but soon recovers.—D’Aubremé’s Netherlanders
in the greatest disorder.—Our batteries, with the guards, open fire upon
the head of the left attacking column, whilst the 52d and rifles assail its
front and left flank; the French return the fire with vigour.—The crisis.—The
enemy in confusion, charged in flank, gives way.—Pursued by Adam’s
brigade.—Vivian’s hussars launched forward upon the enemy’s reserves;
their disposition.—General disposition of the Prussian and French armies.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">Vivian came to this part of the line about a quarter before
eight <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> The enemy’s skirmishers in crowds had again
pressed on to our front, which, from its reduced state, was
once more giving way. A battalion of the Brunswickers was
retiring, having expended all its ammunition. The Nassau-men
were falling back in mass upon the horses’ heads of the
10th hussars, and, as sir Hussey Vivian has since told me, had
the 10th not been there, they would have retreated. Captain
Shakspeare of the 10th was with sir Hussey, and they both
did their utmost to encourage them. Vivian says that, in
justice to many of their officers, he must state, that these
endeavoured to stop the men; he saw one take a drummer
by the collar, and make him beat the rally. The left of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span>
division now pressed on, led by Kielmansegge. Those on the
right took it up, as well as the Brunswick and Nassau-men,
their drums beating, Vivian, his aide-de-camp and many of
his officers cheering them on, whilst the hussars followed in
support; the French and their artillery falling back before
them.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“One crowded hour of glorious strife</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Is worth an age of peaceful life;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">’Tis thus the soldier hastes along,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And faces death amidst the throng.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>It was during this desperate effort of the enemy that the
two attacking columns of the Imperial guard<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a>, amongst
whom the most unbounded enthusiasm reigned, proudly led
the van, and advanced <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i> right in front from the
valley, between La Belle-Alliance and the enclosures of Hougoumont.
The first, or leading column, was led by Napoleon
in person, until the front files came abreast of where the high-road
is cut through the bank beyond the orchard of La Haye-Sainte,
a prominent point about two hundred yards to their
left of the Genappe road, which they left obliquely on their
right; here the Emperor gave them in charge of Ney. When
the guards passed before him, he, for the last time, addressed
them a few words of encouragement, but, from the noise, the
words could not be heard, and Napoleon, in a significant
manner, pointed to our position, when the shouts of “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive
l’Empereur! Vive Napoléon! En avant!</i>” rent the air;
those war-cries excited a phrenzy of ardour as his devoted followers
pressed on to death and destruction.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span></p>

<p>At this moment Blücher’s artillery was blazing away upon
the French right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>, who returned the compliment,
but not in full value. The firing was distinctly heard by Napoleon
and his troops; and being apprehensive that it might
damp their courage, he sent general Labédoyère through the
line, with the false report<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a>, that it was Grouchy’s guns that
had fallen upon the Prussian rear, and it only required a
little firmness to complete the victory to which they were
advancing.</p>

<p>The sanguinary drama was now, with the long and trying
day, fast drawing to a close. The Emperor’s guards, their
country’s pride, they who had never turned their backs on foe
or fled the battle field, were, for the first time, about to
attack men who, like themselves, acknowledged no victor;
the unconquered were to measure their prowess with men who
had never been vanquished, the world waiting with anxious
expectation the result of this memorable day. The Imperial
guard, led by the undaunted Ney, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">le Brave des Braves</i>,”
advanced towards a point occupied by the first brigade of
British foot-guards, and the 5th or Halkett’s British brigade.
The guards were lying down, for cover from the shower of
round and grape-shot and shells thrown amongst them by the
French batteries. The enemy’s advance was, as usual, preceded
by skirmishers, and covered by a tremendous fire of
artillery, although, at this time, considerably diminished,
many of their guns having been rendered useless. The French
guards were well supported on their right by D’Erlon’s
infantry columns, especially by those of Donzelot’s division,
who prolonged this attack to the Genappe road against the
Brunswickers, Nassau troops, and the rest of Alten’s division.
About this time, Vandersmissen’s Dutch-Belgian brigade of
guns most opportunely came in between the intervals of Halkett’s
brigade. Reille’s columns on the left pressed on towards
Hougoumont, which again became the scene of a severe struggle;
Bachelu’s division advanced on their right of its enclosures,
and D’Erlon’s columns <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i> pushed forward on<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span>
their right of La Haye-Sainte. As the leading column of the
Imperial guard began to ascend the tongue of ground leading
to the spot where the Lion now stands, it suffered most severely
from the destructive fire of our right batteries, of which, from
being ranged <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i>, every efficient gun played into the
exposed long flank of the Imperial column with double charges
of round, canister, case, or grape-shot. By this murderous
fire the French ranks were most awfully ravaged, and they
appeared to wave like high standing corn blown by sudden
gusts of wind, from the terrific effect of each discharge; while
caps and muskets might, at times, be seen flying in the air.
Ney had his horse killed under him, and gallantly led along
on foot; at his side general Friant was wounded severely,
and general Michel mortally. To men enthusiastic, who felt
certain they were advancing to a glorious victory, this was no
check, and the Imperial guard pursued its onward course with
a firm step. The veterans of Jena, Wagram and Austerlitz
had, by their invincible prowess, decided many a battle, and
their progress could only be arrested by death or severe wounds.</p>

<p>When the head of the column neared the line of the allies,
it escaped the terrific fire of our right batteries, while at the
same moment their own batteries ceased firing; a crowd of
skirmishers rushed on and opened a stinging fire upon our
artillery-men, who soon drove them back upon the columns
by a discharge of grape, canister and case-shot; double
charges were poured into the head of the enemy’s columns
from Bolton’s guns, (now commanded by Napier,) and Vandersmissen’s
batteries: the front of the enemy appeared to
stand still, from the men being mowed down as they laboured
up the slopes, while their rear seemed pressing on. The
Imperial guard at length succeeded in crowning the ridge,
upon which the French saw nothing but the batteries; they
descried through the smoke some cocked hats, but little imagined
that one of them covered the head of the illustrious
Duke, who was shortly to acquire a last and crowning laurel,
and that the sun of Napoleon was to set with the one just
retiring from their view on the field of Waterloo.</p>

<p>The enemy pressed on until within about fifty yards of
Halkett’s brigade, and the British foot-guards, who were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span>
lying down, quietly awaiting the band of veteran heroes.
Wellington then gave the words, “Up, guards, make ready<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a>!”
and ordered general Maitland to attack. They rose in line
four deep, and appeared to the French as if they had sprung
out of the earth; whilst the French grenadiers, with their
high bear’s-skin caps and red plumes, looked like giants bearing
down upon them. Our guards and Halkett’s right, the
69th and 33d, the gallant Halkett waving the latter regiment’s
colour in their front, advanced a few paces and threw in a
tremendous volley, that was followed up by independent file-firing,
rapidly and steadily delivered. A stream of musketry
and grape-shot was maintained with such coolness and precision,
that the whole front of the enemy’s column was shaken:
it was impossible to be otherwise; from four to five hundred
of them were killed or wounded. This most efficacious fire
dreadfully shattered the Imperial ranks, and stemmed their
farther progress, the dreadful carnage still continuing with
unabated fury. The French officers, waving their swords,
and with shouts and words of encouragement, attempted to
deploy and extend their front. But for this it was too late,
the continued cross-fire which assailed them drove the foremost
of the enemy back on their mass. Many in the midst
of the column fired over the heads of their comrades, and
their confusion became greater every moment<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span></p>

<p>Our adversary’s desperate situation being instantly perceived
by the Duke, his Grace ordered the charge: lord Saltoun,
who had joined from Hougoumont, called out, “Now’s the
time, my boys!” Our guards and Halkett’s left advanced
with a loud cheer to the charge, the latter against a column
which, on nearing our position, inclined to its right from the
rear of the leading column, and moved <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i>, steady as
on parade, through the hollow on its right of the tongue of
ground, where it was protected from the direct fire of our
right batteries.</p>

<p>They gallantly advanced with a noble and admirable bearing;
officers in front, arms sloped, drums beating the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pas de
charge</i>, and between them and on their flanks their brass guns
loaded with grape. When within ninety yards of Halkett’s
left, they halted, carried arms as if to salute, and round wheeled
their guns, down went their port-fires, and crash came the
grape, accompanied by a volley, into the 30th and 73d regiments,
who instantly returned the fire and came to the charge.
Before the sharp report had died away, Vandersmissen’s brigade
of guns, double-charged with grape, went Bang! bang!
bang! right through the Imperial column: this appeared to
rend it asunder, and it began to give way and disperse<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a>.</p>

<p>Our guards were pursuing the discomfited enemy into the
valley, when the left or second attacking column of the Imperial
guard was observed closely pressing on, undismayed by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span>
defeat of their first column. To avoid being taken in flank,
orders were given to the British guards to go about and resume
their original position, but the word was misunderstood, and
they fell into confusion; however notwithstanding the two
battalions were mixed pell-mell together, getting the command
on recrossing the ridge, “Halt, front, form!” they instantly
fronted and formed four deep, and told off in companies of
forties. Halkett’s left, which had charged, on getting clear
of the smoke, saw the enemy broken and going off in disorder;
loud and deep were the execrations bestowed upon them
for not waiting to meet the retaliating vengeance, now ready
to be inflicted for our slaughtered comrades. After the
charge, the whole brigade got mixed together, and was for
a few minutes in great confusion, occasioned by a terrific fire
of musketry and grape-shot, the murderous effects of which
so disordered Halkett’s right that they gave way, and thus
clashed with their left who were retiring; this caused confusion
which, fortunately however, speedily ceased, for a cry was
heard, “Form square to resist cavalry<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a>!” and a cheer burst
forth from the 73d. Major Kelly, an officer of that regiment,
but on the staff, having perceived the confusion and consequent
danger, resolved to remain with his men, they having no
officer of rank left to command them. During this most
desperate assault, D’Aubremé’s Netherlanders, who formed
three large squares in the immediate rear, also fell into the
greatest disorder; Vandeleur galloped forward, and with some
of his own officers, and those of the Dutch-Belgians, did all
in his power to restore order and encourage the men to hold
their position. Colonel Morice (69th regiment) was killed,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span>
and sir Colin Halkett wounded, when the command of his
brigade devolved on colonel Elphinstone, who, when it had
reformed, posted the left of the brigade at the hedge-row,
where the road curves forward, (near where the Lion now
stands;) and advanced the right anew<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> to protect the left
flank of our guards against an attack of Donzelot’s troops,
who were again pushing on.</p>

<p>The left of our guards was brought slightly forward, to be
parallel with the left or second attacking column of the French
guards<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a>, who, passing the eastern boundary of Hougoumont
obliquely on their left, were saluted, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en passant</i>, by
Hepburn’s skirmishers. Notwithstanding this, they pursued
their onward course with the greatest sang-froid through the
valley, towards the spot where their first column was so severely
engaged; our artillery on the ridge, from the Nivelles
road to the curve in our line, was in full play upon them; the
fire of our guns fell with ruinous precision upon the dense
mass, and made them suffer dreadfully: but the men who had
often, in a doubtful field, wrested victory from the obstinate
foe, advanced firmly, their front and flank, as usual, covered
by a numerous body of daring skirmishers, the smoke of
whose rattling fire concealed at times the advance of the
column. The fire of our guns was so severe that some cuirassiers
were sent to charge the batteries: this they did, and
succeeded in driving the gunners away. They also drove in
the skirmishers of Adam’s brigade: upon which, a squadron
of the 23d light dragoons was sent down into the hollow near
the orchard of Hougoumont. The cuirassiers advancing
again, the 23d, under lieutenant Banner, charged them in
flank, and drove them back upon their infantry columns,
whose fire turned our dragoons about. They galloped back
towards our lines, followed by some cuirassiers, most of whom,
as well as their other cavalry, had, upon the advance of the
Imperial guard, been drawn off and rallied on their own position<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span>
between La Belle-Alliance and Hougoumont. Our
officers on this part of the line were intently observing the
movements of the enemy’s column; and our few fine fellows at
the guns, disregarding the fire from the enemy, played incessantly
with deadly aim into the close deep masses of infantry:
changing, as the distance diminished, from round to grape
and canister, and to double charges.</p>

<p>As the column neared the ridge, the French became impatient
under this destructive cannonade; and their skirmishers
rushed forward, prolonging the attack to Donzelot’s division
on their right, which, in a line of battalion columns, with their
guns between them and on their flanks, and preceded by a
crowd of daring skirmishers, were again assaulting the remains
of Alten’s division, as above related. Our gunners, under this
close and severely-telling fire, could not long stand to their
guns, but either lay down beneath them, or dropped behind
the ridge; an expedient to which our artillery-men had frequent
recourse during the day. Some brave fellows now and
then would hastily load and fire, and again seek shelter.
D’Aubremé’s and Vandeleur’s brigades sustained some casualties
by this column’s fire.</p>

<p>General Adam, and colonel Colborne of the 52d, (of the
unmatched Peninsular school,) had been watching the enemy’s
columns, and the latter, (a real fire-eater,) upon his own
responsibility, brought forward the right shoulder of his regiment,
placing it across the oft-mentioned bit of hedge-row,
and nearly parallel to the left flank of the attacking column.</p>

<p>Thus was executed, with judgment, promptitude and spirit,
worthy of the high character of the corps and its commander,
a movement, which eventually enveloped the enemy’s column
in an angle, at the apex of which was a battery, whose double-charged
guns soon carried death and destruction through the
mass, whilst a rapid and continued rolling fire of musketry
assailed its front and flanks.</p>

<p>The Duke having seen the guards placed in their position,
rode a little to the right, and observing the 52d in a favourable
situation, sent to sir Henry Clinton to move forward the rest
of Adam’s brigade to charge the Imperial guard, that, with
drums beating and deafening shouts of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive l’Empereur!</i> now<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span>
crowned the summit of the position. The fire of Napier’s
and Vandersmissen’s batteries, and of the British guards,
opened on them, but still they gallantly pressed forward, as
did also the columns of Donzelot, upon Alten’s division; and
the rest of d’Erlon’s columns <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en échelons</i>, on their right of La
Haye-Sainte, moved forward towards Lambert’s, Kempt’s and
Best’s brigades. The fate of the battle seemed to quiver on
the beam, when the 52d in its complete four-deep line, previously
screened from the enemy’s view by the crest of our
ridge, moved down in the most compact order upon the left
flank of the Imperial column. The column halted, formed
front to its left, and opened, from its long flank, a most galling
fire upon the 52d. The latter also halted, and poured a
most deadly fire into their ranks: the finest infantry the world
produced, thus confronted each other. At this moment (about
eight o’clock,) the 2d battalion of the 95th rifles came up on
the left, and fired into the head of the column<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a>. The 71st
and the 3d battalion of the 95th were also rapidly advancing.
This terrific fire told with most awful effect on the flank of
the mass, already torn by the close discharges of case and
grape-shot from our guns. From whose rapid fire, together
with the musketry, a dense cloud of thick smoke hung on the
ridge, and completely enveloped the contending parties. A
still more rapid roll of musketry marked the highest efforts of
the conflict, when on a sudden it began to slacken. Sir John
Colborne gave the word to charge, which our men answered
by three hearty cheers and louder than the shouts of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vive
l’Empereur</i><a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a>. The French column now seemed to reel to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span>
and fro under the heavy fire, and in truth it was unable to
advance and unwilling to retire. It was in a position too trying
even for its experienced veterans, notwithstanding they were
animated by the best spirit. But the most daring in its ranks,
and there were many, made a determined resistance, and
seemed to linger on the spot; one of these, no doubt, was Ney,
who, upon the rout of the first column, joined the second and
led that also<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a>.</p>

<p>The confusion and disorder which had been increasing, at
last became uncontrollable. With the exception of the two
rear battalions of the old guard, under general Cambronne,
which alone retained the least semblance of order, the second
attacking column of the Imperial guard shared the fate of
the first. They fled, and in their flight carried with them most
of Donzelot’s columns, which had prolonged the attack to the
Genappe road against Alten’s division, as previously mentioned,
and were now falling back into the valley, from
whence they had emerged to make the attack. Whilst the
52d and the second battalion of the 95th were pressing forward
in pursuit, over ground literally covered with dead and dying,
a body of broken horsemen dashed through the smoke
upon their front: they concentrated their whole fire upon the
new comers, until they discovered them to be a part of the
23d light dragoons pursued by some cuirassiers; one of whom
breaking through the 52d was killed in the rear by the sergeant-major;
another was also cut down by an officer.</p>

<p>The front was scarcely cleared of the cavalry, when three
of the enemy’s guns opened a fire of grape, at about four
hundred yards in prolongation of its right flank: colonel
Colborne galloped to the right of his regiment, and exclaimed
“Those guns will destroy us!” when instantly the right section,
under lieutenant Gawler, wheeled up and drove them off.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span>
The rest of the regiment continued the pursuit of the broken
columns.</p>

<p>Colonel Hugh Halkett, on perceiving the forward movement
of Adam’s brigade, moved upon its right rear with the Osnabruck
militia. Vivian’s hussar brigade and the 2d German
light dragoons were immediately advanced to attack the
French reserves, drawn up between La Belle-Alliance and
Hougoumont<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a>.</p>

<p>The feelings of our great antagonist on witnessing the total
overthrow of his devoted guards, his last hope, and the death-blow
to his political existence, may be imagined, but not
described.</p>

<p>At this time, (eight o’clock,) says captain Siborne, the
general disposition of the Prussian forces, relative to that of
Wellington’s army, was, that the advance-guard of Zieten’s
(first) corps had joined our left; part of Pirch’s (second) corps,
with his reserve cavalry, had joined Bulow, who was on the
advance, his right to attack Lobau, and his left to make a
third attack upon Plancenoit. The French opposed to them
appeared determined to make a stand at all points.</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_122" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_122.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a sword)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> This force was never employed but in cases of great emergency. Had it
been brought forward earlier and before the Prussians arrived, deployed into
line out of range of our musketry, and supported by cavalry before that arm
was so much cut up, certainly Napoleon would have stood a better chance.
No doubt the attack ought to have been made earlier, or not at all.</p>

<p>The Duke says, “Had they forced our position, instead of taking advantage
of it and pressing on they must have turned round to face the Prussians, who
were at that time in great force pressing the enemy’s right and rear.”</p>

<p>Looking at the relative situations of Plancenoit, Mont-St.-Jean, and the
French army, reckless as Napoleon had doubtless then become, it is still
surprising he made the attack.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> <em>See</em> the prince de la Moskowa’s letter to the duc d’Otrante, Appendix,
<a href="#Page_253">No. V, p. 253</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> “Up, guards, and at them!” or, “Up, guards, make ready!” what an
idea of mutual confidence between the general and his men, does that simple
order convey!</p>

<p>No haranguing, which, if it excites the soldiers, also expresses a doubt of
their exertions; nothing of that kind was considered necessary, but a command,
which, from its very simplicity, shows the entire conviction, in the
mind of him who gave it, that it would be most effectually obeyed.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> A column or columns advancing to an attack, although steady as on
parade, on nearing the line of a cool determined enemy, must be quickly
shattered by the converging fire, which would drop their leading and flank
files, the only men that can really use their muskets; confused by different
words of command from various officers, often enveloped in smoke and
crowded together, the pressure is such, that every movement augments disorder
and confusion. The imposing advance of large masses has often intimidated
an enemy, notwithstanding they are only really formidable in the imagination,
until deployed into line, during which evolution, a good volley, resolutely
followed up by the application of the cold steel, would overthrow the best
troops that ever pulled a trigger.</p>

<p>The Duke says, “Napoleon did not manœuvre at all; he just moved forward
in the old style, in columns, and was driven off in the old style.”
(<em>Letter to Lord Beresford</em>, July 2d, 1815, in the Appendix, <a href="#Page_218">No. II, p. 218</a>.)</p>

<p>I will not go so far as to say that moving forward in any other formation
would have gained them the battle, but I do think the old style of advancing
in columns did not give them a chance.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> From the circumstance of the columns of the Imperial guard making their
attack at the point of our line which ran curving forward, they must have
become, on crowning the allied position, exposed to a cross-fire of all arms,
which may be thus described:</p>

<p>Halkett’s left and Vandersmissen’s batteries formed the left of the curve,
whilst the immediate right of it consisted of Halkett’s right, our guards and
Napier’s battery, whose right was brought rather forward; thus the fires were
diagonal, that is, the two fires evidently crossed.</p>

<p>It is therefore not astonishing that the veterans of a hundred fights gave way
under this, to use their own words, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">effroyable</i> (dreadful) cross-fire upon both
front and flank.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> Had the enemy’s cavalry really been at hand, the remaining few fine
fellows under Halkett must have been annihilated. This confusion and giving
way, together with that on the immediate left of the brigade, as well as the
disorder on its immediate right, at about the same time, and at so critical a
juncture, might have caused the most serious consequences; but, thanks to
the zeal and energy of the superior officers, as well as to the coolness, alacrity
and discipline of our troops, they soon reformed with much steadiness and
regularity, and aided by Vandersmissen’s and Bolton’s iron hail from their
double-charged guns, the withering fire of Adam’s light-bobs upon the enemy’s
left flank, together with that of our guards upon their front, our struggle terminated
most satisfactorily.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> Their advance proves that this momentary confusion but little affected
them.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> A portion of this force might have been advantageously employed against
us with their cavalry. Husbanding them so long, was, I suspect, an error of
no small magnitude.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> For positions of all the armies at this period, <em>see</em> <a href="#map">Plan.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> Some French writers state that this hitherto victorious column was seized
with a panic. If so, it was not to be wondered at: a crowd of men, heaped
helplessly together, exposed to an incessant cross-fire of musketry, round and
grape-shot poured in like hail upon both front and flank, and our lines converging
to enclose and bayonet them, was enough to occasion a panic. We
may here observe, that the attack of the Imperial column is almost incredible,
unaccompanied as it was and entirely unsupported by cavalry, with the flanks
perpetually exposed, and never attempting to deploy into line, till fired into;
halting to engage with musketry against troops in line. They sealed their own
doom; for while utterly incapable of deploying or returning their enemy’s fire
with any effect, they were attacked by our infantry and turned by our cavalry.
I must leave to the talented military historians to prove that this attack
displayed Napoleon’s former genius. The cause of the interval of some minutes
between the two attacking columns, or why the attacks were not simultaneous,
I am at a loss to explain; but it certainly was the cause of their being beaten
in detail.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> It is to be regretted that this gallant but inconstant soldier did not meet
death here. It would have been far preferable to the end he afterwards found
under the walls of the Luxemburg.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> The French reserves were, for the most part, drawn up in chequer, presenting
an irregular front, from la Belle-Alliance to the nearest enclosures of
Hougoumont.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>As the Imperial guard retired in the greatest disorder, its retread caused a
panic throughout the French army.—The Prussians being relieved from
the pressure of the enemy’s right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>, their operations begin to take
effect.—Wellington observing the state of things, determines to attack, and
orders the advance of his whole line.—His Grace in front, hat high in air.—Vivian’s
hussars get a message from the Duke: they form line, attack and
drive off the enemy.—Colonel Murray’s dangerous leap.—Vandeleur’s
brigade advanced.—Major Howard killed.—General Cambronne made
prisoner.—Adam’s brigade attacks and drives off the rallied force of the
Imperial guard.—Lord Uxbridge wounded; sir J. O. Vandeleur commands
the cavalry.—Sir Colin Campbell begs the Duke not to remain under the
heavy fire.—Adam’s brigade menaced by cuirassiers.—His Grace with but
one attendant.—Adam’s brigade falls upon a broken column of the enemy.—Singular
encounter and act of bravery.—Repugnance to the shedding of
human blood unnecessarily.—Battery and prisoners captured.—Adam’s
brigade in the line of fire of a Prussian battery.—The 71st capture a battery.—Prussian
dispositions to attack Plancenoit and the French right.—Operations
of the allies during this period.—Plancenoit the scene of a
dreadful struggle.—Bravery of the young guard, who save their eagle.—Humane
conduct of their general Pelet.—Napoleon in a square, much
pressed.—Wellington and his advanced troops at Rossomme, where the
pursuit is relinquished by us, and continued by the Prussians, who, busy in
the work of death, press on and capture sixty guns.—On returning towards
Waterloo, the Duke meets Blücher, who promises to keep the enemy moving.—His
Grace is silent, sombre, and dejected for the loss of his friends.—Bivac.—Observations.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">The enemy’s troops engaged in the last attack retired in the
greatest confusion, which caused an unsteadiness and panic
throughout the remainder of the French army. By this, the
Prussians were relieved from the determined pressure previously
made on them by the French right <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en potence</i>; and it
soon became evident that they were gaining ground. Zieten’s
(first) corps had just joined the left of our line by Ohain;
Adam’s brigade was most vigorously pursuing the fugitives,
and Vivian’s hussars were rapidly advancing on the enemy’s
reserve: all these things combined, convinced the Duke that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span>
the favourable moment for making a general attack, was
arrived. Closing his telescope with an air of triumph, he
ordered the advance of the whole line. This order was received
by the eager remains of the army with loud and
tremendous cheers.</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Then, Wellington, thy piercing eye</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The crisis caught of destiny.</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">The British host had stood</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">That morn, ’gainst charge of host and lance,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">As their own ocean rocks hold stanch;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">But when thy voice had said, Advance!</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">They were their ocean’s flood.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>The Duke stood on the rise (immediately in front of the
Lion,) with his hat raised in the air, as a signal to advance.
The last parting rays of the beautiful setting sun at this moment
(a quarter after eight,) shone most resplendently, as if
to enliven the scene presented to our view on emerging from
the smoke, which had long rendered every object invisible
except the flashes of the enemy’s batteries. It was a spectacle
never to be forgotten by those who witnessed it. Were I to
live to the age of Methuselah, never shall I forget that evening.
In front might be seen the retiring columns of the
enemy, broken and mingled with crowds of fugitives of all
arms, mounted and dismounted, mixed pell-mell together.
In the right front was a dense smoke, curling upwards, from
the smouldering ruins of Hougoumont. Far in the distance
to the left front might also be dimly seen the dark columns of
the Prussians, many of whom had arrived just in time to
witness the overthrow of the French.</p>

<p>During this time Vivian’s hussars had moved to the right,
cleared the front and advanced on the right of Maitland’s
guards, who with Vandeleur’s brigade cheered them on. On
crossing the ridge the smoke was thick, but in the valley it
became clear; and several columns of the enemy’s infantry
and cavalry, with guns on their flanks and between them, were
visible in front. The Duke sent a message to Vivian by
colonel Campbell, not to attack till the infantry arrived, unless
he thought he could break the French squares. At this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span>
moment several men and horses of the 10th were killed by
grape from the enemy’s guns. Vivian observed to sir Colin
Campbell that, as our infantry advancing might not be in
good order, it would be dangerous to allow the French cavalry
to fall upon them, and that it would be better for him to
attack at once and drive the cavalry off<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a>, leaving the enemy’s
squares to be attacked by our infantry. To this sir Colin
agreed, and returned to the Duke. Vivian now formed the
10th and 18th hussars into one line, and the 1st German
hussars in second line. While forming, a broken body of
the 23d light dragoons, after being fired into by the 52d,
galloped along his front; his right was attacked by cuirassiers,
and he lost many men, but he beat off the enemy. Whilst
the French were firing grape at the hussars, our own guns
were also plying them with shot and spherical case, our
gunners taking them for foes. Vivian sent an officer to correct
the error.</p>

<p>The 10th hussars, on getting into line, charged and defeated
the cavalry in their front. The 2d Germans charged upon
the right of the 10th. Vivian now rode to the 18th, who were
near the two squares of the old guard which had been left in
reserve; they had cavalry and guns on each flank and
between them.</p>

<p>The 18th was in line, and as steady as if exercising on
Hounslow heath. On reaching its front, Vivian said, “Eighteenth,
you will follow me;” on which the sergeant-major
(Jeffs,) afterwards adjutant of the 7th hussars, and many of
the men, coarsely but fiercely exclaimed with an oath, “Ay,
general, anywhere you choose to lead us.” The charge was
ordered, and in an instant an attack was made on the cavalry<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span>
and guns. Colonel Murray, commanding the 18th, in making
this charge, leaped his horse over the traces between the
wheelers and leaders of a French gun which was dashing
across his front in order to escape. The hussars were upon
the artillery, slaughtering the drivers and gunners and securing
the guns: these destructive engines being silenced, and
the sting taken out of their cavalry, our infantry had full
scope to act.</p>

<p>In returning from this charge, Vivian found major Howard,
with a small body of the 10th, near a French square, from
whose fire he was rapidly losing his men. At this moment
a fine and gallant soldier, lieutenant Gunning, fell. Vivian
observed to Howard, “We have one of two things to do,
either to retire a little out of the fire, or to attack;” and
seeing some red-coated infantry approaching, who threw out
a scattering fire upon the enemy’s square, almost as destructive
to friends as to foes, Vivian ordered the charge and accompanied
it. The men galloped up to the bayonets of the
Imperial guard, and a fierce and bloody conflict ensued.
Major Howard was shot by a musket-ball, and fell upon the
enemy’s bayonets;</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent7">“And he was of the bravest, and when shower’d</div>
    <div class="verse indent7">The death-bolts deadliest the thinn’d files along,</div>
    <div class="verse indent7">E’en where the thickest of war’s tempest lower’d,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">They reach’d no nobler breast than thine, young gallant Howard!”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>The red-coated infantry were colonel Halkett’s Osnabruckers,
who shortly before had captured general Cambronne of
the Imperial guard<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a>, and a battery. Adam’s brigade had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span>
followed the broken columns of the French guards and Donzelot’s
into the valley in advance of the orchard of La Haye-Sainte;
but now there was something of more importance on
the right of the Genappe road that required their attention;
this was three squares of the enemy flanked on their right by
cuirassiers: they were the remains of the first attacking column
of the Imperial guard, who had been rallied by Napoleon and
posted here to cover the retreat. The Duke galloped into the
valley to Adam’s brigade, and ordered Sir John Colborne to
attack the rallied force of the Imperial guard, saying, “They
won’t stand. Go on, Colborne, go on.”</p>

<p>Lord Uxbridge, after having displayed the most brilliant
acts of heroism during this sanguinary and arduous day, was
about to join Vivian’s hussars, when a grape-shot wounded
his right leg, which rendered amputation necessary: the command
of the allied cavalry consequently devolved on general
Vandeleur, and that of his brigade on colonel Sleigh, (11th light
dragoons).</p>

<p>Adam’s brigade pressed gallantly up the slope towards the
three squares and the cuirassiers; the former opened a heavy
fire from both front and flanks. The Duke was still in rear
of the 52d. Sir Colin Campbell, finding the shot fly thick
about the Duke, said, “Your Grace, this is no place for you;
I wish you would move a little;” to which the Duke replied
“So I will, when those fellows are driven off.”</p>

<p>As our line approached, the French squares went about by
command; the Duke then galloped forward on the right of
Adam’s brigade, which was now about to cross the Genappe
road. The cuirassiers accompanying the squares came down
the road in a menacing attitude, as if to charge; but as no
time was to be lost, the brigade lowered their bayonets, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span>
in their four-deep line pressed on; but the cuirassiers declined
the combat.</p>

<p>An incident occurred just at this time, relative to the Duke,
which deserves to be noticed, as showing the great watchfulness
which he at all times exercised.</p>

<p>Adam, who was now in the valley between the two ridges
of the French position, and on the allied left of the Genappe
road near La Belle-Alliance, not being able to see at any
distance to his right, nor aware of Vivian’s advance, was apprehensive
that an attack might possibly be made upon his
right flank, which by his movement had become exposed: he
therefore desired his brigade-major to proceed, and ascertain
whether there were any danger. In performing this duty, the
major fell in with the Duke, who was riding at a smart pace,
followed by only one individual, whom major Blair addressed
but he was immediately interrupted by the remark, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monsieur,
je ne parle pas un seul mot d’anglais</i>.” (“Sir, I cannot
speak a word of English.”) The major then stated to him in
French the object he was pursuing; and was answered, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le
Duc lui-même a été voir, il n’y a rien à craindre</i>.” (“The
Duke has, himself, been to see, there is nothing to fear.”)
Upon this the major hastened back with the satisfactory
communication.</p>

<p>About a hundred yards on the allied left of La Belle-Alliance,
the road running towards Plancenoit becomes a
complete hollow-way, out of which a broken column of French
infantry was in the act of debouching with some guns, and
making a hasty retreat, when the 52d regiment in its advance
came right upon them. The infantry tried to escape, and at
the same time to defend themselves as best they could. The
artillery turned to their left and attempted to get up the bank,
but their horses were immediately shot down by the 52d.
A young officer of the battery surrendered; but the commander,
a veteran who wore upon his breast the decoration of
the Legion of honour, stood, sword in hand, in the midst of
his guns, and in an attitude of bold defiance. A soldier started
from the 52d ranks and made a thrust at him, which the officer
parried; a scuffle ensued, the man closed with him, threw
him on the ground, and keeping him down with his foot, reversed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span>
his musket to bayonet him. The repugnance to the
shedding of human blood unnecessarily<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a>, (a feeling which we
may proudly claim as belonging to British soldiers,) burst
forth in a groan of displeasure from his comrades. It came
too late; the fatal thrust had passed, and the life of the
deserving member of the honoured Legion was extinct. The
battery and many prisoners were captured. The brigade,
pressing on in pursuit of the squares, got upon the highest
point of ground of the French position, and in the line of fire
from the Prussian batteries<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a>: the Duke sent to Bulow to stop
the fire. The 71st, on the right, captured a battery, and one
of the guns, being loaded, was turned round and fired into the
retreating foe by captain Campbell of the 71st, aide-de-camp
to general Adam. It is supposed that this was the last French
gun, fired on that memorable day. Soon after, the squares,
followed by Adam, halted near the farm of Rossomme, threw
away their knapsacks and accoutrements, the better to expedite
their flight, and being thus lightened, they disappeared
in the twilight.</p>

<p>About the time that Howard was killed, Vandeleur’s brigade
was spanking along under the east hedge of Hougoumont;
and overtaking some of the flying enemy between the Hougoumont
enclosures and Rossomme, they made some charges
and captured a great number of the enemy.</p>

<p>As soon as a part of Zieten’s corps had joined our left, Blücher
ordered the battery to open fire, the infantry to descend
into the valley of Smohain, and in conjunction with the troops
of Nassau to attack the French, who had been reinforced in
order to prevent a junction between Bulow’s corps and the
allied left.</p>

<p>Zieten’s advance infantry pushed down into the valley,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span>
where some shots were exchanged by mistake between them
and the Nassau troops: the mistake was soon rectified, and
both bodies united advanced, and dislodged the French from
the houses in the valley of Smohain, and the farms of La
Haye and Papelotte. It was about eight o’clock, when
Zieten’s advance cavalry drew up on our left, and an infantry
brigade and the reserve cavalry of general Pirch’s (second)
corps joined Bulow, and in conjunction made the following
dispositions for the third attack upon Plancenoit:</p>

<p>General Ryssel’s and colonel Hiller’s infantry brigades of
the 4th corps under general count Bulow, and general Tippelskircher’s
brigade of general Pirch’s (second) corps, formed
in columns of battalions; on the left was a regiment of prince
William’s reserve, and two battalions of infantry with their
skirmishers in front; and three cavalry regiments, part of
prince William’s, were in rear of the above brigades.</p>

<p>In rear of this cavalry was general Krafft’s infantry brigade
of the 2d corps in reserve; and on the right of the infantry
brigades were three lines of cavalry, under general Jurgass;
and upon their right, and advancing simultaneously with the
attack upon Plancenoit, were Hack’s and Losthin’s infantry
brigades of the 4th corps; in their rear were three battalions,
part of Hack’s brigade. On the right of those brigades was
a small force of cavalry, part of prince William’s, and upon
their right were four battalion columns, part of general Steinmetz’s
brigade of general Zieten’s (first) corps. Upon the
ridge on the allied left, was part of general Röder’s cavalry
that had just reached the field, and whose battery opened fire
in place of one belonging to the allies that had expended all
its ammunition. A few battalions were detached to the left
of Plancenoit, to secure the flank, and, if possible, to turn
the enemy’s right. The whole Prussian force was preceded
by skirmishers, and their batteries were most advantageously
placed upon the heights.</p>

<p>A squadron of Prussian cavalry beat back a company of
the Imperial guard from the farm of Chantilly, above Plancenoit.
The latter retired upon the wood at the farm of
Caillou, closely pursued by the hostile cavalry, which was
beaten off by the Imperial baggage guard. The Prussian dragoons<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span>
soon returned in such force, that the Emperor’s suite,
with bag and baggage, made a hasty flight towards Genappe.</p>

<p>Whilst Blücher’s army stood as stated, Wellington had
defeated both the attacking columns of the Imperial guard;
and Adam’s brigade was driving them and Donzelot’s division,
that had broken and mixed with them, across the field,
toward the Genappe high-road. Vivian’s brigade and the
2d German light dragoons were setting forward at a long trot
towards the French reserves, drawn up between La Belle-Alliance
and Hougoumont.</p>

<p>The whole allied line was now advancing, flanked on the
left by Prussian cavalry. The enemy showed little resistance
to any part of it. As Hepburn issued from the orchard of
Hougoumont into the open fields, the enemy went off, scarcely
firing a single shot. Those in the wood made a little resistance,
until they saw that all their army was in full flight. The
cavalry on the French left went off in order, skirmishers
out covering their retreat. Bachelu’s and Foy’s divisions
moved off, on witnessing the defeat of the second column of the
Imperial guard: on seeing this, the troops holding La Haye-Sainte
abandoned it. Alix’s, occupying the sand-pit and
knoll, gave way on the advance of Lambert; and Marcognet
yielded and broke before the advance of Pack and Kempt.
Durutte’s division broke before Zieten’s and the duke of
Saxe-Weimar’s advance. De Lobau, on seeing the troops on
his left giving way, together with the flight of the Imperial
guard, followed by British troops whom he perceived in his
rear, as well as the now vigorous attack of Bulow, and the
probability of his being cut off from all retreat with his whole
corps, rushed into the stream of fugitives, that had set in
towards Rossomme and Genappe.</p>

<p>During this time Plancenoit had been the scene of a most
dreadful struggle: the French in the churchyard held out,
and the Prussians, finding it of no avail to continue the attack
in front, turned the village on both flanks, driving the Imperial
guard before them; the latter, finding that they should
be cut off from all retreat, fell into disorder, and mixed
with the general mass of fugitives, who were flying in all
directions towards Rossomme and La Maison-du-Roi, followed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span>
by the Prussians, who made a dash at the eagle of the Imperial
guard. General Pelet called out, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">A moi, chasseurs!
sauvons l’aigle, ou mourons autour d’elle!</i>” (“Rally round
me, chasseurs! let us save the eagle, or die protecting it!”)
Upon this they formed square, and saved the eagle and the
honour of the regiment<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a>.</p>

<p>About nine o’clock, Napoleon threw himself, with a few of
his staff, into a square of the 2d chasseurs of the old guard,
that had been under Cambronne; but upon the approach of
our cavalry he galloped away. Wellington, with our advance
brigades, reached the farm of Rossomme, between
which and La Belle-Alliance some Prussian cavalry and our
18th exchanged blows, and some lives were lost. The 11th
light dragoons and 1st German hussars were also nearly
coming in contact with each other, owing to the dimness of
the twilight.</p>

<p>An arrangement had been previously made by Wellington
and Blücher, that the allied army should halt here, and that
the Prussians should pursue and harass the routed enemy.
The Duke was now, with all his advance, a little beyond
Rossomme, upon a particular knoll with a gap where the
Charleroi road cuts through it, which can be distinctly seen
from most parts of the right of the allied position.</p>

<p>As the Prussians passed us, (for I had the honour and good
fortune to be an actor in this scene,) I heard their bands play,
“God save the King!” which soul-stirring compliment we
returned by hearty cheers. In the pursuit of the enemy from
Rossomme to Genappe, the Prussian lance and sabre were
busy in the work of death. Many a brave soldier, that had
escaped the bloody field, fell that night beneath the deadly
steel. In vain did the French make a feeble effort to check
the Prussians at Genappe, by barricading its long and narrow
street with their remaining guns and tumbrels. So
entirely had their defeat destroyed their discipline, that the
Prussians, by the first sound of the trumpet, beat of drum, or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span>
their wild hurrah, overcame every obstacle, and, pressing on,
they captured sixty pieces of cannon.</p>

<p>The Duke, after clearing the high-road and its left of the
allied troops, in order to give full scope to the advancing Prussians,
to whom he relinquished the further pursuit of the flying
enemy, remained for some time with his advanced troops on
the right of Rossomme in conversation with general Vivian,
colonel Colborne and others; after which, promising to send
the provisions up, his Grace turned his horse round and rode
away. On returning leisurely towards Waterloo, about ten
o’clock, at a short distance before reaching La Belle-Alliance,
he, aided by a clouded moon, descried a group of mounted
officers making towards the Genappe high-road from the
direction of Frischermont; the Duke turned off to meet them:
it proved to be Blücher and his staff; they most heartily
congratulated each other on the glorious result of the contest
in which they had been so intensely engaged. The conference
lasted about ten minutes, when the veteran Blücher, promising
to leave his inveterate foe no rallying time on this side of the
frontier, shook hands with his Grace and proceeded to Genappe,
sending forward to general Gneisenau, who led his
advance-guard, orders to press and harass the enemy, and not
suffer the grass to grow under their feet, or even allow them
to take breath. Bulow’s corps, which led the pursuit, was
supported by Zieten’s. Pirch’s corps received orders to turn
round and strike across the country, and, if possible, to cut
off marshal Grouchy’s retreat.</p>

<p>Our gallant chief returned over the field to Waterloo, and
before reaching La Haye-Sainte was obliged to quit the high-road,
on account of its being completely blocked up with guns
and tumbrels, many of which were upset and lying topsy
turvy; whilst the frequent snort and start of the horses told but
too clearly that the ground they trod was studded and strewed
with the slain. His Grace, on regaining the high-road, was
so affected by the cries of the wounded and moans of the dying,
as to shed tears, and on his way did not exchange a word with
any of his suite, composed only of five persons, one of whom,
the late sir Colin Campbell, was armed with a cuirassier’s sword.
The Duke was sombre and dejected, as well he might be: grim<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span>
Death had been busy, and had had a regular gala-day amongst
his Grace’s old and well-tried friends, who had followed him
in distant climes, and through many an arduous and hard-fought
field. The Duke, on this occasion, might have exclaimed
with Pyrrhus, “Such another victory, and we are
undone!” We may readily believe, that in writing the next
day to the duke of Beaufort and the earl of Aberdeen, his
Grace only yielded to the genuine dictates of his heart, when
he expressed in these, as well as other letters, “The losses
I have sustained, have quite broken me down; and I have no
feeling for the advantages we have acquired<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a>.”</p>

<p>Napoleon, after quitting the square, which was about midway
between La Belle-Alliance and the farm of Rossomme,
rode on our right of the road for some distance, escorted by
the gallant remains of the horse-grenadiers of the guard, the
only force in the whole French army that now retained the
least semblance of order. But finding the ground very heavy,
he crossed the road at La Maison-du-Roi, and rode along a
cross-road which was also in a very bad state: he then made
for the high-road again, passed Genappe, and arrived at
Quatre-Bras about eleven o’clock; thence he proceeded to
Charleroi.</p>

<p>The remains of the allied army bivacked on what had
been the French position. The 52d, 71st, and 2d and 3d battalions
of the 95th, halted on the ground that had been occupied
by the Imperial guard in reserve, near the farm of
Rossomme. The remains of my regiment, with Vivian’s
brigade, went to the vicinity of the farm of Hulencourt: I
accompanied general Vivian and colonel sir E. Kerrison to the
farm, acting as orderly, and still mounted on the cuirassier’s
horse.</p>

<p>Thus closed upon us the glorious 18th of June. Fatigue
and extreme exhaustion, following such exertions and such
excitement as had been our lot that day, left us little power
to reflect either upon the completeness of our own triumph, or
the extent of the disasters that overtook the remains of our
vanquished foes. These fled in utter and hopeless disorder<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span>
before the Prussians, who dashed into the pursuit, and continued
the work of slaughter with a ferocious and avenging
spirit, which the conduct of the French two days before had
provoked.</p>

<p>Had however the enemy’s cavalry been husbanded, the
headlong rush of the victors might have been sufficiently
checked, to have allowed the French army to retreat in something
like order. But the wreck of that fine army fled, or
rather was driven from the long-disputed field, in the wildest
disorder and confusion.</p>

<p>More important or decisive events than those which so
quickly succeeded each other from the 15th to the 18th of
June, never before graced the pages of history. Never did
the events of a few days produce such important consequences.</p>

<p>We, the conquerors of Waterloo, and many of us certainly
never expected so glorious a termination to the battle, were
glad to lie down among the dead and dying, and snatch a few
hours of necessary repose:</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“Piled high as autumn shocks, there lay</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The ghastly harvest of the fray,</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">The corpses of the slain.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>The battle might be described as having been a succession
of assaults, sustained with unabated fury, and often with a
boldness and effect that much perplexed our troops and put
their firmness to the test. Every renewed attack diminished
our numbers, and still the survivors yielded not an inch of
ground, and, even without orders, made good the gaps. No
other troops in the world would have endured, for so long
a period, so terrible a struggle. Our Imperial antagonist admitted
that we went through and stood to our work, unlike
any troops he had ever seen before and the fact is well authenticated,
that Napoleon repeatedly complimented us on our
incomparable steadiness and forbearance. But this is not to
be wondered at, when our chief, he who had so often directed
our energy, affirmed that he had “never seen the British
infantry behave so well.” Our glorious contest had been
maintained against the most renowned legions of Europe, who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span>
had never before shown such uninterrupted audacity and intrepidity.
They were led by generals of undoubted skill and
gallantry, who with their brave troops had won laurels in
many a hard-fought battle, and who believed themselves to be,
what their ambitious chief had so often declared, invincible,
and as such they were still regarded by most of the continental
nations. At Waterloo we had to contend against soldiers of
undaunted spirit, full of enthusiasm and careless of life. Never
did these heroic men, grown grey in victories, better sustain
their reputation than on this occasion. The French are a brave
people, and no troops in the world surpass, if any equal them,
for impetuosity of attack; but many men will stand fire and
face distant danger, and yet shrink from the struggle when
closing in desperate grasp with an enemy. It is not bravery
alone which decides the battle, calmness is often absolutely
necessary, and in this, the most valiant are at times found
wanting. Never did a battle require more cool and determined
courage than that of Waterloo. Nothing can be more
trying to troops than passive endurance of offence; nothing
so intolerable as to be incessantly assailed, and not permitted
in turn to become assailants. A desperate struggle in a well-contested
battle field, differs greatly from acting on the defensive,
from holding a position, or from being attacked and not
allowed to return the aggression of an enemy. There is an
excited feeling when assailing, which stimulates even the
weak-hearted, and drowns the thought of danger. The tumultuous
enthusiasm of the assault spreads from man to man,
and timid spirits catch a gallant frenzy from the brave.</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_136" style="max-width: 12.625em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_136.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> My gallant friend and companion in arms the general<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> who, on all
occasions, from my attending him as orderly, at the close of the day of Waterloo,
until his death, so kindly took me by the hand, thought that what
had occurred at Marengo, (when Kellermann’s cavalry charged the advancing
columns of Austrian grenadiers, and Desaix with a small force attacked their
front and snatched a victory which the Austrians considered they had previously
gained,) might probably take place at Waterloo, and was therefore
most anxious to drive the enemy’s cavalry off, and prevent a like occurrence.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> <em>See</em> general Vivian’s letter, Appendix, <a href="#Page_274">No. VII, p. 274</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> It was Halkett himself who marked out Cambronne, and having ridden
forward at full gallop, was on the point of cutting down the French general,
when the latter cried out for quarter and received it. This fact does not well
agree with the words popularly ascribed to Cambronne, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La garde meurt, et
ne se rend pas</i>.” After having surrendered, Cambronne tried to escape from
Halkett, whose horse fell wounded to the ground. But in a few seconds Halkett
overtook his prisoner, and seizing him by the aiguillette, hurried him to
the Osnabruckers, and sent him in charge of a sergeant to the duke of Wellington.
Cambronne was subsequently sent to Ostend, with count de Lobau
and other prisoners. It was only the old guard that wore the aiguillette.</p>

<p>The words ascribed to Cambronne, “The guard dies, it never surrenders,”
of which we see such numbers of engraving, and which illustrates so many
pocket handkerchiefs, and ornaments so much of their crockery, etc., have,
notwithstanding they were never uttered, made a fortune: all French historians
repeat them. I am in possession of a letter, written to me by a friend of Cambronne’s,
and who asked the general, whether it was true that he had uttered
the words in question; the reply was, I quote Mr. E. S. Dickson’s own words,
“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Monsieur, on m’a débité cette réponse</i>.” (“The answer has been placed to
my account.”)</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> It is notorious, that in the bosom of the truly brave, a spark of humanity
is always smouldering, even when the ferocity of war rouses the savage passions
to the greatest fury. The case above, that of major Toole, 32d regiment,
(<a href="#Page_57">page 57</a>,) that of general Pelet, (page 132, note,) together with the anecdote
of the French skirmisher with lieutenant-colonel F. Ponsomby, (Appendix,
<a href="#Note_VI">No. VI</a>,) prove the difficulty of making brave men hate each other.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> Good proof, were it wanting, who first drove the French back, and led
the van in pursuit.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> Let it be recorded to general Pelet’s credit, that he prevented the butchery
of some Prussian prisoners, whom their captors, in their fruitless rage, were
eager to sacrifice.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Page_216">No. II, p. 216</a>; or <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, p. 488-489.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Morning after the battle.—Extraordinary and distressing appearance of the
field.—Solicitude for the wounded.—The Duke goes back to Brussels to
consult the authorities and soothe the extreme excitement.—Humane
conduct of all classes towards the wounded.—The allied army proceeds to
Nivelles; joined by our detached force.—His Grace issues a general order.—Overtakes
the army. On the 21st we cross the frontier into France.—Proclamation
to the French people.—Napoleon abdicates in favour of his son.—Cambray
and Péronne taken.—Narrow escape of the Duke.—Grouchy
retreats upon Paris, closely pursued by the Prussians.—The British and
Prussian armies arrive before Paris.—Combat of Issy.—Military convention.—The
allies enter the capital on the 7th of July.—Louis XVIII
enters next day.—Napoleon surrenders at sea, July 15th.—He is exiled
to St.-Helena, where he dies in 1821.—Reflections.</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 noindent">On our awaking next morning, each of us must have experienced
something like astonishment, not unmingled, I hope,
with feelings of gratitude, that amidst such carnage as he had
witnessed, his life and strength were still spared, to fight
again, if need should be, the battles of his country. We knew
we had beaten the French, and that too, completely; for our
last charge had succeeded at every point. But they were not
defeated because they were deficient either in bravery or
discipline. Their bearing throughout the day was that of
gallant soldiers: their attacks were conducted with a chivalric
impetuosity and admirably sustained vigour, which left no
shadow of doubt upon our minds of their entire devotedness to
the cause of Napoleon, of their expectation of victory, and the
determination of many of them not to survive defeat. The
best and bravest of them fell; but not till they had inflicted
almost equal loss upon their conquerors. To deny them the
tribute of respect and admiration which their bravery and
misfortunes claim, would tarnish the lustre of our martial
glory. The British soldier is content with victory: he abhors
insult and cruelty; he has a pleasure in being just and generous<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span>
to a fallen foe. That the French in their flight from
Waterloo were unnecessarily butchered during many hours by
the exasperated Prussians, is a fact, which I can more easily
explain than justify.</p>

<p>The field of battle, after the victory, presented a frightful
and most distressing spectacle. It appeared as if the whole
military world had been collected together, and that something
beyond human strength and ingenuity had been employed to
cause its destruction. Solicitude for the wounded prompted
the Duke to ride back to Brussels immediately after the sanguinary
contest. The assistance of the town authorities was
requested, in collecting and removing the wounded from the
field, burying the dead, etc., as well as to restore confidence
amongst the population, and allay the extreme excitement
which prevailed throughout Belgium. Right nobly did the
inhabitants of Brussels respond to his appeal. The clergy, as
might have been expected, were foremost in their exertions to
relieve the dreadful agonies of so many gallant and innocent
sufferers: the highest in rank rivalled the hardier classes in
performing the most trying offices for the mangled heroes that
filled the hospitals, and encumbered even many private dwellings.
Ladies, of the honoured names of Mérode and Robiano
set an illustrious example, by their presence on the field the
morning after the battle; the scene of carnage, so revolting to
their delicate and tender nature, stimulating, instead of preventing,
their humane exertions. Many other ladies, like
ministering angels, shared in this work of mercy to the
wounded, of whatever nation they might be, or in whatever
cause they had fallen<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a>.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span></p>

<p>The allied army proceeded on the 19th to Nivelles, (a most
wonderful military exploit after such a desperate battle,) where
it was joined by the detached force under prince Frederick
and general sir Charles Colville. His Grace overtook us on
the 21st, on which day we entered France. On the day
previous to the allied army entering the country, the Duke
issued the following</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="center">GENERAL ORDER.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Nivelles</span>, June 20th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“1. As the army is about to enter the French territory, the
troops of the nations which are at present under the command
of field-marshal the duke of Wellington, are desired to recollect
that their respective sovereigns are the allies of his Majesty
the king of France, and that France ought, therefore, to
be treated as a friendly country. It is therefore required that
nothing should be taken either by officers or soldiers, for
which payment be not made....</p>

<p>“2. The Field-Marshal takes this opportunity of returning
to the army his thanks for their conduct in the glorious action
fought on the 18th inst., and he will not fail to report his sense
of their conduct, in the terms which it deserves, to their
several sovereigns.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>The Duke’s head-quarters on the 21st were at Malplaquet,
the scene of one of the great Marlborough’s victories, in 1709.
He immediately issued a proclamation to the French people,
which exemplifies the wisdom, firmness and moderation that
ever marked the career of our illustrious commander. He
worthily represented a brave, victorious, but humane people,
the inhabitants of the British empire.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="center">PROCLAMATION.</p>

<p>“Be it known to the French people, that I enter their
country at the head of a victorious army, not as an enemy,
(excepting to the usurper, the declared enemy of the human
race, with whom we can have neither peace nor truce,) but to
assist them to throw off the iron yoke by which thy have
been borne down.</p>

<p>“For this purpose I have issued the accompanying orders
to my army; let all who shall infringe those orders be reported
to me.</p>

<p>“The French people, however, must be aware that I have
a right to require them so to conduct themselves, that I may
be warranted in protecting them from all aggression.</p>

<p>“They will therefore provide whatever shall be demanded
of them by persons duly authorized, receiving in exchange
receipts in proper form and order: they will remain peaceably
in their dwellings, and will hold no correspondence nor communication
with the usurper or his adherents.</p>

<p>“All persons abandoning their homes after our entry into
France, or absenting themselves in order to serve the usurper,
shall be looked upon as his partisans and our enemies; and
their property shall be confiscated and applied to the maintenance
of the troops<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a>.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“Given at head-quarters, <span class="smcap">Malplaquet</span>,<br>
<span class="pad4">“June 22d, 1815.”</span></p>
</div>

<p>Whilst the Duke was addressing this language to the
French people, the fallen usurper, having awakened from his
short dream of empire and spoliation, made a last but fruitless
effort to continue to delude his discomfited partisans. On the
very same day that Wellington’s proclamation went forth
from Malplaquet, Napoleon issued the following declaration:</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Palace of the Élysée</span>,<br>
<span class="padr2">June 22d, 1815.</span><br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“FRENCH PEOPLE!</p>

<p>“In commencing hostilities to uphold your national independance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span>
I relied upon the combined efforts and good will
of all classes, as well as the cooperation of all official persons
in the country. Hence sprang my hopes of success, and willingness
to set at defiance all the proclamations of the powers
against me.</p>

<p>“Circumstances appear to me to be altered. I tender
myself in sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France.
May they be sincere in their declarations! May their hostility
really aim at nothing but me personally!</p>

<p>“My political life is at an end; and I proclaim my son,
under the name of Napoleon the Second, Emperor of the
French.</p>

<p>“The present ministers will constitute provisionally the
council of state.</p>

<p>“My interest in my son’s well-being leads me to invite the
Chambers to proceed without delay to provide a regency by
an enactment for this purpose.</p>

<p>“Make united efforts to preserve the public peace and your
national independence.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Napoleon.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>This production neither aroused the French to make fresh
sacrifices for his sake, nor stayed the victorious march of the
allies upon Paris.</p>

<p>On the 24th of June we took Cambray, which was given
up on the following day to Louis XVIII. This was the last
occasion on which I saw a shot fired in a hostile manner.</p>

<p>Our first brigade of guards took Péronne on the 26th. The
Duke on this occasion had a narrow escape. After directing
his staff to get under shelter in the ditch of an outwork, he
posted himself in a sally-port of the glacis. A staff officer,
having a communication to make to his Grace, came suddenly
upon him and drew the attention of the enemy, who
treacherously discharged a howitzer loaded with grape at the
point; it shattered the wall against which the Duke was
standing, and made (to use the words of one who saw him
immediately afterwards,) “his blue coat completely <em>red</em>.”</p>

<p>Meanwhile Grouchy, who was at Wavre, having heard of
the utter failure of his Imperial master at Waterloo, commenced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span>
a retreat on Paris, vigorously followed by the two
Prussian corps under Thielmann and Pirch. During this
retreat, Grouchy displayed more skill, energy and decision,
than in his pursuit of the Prussians, on the 17th and 18th.</p>

<p>The Prussians, who were on our left, had several sharp
engagements with the enemy during their advance upon Paris;
and both armies reached the environs of the capital on the
1st of July. Hostilities ceased, and a military convention was
signed in the evening of the 3d. On the morning of this day
Zieten’s corps had a sharp action, in which they were victors,
at Issy near Paris.</p>

<p>The campaign thus, by a singular coincidence, was brought
to a close by the same troops that opened it. The allied and
Prussian armies entered Paris on the 7th of July, and were
followed next day by Louis XVIII. Before the end of the
month, the armies of Europe congregated in and round Paris,
amounted nearly to the enormous number of a million of men
in arms.</p>

<p>Napoleon, in the mean time, had left the capital. The
Emperor surrendered at sea, on the 15th of July<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a>, to captain
Maitland, of the Bellerophon. By a decree of the allied
powers, he was sent to St.-Helena, where he died May 5th,
1821.</p>

<p>Since these events, more than thirty years have passed over
us; and peace between the two greatest nations of the globe,
England and France, has been uninterruptedly maintained.
Long may it continue, to the honour of those whose blood and
valour purchased it, and to the lasting happiness of the civilized
world! It was the prospect of securing this immense
benefit to mankind that united all European nations against
the ambition of Napoleon, and that afforded the best comfort
under the distressing sacrifices made to ensure his overthrow.
Perhaps no people benefitted by his fall so much as the French
themselves: his triumphs (often great in a military point of
view,) left nothing in their hands, whilst they filled every
family in France with mourning. The conscription was a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span>
more searching tyranny than civilized men had ever before
endured; and all this blood flowed in vain. Our Gallic neighbours
have sometimes mistaken the tone of triumph in which
we speak of the downfall of Napoleon, and have regarded it as
insulting to them: nothing is farther from the mind and heart
of the British soldier, who is always ready to acknowledge
their military excellence.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="i_b_143" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/i_b_143.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; image of a soldier)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> A number of poor fellows who were carried to the houses of the neighbouring
villages, met with the most humane treatment: many there breathed their
last, under circumstances somewhat less appalling than on the battle field.
There still lives at Waterloo a most respectable old lady, at whose house several
of our officers were quartered before the battle. Madame Boucqueau
(the lady in question) saw these gallant men go forth in the morning; they
did not all return at the close of the day. She remembers well that an officer,
who appeared to her to hold superior rank, came back to her house in the
evening, and said to her exultingly, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Me voici encore, madame; c’est fini:
ils sont à nous</i>.” (“Here I am again; it is over: we have won the day.”)
The worthy dame has in her possession a silver cup, presented to her late
husband by British gratitude. As it does honour to all parties concerned, and
is a sample, no doubt, of many an interchange of kindly feelings amidst the
horrors of war, I have great pleasure in recording here the inscription which is
on this cup:</p>

<p>“A small mark of grateful respect from Colonel Sir W. Robe, of the British
Royal Artillery, knight commander of the Bath, and knight of the Tower and
Sword: To Sieur Maximilian Boucqueau, of Waterloo, for kindness in the
last moments, and attention to the remains of a beloved son, Lieutenant
W. L. Robe, of the British horse artillery, who nobly fell at Waterloo.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> <em>See</em> the original in French, in <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, vol. XII, p. 494-495.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> Those curious of historical coincidences will observe that Napoleon opened
the campaign on the 15th of June.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>English, Prussian and French official accounts of the battle.—Marshal
Grouchy’s report of the battle of Wavre.—Returns of the different armies.—Position
of the allied artillery.—Artillery, etc., taken at Waterloo.—Questions
connected with the campaign: Wellington’s position at Waterloo.—Opinion
of general Jomini.—The Duke’s plans and expectations.—His
letter to lord Castlereagh.—Resolution of the allied powers, on
receiving the intelligence of Napoleon’s flight from Elba.—Wellington’s
letter to general Kleist.—The Duke’s decision.—His anticipations.—Obstacles
which his Grace met with.—Conduct of the Saxon troops.—Blücher
forced by them to quit Liège.—Wellington’s resolution concerning
these troops.</p>
</div>


<h3>OFFICIAL ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.</h3>

<p class="noindent">The dispatch of the duke of Wellington, written immediately
after the battle, cannot fail to interest every one. It is a
document which has fixed the attention of statesmen and
soldiers, not more on account of the importance of the event
it describes, than for the noble simplicity, perfect calmness and
exemplary modesty which characterize the great man who
penned it: it stands in honourable contrast with the hurried,
inflated, untrue accounts of military achievements not unfrequently
given by commanders of no small renown.</p>

<p class="center">(<em>London Gazette extraordinary.</em>)</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Downing-street</span>, June 22d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“Major the Hon. H. Percy arrived late last night with a
dispatch from field-marshal the duke of Wellington, K.G., to
Earl Bathurst, his Majesty’s principal secretary of state for
the war department, of which the following is a copy:</p>
</div>


<p class="center"><em>To Earl Bathurst.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Waterloo</span>, June 19th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY LORD</span>,</p>

<p>“Bonaparte, having collected the 1st, 2d, 3d, 4th, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span>
6th corps of the French army, and the Imperial guard, and
nearly all the cavalry, on the Sambre, and between that river
and the Meuse, between the 10th and 14th of the month,
advanced on the 15th, and attacked the Prussian posts at
Thuin and Lobbes, on the Sambre, at day-light in the
morning.</p>

<p>“I did not hear of these events till in the evening of the 15th;
and I immediately ordered the troops to prepare to march,
and afterwards to march to their left, as soon as I had intelligence
from other quarters to prove that the enemy’s movement
upon Charleroi was the real attack.</p>

<p>“The enemy drove the Prussian posts from the Sambre on
that day; and general Zieten, who commanded the corps which
had been at Charleroi, retired upon Fleurus; and marshal
prince Blücher concentrated the Prussian army upon Sombreffe,
holding the villages in front of his position of St.-Amand
and Ligny.</p>

<p>“The enemy continued his march along the road from
Charleroi towards Brussels; and, on the same evening, the 15th,
attacked a brigade of the army of the Netherlands, under the
Prince de Weimar, posted at Frasnes, and forced it back to the
farm-house, on the same road, called les Quatre-Bras.</p>

<p>“The prince of Orange immediately reinforced this brigade
with another of the same division, under general Perponcher,
and, in the morning early, regained part of the ground which
had been lost, so as to have the command of the communication
leading from Nivelles and Brussels with marshal Blücher’s
position.</p>

<p>“In the mean time, I had directed the whole army to
march upon les Quatre-Bras; and the 5th division, under
lieutenant-general sir Thomas Picton, arrived at about half-past
two in the day, followed by the corps of troops under
the duke of Brunswick, and afterwards by the contingent of
Nassau.</p>

<p>“At this time, the enemy commenced an attack upon Prince
Blücher with his whole force, excepting the 1st and 2d corps,
and a corps of cavalry under general Kellermann, with which
he attacked our post at Les Quatre-Bras.</p>

<p>“The Prussian army maintained their position with their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span>
usual gallantry and perseverance, against a great disparity of
numbers, as the 4th corps of their army, under general Bulow,
had not joined; and I was not able to assist them as I
wished, as I was attacked myself, and the troops, the cavalry
in particular, which had a long distance to march, had not
arrived.</p>

<p>“We maintained our position also, and completely defeated
and repulsed all the enemy’s attempts to get possession of it.
The enemy repeatedly attacked us with a large body of infantry
and cavalry, supported by a numerous and powerful artillery.
He made several charges with the cavalry upon our infantry,
but all were repulsed in the steadiest manner.</p>

<p>“In this affair, his Royal Highness the prince of Orange,
the Duke of Brunswick, and lieutenant-general sir Thomas
Picton, and majors-generals sir James Kempt and sir Denis
Pack, who were engaged from the commencement of the
enemy’s attack, highly distinguished themselves, as well as
lieutenant-general Charles baron Alten, major-general sir
Colin Halkett, lieutenant-general Cooke, and major-generals
Maitland and Byng, as they successively arrived. The troops
of the 5th division, and those of the Brunswick corps, were
long and severely engaged, and conducted themselves with
the utmost gallantry. I must particularly mention the 28th,
42d, 79th, and 92d regiments, and the battalion of Hanoverians.</p>

<p>“Our loss was great, as your Lordship will perceive by the
enclosed return; and I have particularly to regret his Serene
Highness the duke of Brunswick, who fell fighting gallantly
at the head of his troops.</p>

<p>“Although marshal Blücher had maintained his position at
Sombreffe, he still found himself much weakened by the severity
of the contest in which he had been engaged, and, as
the 4th corps had not arrived, he determined to fall back and
to concentrate his army upon Wavre; and he marched in the
night, after the action was over.</p>

<p>“This movement of the marshal rendered necessary a corresponding
one upon my part; and I retired from the farm of
Quatre-Bras upon Genappe, and thence upon Waterloo, the
next morning, the 17th, at ten o’clock.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span></p>

<p>“The enemy made no effort to pursue marshal Blücher.
On the contrary, a patrol which I sent to Sombreffe in the
morning found all quiet<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a>; and the enemy’s vedettes fell back
as the patrol advanced. Neither did he attempt to molest our
march to the rear, although made in the middle of the day,
excepting by following, with a large body of cavalry brought
from his right, the cavalry under the earl of Uxbridge.</p>

<p>“This gave lord Uxbridge an opportunity of charging
them with the 1st life-guards, upon their <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">débouché</i> from the
village of Genappe; upon which occasion his Lordship has
declared himself to be well satisfied with that regiment.</p>

<p>“The position which I took up in front of Waterloo crossed
the high-roads from Charleroi and Nivelles, and had its right
thrown back to a ravine near Merbe-Braine, which was occupied
and its left extended to a height above the hamlet
Ter-la-Haye, which was likewise occupied. In front of the
right centre, and near the Nivelles road, we occupied the
house and gardens of Hougoumont, which covered the return
of that flank; and in front of the left centre we occupied the
farm of La Haye-Sainte. By our left we communicated with
marshal prince Blücher at Wavre, through Ohain; and the
marshal had promised me that, in case we should be attacked,
he would support me with one or more corps, as might be
necessary.</p>

<p>“The enemy collected his army, with the exception of the
3d corps, which had been sent to observe marshal Blücher, on
a range of heights in our front, in the course of the night of
the 17th and yesterday morning; and at about ten o’clock he
commenced a furious attack upon our post at Hougoumont.
I had occupied that post with a detachment from general
Byng’s brigade of guards, which was in position in its rear; and
it was for some time under the command of lieutenant-colonel
Macdonell, and afterwards of colonel Home; and I am happy
to add, that it was maintained throughout the day with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span>
utmost gallantry by these brave troops, notwithstanding the
repeated efforts of large bodies of the enemy to obtain possession
of it.</p>

<p>“The attack upon the right of our centre was accompanied
by a very heavy cannonade upon our whole line, which was
destined to support the repeated attacks of cavalry and infantry,
occasionally mixed, but sometimes separate, which
were made upon it. In one of these the enemy carried the
farm-house of La Haye-Sainte, as the detachment of the light
battalion of the German legion, which occupied it, had expended
all its ammunition; and the enemy occupied the only
communication there was with them.</p>

<p>“The enemy repeatedly charged our infantry with his cavalry,
but these attacks were uniformly unsuccessful; and
they afforded opportunities to our cavalry to charge, in one
of which lord Edward Somerset’s brigade, consisting of the
life-guards, the Royal horse-guards and 1st dragoon guards,
highly distinguished themselves, as did that of major-general
sir William Ponsonby, having taken many prisoners and an
eagle.</p>

<p>“These attacks were repeated till about seven in the evening,
when the enemy made a desperate effort with cavalry
and infantry, supported by the fire of artillery, to force our
left centre, near the farm of La Haye-Sainte, which, after a
severe contest, was defeated; and, having observed that the
troops retired from this attack in great confusion, and that the
march of general Bulow’s corps, by Frischermont, upon Plancenoit
and La Belle-Alliance, had begun to take effect, and
as I could perceive the fire of his cannon, and as marshal
prince Blücher had joined in person with a corps of his army
to the left of our line by Ohain, I determined to attack the
enemy, and immediately advanced the whole line of infantry,
supported by the cavalry and artillery. The attack succeeded
in every point: the enemy was forced from his positions on
the heights, and fled in the utmost confusion, leaving behind
him, as far as I could judge, a hundred and fifty pieces of
cannon, with their ammunition, which fell into our hands.</p>

<p>“I continued the pursuit till long after dark, and then
discontinued it only on account of the fatigue of our troops,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span>
who had been engaged during twelve hours, and because I
found myself on the same road with marshal Blücher, who
assured me of his intention to follow the enemy throughout
the night. He has sent me word this morning that he had
taken sixty pieces of cannon belonging to the Imperial guard,
and several carriages, baggage, etc., belonging to Bonaparte,
in Genappe.</p>

<p>“I propose to move this morning upon Nivelles, and not to
discontinue my operations.</p>

<p>“Your Lordship will observe that such a desperate action
could not be fought, and such advantages could not be gained,
without great loss; and I am sorry to add that ours has been
immense. In lieutenant-general sir Thomas Picton his Majesty
has sustained the loss of an officer who has frequently
distinguished himself in his service; and he fell gloriously
leading his division to a charge with bayonets, by which one
of the most serious attacks made by the enemy on our position
was repulsed. The earl of Uxbridge, after having successfully
got through this arduous day, received a wound by
almost the last shot fired, which will, I am afraid, deprive his
Majesty for some time of his services.</p>

<p>“His Royal Highness the prince of Orange distinguished
himself by his gallantry and conduct till he received a wound
from a musket-ball through the shoulder, which obliged him
to quit the field.</p>

<p>“It gives me the greatest satisfaction to assure your
Lordship that the army never, upon any occasion, conducted
itself better. The division of guards, under lieutenant-general
Cooke, who is severely wounded, major-general Maitland,
and major-general Byng, set an example which was followed
by all; and there is no officer nor description of troops that
did not behave well.</p>

<p>“I must, however, particularly mention, for his Royal
Highness’s approbation, lieutenant-general sir Henry Clinton,
major-general Adam, lieutenant-general Charles baron Alten
(severely wounded), major-general sir Colin Halkett (severely
wounded), colonel Ompteda, colonel Mitchell (commanding a
brigade of the 4th division), major-generals sir James Kempt
and sir Denis Pack, major-general Lambert, major-general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span>
lord Edward Somerset, major-general sir William Ponsonby,
major-general sir Colquhoun Grant, and major-general sir
Hussey Vivian, major-general sir J. O. Vandeleur, and major-general
count Dornberg,</p>

<p>“I am also particularly indebted to general lord Hill for
his assistance and conduct upon this, as upon all former occasions.</p>

<p>“The artillery and engineer departments were conducted
much to my satisfaction, by colonel sir George Wood and
colonel Smith; and I had every reason to be satisfied with the
conduct of the adjutant-general, major-general Barnes, who
was wounded, and of the quarter-master-general colonel De
Lancey, who was killed by a cannon-shot in the middle of the
action. This officer is a serious loss to his Majesty’s service,
and to me at this moment.</p>

<p>“I was likewise much indebted to the assistance of lieutenant-colonel
lord Fitzroy Somerset, who was severely wounded
and of the officers composing my personal staff, who have
suffered severely in this action. Lieutenant-colonel the Hon.
sir Alexander Gordon, who has died of his wounds, was a most
promising officer, and is a serious loss to his Majesty’s service.</p>

<p>“General Kruse, of the Nassau service, likewise conducted
himself much to my satisfaction; as did general Tripp, commanding
the heavy brigade of cavalry, and general Vanhope,
commanding a brigade of infantry in the service of the king of
the Netherlands.</p>

<p>“General Pozzo di Borgo, general baron Vincent, general
Müffling, and general Alava, were in the field during the
action, and rendered me every assistance in their power.
Baron Vincent is wounded, but I hope not severely; and general
Pozzo di Borgo received a contusion.</p>

<p>“I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to marshal
Blücher and the Prussian army, if I did not attribute the
successful result of this arduous day to the cordial and timely
assistance I received from them. The operation of general
Bulow upon the enemy’s flank was a most decisive one; and,
even if I had not found myself in a situation to make the attack
which produced the final result, it would have forced the
enemy to retire if his attacks should have failed, and would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span>
have prevented him from taking advantage of them if they
should unfortunately have succeeded.</p>

<p>“Since writing the above, I have received a report that
major-general sir William Ponsonby is killed; and, in announcing
this intelligence to your Lordship, I have to add
the expression of my grief for the fate of an officer who had
already rendered very brilliant and important services, and
was an ornament to his profession.</p>

<p>“I send with this dispatch two eagles, taken by the troops
in this action, which major Percy will have the honour of
laying at the feet of his Royal Highness. I beg leave to
recommend him to your Lordship’s protection.</p>

<p class="right">
“I have the honour to be, etc.<br>
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
</p>
</div>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Earl Bathurst.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, June 19th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY LORD</span>,</p>

<p>“I have to inform your Lordship, in addition to my dispatch
of this morning, that we have already got here five
thousand prisoners, taken in the action of yesterday, and that
there are above two thousand more coming in to-morrow.
There will probably be many more.</p>

<p>“Amongst the prisoners are the comte de Lobau, who commanded
the 6th corps, and general Cambronne, who commanded
a division of the guard.</p>

<p>“I propose to send the whole to England, by Ostend.</p>

<p class="right">
“I have the honour to be, etc.<br>
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
</p>
</div>


<h3>MARSHAL BLUCHER’S OFFICIAL REPORT OF THE OPERATIONS
OF THE PRUSSIAN ARMY OF THE LOWER RHINE.</h3>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p>(The Marshal’s account of the battle of Ligny is omitted, as, however interesting,
it does not strictly belong to this work.)</p>

<p>... “On the 17th, in the evening, the Prussian army
concentrated itself in the environs of Wavre. Napoleon put
himself in motion against lord Wellington upon the great road
leading from Charleroi to Brussels. An English division<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span>
maintained, on the same day, (16th,) near Quatre-Bras, a
very severe contest with the enemy. Lord Wellington had
taken a position on the road to Brussels, having his right wing
leaning upon Braine-l’Alleud, the centre near Mont-St.-Jean,
and the left wing against La Haye-Sainte. Lord Wellington
wrote to the Field-Marshal, that he was resolved to accept
the battle in this position, if the Field-Marshal would support
him with two corps of his army. The Field-Marshal promised
to come with his whole army; he even proposed, in case
Napoleon should not attack, that the allies themselves, with
their whole united force, should attack him the next day.
This may serve to show how little the battle of the 16th had
disorganized the Prussian army, or weakened its moral
strength. Thus ended the day of the 17th.”</p>


<p class="p1 center">BATTLE OF THE 18TH.</p>

<p>“At break of day the Prussian army again began to move.
The 4th and 2d corps marched by St.-Lambert, where they
were to take a position, covered by the forest, (near Frischermont,)
to take the enemy in the rear, when the moment should
appear favourable. The first corps was to operate by Ohain,
on the right flank of the enemy. The third corps was to follow
slowly, in order to afford succour in case of need. The battle
began about ten o’clock in the morning. The English army
occupied the heights of Mont-St.-Jean; that of the French
was on the heights before Plancenoit: the former was about
80,000 strong; the enemy had above 130,000. In a short
time, the battle became general along the whole line. It
seems that Napoleon had the design to throw the left wing
upon the centre, and thus to effect the separation of the
English army from the Prussian, which he believed to be retreating
upon Maestricht. For this purpose, he had placed
the greatest part of his reserve in the centre, against his right
wing, and upon this point he attacked with fury. The English
army fought with a valour which it is impossible to surpass.
The repeated charges of the old guard were baffled by the
intrepidity of the Scottish regiments; and at every charge
the French cavalry was overthrown by the English cavalry.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span>
But the superiority of the enemy in numbers was too great:
Napoleon continually brought forward considerable masses;
and, with whatever firmness the English troops maintained
themselves in their position, it was not possible but that such
heroic exertions must have a limit.</p>

<p>“It was half-past four o’clock. The excessive difficulties
of the passage by the defile of St.-Lambert had considerably
retarded the march of the Prussian columns, so that only two
brigades of the 4th corps had arrived at the covered position
which was assigned to them. The decisive moment was come;
there was not an instant to be lost. The generals did not
suffer it to escape: they resolved immediately to begin the attack
with the troops which they had at hand. General Bulow,
therefore, with two brigades and a corps of cavalry,
advanced rapidly upon the rear of the enemy’s right wing. The
enemy did not lose his presence of mind; he instantly turned
his reserve against us, and a murderous conflict began on that
side. The combat remained long uncertain, while the battle
with the English army still continued with the same violence.</p>

<p>“Towards six o’clock in the evening, we received the news
that general Thielmann, with the 3d corps, was attacked near
Wavre by a very considerable corps of the enemy, and that
they were already disputing the possession of the town. The
Field-Marshal, however, did not suffer himself to be disturbed
by this news; it was on the spot where he was, and nowhere
else, that the affair was to be decided. A conflict continually
supported by the same obstinacy, and kept up by fresh troops,
could alone ensure the victory, and if it were obtained here,
any reverse sustained near Wavre was of little consequence.
The columns, therefore, continued their movements.</p>

<p>“It was half an hour past seven, and the issue of the battle
was still uncertain. The whole of the 4th corps, and a part
of the 2d, under general Pirch, had successively come up. The
French troops fought with desperate fury: however, some
uncertainty was perceived in their movements, and it was
observed that some pieces of cannon were retreating. At this
moment, the first columns of the corps of general Zieten arrived
on the points of attack, near the village of Smohain, on the
enemy’s right flank, and instantly charged. This movement<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span>
decided the defeat of the enemy. His right wing was broken
in three places; he abandoned his positions. Our troops rushed
forward at the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">pas de charge</i>, and attacked him on all sides,
while, at the same time, the whole English line advanced.</p>

<p>“Circumstances were extremely favourable to the attack
formed by the Prussian army: the ground rose in an amphitheatre,
so that our artillery could freely open its fire from the
summit of a great many heights which rose gradually above
each other, and in the intervals of which the troops descended
into the plain, formed into brigades, and in the greatest order;
while fresh columns continually unfolded themselves, issuing
from the forest on the height behind us. The enemy, however,
still preserved means to retreat, till the village of Plancenoit,
which he had on his rear, and which was defended by the
guard, was, after several bloody attacks, carried by storm.</p>

<p>“From that time the retreat became a rout, that soon
spread throughout the whole French army, which, in its
dreadful confusion, hurrying away everything that attempted
to stop it, soon assumed the appearance of the flight of an army
of barbarians. It was half-past nine. The Field-Marshal
assembled all the superior officers, and gave orders to send
the last horse and the last man in pursuit of the enemy.</p>

<p>“The van of the army accelerated its march. The French,
being pursued without intermission, were absolutely disorganized.
The causeway presented the appearance of an immense
shipwreck: it was covered with an innumerable quantity of
cannon, caissons, carriages, baggage, arms, and wrecks of
every kind. Those of the enemy who had attempted to repose
for a time, and had not expected to be so quickly pursued,
were driven from more than nine bivacs. In some villages
they attempted to maintain themselves; but as soon as they
heard the beating of our drums, or the sound of the trumpet,
they either fled, or threw themselves into the houses, where
they were cut down, or made prisoners. It was moonlight,
which greatly favoured the pursuit; for the whole march was
but a continued chase, either in the corn-fields, or the houses.</p>

<p>“At Genappe, the enemy had intrenched himself with
cannon and overturned carriages: at our approach, we suddenly
heard in the town a great noise, and a motion of carriages;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span>
at the entrance we were exposed to a brisk fire of
musketry: we replied by some cannon-shot, followed by a
<em>hurrah!</em> and an instant after, the town was ours. It was here
that, among many other equipages, the carriage of Napoleon
was taken: he had just left it to mount on horseback, and, in
his hurry, had forgotten in it his sword and hat. Thus the
affairs continued till break of day. About forty thousand men,
in the most complete disorder, the remains of the whole army
have saved themselves, retreating through Charleroi, partly
without arms, and carrying with them only twenty-seven
pieces of their numerous artillery.</p>

<p>“The enemy, in his flight, had passed all his fortresses, the
only defence of his frontiers, which are now passed by our
armies.</p>

<p>“At three o’clock, Napoleon had dispatched, from the field
of battle, a courier to Paris, with the news that victory was
no longer doubtful: a few hours after, he had no longer any
army left. We have not yet an exact account of the enemy’s
loss; it is enough to know, that two thirds of the whole were
killed, wounded, or prisoners: among the latter are generals
Mouton (de Lobau), Duhesme, and Compans. Up to this
time, about three hundred cannon, and above five hundred
caissons, are in our hands.</p>

<p>“Few victories have been so complete; and there is certainly
no example that an army two days after losing a battle,
engaged in such an action, and so gloriously maintained it.
Honour be to troops capable of so much firmness and valour!</p>

<p>“In the middle of the position occupied by the French
army, and exactly upon the height, is a farm called <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Belle-Alliance</i>.
The march of all the Prussian columns was directed
towards this farm, which was visible from every side. It was
there that Napoleon was during the battle; it was thence that
he gave his orders, that he flattered himself with the hopes of
victory; and it was there that his ruin was decided. There, too,
it was, that, by a happy chance, field-marshal Blücher and
lord Wellington met in the dark, and mutually saluted each
other as victors. In commemoration of the alliance which
now subsists between the English and Prussian nations, of the
union of the two armies, and their reciprocal confidence, the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span>
Field-Marshal desired, that this battle should bear the name
of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La Belle-Alliance</i>.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“By order of field-marshal Blücher,</span><br>
“General <span class="smcap">Gneisenau</span>.”<br>
</p>
</div>


<h3>FRENCH OFFICIAL ACCOUNT.</h3>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, June 21st, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="center">“<em>Battle of Mont-St.-Jean.</em></p>

<p>“At nine in the morning, the rain having somewhat abated,
the 1st corps put itself in motion, and placed itself with the
left, on the road to Brussels, and opposite the village of Mont-St.-Jean,
which appeared the centre of the enemy’s position.
The 2d corps leaned its right upon the road to Brussels, and
its left upon a small wood, within cannon-shot of the English
army. The cuirassiers were in reserve behind, and the guard
in reserve upon the heights. The 6th corps, with the cavalry
of general Domont, under the order of count de Lobau, was
destined to proceed in rear of our right to oppose a Prussian
corps, which appeared to have escaped marshal Grouchy, and
to intend to fall upon our right flank; an intention which had
been made known to us by our reports, and by the letter of a
Prussian general, enclosing an order of battle, and which was
taken by our light troops.</p>

<p>“The troops were full of ardour. We estimated the force
of the English army at eighty thousand men. We supposed
that the Prussian corps, which might be in line towards the
right, might be fifteen thousand men. The enemy’s force,
then, was upwards of ninety thousand men; ours less numerous.</p>

<p>“At noon, all the preparations being terminated, prince
Jérôme, commanding a division of the second corps, and
destined to form the extreme left of it, advanced upon the
wood of which the enemy occupied a part. The cannonade
began. The enemy supported, with thirty pieces of cannon,
the troops he had sent to keep the wood. We made also on
our side dispositions of artillery. At one o’clock, prince Jérôme
was master of all the wood, and the whole English army
fell back behind a curtain. Count d’Erlon then attacked the
village of Mont-St.-Jean, and supported his attack with eighty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span>
pieces of cannon, which must have occasioned great loss to
the English army. All the efforts were made towards the
ridge. A brigade of the 1st division of count d’Erlon took
the village of Mont-St.-Jean; a second brigade was charged
by a corps of English cavalry, which occasioned it much loss.
At the same moment, a division of English cavalry charged
the battery of count d’Erlon by its right, and disorganized
several pieces; but the cuirassiers of general Milhaut charged
that division, three regiments of which were broken and cut up.</p>

<p>“It was three in the afternoon. The Emperor made the
guard advance, to place it in the plain upon the ground which
the first corps had occupied at the outset of the battle; this
corps being already in advance. The Prussian division, whose
movement had been foreseen, then engaged with the light
troops of count de Lobau, spreading its fire upon our whole
right flank. It was expedient, before undertaking anything
elsewhere, to wait for the event of his attack. Hence, all
the means in reserve were ready to succour count de Lobau,
and overwhelm the Prussian corps when it should be advanced.</p>

<p>“This done, the Emperor had the design of leading an
attack upon the village of Mont-St.-Jean, from which we
expected decisive success; but, by a movement of impatience
so frequent in our military annals, and which has often been
so fatal to us, the cavalry of reserve having perceived a retrograde
movement made by the English to shelter themselves
from our batteries, from which they suffered so much, crowned
the heights of Mont-St.-Jean, and charged the infantry. This
movement, which made in time, and supported by the reserves,
must have decided the day, made in an isolated manner
and before affairs on the right were terminated, became fatal.</p>

<p>“Having no means of countermanding it, the enemy
showing many masses of cavalry and infantry, and our two
divisions of cuirassiers being engaged, all our cavalry ran at
the same moment to support their comrades. There, for three
hours, numerous charges were made, which enabled us to penetrate
several squares, and to take six standards of the light
infantry, an advantage out of proportion with the loss which
our cavalry experienced by the grape-shot and musket-firing.
It was impossible to dispose of our reserves of infantry until<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span>
we had repulsed the flank attack of the Prussian corps. This
attack always prolonged itself perpendicularly upon our right
flank. The Emperor sent thither general Duhesme with the
young guard, and several batteries of reserve. The enemy
was kept in check, repulsed, and fell back: he had exhausted
his forces, and we had nothing more to fear. It was this
moment that was indicated for an attack upon the centre of
the enemy. As the cuirassiers suffered by the grape-shot, we
sent four battalions of the middle guard to protect the cuirassiers,
keep the position, and, if possible, disengage and draw
back into the plain a part of our cavalry.</p>

<p>“Two other battalions were sent to keep themselves <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en
potence</i> upon the extreme left of the division which had manœuvred
upon our flanks, in order not to have any uneasiness
on that side; the rest was disposed in reserve, part to occupy
the <em>potence</em> in rear of Mont-St.-Jean, part upon the ridge in
rear of the field of battle, which formed our position of retreat.</p>

<p>“In this state of affairs, the battle was gained; we occupied
all the positions which the enemy occupied at the outset of the
battle: our cavalry having been too soon and ill employed, we
could no longer hope for decisive success; but marshal Grouchy,
having learned the movement of the Prussian corps,
marched upon the rear of that corps, which ensured us a signal
success for next day. After eight hours’ fire and charges of
infantry and cavalry, all the army saw with joy the battle
gained, and the field of battle in our power.</p>

<p>“At half after eight o’clock, the four battalions of the
middle guard, who had been sent to the ridge on the other
side of Mont-St.-Jean, in order to support the cuirassiers,
being greatly annoyed by the grape-shot, endeavoured to carry
the batteries with the bayonet. At the end of the day, a
charge directed against their flank, by several English squadrons,
put them in disorder. The fugitives recrossed the
ravine. Several regiments, near at hand, seeing some troops
belonging to the guard in confusion, believed it was the old
guard, and in consequence were thrown into disorder. Cries
of ‘All is lost, the guard is driven back!’ were heard on
every side. The soldiers pretend even that on many points
ill-disposed persons cried out, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sauve qui peut!</i>’ However<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span>
this may be, a complete panic at once spread itself throughout
the whole field of battle, and they threw themselves in the
greatest disorder on the line of communication: soldiers,
cannoneers, caissons, all pressed to this point; the old guard,
which was in reserve, was infected, and was itself hurried along.</p>

<p>“In an instant, the whole army was nothing but a mass of
confusion; all the soldiers, of all arms, were mixed pell-mell,
and it was utterly impossible to rally a single corps. The
enemy, who perceived this astonishing confusion, immediately
attacked with their cavalry, and increased the disorder, and
such was the confusion, owing to night coming on, that it was
impossible to rally the troops, and point out to them their error.
Thus a battle terminated, a day of false manœuvres rectified,
the greatest success ensured for the next day: all was lost by
a moment of panic terror. Even the squadrons of <em>service</em>,
drawn up by the side of the Emperor, were overthrown and
disorganized by these tumultuous waves, and there was then
nothing else to be done but to follow the torrent. The parks
of reserve, the baggage which had not repassed the Sambre,
in short everything that was on the field of battle, remained
in the power of the enemy. It was impossible to wait for the
troops on our right; every one knows what the bravest army
in the world is when thus mixed and thrown into confusion,
and when its organization no longer exists.</p>

<p>“The Emperor crossed the Sambre at Charleroi, at five
o’clock in the morning of the 19th. Philippeville and Avesnes
have been given as the points of reunion. Prince Jérôme,
general Morand, and other generals have there already rallied
a part of the army. Marshal Grouchy, with the corps on the
right, is moving on the lower Sambre.</p>

<p>“The loss of the enemy must have been very great, if we
may judge from the number of standards we have taken from
him, and from the retrograde movements which he made;
ours cannot be calculated till after troops shall have been
collected. Before the disorder broke out, we had already
experienced a very considerable loss, particularly in our cavalry,
so fatally, though so bravely engaged. Notwithstanding
these losses, this brave cavalry constantly kept the position it
had taken from the English, and only abandoned it when the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span>
tumult and disorder of the field of battle forced it. In the
midst of the night, and the obstacles which encumbered their
route, it could not preserve its own organization.</p>

<p>“The artillery has, as usual, covered itself with glory. The
carriages belonging to the head-quarters remained in their
ordinary position; no retrograde movement being judged necessary.
In the course of the night they fell into the enemy’s
hands.</p>

<p>“Such has been the issue of the battle of Mont-St.-Jean,
glorious for the French armies, and yet so fatal.”</p>
</div>


<h3>MARSHAL GROUCHY’S OFFICIAL REPORT TO NAPOLEON.</h3>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Dinant</span>, June 20th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“It was not till after seven in the evening of the 18th of
June, that I received the letter of the duke of Dalmatia,
(Soult,) which directed me to march on St.-Lambert, and to
attack general Bulow. I fell in with the enemy as I was
marching on Wavre. He was immediately driven into Wavre,
and general Vandamme’s corps attacked that town, and was
warmly engaged. The portion of Wavre, on the right of the
Dyle, was carried: but much difficulty was experienced in
debouching, on the other side; general Gérard was wounded
by a ball in the breast, whilst endeavouring to carry the mill
of Bierge, in order to pass the river, but where he did not
succeed; and lieutenant-general Aix had been killed in the
attack on the town. In this state of things, being impatient
to cooperate with your Majesty’s army on that important day,
I detached several corps to force the passage of the Dyle and
march against Bulow. The corps of Vandamme, in the mean
time, maintained the attack on Wavre, and on the mill, whence
the enemy showed an intention to debouch, but which I did
not conceive he was capable of effecting. I arrived at Limal,
passed the river, and the heights were carried by the division
of Vichery and the cavalry. Night did not permit us to advance
farther, and I no longer heard the cannon on the side
where your Majesty was engaged.</p>

<p>“I halted in this situation until day-light. Wavre and
Bierge were occupied by the Prussians, who, at three in the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span>
morning of the 19th, attacked in their turn, wishing to take
advantage of the difficult position in which I was, and expecting
to drive me into the defile, and take the artillery which
had debouched, and make me repass the Dyle. Their efforts
were fruitless. The Prussians were repulsed, and the village
of Bierge taken. The brave general Penne was killed.</p>

<p>“General Vandamme then passed one of his divisions by
Bierge, and carried with ease the heights of Wavre, and along
the whole of my line the success was complete. I was in
front of Rosières, preparing to march on Brussels, when I received
the sad intelligence of the loss of the battle of Waterloo.
The officer who brought it informed me, that your Majesty
was retreating on the Sambre, without being able to indicate
any particular point on which I should direct my march.
I ceased to pursue, and began my retrograde movement. The
retreating enemy did not think of following me.</p>

<p>“Learning that the enemy had already passed the Sambre
and was on my flank, and not being sufficiently strong to
make a diversion in favour of your Majesty, without compromising
the troops under my command, I marched on Namur.
At this moment, the rear of the columns were attacked.
That of the left made a retrograde movement sooner than
was expected, which endangered, for a moment, the retreat of
the left; but good dispositions soon repaired everything, and
two pieces which had been taken were recovered by the brave
20th dragoons, who, besides, took a howitzer from the enemy.
We entered Namur without loss. The long defile which
extends from this place to Dinant, in which only a single
column can march, and the embarrassment arising from the
numerous transports of wounded, rendered it necessary to
hold for a considerable time the town, where I had not the
means of blowing up the bridge. I intrusted the defence of
Namur to general Vandamme, who, with his usual intrepidity,
maintained himself there till eight in the evening; so that
nothing was left behind, and I occupied Dinant.</p>

<p>“The enemy has lost some thousands of men in the attack
on Namur, where the contest was very obstinate; the troops
have performed their duty in a manner worthy of praise.</p>

<p class="right padr2">
“<span class="smcap">De Grouchy.</span>”<br>
</p>

</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span></p>

<table class="autotable">
<tr class="lht">
<td class="tdc bl br bt" colspan="7">STRENGTH OF THE ALLIED ARMY AT WATERLOO, AND ITS LOSS.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">DESIGNATION.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">INFANTRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">CAVALRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">ARTILLERY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">TOTAL under arms.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">GUNS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl br bt">Killed, wounded and missing.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl bl bt">British</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">15,181</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">5,843</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">2,967</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">23,991</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">78</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br bt">6,932</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl bl">King’s German Legion</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">3,301</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,967</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">526</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">5,824</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">18</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">589</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl bl">Hanoverians</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">10,258</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">497</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">465</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">11,220</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">12</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">1,602</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl bl">Brunswickers</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">4,586</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">866</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">510</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">5,962</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">16</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">660</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl bl">Nassauers</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">2,880</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">2,880</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">”&#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">643</td>
</tr>
<tr class="lht">
<td class="tdl bl">Dutch-Belgians</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">13,402</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">3,205</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,177</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">17,784</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">32</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">4,000</td>
</tr>
<tr class="lht">
<td class="tdl bl bt">Total</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">49,608</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">12,408</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">5,645</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">67,661</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">156</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt br">14,426</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl bt br fs80" colspan="7">British, killed and wounded, on the 16th, at Quatre-Bras: 2,504. On
the 17th, in the retreat to the Waterloo position: 108.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl br fs80" colspan="7">The greater number of the men (1,875) returned as missing, had gone to
the rear with wounded officers and soldiers, and joined afterwards. The
officers are supposed killed.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl br bb fs80" colspan="7">The names of British officers, killed and wounded, may be seen in the Appendix, <a href="#Note_IV">No. IV.</a></td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span></p>

<table class="p2 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc tp bl bt br" colspan="5">PRUSSIAN FORCE AT WATERLOO,</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc tp bl br fs80" colspan="5">A PORTION OF WHICH BECAME ENGAGED TOWARDS THE CLOSE OF THE DAY.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">ARRIVED ON THE FIELD</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">INFANTRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">CAVALRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br" colspan="2">ARTILLERY.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">MEN.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br">GUNS.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl bt">About half-past five o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span></td>
<td class="tdrq tp bl bt">12,043</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">2,720</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">783</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt br">40</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">At three quarters after six</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">13,338</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">360</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">24</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">At a quarter before eight</td>
<td class="tdrq bl ">15,902</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">6,138</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">660</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">40</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl">Total</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">41,283</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">8,858</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">1,803</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt br">104</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl">General total in the field</td>
<td class="tdrq bt"></td>
<td class="tdc bt" colspan="2">51,944 men.</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt br">104</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl bt br bb pad4 fs80" colspan="5">Loss at Waterloo, in killed, wounded and missing: 6,682 men.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span></p>

<table class="p2 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc tp bl bt br" colspan="5">STRENGTH OF THE FRENCH ARMY IN THE FIELD AT WATERLOO.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">DESIGNATION.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">INFANTRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">CAVALRY.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br" colspan="2">ARTILLERY.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">MEN.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br">GUNS.</td>
</tr>

<tr>
<td class="tdly bl bt">Imperial Guard</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">12,000</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">4,000</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">2,400</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt br">96</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">1st Corps</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">17,600</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,400</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,564</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">46</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">2d &#160; &#160;”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">15,750</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,865</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,861</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">38</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">6th &#160;&#160;”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">6,600</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,007</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">30</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">3d Cavalry Corps</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">3,300</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">300</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">12</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">4th &#160; &#160; ” &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; ”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">3,300</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">300</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">12</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">3d Cavalry Division</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,400</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">150</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">6</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly bl">5th &#160; &#160; ” &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; ”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">1,250</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">150</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">6</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl">Total</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">51,950</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">16,515</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">7,732</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">246</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl">Deduct for previous losses</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">3,000</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">750</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">500</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">” &#160;</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl">Under arms</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">48,950</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">15,765</td>
<td class="tdrq bl">7,232</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br">246</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdly pad4 bl bb">General total in the field</td>
<td class="tdrq bt bb"></td>
<td class="tdc bt bb" colspan="2">71,947 men.</td>
<td class="tdrq bl br bb"></td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="p1 chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span><br></p>

<p>The French loss has been computed at nearly fifty thousand
men during the campaign.</p>

<p>Of the French generals, De Lobau (Mouton), Compans,
Duhesme and Cambronne were made prisoners; and Girard,
Devaux, Letort, Penne, Michel, Aix and Baudouin killed.</p>

<p>Perhaps we cannot arrive at a more accurate notion of the
loss of the enemy than that conveyed by Ney, in his speech
in the Chamber of Peers, four days after the battle, to which
the reader’s notice is drawn (<a href="#Page_207">page 207</a>): “Not a man of the
guard will ever rally more. I myself witnessed their total
extermination: they are annihilated.” And everybody knows
that Napoleon always husbanded the guard, at the cost of all
his other troops. “Their total extermination” implies then
that the whole army was utterly routed.</p>

<p>The slaughter, in the absence of official reports, must be
left to be computed by the sober judgment of the reader.</p>

<p>The French force detached under Grouchy to observe the
Prussians amounted to thirty-two thousand men, and a hundred
and four guns.</p>


<p class="p2 pfs80">POSITIONS OF THE ALLIED ARTILLERY TOWARDS THE
CLOSE OF THE BATTLE.</p>

<p>On the right, close to the Nivelles road, the Brunswick
guns. Stretching towards the left, major Bull’s (howitzers),
captain N. Ramsey’s, major Webber Smith’s, captain
Mercer’s, major Symper’s (German), captain Sandham’s,
major Beane’s batteries; and captain Bolton’s, at the angle
between Adam’s left and Maitland’s right. Captain Sinclair’s
battery. Major Vandersmissen’s batteries, at the
interval between Halkett’s brigade. Major Lloyd’s, major
sir H. Ross’s batteries. Major sir R. Gardner’s battery, advancing.
Major Whinyate’s (rocket), major Braun’s (German),
major Rogers’ batteries. A Dutch-Belgian battery.
Major Rettberg’s (German), just relieved by a Prussian
battery. A Dutch-Belgian battery. Major Kuhlman’s and
captain Cleeve’s (German) batteries, advancing on the high-road,
after refitting. Five Dutch-Belgian guns near Ditmers’
brigade.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span><br></p>


<p class="p1 pfs80">ARTILLERY TAKEN BY THE ALLIED ARMY AT WATERLOO.</p>


<table class="p1 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdl">12-pounder guns</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">35</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"> &#160; 6 &#160; &#160; do. &#160; &#160; &#160; do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">57</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"> &#160; 6-inch howitzers</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">13</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">24-pounder &#160; do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">17</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdl">Total guns</td>
<td class="tdr bt">122</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">&#160;</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr"></td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">12-pounder spare gun-carriages</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">6</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"> &#160; 6 &#160; &#160; &#160; do. &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">8</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Howitzer <span class="pad4">&#160;do.</span></td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">6</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">12-pounder waggons.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">74</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"> &#160; 6 &#160; &#160; &#160; do. &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">71</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Howitzer &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160;do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">50</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Forge &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160;do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">20</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Imperial guard &#160;do.</td>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdr">52</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"></td>
<td class="tdl">General total &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; </td>
<td class="tdr bt bb">409</td>
</tr>
</table>

<p class="noindent">Exclusive of those taken by the Prussians, on the field and in
the pursuit.</p>

<p class="p1">Our readers will give us credit for having observed a strict
impartiality throughout our narrative of the battle; and in the
same spirit would we desire to discuss those questions relating
to it, which have given rise to so many false and exaggerated
statements.</p>

<p>The first subject of controversy we shall notice, is the
strange, but oft repeated charge, against Wellington’s military
judgment, in choosing his position in front of Mont-St.-Jean,
with a forest in his rear, <em>in case of defeat</em>. I must be excused
if I show some little indignation at the repetition of this
charge; a British soldier must be allowed to be as jealous of
the fame of his illustrious commander, as our gallant opponents
were of that of their idolized Napoleon. Well, what is
the charge? That the Waterloo position was not well chosen
for a retreat, having defiles and a wood in its rear.</p>

<p>We begin our examination of this point by remarking that
Wellington chose the position, not in a hurry, nor because he
was forced to do so, but most deliberately, and after having<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span>
thoroughly reconnoitred it. He chose it with the conviction
that he could well maintain it until the Prussians could form a
junction with him; this accomplished, he knew that the French
would not have a single chance left. He had but one apprehension;
namely, that the enemy would push on by Hal, and
turn the allied right. But Napoleon’s holding us too cheap,
his impetuosity, or his desperation, brought him headlong upon
our chosen position: the very best for our purposes between
Charleroi and Brussels. Let the event assist the impartial
reader in deciding which commander showed the better judgment
in selecting his ground for action. But as far as the
Duke is concerned, it is quite unnecessary to say anything in
his defence. Nor should we have attempted to give a description
of the Waterloo position, but for the judgment of Napoleon,
at least as coming to us through the generals de
Montholon, Gourgaud, de Las-Cases, Mr. O’Meara, etc.,
being so directly at variance with that practicality shown by
the duke of Wellington, who, we supposed, had previously
both taken up and successfully defended too many positions,
not to know the local requisites of a good one, and particularly
as opposed to a French army. Waterloo was not fixed upon
at the spur of the moment, as I have elsewhere shown; in
addition to which, the Duke, his staff, and most of our generals
were so often over the ground before the battle, that the
farmers complained of the damage done thereby to their
crops. It may be well to observe, for the information of
those who are unacquainted with the position and localities,
that the main-road from the field of Waterloo to Brussels is a
very wide and well paved one. The road to the capital by
Braine-l’Alleud and Alsemberg is also paved<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a>. Several cross-roads,
in rear of our position, likewise traverse the forest of
Soigne, and communicate with the high-road between this
and Brussels. The trees of the forest, and the hedges, banks,
and buildings on the sides of the roads, would have afforded
excellent protection to light troops covering a retreat, and have
materially aided to keep the pursuing enemy at bay. Close<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span>
in rear of the allied army and along the verge of the wood,
was a most advantageous ridge, which might have offered
an excellent second position, and from whence the guns
could command everything within their range. The forest of
Soigne itself, composed of lofty trees, afforded a shelter which
resolute men could not be easily driven from: being nearly
free from underwood, it was everywhere passable for broken
infantry and cavalry, and from which no earthly force could
have dislodged us, unless we willed it. When the duke of
Wellington, some years after the battle, was asked what he
would have done, had he been driven from his position at
Waterloo, his Grace replied, “I should have gone into the
wood.” The impartial opinion of the celebrated and able
military writer Jomini may with propriety be here cited:</p>

<p>“We have said that one of the essentials in a position is,
that it should offer the means of retreat; which brings us to the
consideration of a question created by the battle of Waterloo.
Supposing an army to be posted in front of a forest, having a
good road behind its centre and each of its wings; would it
be compromised, as Napoleon asserts, in the event of its losing
the battle? For my own part, I think, on the contrary, that
such a position would be more favourable for retreating, than
if the country were perfectly open; since a beaten army cannot
traverse a plain without being exposed to the utmost danger.
Doubtless, if the retreat should degenerate into a disorderly
flight, a portion of the guns remaining in battery in front of
the forest would probably be lost; but the infantry, the cavalry,
and the rest of the artillery, would be able to retire
with as much facility as across a plain. But if, on the contrary,
the retreat takes place with order, nothing can possibly
protect it better than a forest: provided always, there exist at
least two good roads behind the lines; that the enemy be not
allowed to press too close, before the requisite measures preparatory
to retiring are thought of; and that no lateral movement
shall enable the enemy to anticipate the army at the
outlets from the forest, as happened at Hohenlinden. It would
also greatly tend to secure the retreat, if, as was the case at
Waterloo, the forest should form a concave line behind the
centre; for such a bend would then become a regular <em>place<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span>
d’armes</em>, in which to collect the troops and afford time to file
them successively into the high-road<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a>”.</p>

<p>General Jomini’s doctrine, with the grounds on which it
clearly rests, will have more weight with the honest reader,
(be he a military man or a civilian, Frenchman or an Englishman,)
than the fond opinions of Napoleon’s admirers.</p>

<p>Let us now turn to the Duke of Wellington’s plans and
expectations, and we shall have ample evidence of his quick
perception, consummate skill and unrivalled judgment.</p>

<p>The Duke was at Vienna at the moment the news reached
him of Bonaparte’s escape from Elba, and of his landing in
France. The following letter records the first impressions
made by this event in the Austrian capital, and the full conviction
which Wellington immediately felt, that the enemy of
Europe’s peace would be speedily overthrown.</p>

<p class="p1 center"><em>To Viscount Castlereagh, K. G.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Vienna</span>, March 12th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY LORD</span>,</p>

<p>“I received here, on the 7th instant, a dispatch from lord
Burghersh, of the 1st, giving an account that Bonaparte had
quitted the island of Elba, with all his civil and military
officers, and about twelve hundred troops, on the 26th of
February. I immediately communicated this account to the
emperors of Austria and Russia, to the king of Prussia, and
to the ministers of the different powers, and I found among
all one prevailing sentiment, of a determination to unite their
efforts to support the system established by the peace of Paris.</p>

<p>“As it was uncertain to what quarter Bonaparte had gone,
whether he would not return to Elba, or would even land on
any part of the continent, it was agreed that it was best to
postpone the adoption of any measure till his farther progress
should be ascertained; and we have since received accounts
from Genoa, stating that he had landed in France, near
Cannes, on the 1st of March; had attempted to get possession
of Antibes, and had been repulsed, and that he was on his
march towards Grasse.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span></p>

<p>“No accounts had been received at Paris as late as the
middle of the day of the 5th, of his having quitted Elba,
nor any accounts, from any quarter, of his farther progress.</p>

<p>“In the mean time, the sovereigns, and all persons assembled
here, are impressed with the importance of the crisis which
this circumstance occasions in the affairs of the world. All
are desirous of bringing to an early conclusion the business of
the Congress, in order that the whole and undivided attention
and exertion of all may be directed against the common
enemy; and I do not entertain the smallest doubt that, even
if Bonaparte should be able to form a party for himself in
France, capable of making head against the legitimate government
of that country, such a force will be assembled by the
powers of Europe, directed by such a spirit in their councils,
as must get the better of him.</p>

<p>“The emperors of Austria and Russia and the king of
Prussia have dispatched letters to the king of France, to place
at his Majesty’s disposal all their respective forces; and
Austrian and Prussian officers are dispatched with the letters,
with powers to order the movement of the troops of their
respective countries placed on the French frontiers, at the
suggestion of the king of France.</p>

<p>“The plenipotentiaries of the eight powers who signed the
treaty of Paris, assembled this evening, and have resolved to
publish a declaration, in which they will, in the name of their
sovereigns, declare their firm resolution to maintain the peace
and all its articles, with all their force, if necessary. I enclose
the draught of what is proposed to be published, which, with
the alteration of some expressions and the omission of one or
two paragraphs, will, I believe, be adopted.</p>

<p>“Upon the whole, I assure your Lordship that I am perfectly
satisfied with the spirit which prevails here upon this
occasion; and I do not entertain the smallest doubt that, if
unfortunately it should be possible for Bonaparte to hold at
all against the king of France, he must fall under the cordially
united efforts of the sovereigns of Europe.</p>

<p class="right">
“I have the honour to be, etc.<br>
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
</p>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span></p>

<p>The Duke, though strongly urged by the allied sovereigns
of Austria, Prussia and Russia to start for the Netherlands,
remained in Vienna until he had completed his duties at the
Congress, and received orders from England to take the command
of the troops assembling in the Low-Countries. He
arrived at Brussels early in April. In less than twenty-four
hours, he was master of the state of things, and immediately
wrote the following dispatch</p>

<p class="p1 center"><em>To General Kleist.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, April 5th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“GENERAL</span>,</p>

<p>“I arrived here during last night: I have spent the day in
endeavouring to make myself master of the state of affairs.</p>

<p>“The reports respecting the situation, number and the intentions
of the enemy are always excessively vague: but it
appears to me we ought to be prepared against a surprise (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup
de main</i>) which he might be tempted to try at any moment.</p>

<p>“There can be no doubt that it would be an immense
advantage to him to make us retrograde with the troops which
we have in front of Brussels; to drive before him the king
of France and the Royal family, and to compel the king of
the Netherlands, with his establishments newly formed here,
to make a retreat. This would be a terrible blow in public
opinion, both here and in France: and, according to his usual
management, (<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">allure</i>), the news of his success would be
known throughout France, whilst that of any reverse that
might happen to him would be concealed from everybody.</p>

<p>“After having placed 13,400 men as garrisons in Mons,
Tournay, Ypres, Ostend, Nieuport and Antwerp, I can get
together about 23,000 good troops, English and Hanoverian;
amongst them about five thousand excellent cavalry. This
number will be increased in a few days, especially in cavalry
and artillery. I can also bring up 20,000 Dutch and Belgian
troops, including two thousand cavalry; the whole having
about sixty pieces of cannon.</p>

<p>“My opinion is, that we ought to take measures to unite
the whole Prussian army with this allied Anglo-Dutch army<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span>
in front of Brussels; and that, with this view, the troops under
your Excellency’s command should, without loss of time,
march along the Maese, and take up cantonments between
Charleroi, Namur and Huy.</p>

<p>“By this disposition, we shall be sure to save this country,
so interesting to the allied powers: we shall cover the concentration
of their forces on the Rhine; and we shall escape the
evils which would inevitably result from a sudden retreat in
our actual circumstances. At the same time, your Excellency
would be just as able as you are in your present position,
to march your troops to any point required by the service of
the king; and we should have for our numerous cavalry a
field of battle as favourable as any in the rear of Brussels.</p>

<p>“I beg your Excellency to take these reasons into consideration,
and to let me know your determination; in order that
I may decide what measures I ought to take in case I should
be attacked, if your Excellency should judge more fit to
remain where you are.</p>

<p>“I ought to apprize your Excellency, that the king of the
Netherlands has given orders for providing your troops with
all they may want upon their advance into this country.</p>

<p class="right padr2">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>Our readers will remark in this letter the Duke’s prompt
decision on the importance of an immediate junction of a large
Prussian force with the British allied army, and of protecting
Brussels at all hazards. We shall see how much stress Napoleon
laid upon keeping the British and the Prussians apart,
and upon making a dash at Brussels. These two great
commanders then took the same view: but the Duke’s vigilance
and energy baffled all Napoleon’s exertions against the
English allied army and the city of Brussels: the Prussians
would have suffered less at Ligny, if the Duke’s earnest
entreaty for the earliest possible junction of the allies had been
duly appreciated. Wellington also correctly anticipated, from
the first moment, that Charleroi and its vicinity would probably
be the point selected by Napoleon for his irruption into
the Netherlands.</p>

<p>It seems from a letter dated 15th of April 1815, of the Duke<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span>
to Gneisenau, that he had ascertained that two corps of the
enemy, composed of 45,000 infantry and 7,200 cavalry, were
in his front between the Sambre and the sea: he immediately
set off to reconnoitre the whole frontier: this occupied him
four days.</p>

<p>By reference to the “<span class="allsmcap">SECRET MEMORANDUM</span>” in the
Appendix, <a href="#Note_I">No. 1</a>, it may be seen how prompt, energetic and
comprehensive were the measures resolved upon by the duke
of Wellington. As early as the 30th of April, he wrote to
lord Uxbridge, “All the dispositions are so made that the
whole army can be collected in one short movement, with the
Prussians on our left.”</p>

<p>One of Wellington’s difficulties in preparing for the contest,
was the motley character of some of the foreign troops placed,
or offered to be placed, under his command. Some Saxon
troops in particular drew from him very severe, but characteristic
strictures and contempt, as appears from the subjoined
documents:</p>

<p class="p1 center"><em>To the Earl of Clancarty, G. C. B.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, May 3d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The Saxons mutinied last night at Liège, and obliged poor
old Blücher to quit the town; the cause of the mutiny was the
order to divide the corps, and that the Prussian part, in which
the guards were included, should take the oath of allegiance
to the king of Prussia.</p>

<p>“We hear of Bonaparte’s quitting Paris, and of the march
of troops to this frontier, in order to attack us. I met Blücher
at Tirlemont this day, and received from him the most satisfactory
assurances of support.</p>

<p>“For an action in Belgium I can now put seventy thousand
men into the field, and Blücher eighty thousand; so that, I
hope, we should give a good account even of Bonaparte.</p>

<p>“I am not satisfied with our delays.</p>

<p class="right padr2">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Prince Hardenberg.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, May 3d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR PRINCE</span>,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 23d of April, and I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span>
regret that there has been a difference of opinion about the
troops to be sent to this army. I am perfectly indifferent as
to whether I have many or few foreign soldiers under my
orders, and as it appears that prince Blücher and the Prussian
officers are not disposed to let me be beaten by superior numbers,
I am satisfied.</p>

<p>“As to the Saxons, your Highness will probably receive
by this same opportunity the reports of their conduct yesterday
evening: and as I have not enough of good troops to be able
to detach any of them to watch a body of men disposed to
mutiny, I think I shall do best in having nothing to do with
such troops; and if they do not get out of the affair of last
evening in an honourable manner, and consistently with the
military character, in spite of my respect for the powers who
have placed them at my disposal, I shall beg to decline taking
them under my command.</p>

<p class="right padr2">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>

<p>Writing to sir Henry Hardinge, two days afterwards, the
Duke observes that:</p>

<p>“The Saxon troops, it is very obvious, will be of no use to
anybody during the war; and our object must be to prevent
them from doing mischief.... I do not think fourteen thousand
men will have much weight in deciding the fate of the war.
But the most fatal of all measures will be to have fourteen
thousand men in the field who cannot be trusted; and who
will require nearly as many more good troops to observe
them.”</p>

<p>These Saxon mutineers were, at the suggestion of the Duke,
immediately sent off as prisoners, through Holland and
Hanover, into Prussia, by the orders of marshal Blücher.
But for this foresight and determined maintenance of military
discipline, much greater mischief would have ensued amongst
certain contingents of the allied troops, who, as it was, by
their doubtful attachment to the cause in which they were
enlisted and unsoldierlike behaviour in the field, provoked
many a hearty curse on the day of Waterloo.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_175" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of chapter; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> Lieutenant-colonel the Hon. sir Alexander Gordon was sent, escorted by
captain John Grey’s troop of the 10th hussars, to ascertain the real line of
retreat of the Prussians, and to communicate with their head-quarters, as to
cooperation with the British army, which was ordered to retire to the position
in front of Waterloo.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> Most writers on Waterloo, particularly those from St.-Helena, appear
totally ignorant of the existence of this road.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> <cite>Art of War</cite>, page 598.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span><br></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI.</h2>
</div>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>Napoleon’s plans of campaign.—His letter to Ney, and proclamation to the
Belgians.—His sanguine expectations, and utter disappointment.—Opinions
of French authors on the circumstance of Napoleon’s not reaching Brussels.—Their
inconsistencies.—Desire of Napoleon to make his marshals
responsible for errors he committed.—Opinion of M. de Vaulabelle.—Napoleon’s
charges against Grouchy; impossibility of the latter’s preventing
a portion of the Prussians reaching the field of Waterloo.—The Emperor’s
charges against Ney refuted.—Admirable conduct of Ney during the campaign.—Mode
of history-writing at St.-Helena.—The battle not fought
against the French nation.—Napoleon’s character.—Motley composition
and equivocal loyalty of part of the allied army.—Refutation of the charge
that the Duke was taken by surprise; credulity of some English writers on
this subject.—His Grace’s admirable precaution.—Foreign statements,
that the Prussians saved us, examined.—The tardy cooperation of the
Prussians produced, not the defeat, but the total rout of the French.—Conversation
of Napoleon at St.-Helena.—Gourgaud’s account.—Opinions
of the Duke and lord Hill.—Ney’s testimony in the Chamber of Peers.</p>
</div>


<p class="noindent">What were Napoleon’s plans, and how sanguine were his
expectations, will be placed beyond all doubt by the following
letter, written to the prince de la Moskowa, the renowned
Ney, who had joined the army but the evening before, and by
his proclamation addressed to the Belgians.</p>

<p class="p1 center"><em>To the Prince de la Moskowa.</em></p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Charleroi</span>, June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“COUSIN</span>,</p>

<p>“I send you the present letter by my aide-de-camp, general
Flahaut. The Major-General (Soult) must have already dispatched
orders to you, but you will receive these sooner,
because my officers are faster than his. You will receive the
general order of the day; but I wish to write to you in detail,
because it is of the very highest importance.</p>

<p>“I advance marshal Grouchy with the third and fourth
corps of infantry upon Sombreffe, and my guard upon Fleurus,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span>
where I shall be in person before mid-day. If I find the
enemy there, I shall attack him, and drive everything before
me as far as Gembloux. There I shall decide, according to
the events of the morning, what is to be done. My decision
will be made, perhaps at three o’clock, perhaps in the evening.
My intention is, that the moment I have determined on my
plan, you should be in readiness to march on Brussels. I will
support you with the guard, which will be at Fleurus or at
Sombreffe; and I should like to reach Brussels to-morrow
morning. You should set forward this evening, if I can form
my plan in time for you to hear from me to-day, and you
should march three or four leagues before night, and be in
Brussels at seven to-morrow morning.</p>

<p>“You can dispose of your troops in the following manner:
One division two leagues in advance of Quatre-Bras, if there
should be no obstacle: Six divisions of infantry about Quatre-Bras,
and one division at Marbais, in order that I may have
its assistance, should I want it, at Sombreffe; but this is not
to delay your march: Count de Valmy’s corps, which contains
three thousand cuirassiers of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">élite</i>, at the intersection of the
Roman way with the Brussels road, in case I should need it;
as soon as ever I have formed my plan, you will order this
division to rejoin you.</p>

<p>“I should like to have with me the division of the guard
which is commanded by general Lefebvre-Desnouettes, and
I send you in exchange the two divisions of count de Valmy’s
corps. But, according to my plans at this moment, I prefer
posting count de Valmy in such a manner as to have him
within reach if I want him, and to avoid causing general
Lefebvre-Desnouettes any false marches; for it is probable
that I shall resolve upon marching with the guard this evening
upon Brussels.</p>

<p>“Nevertheless, cover Lefebvre’s division by the two divisions
of cavalry belonging to D’Erlon and Reille, in order to spare
the guard; for if there should be any hot work with the English,
it is better that it should be with our line than the guard.</p>

<p>“I have adopted as a general principle of this campaign,
to divide my army into two wings, and a reserve.</p>

<p>“Your wing will consist of the four divisions of the first<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span>
corps, of the four divisions of the second corps, of two divisions
of light cavalry, and the two divisions of count de Valmy’s
corps. The number of these troops cannot be much less than
forty-five or fifty thousand men. Marshal Grouchy will have
nearly an equal number, and will command the right wing.
The guard will form the reserve, and I shall bring it up in support
of the one wing or the other, according to circumstances.
The Major-General will issue the most precise orders, in order to
secure obedience to you, when you have a separate command:
whenever I am present, the commanders of corps will receive
orders directly from me. I shall draw troops, according to
circumstances, from either wing, to strengthen my reserve.</p>

<p>“You well understand the importance attached to <em>the
taking of Brussels</em>. It may also produce important results;
for a movement of such promptitude and daring will cut off
the English troops at Mons, Ostend, etc.</p>

<p>“I wish your measures to be so taken, that, at the first
order, your eight divisions may be able to march rapidly on
Brussels, without any difficulty.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Napoleon.</span>”<br>
</p>
</div>


<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="center">PROCLAMATION TO THE BELGIANS AND INHABITANTS
OF THE LEFT BANK OF THE RHINE<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a>.</p>

<p>... “The ephemeral success of my enemies detached you for a
moment from my Empire: in my exile upon a rock in the sea,
I heard your complaints. The God of battle has decided
the fate of your beautiful provinces; Napoleon is among you.
You are worthy to be Frenchmen. Rise in mass, join my
invincible phalanxes, to exterminate the remainder of those
barbarians, who are your enemies and mine; they fly with
rage and despair in their hearts.</p>

<p class="right">
“(Signed) <span class="smcap">Napoleon</span>.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr10">“By the Emperor:</span><br>
<span class="padr2">“The major-general of the army,</span><br>
“Count <span class="smcap">Bertrand</span>.</p>

<p>“At the Imperial Palace of Laeken.”</p>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span></p>

<p>Little comment need be made upon this letter and proclamation.
They are characteristic of Napoleon. A most able
plan of operations is developed with his usual recklessness of
human life: we see him prepared to sacrifice his troops of the
line to save his guard; and either wing, so that with the other
he might make a dash at Brussels.</p>

<p>His overweening confidence of being there even early on
the 17th, and his sanguine expectations that the population
would support him, are clearly shown by the above documents.</p>

<p>Napoleon must evidently have miscalculated the degree of
energy and promptitude necessary to overcome two such generals
as Wellington and Blücher. He sadly underrated the
gallant troops which he and his marshal had to combat. And
when adverse writers talk so much of the calculating, cautious
and methodical Wellington (as Napoleon was pleased to call
him,) being taken by surprise in this campaign, we may
venture to ask, was not the Emperor taken by surprise and
thrown out in all his calculations by the extreme vigilance and
energy which brought three corps of the Prussian army, above
eighty-five thousand men, into position at Ligny by mid-day
on the 16th? and but for an error in the transmission of orders,
these troops would also have been joined by Bulow’s corps;
and had general Zieten sent information to general Müffling
or to the duke of Wellington at Brussels, when the French
army in three columns was first seen in his front in advance of
Charleroi, the whole allied army might have been concentrated
at Quatre-Bras during the night of the 15th. Wellington
in person was at Ligny on the 16th; observing
Napoleon preparing for battle, and after conferring with
Blücher, he returned to Quatre-Bras in time to give a most
critical check to the gallant Ney. Was it no surprise to
Napoleon to find that Wellington, upon hearing of Blücher’s
retreat from Ligny, instead of falling back to Ostend, etc.,
immediately retired with ominous steadiness upon Mont-St.-Jean?
and there arrested the ambition of his opponent,
who, instead of being at Brussels early on the 17th, as
intimated to Ney, was compelled to open his eyes, on the
morning of the 18th, to the fact that he was still above twelve
miles from Brussels, and unable to advance a step nearer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span>
without fighting a desperate battle, and staking his empire on
the result! He did fight: the stake was lost, and, by the next
morning, he found himself again at Charleroi, whence he had
dispatched his memorable letter to his “cousin” Ney but
two days before. He must have felt an agony of <em>surprise</em>
and something more, as he fled on for his very life, to escape
from his enraged pursuers.</p>

<p>M. de Vaulabelle indeed, in his “Campaign and Battle of
Waterloo,” published at Paris in 1845, attributes the non-arrival
of Napoleon at Brussels, to his having calculated that
the Prussians would not assemble in any great force until
the 17th, (<a href="#Page_53">page 53</a>;) and further on (<a href="#Page_54">page 54</a>,) the author says,
“Napoleon’s plans and arrangements were frustrated and his
sanguine expectations disappointed, on finding a barrier of
ninety-five thousand Prussians assembled between him and the
Belgian capital.” The above author also informs us, (<a href="#Page_68">page 68</a>,)
that a longer delay on the 16th, in executing his projected movements
at Ligny, would have compromised his success on that
day; and (<a href="#Page_95">page 95</a>,) that “on the 17th, fresh delays succeeded
those of the two preceding ones.” Ney’s troops, although the
marshal, it is pretended, received orders to renew the attack
on Quatre-Bras at break of day, were still in bivac at eleven
o’clock. We are given to understand by M. de Vaulabelle,
that similar delays occurred to different corps placed under
the direct command of the Emperor and marshal Grouchy.
We are also told that “the soldiers grumbled at this inaction
of which they did not know the motives, questioned their
officers, and interrogated their generals;” in fact, to use the
author’s words, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">L’énergie et l’activité semblaient s’être
réfugiées dans leurs rangs</i>.” (“All energy and activity
seemed to have taken refuge in their ranks.”) The inhabitants
of St.-Amand also affirm that, on a group of generals
passing through the village, the soldiers followed them with
their cries, “We made our soup at break of day in order to
be sooner at the ball, and we have been four hours doing nothing;
why don’t we fight? There is something underhand<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a>.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span></p>

<p>In face of all these discrepant statements, and upon calm
reflection and close examination of the history of the battle
of Waterloo, Napoleon’s disasters should not be attributed to
the neglect or disobedience of his generals, but, under Providence,
to the consummate bravery of the troops, and the skill
of the generals opposed to him.</p>

<p>Napoleon, when at St.-Helena, admitted that the tactics of
his army in the Waterloo campaign had their defects; but on
no occasion, to my knowledge, did he admit that he himself
had committed an error. He invariably endeavoured to
shift all blame, more especially the irretrievable failure at
Waterloo, to other shoulders than his own, to those of his
marshals. He accused Grouchy, the well-tried soldier in
many a hard-fought field, and who was banished for his attachment
to the Imperial cause, of having, by neglect, delay
and non-compliance with orders, occasioned his defeat at
Waterloo; and Grouchy’s alleged false movement is the basis
of every argument advanced by those who yet maintain the
military infallibility of their idolized Emperor. One would
imagine, from the tenor of Napoleon’s order of the day on the
14th of June, “Soldiers! we have forced marches to make,
battles to fight, dangers to encounter,” that he would not
have allowed the precious hours of the morning of the 16th
to be frittered away in inactivity, or have left his troops until
near eleven o’clock in the bivac of the night before, chiefly
where they crossed the Sambre, viz. at Charleroi, Châtelet and
Marchiennes, without making a movement to support his advanced
troops at Frasnes and Fleurus. No doubt the French
were fatigued and wanted rest; but, as the success of the campaign
depended upon vigorously pressing forward, and making
the most of the first advantages, there was no time for rest.
Again, on the 17th, after the battles of Quatre-Bras and
Ligny, we find Napoleon lingering on the field of Ligny, visiting
the wounded, and expressing his satisfaction at witnessing the
gallantry of his troops; we find him discussing, with Gérard
and Grouchy, subjects in no way connected with the campaign
which should decree him Emperor or exile; we find it to
be near one o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span> (17th,) before he put his own force
in motion to join Ney in pursuit of us, or before he gave<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span>
Grouchy his orders to pursue the Prussians. Early in the
morning, Pajol’s cavalry and Teste’s infantry divisions were
detached towards Namur, in pursuit of the Prussians; and,
strange to say, when, after capturing a Prussian battery on
the Namur road, and sending it to the Imperial head-quarters,
they found themselves completely baffled and at fault, they
returned to their bivac of the preceding night near Mazy, and
lay there till next morning, the 18th.</p>

<p>The Prussians, after their line had been broken about nine
o’clock on the 16th at Ligny, were allowed to retreat upon
Wavre unmolested; nor did Grouchy, who was subsequently
ordered by Napoleon “to follow the Prussians and not to let
them out of his sight, to complete their defeat by attacking
them and prevent their effecting a junction with the allies,”
know until the afternoon of the 17th by what route the main
Prussian army had retreated. Grouchy’s advance-guard did
not come up with the Prussian rear till half-past ten <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>
of the 18th, when three out of the four Prussian corps were
already on their march to join us: of this Grouchy knew nothing;
so far from it, he believed he had the whole Prussian
army before him.</p>

<p>If it be objected to Grouchy, that he did not act up to the
letter or the spirit of his instructions, we affirm that it was
impossible for him to do so, the delay in giving him his orders
having enabled the Prussians to gain fourteen hours start of
him.</p>

<p>This fact the marshal communicated to the Emperor, who
replied that he, with the rest of his army, was about to follow
the English and give them battle, should they take position
in front of the forest of Soigne, directing Grouchy to communicate
with him by the paved road of Quatre-Bras<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a>: but
not a word about that general’s joining in his attack on the
English. Napoleon followed us by the paved road to La
Belle-Alliance: Grouchy followed the Prussians by cross-roads
to Gembloux, about six miles, where he halted for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span>
night, and wrote to Napoleon; receiving the following answer,
dated</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Farm of Caillou</span>, ten o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span><br>
<span class="padr4">June 18th, 1815.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“I am directed,” says the Adjutant-General (Soult,) “by
the Emperor, to acquaint you that he is going to attack the
English who are in line of battle in front of Waterloo, near
the forest of Soigne. His Majesty directs you will move upon
Wavre, to be nearer to us, to report your operations, to keep
up a communication, etc.”</p>
</div>

<p>Again, not one word about marching to assist the Emperor:
and here we may observe that Wavre is not in the direction
of Mont-St.-Jean. When, however, at one o’clock, Napoleon
found that Wellington was not to be trifled with, and that
a Prussian corps was hovering upon his right flank, he dispatched
another order, dated</p>

<div class="blockquotx">

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Field of battle, Waterloo</span>, one o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span><br>
<span class="padr4">June 18th, 1815.</span><br>
</p>

<p><span class="pad2 allsmcap">“MONSIEUR LE MARÉCHAL</span>,</p>

<p>“You wrote from Gembloux this morning at two o’clock,
informing the Emperor, you were about to march to Sart-lez-Walhain.
His Majesty now directs you will manœuvre in
<em>our</em> direction; you must find out the point, in order to keep
up the communication, and be at hand to fall upon and destroy
any enemy that may attempt to attack our right. At this
moment we are engaged in battle on the line of Waterloo, the
enemy’s centre is Mont-St.-Jean; so manœuvre to join our
right without loss of time.</p>

<p class="right padr2">
“The adjutant-general, <span class="smcap">Duke of Dalmatia</span>.<br>
</p>

<p>“<em>P.S.</em>—An intercepted letter informs us that the Prussian
general Bulow is about to attack our right flank; we think
we see the corps on the heights of St.-Lambert; so approach
us without losing an instant, and destroy Bulow, should you
catch him in the fact.”</p>
</div>

<p>The order was in itself no doubt sound and judicious; but
the original vice we have already alluded to, as characterizing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span>
the movements of the French army after the passage of the
Sambre, rendered obedience impossible. The letter, written at
one o’clock, did not reach Grouchy until seven, about which
time Napoleon’s right had been attacked and driven back by
Bulow’s advanced brigades.</p>

<p>It was half-past seven o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span> on the 18th of June,
when Grouchy moved from his bivac at Gembloux, and,
owing to the bad state of the roads, nearly half-past eleven,
before he reached Sart-lez-Walhain, a distance of about six
miles. At the latter place, the report of a heavy cannonade
was distinctly heard in the direction of Waterloo: Grouchy
was strongly urged by some of his generals to march towards
the firing; and for not doing so, he has been attacked at all
points. He declined the proposition of his generals, on the
ground that he did not consider it his duty to march towards
the battle already raging elsewhere, but to attack, according
to his instructions, the Prussians with whom he had just come
up. Grouchy has since declared, that he did not consider it
his duty to follow the advice of Gérard and the other generals,
and that to have done so would have been acting contrary
to his orders. To have detached a portion of his force
towards the main French army would have separated his two
corps by the Dyle river, whose waters were much swollen by
the heavy rains, and whose banks were so swampy, that it
would have been impossible for his divisions to have mutually
supported each other; consequently he continued his march
upon Wavre.</p>

<p>For argument’s sake, we will suppose that Grouchy adopts
the advice of his generals, and commences his march at the
time the firing was first heard, about half-past twelve o’clock.
On average roads in fair condition, an army of thirty-two
thousand men of all arms would take seven hours to march
fifteen miles; they had already marched about six miles, as we
have seen, over bad roads. From Sart-lez-Walhain to Plancenoit,
Napoleon’s right, the distance is about sixteen miles,
and over bad roads; how could they have come up in time, and
that, without taking into account the obstructions which they
must have encountered from the Prussian corps who were
scouring the whole of that part of the country? It was utterly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span>
impossible for Grouchy, after breaking up his bivac
at Gembloux so late as half-past seven o’clock on the morning
of the 18th, to prevent the three Prussian corps, who well
knew his movements, from forming a junction with us, or
from attacking the French right. Had Grouchy left Gembloux
at two o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span>, and marched, unmolested by the
Prussians, by St.-Guibert and Moustier to St.-Lambert, and
taken position near the defiles of the Lasne and St.-Lambert,
he might have kept Bulow from attacking the French right,
and Napoleon might, before eight o’clock, about which time a
brigade of Pirch’s and part of a brigade of Zieten’s corps came
up, have attacked Wellington with his whole remaining force.</p>

<p>After the unaccountable delay on the 17th, the division of
his force by Napoleon appears a false move; for a corps of
cavalry would have sufficed to watch the Prussians. Grouchy,
unquestionably, was dilatory, and wanting in his former energy
and judgment; for though he must have known that the Prussians,
or a large portion of them, would attempt their junction
with us, he sent out no patrols to ascertain whether the contemplated
movement was in operation, and neglected to keep
up that which is always so essential, a close communication
with the main body of the French army. His whole attention
appears to have been directed to his right; the events on
his left he entirely neglected.</p>

<p>We have stated Napoleon’s anxiety to impute the blame of
the failure exclusively to his two marshals. We have endeavoured,
in the fair and fearless spirit of military criticism,
to examine how far such inculpation is borne out by facts in
the case of marshal Grouchy, and we now, in the same impartial
manner, propose to analyze the accusation made against
the gallant and daring Ney, “the bravest of the brave.” The
charges are twofold: delay at Quatre-Bras, and rashness at
Waterloo.</p>

<p>Ney, as we have seen, had been ordered by Napoleon, on
the morning of the 16th, to seize Quatre-Bras, to occupy
Genappe if practicable, and to be ready to march on Brussels
the same evening, (16th,) or on the morning of the 17th at
latest, as the seizure of the capital by a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de main</i> on the
17th was the Emperor’s grand object. For this purpose Ney<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span>
was, if possible, to press forward three or four leagues at least,
on the 16th, and to be supported by the light cavalry of the
Imperial guard.</p>

<p>Now, Ney is blamed by Napoleon and other military writers
(French,) for not having gained possession of Quatre-Bras
early on the 16th, before our force came up. Certainly no
British soldier underrates the value of an early attack: (as
Aroyo-de-Molinos can testify:) but was Ney justified in attempting
to obtain possession of Quatre-Bras? We incline
to think he was not. More than one half of his force was
still in the rear: D’Erlon’s corps was on the Sambre, or close
to it, Girard’s division of Reille’s corps was near Fleurus with
Grouchy, and Kellermann’s cavalry had not joined. No blame
to him, the gallant Ney, for <em>that</em>; he had joined the army but
the evening before, (the 15th). Notwithstanding these untoward
events, he ordered forward Reille’s (second) corps; but
finding that heavy masses of the enemy were concentrating at
St.-Amand on his right, and ignorant of the force in his front,
he judiciously declined to press on till D’Erlon came up as a
support.</p>

<p>Napoleon, before he left Charleroi, sent another order to
Ney to unite his force, (Reille’s and D’Erlon’s corps, and
Kellermann’s cuirassiers who were about to join him,) remarking,
“With this force you ought to overwhelm any
strength the enemy may oppose to you.” When Ney commenced
his attack on Quatre-Bras he was cautious. Napoleon
had now arrived at Fleurus, and sent word to Ney, that
Grouchy would attack the Prussians at half-past two o’clock;
that he, Ney, was to press vigorously upon any enemy in his
front, and then turn round and assist in crushing the Prussians
at Ligny. About three o’clock, Ney got another
dispatch, informing him that the battle of Ligny had already
begun, directing him to manœuvre <em>immediately</em>, so as to fall
upon the Prussian rear with all his force, which would be
utterly destroyed if he acted with vigour, adding, in his own
emphatic language addressed to a heart so susceptible and
patriotic as Ney’s, “The fate of France is in your hands!”
But that which pre-eminently characterized Napoleon’s early
career, that to which he almost exclusively owed his brilliant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span>
victories, that in which all men of all nations will admit his
wonderful excellence,—rapidity in executing his plans,—here
again failed him. Lightning may slumber; but <em>Time</em> will
ceaselessly march on, heedless of the errors of heroes! The
Emperor’s delay enabled our noble Picton, with his gallant
band, to come up from Brussels, closely followed by the
Brunswickers, headed by their cherished and chivalrous duke,
who found Quatre-Bras to be his last battle field. Such foes
occupied Ney: and Napoleon knew it not!</p>

<p>Observe, Napoleon (who, according to French historians,
could not err,) intrusting the fate of France to a flank movement
by Ney, who was unable ultimately to hold his own
position! He accuses Ney of having kept Reille’s and D’Erlon’s
corps detached, saying, “Had he united them, not an
Englishman would have escaped at Quatre-Bras;” and yet it
was by Napoleon’s <em>own</em> order, (in a pencilled note,) conveyed
by colonel Laurent, that Ney was ordered to detach D’Erlon’s
corps to St.-Amand! Laurent, falling in with the head of the
column then marching on Frasnes, upon his own responsibility
changed its direction. On inquiring for count D’Erlon, he
was informed that, as was his habit, he had gone ahead to
Frasnes, preceding his column. On his arrival at the latter
place, Laurent found the general, and handed over to him the
pencilled note, stating, at the same time, the position in which
he might find the head of his column.</p>

<p>At this time general Delcambre, chief of the staff of the
1st (D’Erlon’s) corps, went to acquaint the prince de la
Moskowa of the change in the line of march. Ney, who
was himself then hard pressed by Wellington, sent back
Delcambre with peremptory orders to D’Erlon to march on
Quatre-Bras: but <em>ere the order could reach</em> him, he was close
to St.-Amand, and consequently at too great a distance to
return in time to render assistance to Ney.</p>

<p>Could Ney therefore be made responsible for the absence of
D’Erlon’s corps, its change of direction, or this assumed want
of vigour consequent on either?</p>

<p>It is evident from the tenor of the dispatch from Napoleon
at two o’clock on the 16th, addressed to Ney at Gosselies,
that Napoleon did not imagine that the marshal had left Gosselies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span>
<em>at that hour</em>, much less that he had attacked us. Where
now was Ney’s delay when, with a <em>fraction</em> of his force,
(three divisions of Reille’s corps and Piré’s cavalry,) he
attacked us at Quatre-Bras?</p>

<p>This proves the fallacy of the assertions contained in the
<cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Mémoires historiques de Napoléon</cite>, and something perhaps
stronger than fallacies in Gourgaud’s campaign of 1815. In
these Ney is assailed for not attacking us <em>early</em> in the morning
of the 16th. We will not however leave the posthumous
fame of the gallant Ney to be sacrificed to Imperial infallibility.
We assert that Ney, on the 16th, did all at Quatre-Bras that
circumstances warranted, and attempted more; we assert that
if he failed in his attempt, (viz. of occupying Quatre-Bras,)
his failure is to be, so far as Ney and his force are concerned,
ascribed to British bayonets, and not to any want of skill,
daring or rapidity on the part of Ney<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a>, or to any want of
gallantry, or deadly devotion on the part of the brave troops
of Reille, Piré and Kellermann.</p>

<p>We arrive now at the different versions which have been
published of the battle of Waterloo, and which issued from
St.-Helena. How much credit should be attached to these
accounts, may be judged by the following extracts from the
able work entitled “The Military life of the Duke of Wellington:”</p>

<p>“It may perhaps be remarked, that we have attached little
authority to the accounts of this campaign which emanated
from St.-Helena. The writer of this portion of the present
work had the honour of being intimately acquainted with some
of the persons composing Napoleon’s suite at Longwood; and
although he has reason to believe the volumes given to the
world with the names of generals de Montholon and Gourgaud
perfixed to them to be genuine; that is, that they were prepared<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span>
from Napoleon’s notes and dictation; yet, he conceives,
he has equal reason for rejecting them as testimony. An officer
of Bonaparte’s establishment told him at Longwood, that the
termination of the battle of Waterloo had occasioned the
utmost perplexity amongst them; and that he himself, having
been employed by the ex-Emperor to write an account of the
campaign, had presented no less than <em>six</em> distinct modes of
ending the battle, all of which had been rejected.</p>

<p class="center">
“<i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Ab uno disce omnes.</i>”<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a><br>
</p>

<p>Various accounts of the battle that subsequently emanated
from St.-Helena, Grouchy characterizes as containing “supposed
instructions and orders, imaginary movements, etc.,
deductions made after the event;” (“<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">des instructions et des
ordres supposés, des mouvements imaginatifs</i>, etc.; <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">des assertions
erronées, des hypothèses faites après coup</i>.”) I will not
trouble my readers with any further remarks upon accounts
so destitute of truth. Gourgaud’s account, dictated by Napoleon
himself, is, for the most part, indignantly and completely
refuted by marshal Grouchy as a mere “military romance.”</p>

<p>From this trait of history-making, we may judge of the rest
of the accounts that were concocted in the ever fertile imagination
of Napoleon. His utter disregard of truth was part of his
policy; and if, for a time, it enabled him to deceive a high-minded
and gallant people, amongst whom the liberty of the press had
been annihilated, in the end it contributed to his ruin, nearly
as much as did the bravery and perseverance of his victorious
opponents. Why did we meet him at Waterloo? We were not
at war with France, with its legitimate sovereign, or with the
French people. But we were at war with Napoleon: he had
been declared <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">hors la loi</i> (outlawed) by civilized Europe<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a>;
the idol indeed of a fine army, but a man devoid of truth and
principle, whom no treaties could bind, and whose restless
ambition was utterly incompatible with the peace of Europe.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span></p>

<p>His chief aim was to obtain universal dominion, and his
inordinate love of glory made him conceive the chimera of a
universal monarchy, of which he was to be the chief. Few
have denied him to have been an able and daring commander,
gifted with great military talents; and the duke of Wellington
never hesitated in affirming, that of all the chiefs of
armies in the world, the one in whose presence it was most
hazardous to make a false movement was Napoleon<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a>.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowp63" id="i_b_191" style="max-width: 31.25em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/i_b_191.jpg" alt="(Napoleon)" title="(Napoleon)">
</div>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">“The triumph and the vanity,</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">The rapture of the strife,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The earthquake voice of victory,</div>
    <div class="verse indent4">To him the breath of life;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">The sword, the sceptre and the sway,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">That men seem’d born but to obey.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

<p>It was against this man, and not against France, that
Wellington uniformly declared he was leading his troops:
“France,” said the Duke in a letter dated June 4th, 1815,
“has no enemies, as far as I know: I am sure that she does<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span>
not deserve to have any. We are the enemies of one man
only, and of his partisans, of him who has misused his influence
over the French army, to overthrow the throne of the
king, in order to subjugate France, and then to bring back to
all of us the days of misery which we thought were gone
by.... Our state then ought not to be called one of war with
France, but of war on the part of all Europe, comprising
therein France herself, against Napoleon and against his
army, whose bad conduct is the cause of all the evils which
are going to happen, and which we all deplore<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a>.”</p>

<p>Lest our neighbours may think this view of Napoleon’s
character drawn by English prejudice, and as not affording
sufficient reasons for the determination of Wellington to aim
solely at his destruction, and with a steadiness of resolve not
to be turned aside till complete success attended the efforts of
the allies, I beg to record the following character of Napoleon,
and his iron rule over the French people. It will be observed
that this character was drawn by the pen of Frenchmen, proclaimed
by French authorities, and placarded by them on all
the walls of Paris, whose inhabitants knew too well the facts
on which the proclamation was founded. The general and
municipal Council of Paris thus addressed the people, the
year before the battle of Waterloo:</p>

<p>“You owe all the evils which overwhelm you to one man,
to him who every year, by the conscription, decimates your
families. Who amongst us has not lost a brother, a son, relatives,
friends? And why have all these brave men fallen?
For him alone, and not for the country. In what cause have
they fallen? They have been immolated to the mad ambition
of leaving behind him the name of the most dreadful oppressor
that ever weighed on the human race.... It is he that has
closed against us the seas of the two worlds. To him we are
indebted for the hatred of the people of all nations, without
having deserved it; for, like them, we have been the unhappy
victims as well as the sad instruments of his madness. What
matters it that he has sacrificed but few to his private hatred,
if he has sacrificed France,—we should not say, France only,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span>
but all Europe, to his boundless ambition? Look at the vast
continent of Europe, everywhere strewed with the mingled
bones of Frenchmen, and people with whom we had no disputes,
no causes of mutual hatred, who were too distant from us to
have any cause of quarrel, but whom he precipitated into all
the horrors of war, solely that the earth might be filled with
the noise of his name. Why boast of his past victories? What
good have those dreadful triumphs brought us? The hatred
of other nations, the tears of our families, our daughters forced
to remain unmarried, our matrons plunged into premature
widowhood, the despair of fathers and mothers, to whom
there remains, out of a numerous progeny, but the hand of
an infant to close their eyes: behold! these are the results of
all those victories, which have brought foreign armies within
our very walls.... In the name of our most sacred duties,
we abjure all obedience to the usurper; we return to our legitimate
rulers.”</p>

<p>“How just,” adds a French historian, “are these accusations,
although they were made by men who a little before
had been prodigal of flattery and incense to the author of all
these public calamities<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a>!”</p>

<p>With such a man as Napoleon is here described, whose
towering military genius no one can call in question, and
whose influence had so long, and so fatally fascinated the
gallant French people, whose eyes were at length opened to
the real character of his rule, it must not be wondered at,
that we went to war; nor should our triumph over him ever
be regarded as a triumph over the French nation: between
that high-minded people and the rest of the civilized world,
may the peace, which is already of unexampled duration, and
which we bought so dearly, continue forever!</p>

<p>I may here present to the reader the sentiments of a noble
and distinguished writer, who had long been near Napoleon
and had closely watched his career. On hearing of his arrival
at St.-Helena, this French statesman and scholar gave the
following commentary to the world. No one who is acquainted
with the writings of Chateaubriand will suspect him of any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span>
bias towards the British character: yet he wrote thus of our
vanquished foe:</p>

<p>“The bloody drama of Europe is concluded, and the great
tragedian, who for twenty years has made the earth his theatre,
and set the world in tears, has left the stage for ever! He
lifted the curtain with his sword, and filled the scenes with
slaughter. His part was invented by himself, and was terribly
unique. Never was there so ambitious, so restless a spirit;
never so daring, so fortunate a soldier. His aim was universal
dominion, and he gazed at it steadfastly with the eye of the
eagle, and the appetite of the vulture.</p>

<p>“He combined within himself all the elements of terror,
nerve, malice and intellect; a heart that never trembled, a
mind that never wavered from its purpose. The greatness of
his plans defied speculation, and the rapidity of their execution
outstripped prophecy. Civilized nations were the victims of
his arts, and savages could not withstand his warfare. Sceptres
crumbled in his grasp, and liberty withered in his presence.
The Almighty appeared to have intrusted to him the destinies
of the globe, and he used them to destroy. He shrouded the
sun with the clouds of battle, and unveiled the night with his
fires. His march reversed the course of nature: the flowers
of the spring perished, the fruits of autumn fell; for his track
was cold, and cheerless, and desolate, like the withering,
wintry blast. Amid all the physical, moral and political
changes which he produced, he was still the same. Always
ambitious, always inexorable; no compassion assuaged, no
remorse deterred, no dangers alarmed him. Like the barbarians,
he conquered Italy, and rolling back to its source the
deluge that overwhelmed Rome, he proved himself the Attila
of the West. With Hannibal, he crossed the Alps in triumph;
Africa beheld in him a second Scipio, and standing on the
Pyramids of Egypt, he looked down on the fame of Alexander.
He fought the Scythian in his cave, and the unconquered Arab
fled before him. He won, and divided, and ruled nearly all
modern Europe. It became a large French province, where
foreign kings still reigned by courtesy, or mourned in chains.
The Roman pontiff was his prisoner, and he claimed dominion
over the altar with the God of hosts. Even his name inspired<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span>
universal terror, and the obscurity of his designs rendered him
awfully mysterious. The navy of Great Britain watched him
with the eye of Argus, and her coast was lined with soldiers
who slept on their arms. He made war before he declared it;
and peace was with him a signal for hostilities. His friends
were the first whom he assailed, and his allies he selected to
plunder. There was a singular opposition between his alleged
motives and his conduct. He would have enslaved the land
to make the ocean free, and he wanted only power to enslave
both.</p>

<p>“If he was arrogant, his unparalleled successes must excuse
him. Who could endure the giddiness of such a mountain
elevation? Who, that amid the slaughter of millions had
escaped unhurt, would not suppose, that a deity had lent him
armour, like Achilles? Who, that had risen from such obscurity,
overcame such mighty obstacles, vanquished so many
monarchs, won such extensive empires, and enjoyed so absolute
a sway? Who, in the fulness of unequalled power and
in the pride of exulting ambition, would not believe himself
the favourite of Heaven?</p>

<p>“He received the tribute of fear, and love, and admiration.
The weight of the chains which he imposed on France was
forgotten in their splendour: it was glorious to follow him,
even as a conscript. The arts became servile in his praise;
and genius divided with him her immortal honours. For it is
mind alone that can triumph over time. Letters, only, yield
permanent renown.</p>

<p>“This blood-stained soldier adorned his throne with the
trophies of art, and made Paris the seat of taste as well as of
power. There, the old and the new world met and conversed;
there, Time was seen robbed of his scythe, lingering among
beauties which he could not destroy; there, the heroes and
sages of every age mingled in splendid alliance, and joined in
the march of fame. They will appeal to posterity to mitigate
the sentence which humanity claims against the tyrant Bonaparte.
Awful indeed will be that sentence; but when will
posterity be a disinterested tribunal? When will the time
arrive that Europe shall have put off mourning for his crimes?
In what distant recess of futurity will the memory of Moskow<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span>
sleep? When will Jena, Gerona, and Austerlitz, when will
Jaffa, Corunna, and Waterloo be named without tears of
anguish and vows of retribution? Earth can never forget,
man can never forgive them.</p>

<p>“Let him live, if he can endure life, divested of his crown,
without an army, and almost without a follower. Let him
live, he who never spared his friends, if he can withstand the
humiliation of owing his life to an enemy. Let him live, and
listen to the voice of conscience. He can no longer drown it
in the clamorous report of war. No cuirass guards his bosom
from the arrows of remorse. Now that the cares of state have
ceased to distract his thoughts, let him reflect on his miserable
self; and, with the map before him, retrace his bloody career.
Alas! his life is a picture of ruin, and the light that displays it
is the funeral torch of nations. It exhibits one mighty sepulchre,
crowded with the mangled victims of murderous ambition.
Let him reflect on his enormous abuse of power, on his
violated faith, and shameless disregard of all law and justice.</p>

<p>“Let him live, and repent; let him seek to atone in humility
and solitude for the sins of his political life, an example of the
catastrophe of the wicked, and the vanity of false greatness.
Great he unquestionably was, great in the resources of a
misguided spirit, great in the conception and execution of evil;
great in mischief, like the pestilence; great in desolation, like
the whirlwind.”</p>

<p>From the equivocal loyalty to the common cause of many
of the troops in the allied army, and the severity of the contest,
we were not so surprised as we were vexed, to see them skulk
away, and make for Brussels, or seek shelter in the woods.
Our numbers were greatly reduced by this sort of defection,
long before the close of the battle. General Müffling estimates
the runaways at ten thousand, (far below the real
number). Of course, such heroes would invent narratives
and retail them in their dishonourable flight, in order to cover
themselves from the reproaches and contempt richly merited
by such unsoldierly behaviour. A gallant officer records a
fact in point:</p>

<p>“Having been sent before day-light, on the morning after the
battle,” says lieutenant-colonel Basil Jackson, “to communicate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span>
the Duke’s orders for his array to move on Nivelles, ...
I had an opportunity of witnessing how disgraceful had been
the conduct of many of the foreign troops. I saw thousands
making their way to the front, who had quitted their colours
during the battle and fled to the forest. The commanding
officer of a cavalry regiment showed me a hundred and forty
men, stating that his loss in the battle had reduced it to that
number. I believe this regiment was not engaged; for very
nearly the original complement of eight hundred men were
forthcoming a few days after! The Duke degraded it, by
turning it over to the commissariat to furnish escorts<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a>.”</p>

<p>Some there were who wore the British uniform, who took
advantage of the duty of carrying the wounded to the rear,
and did not return to their duty on the field. This circumstance
has been pitiably exaggerated, and even distorted into a tale
that the British generally were flying off to Brussels when
the Prussians came up.</p>

<p>The duke of Wellington, in his general order, issued at
Nivelles, two days after the battle, thus noticed the conduct
of those who had improperly absented themselves from their
colours:</p>

<p>... “3. The Field-Marshal has observed that several soldiers,
and even officers, have quitted their ranks without
leave, and have gone to Brussels, and even some to Antwerp;
where, and in the country through which they have passed,
they have spread a false alarm, in a manner highly unmilitary,
and derogatory to the character of soldiers.</p>

<p>“4. The Field-Marshal requests the general officers commanding
divisions in the British army, and the general officers
commanding the corps of each nation of which the army is
composed, to report to him in writing what officers and men,—the
former by name,—are now, or have been, absent without
leave since the 16th<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a>.”</p>

<p>It may not be out of place to offer a few general remarks
on some points in which the public have felt much interest,
and upon which opinions have greatly differed.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span></p>

<p>It is certain that the duke of Wellington would not have
accepted battle at Waterloo, had he not been sure of the
cooperation of the Prussians; and the loss which they sustained
during the short time they were engaged, proves the value of
that cooperation.</p>

<p>The diversion of the Prussians diminished the French force
against us, by count de Lobau’s corps, eleven battalions of the
Imperial guard, and eighteen squadrons of cavalry, amounting
to above fifteen thousand men and sixty-six guns. It is
evident that the blow, which decided the fate of the day, was
given by the Duke when he defeated the Imperial guard,
attacked the French reserves, and forced their centre: by this,
D’Erlon’s columns were turned on their left, and Reille’s on
their right: then followed the general advance of Wellington’s
whole line.</p>

<p>With the splendid light cavalry force Napoleon had at his
command, and Grouchy, detached with thirty-two thousand
men of all arms to watch the Prussians, it is most extraordinary
that the first intimation the Emperor had of their advance
upon his right, was about one o’clock on the 18th, when,
from his position above La Belle-Alliance, he himself saw
them at St.-Lambert.</p>

<p>Notwithstanding the numerous charges made by the French
cavalry, not one was made upon our left wing; nor was
their cavalry of the right wing put in motion, till the
ardour of our heavy cavalry carried them upon the French
position, when their lancers, cuirassiers and dragoons were let
loose upon our broken and disordered cavalry, who suffered
severely.</p>

<p>D’Erlon’s infantry columns, and the last two attacking columns
of the Imperial guard were entirely unsupported by
cavalry, or they never could have been so closely pursued,
and so roughly handled.</p>

<p>The French army under Napoleon was composed almost
exclusively of veterans; many of whom, the year before, had
been liberated from the English, Russian and Austrian prisons:
men whose trade was war, and who were well inured to it;
whose battles equalled their years in number; all of one nation,
devoted to their leader and his cause, most enthusiastic,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span>
and well equipped: in fact the finest army Napoleon ever
brought into the field. One more gallant, or more complete
in every respect, never stood before us.</p>

<p>We, on the contrary, were of different nations. Our
foreign auxiliaries, who constituted more than half our numerical
strength, with some exceptions, were little better that
raw militia-men.</p>

<p>It would not perhaps be out of place if we now notice an
assertion of French, and even of English writers; namely,
that the duke of Wellington was taken by surprise at the
commencement of this campaign. Surely the French must
laugh in their sleeves when they find English writers credulous
enough to print statements which have originated in the lively
imaginations of our neighbours, and to support the assertion
that the Duke depended upon such a man as Fouché, for
information of Napoleon’s arrival in Belgium, and of his plan
of operations. We find a very late writer even quoting
Fouché, to prove what he advances. One would imagine
that such authors were perfectly ignorant of the contents of
the Duke’s twelfth volume of the Dispatches, or of Fouché’s
reputation. They deny his Grace the possession of common
prudence, if they believe he would intrust the safety of his
army, and thereby the interests of Europe, to an ignoble
police-spy, whose memory is justly despised by every Frenchman.</p>

<p>In reply to the unfounded statement that Wellington relied
on any information from that archtraitor and lump of duplicity,
it is sufficient to give the following extract from a letter
in the Duke’s Dispatches, (vol. XII, page 649,) addressed
to Dumouriez: “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Avant mon arrivée à Paris, au mois de
juillet, je n’avais jamais vu Fouché, ni eu avec lui communication
quelconque, ni avec aucun de ceux qui sont liés avec
lui</i>.” (“Before my arrival in Paris, in July, I had never seen
Fouché, nor had had any communication with him, nor with
any one connected with him.”) Of the French movements the
Duke had timely information from a very different source.
I was told by sir Hussey Vivian, (when he visited the field
in 1839,) that he was aware on the 13th of June; of the
French being concentrated and ready to attack; and that he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span>
reported the circumstance to the Duke: this is corroborated
in Siborne’s history, at page 49, vol. I: these are undoubted
authorities.</p>

<p>Those who have attentively followed the Duke in his operations
during this campaign, or referred to his correspondence,
will have found that, for weeks before, his Grace had foreseen
Napoleon’s intentions and had made deliberate arrangements
to render them unavailing. The allied army was so cantoned
by Wellington, that its divisions could be promptly united
when the plans of Napoleon should be sufficiently developed.
The admirable organization of the allied army, effected by
the Duke so shortly after he took the command, must have
struck our readers: it is evident he was at once the main-spring,
directing head, and very soul of the grand European
coalition; and it could only be a just confidence in the admirable
plan he had drawn up for the conduct of the allied troops,
that dictated the letter addressed to sir Henry Wellesley,
June 2d, 1815, and which expresses the following very remarkable
anticipation of coming events:</p>

<p>... “We have as yet done nothing here.... Towards
the 16th, I hope we shall begin. I shall enter France with
between seventy and eighty thousand men; the Prussians near
me, with twice as many<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a>.”</p>

<p>This document was penned a fortnight before the action at
Quatre-Bras, where we began work in earnest, as the Duke
had anticipated, exactly on the 16th. This fact, of itself,
should suffice to stop the mouths of those who delight in telling
us that Wellington was taken by surprise. There were moments
indeed, when he thought that Napoleon’s ambition
might be so far controlled by common prudence, as to be
content with remaining within the boundaries of France, and
leaving the odium of acting aggressively to the allied powers;
and in such moments, the Duke spoke and wrote of awaiting
for the combined movements of the Austrians and Russians.
But not for a single instant did he lose sight of the possibility,
nay probability, that Bonaparte would rush across the borders,
begin offensive operations, and make a dash to seize the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span>
person of Louis XVIII, or to get possession of the city of
Brussels. Against these contingencies, how early and how
ably our great chieftain provided, let facts, and not the dreams
of mortified narrators, inform the world.</p>

<p>On the 6th, 7th, and 10th of June, the Duke dispatched
letters to the Prussians’ head-quarters], informing them that the
enemy was in great strength about Maubeuge, where Bonaparte
was said to be on the 9th, and thence to have gone along
the frontiers towards Lille; and that an attack was to be forthwith
expected<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a>.</p>

<p>With this intelligence received by Wellington, and actively
circulated by him among all who were exposed to be attacked
by the French, how was it possible that he should be taken
by <em>surprise</em>? Every movement of the enemy was quickly
known to him; and his characteristic vigilance, and matured
judgment, enabled him to foretell the very time and place of
the grand attack. All that depended on him was in perfect
readiness, several days before fighting began. If the Prussians
were unaccountably remiss in not forwarding to his
Grace earlier intelligence of the descent of the enemy into
Belgium, it was not for want of watchfulness on the part of
the Duke; <em>he</em> was quite awake. Let the reader turn to the
Appendix of this work, (<a href="#Note_I">No. I</a>,) for proof that Wellington was
not easily to be surprised, but that he had all his forces so
well in hand on the 30th of April, that they could march at
a moment’s notice, and unite at any point really attacked.</p>

<p>In reply to the assertion made by French, and even by
Prussian official writers, “that Blücher and his troops saved
the allied army,” it may be observed, the battle of Waterloo
must be always considered as a battle fought by the right
wing of an army, for the purpose of maintaining a position
until the arrival of the Prussians, its left wing, should render
victory certain. The safest tactics, in the Duke’s opinion,
were to act entirely on the defensive, and he had, in consequence,
thoroughly matured his arrangements with Blücher
for mutual support. The Duke, therefore, was not only justified
in receiving battle, but had every reason to expect to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span>
have been reinforced several hours before the Prussians came
up. Waterloo might have terminated with much less sacrifice
of life, and as decisively at three, as it afterwards did at eight
o’clock. But even admitting, for a moment, that the arrival
of the Prussians saved us at Waterloo, we undoubtedly saved
them by holding our position until they came up. Had we
given way before they cleared the defiles of St.-Lambert,
they would have been annihilated; of this they were aware,
as our readers will be convinced on reference to the letters
from the Prussian to the allied head-quarters<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a>.</p>

<p>But facts are stubborn things, and it is doubtful whether
Napoleon could have driven the British from the ground, even
if the Prussians had not arrived. The English troops had
maintained their position for eight hours against the most
experienced army and the ablest general ever France sent
into the field; not a British regiment was broken, nor the allied
army in a panic, nor, at any time, in serious danger of being
penetrated. Further, even if the Prussians had not arrived,
we are inclined to think that Napoleon could not, in the
exhausted and dispirited condition of his troops, and the lateness
of the hour, have driven the British from their ground.
His cavalry was nearly annihilated: while three brigades of
British infantry, one of the King’s German legion, and two
brigades of British cavalry<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a>, had, except in the loss sustained
by the 27th regiment, and 12th dragoons, suffered but comparatively
little; many of the foreign troops had not fired a shot:
and after the arrival of Vivian and Vandeleur, the <em>British
cavalry</em> were, as our readers have seen, masters of the field.
The junction of the Prussians was a part of Wellington’s
combinations for the battle. Their flank movement at Waterloo
was similar to Desaix’s from Novi to Marengo; with
this no small difference, that upon Bulow’s troops joining,
they found the allied army firm and unbroken, and rather in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span>
advance of their position of the morning<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a>: when Desaix
joined Bonaparte, he was in full retreat, one wing of his army
destroyed, and obliged to change his whole front to save the
rest from destruction; this eventually gave him the victory.
We are not astonished that the French should employ this
argument as a balm to their disappointment, but it comes
with a peculiar bad grace from the Prussians. Surely, in thus
taking the lion’s share in this glorious victory, they do not
think to cover their defeat at Ligny, or their unaccountable
delay in arriving on the field of Waterloo.</p>

<p>“The roads were very bad, and the Prussians had a numerous
artillery, not over-well horsed. Yet supposing them to
have been put in motion at eight o’clock in the morning, (their
official account says <em>break of day</em>,) they were ten or eleven
hours in marching little more than a like number of miles!
May we not therefore be allowed to conjecture, that there
was some hesitation on the part of Blücher in marching upon
Waterloo, until he could feel assured of his army being in little
danger from Grouchy?” (<span class="smcap">Jacksos</span> and <span class="smcap">Scott’s</span> <cite>Life of the
Duke of Wellington</cite>.)<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a>.</p>

<p>And if true, as the Prussian official report represents, that
Blücher had such a large force on the field to act, previous to,
or during Napoleon’s last attack upon us, why did not Blücher,
to use the language of two excellent military writers,
roll up the French army as Pakenham’s division did at Salamanca?
I have often thought that if lord Hill could, by any
means, have been transferred across the field to where Bulow
debouched, with the same force of British troops under his
command as Bulow had of Prussian, (30,000,) our illustrious
Chief’s table that night might have been honoured by the
presence of Napoleon and his chief officers, and most of the
French army favoured with a free passage to England.</p>

<p>Lieutenant-colonel B. Jackson, in his <cite>Military life of Wellington</cite>,
(vol. II, page 806,) says, “There can exist no doubt<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span>
whatever that, paradoxical as it may at first sight appear, the
cooperation, thought somewhat tardy, of the Prussians, produced,
<em>not the defeat</em>, but the total rout of Bonaparte’s army:
for the duke of Wellington could not, weakened as his force
was at the close of the day, have hazarded an attack with
his whole army, had Blücher not been at hand to support
the movement. The service rendered by our brave allies was
therefore most opportune, and of the highest value.... An
error of half an hour—and men do not consult their watches
during the excitement of battle—made either by the Prussians
or ourselves, is sufficient to account for much of the
discrepance existing between their statements and our own.”</p>

<p>That English and Prussian writers should altogether agree
as to the apportionment of the glory of the day, was not to be
expected. It is clear, to the lasting honour of the two allied
nations, that whatever feelings may have since grown up on
this subject, none interfered at the time with the cordiality
of their combined operations. The following lines, from a
Prussian pen, will show that just national pride is not inconsistent
with candour:</p>

<p>“Upon the question, who really fought and won the battle
of the 18th, no discussion, much less contention, ought to
have arisen. Without in the slightest degree impeaching the
just share of Prussia in the victory, or losing sight for a moment
of the fact that she bore a great share of the danger,
and drew much of it from her allies and upon herself at a
decisive moment, no unprejudiced person can conceal from
himself that the honour of the day is due to the Anglo-Netherlandish
army, and to the measures of its great leader.
The struggle of Mont-St.-Jean was conducted with an obstinacy,
ability, and foresight of which history affords few
examples. The great loss of the English also speaks the merit
of their services. More than seven hundred officers, among
them the first of their army, whether in rank or merit, and
upwards of ten thousand soldiers, fell, or retired wounded
from the field<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a>.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span></p>

<p>No one unacquainted with war can form the most distant
idea of the weak state and disorganization to which even a
victorious army is reduced by a long, trying, severe day’s battle.
The number of men absent from the ranks is incredible, and
long continued excitement nearly exhausts the rest.</p>

<p>Although we place little reliance on statements which have
originated from St.-Helena, yet we must be excused if we
quote O’Meara, whose conversations with the Emperor have
been faithfully given to the world. They contain several
allusions to the battle of Waterloo, and attest the Emperor’s
conviction of the completeness of our victory over him, and
the hopelessness of all his plans, as well as his utter despair
before he quitted the field.</p>

<p>What other honest interpretation can be given to these
words, “I ought to have died at Waterloo; but, as ill luck
will have it, when you seek death you cannot meet with it.
There were numbers killed close to me, before, behind, on
every side of me; but there was no bullet for me!” Why
should a man desire to be struck down, if, as the fond tale
goes amongst some of his indiscriminate admirers, he had
thrice won the battle of Waterloo? He desired death, because
he saw that all his resources were gone, and that the
British, notwithstanding the day’s dreadful carnage, were
about to deal the decisive blow with irresistible force.</p>

<p>The same author relates several facts connected with the
battle of Waterloo, communicated to him by general Gourgaud,
under Napoleon’s roof. These are the general’s words,
as written down at the time, (August 23d, 1817:)</p>

<p>“At the close of the battle of Waterloo, and after the
unsuccessful charge of the French, the English cavalry which
charged in return, approached within two or three hundred
yards of the spot where Napoleon was, with none about him
but Soult, Drouot, Bertrand, and Gourgaud himself. At a
short distance from them was a small French battalion, that
had formed square. Napoleon directed general Gourgaud to
order two or three field-pieces belonging to this battalion to
be fired, in order to arrest the cavalry which was coming on.
The order was executed, and one of the balls wounded lord
Uxbridge in the leg. Napoleon put himself at the head of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span>
the column, exclaiming, ‘Here we must die! we must die on
the field of battle!’”</p>

<p>Let us observe, that Napoleon must, at this moment, have
felt himself beaten, and that his conquerors were the British,
to whom, as the most noble of his enemies, he paid the compliment,
wishing to die by our hands rather than by those of
the Prussians, who were advancing on his right, ready enough
to gratify his wish. But, to continue general Gourgaud’s account:</p>

<p>“At the very instant that Napoleon was desirous of making
a charge with the handful of men left about him, the English
light infantry was gaining ground. Labédoyère galloped
round them, sword in hand, seeming to court a glorious death
on the field of honour. We prevented Napoleon from rushing
into the midst of the enemy. It was Soult who seized his
horse by the bridle, and said, ‘They will not kill you: you
will be taken prisoner;’ and that general, with the assistance
of a few others who gathered round, prevailed on Napoleon
to fly from the field of battle.”</p>

<p>We have often, throughout this discussion, quoted several
of our opponents: let us now give two great authorities on
every question connected with the field of Waterloo, viz. the
duke of Wellington and lord Hill. It is also a conversation,
but related by B. R. Haydon Esq., (<cite>United Service Magazine</cite>,
February 1844, page 281:)</p>

<p>“When sir Walter Scott was at Paris in 1815, he was
permitted to ask, and he did put the following questions, at
his Grace’s table, relating to Waterloo, and I repeat them as
sir Walter detailed them to me at my own: ‘Suppose, your
Grace, Blücher had not come up.’ The Duke replied, ‘I
could have kept my ground till next morning.’—‘Suppose
Grouchy had come first.’—‘Blücher would have been close
behind him.’—‘But let us suppose, your Grace had been
compelled to retreat.’—‘I could have taken position in the
forest of Soigne, and defied all till the allies joined.’—‘Was
there any part of the day when your Grace despaired?’—‘Never,’
was the reply.</p>

<p>“This was the reply of the first in command. In 1833, the
writer of this letter dined at lord Palmerston’s; on his right<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span>
sat lord Hill. As his Lordship lived near the author, he offered
to set him down. When alone in the carriage with lord Hill,
remembering what sir Walter had affirmed of the Duke’s
confidence, he said, ‘Was there any part of the day at Waterloo,
my lord, you ever desponded as to the result?’—‘Desponded!’
replied lord Hill, ‘never: there never was
the least panic; we had gained rather than lost ground, by
the evening. No, there was not a moment I had the least
doubt of the result.’”</p>

<p>In conclusion, and as a final answer to the depreciators of
British valour, we offer them the speech of the celebrated
Ney, uttered in the Chamber of Peers four days after the
battle, and which is, perhaps, of the French accounts the most
worthy of attention, and too remarkable to be omitted on the
present occasion.</p>

<p>When the peers were assembled, Carnot gave them a flaming
account of Grouchy’s admirable retreat from Wavre, at the
head, the minister said, of sixty thousand men; of Soult’s success
in collecting together twenty thousand of the old guard;
of new levies from the interior, with two hundred pieces of
cannon. Ney, highly incensed at these mischievous untruths,
and keenly suffering from the injustice done to him in Napoleon’s
bulletins, started up, and declared Carnot’s statement to
be utterly false:</p>

<p>“Will they dare to assert,” exclaimed the exasperated marshal,
“before eyewitnesses of the disastrous day of the 18th,
that we have yet sixty thousand soldiers embodied? Grouchy
cannot have under him above twenty or five-and-twenty
thousand soldiers, at the utmost. Had he possessed a greater
force, he might have covered the retreat, and the Emperor
would still have been in command of an army on the frontiers.
Not a man of the guard will ever rally more. I myself commanded
them; I myself witnessed their total extermination,
ere I left the field of battle: they are annihilated. The enemy
are at Nivelles with eighty thousand men; they may, if they
please, be at Paris in six days. There is no safety for France,
but in instant propositions for peace<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a>.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span></p>

<p>This speech opened the eyes of all Paris to the facts, and
prepared the entry of the allies into France, almost without
striking a blow. It was truly, like my pages, <span class="smcap">a voice from
Waterloo</span> and is the last testimony we shall present to the
reader, in refutation of the tale, that we were beaten before
the arrival of the Prussians. It was not against the latter
that the devoted Ney led the Imperial guard, nor were they
by the Prussians annihilated; they were defeated on no other
spot but the allied position on the field of Waterloo.</p>

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<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> A large quantity of these proclamations was found amongst the Imperial
baggage.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Campagne et Bataille de Waterloo</cite>, par <span class="smcap">Achille de Vaulabelle</span>,
p. 95-96. Paris, 1845.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> A positive proof that Napoleon was of opinion that the Prussians were
retiring upon Namur and the Meuse; or why did he direct the communication
to be kept up by the paved road of Quatre-Bras?</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> It is notorious that Ney was one amongst the last who quitted the scene of
carnage; it is also certain, we had our hands full to wrest victory from the
French. Had all Napoleon’s generals acted with the same energy, gallantry
and constant audacity as Ney did on his last field, our day’s work would have
been more troublesome, and not so many of us left to tell the tale. As a
soldier, I am sorry that both Ney and the Emperor did not die a soldier’s death
at Waterloo.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> <cite>Military life of the Duke of Wellington</cite>, by major <span class="smcap">Basil Jackson</span> and
captain <span class="smcap">Rochfort Scott</span>; page 609, vol. II.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, vol. XII, p. 352.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> <cite>Quarterly Review</cite>, No. LXX, page 478.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, vol. XII, page 441.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Histoire de Napoléon</cite>, par <span class="smcap">A. Gabourd</span>, p. 345-346.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> <cite>Military life of the Duke of Wellington</cite>, by major <span class="smcap">Basil Jackson</span> and
captain <span class="smcap">Rochfort Scott</span>; vol. II, page 604.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> See <em>General orders</em>, in <span class="smcap">Gurwood’s</span> <cite>Selections from Dispatches</cite>, page 865.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, page 438.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> <em>See</em> <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, p. 449, 453, 457.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Note_V">No. V.</a></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> 4th, 27th, 40th, (Lambert’s); 52d, 71st, 95th, (Adam’s); 14th, 23d, 51st,
(Mitchell’s); 1st, 2d, 3d, and 4th line of the German legion, (Duplat’s); with
Vivian’s 10th and 18th British, and 1st German hussars, and Vandeleur’s 11th,
12th, and 16th light dragoons.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> At the time the Prussians first became engaged, Duplat’s Germans, a part
of Halkett’s Hanoverians, with Adam’s brigade, altogether above five thousand
bayonets, stood in their advanced position, between the north-east angle of the
orchard of Hougoumont and a little to the right of where the Lion now stands.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> <em>See</em> Appendix, <a href="#Page_252">No. V, page 252</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> <cite lang="de" xml:lang="de">Geschichte des Preussischen Staates</cite>, 1763-1815; Frankfort, 1820;
vol. III, page 371.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> <em>See</em> Ney’s letter, Appendix, <a href="#Page_253">No. V, page 253</a>.</p>

</div>
</div>


<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span></p>

<div class="chapter">
<h2 class="nobreak" id="APPENDIX">APPENDIX.</h2>
</div>

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<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_I">No. I.</h3>

<p class="center">SECRET MEMORANDUM.</p>

<p class="center"><em>for H. R. H. the prince of Orange, the Earl of Uxbridge,
Lord Hill, and the Quarter-Master-General.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, April 29th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“1. Having received reports that the Imperial guard had
moved from Paris upon Beauvais, and a report having been
for some days prevalent in the country that Bonaparte was
about to visit the northern frontier, I deem it expedient to
concentrate the cantonments of the troops, with a view to
their early junction in case this country should be attacked,
for which concentration the Quarter-Master-General now
sends orders.</p>

<p>“2. In this case, the enemy’s line of attack will be either
between the Lys and the Scheldt, or between the Sambre and
the Scheldt, or by both lines.</p>

<p>“3. In the first case, I should wish the troops of the 4th division
to take up the bridge on the Scheldt, near Avelghem,
and with the regiment of cavalry at Courtray, to fall back
upon Audenarde, which post they are to occupy, and to inundate
the country in the neighbourhood.</p>

<p>“4. The garrison of Ghent are to inundate the country in
the neighbourhood likewise, and that point is to be held at
all events.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span></p>

<p>“5. The cavalry in observation between Menin and Furnes
are to fall back upon Ostend, those between Menin and
Tournay upon Tournay, and thence to join their regiments.</p>

<p>“6. The 1st, 2d, and 3d divisions of infantry are to be
collected at the head-quarters of the divisions, and the cavalry
at the head-quarters of their several brigades, and the whole
to be in readiness to march at a moment’s notice.</p>

<p>“7. The troops of the Netherlands to be collected at Soignies
and Nivelles.</p>

<p>“8. In case the attack should be made between the Sambre
and the Scheldt, I propose to collect the British and Hanoverians
at and in the neighbourhood of Enghien, and the
army of the Low-Countries at and in the neighbourhood of
Soignies and Braine-le-Comte.</p>

<p>“9. In this case, the 2d and 3d divisions will collect at
their respective head-quarters, and gradually fall back towards
Enghien, with the cavalry of colonel Arentschild, and
the Hanoverian brigade.</p>

<p>“10. The garrisons of Mons and Tournay will stand fast;
but that of Ath will be withdrawn, with the 2d division, if
the works should not have been sufficiently advanced to render
the place tenable against a <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de main</i>.</p>

<p>“11. General sir William Ponsonby’s, sir J. O. Vandeleur’s,
and sir Hussey Vivian’s brigades of cavalry, will march upon
Hal.</p>

<p>“12. The troops of the Low-Countries will collect upon
Soignies and Braine-le-Comte.</p>

<p>“13. The troops of the 4th division, and the 2d hussars,
after taking up the bridge at Avelghem, will fall back upon
Audenarde, and there wait for further orders.</p>

<p>“14. In case of the attack being directed by both lines
supposed, the troops of the 4th. division, and 2d hussars, and
the garrison of Ghent, will act as directed in Nos. 3 and 4 of
this Memorandum; and the 2d and 3d divisions, and the cavalry,
and the troops of the Low-Countries, as directed in
Nos. 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 337-8.)<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span></p>


<p class="p2 center">MEMORANDUM</p>

<p class="center"><em>for Colonel Sir William de Lancey, Deputy Quarter-Master-General.</em></p>

<p class="pfs80">MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMY.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, June 15th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“General Dornberg’s brigade of cavalry, and the Cumberland
hussars, to march this night upon Vilvorde, and to
bivac on the high-road near to that town.</p>

<p>“The earl of Uxbridge will be pleased to collect the cavalry
this night at Ninove, leaving the 2d hussars looking out between
the Scheldt and the Lys.</p>

<p>“The 1st division of infantry to collect this night at Ath
and adjacent, and to be in readiness to move at a moment’s
notice.</p>

<p>“The 3d division to collect this night at Braine-le-Comte,
and to be in readiness to move at the shortest notice.</p>

<p>“The 4th division to be collected this night at Grammont,
with the exception of the troops beyond the Scheldt, which
are to be moved to Audenarde.</p>

<p>“The 5th division, the 81st regiment and the Hanoverian
brigade of the 6th division, to be in readiness to march from
Brussels at a moment’s notice.</p>

<p>“The duke of Brunswick’s corps to collect this night on the
high-road between Brussels and Vilvorde.</p>

<p>“The Nassau troops to collect at day-light to-morrow morning
on the Louvain road, and to be in readiness to move at a
moment’s notice.</p>

<p>“The Hanoverian brigade of the 5th division to collect
this night at Hal, and to be in readiness at day-light to-morrow
morning to move towards Brussels, and to halt on the high-road
between Alost and Assche for further orders.</p>

<p>“The prince of Orange is requested to collect at Nivelles
the 2d and 3d divisions of the army of the Low-Countries;
and, should that point have been attacked this day, to move<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span>
the 3d division of British infantry upon Nivelles, as soon as
collected.</p>

<p>“This movement is not to take place until it is quite certain
that the enemy’s attack is upon the right of the Prussian
army, and the left of the British army.</p>

<p>“Lord Hill will be so good as to order prince Frederick of
Orange to occupy Audenarde with five hundred men, and to
collect the 1st division of the army of the Low-Countries, and
the Indian brigade, at Sotteghem, so as to be ready to march
in the morning at day-light.</p>

<p>“The reserve artillery to be in readiness to move at day-light.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington</span>.”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol XII, p. 472-3.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center">INSTRUCTIONS</p>

<p class="pfs80">FOR THE MOVEMENT OF THE ARMY ON JUNE 16TH.</p>

<p class="pfs80"><em>Signed by Colonel Sir William De Lancey, Deputy Quarter-Master-General.</em></p>

<p class="center"><em>To General Lord Hill.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The duke of Wellington requests that you will move the
2d division of infantry upon Braine-le-Comte immediately.
His Grace is going to Waterloo.”</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the same.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“Your Lordship is requested to order prince Frederick of
Orange to move, immediately upon the receipt of this order,
the 1st division of the army of the Low-Countries, and the
Indian brigade, from Sotteghem to Enghien, leaving five
hundred men, as before directed, in Audenarde.”</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the same.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Genappe</span>, June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The 2d division of infantry to move to-morrow morning
at day-break from Nivelles to Quatre-Bras.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span></p>

<p>“The 4th division of infantry to move at day-break to-morrow
morning to Nivelles.”</p>

<p class="p1 right">
“June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The reserve artillery to move at day-break to-morrow
morning, the 17th, to Quatre-Bras, where it will receive
further orders.”</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Major-General Sir J. Lambert.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“June 16th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The brigade of infantry under the command of major-general
sir J. Lambert, to march from Assche at day-break
to-morrow morning, the 17th inst., to Genappe, on the Namur
road, and to remain there until further orders.”</p>

<p class="right">
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 274-5.)<br>
</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_n2" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of Note; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_II">No. II.</h3>

<p>The reader will observe that the letters from which I make
the following extracts, were written at three o’clock in the
morning of the battle.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Sir Charles Stuart.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Waterloo</span>, June 18th, 1815,<br>
<span class="padr2">three o’clock <span class="allsmcap">A.M.</span></span><br>
</p>


<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR STUART,</p>

<p>... “You will see in the letter to the duc de Berry the
real state of our case, and the only risk we run. The Prussians
will be ready again in the morning for anything.</p>

<p>“Pray keep the English (in Brussels,) quiet, if you can.
Let them all prepare to move, but neither be in a hurry nor a
fright, as all will yet turn out well.</p>

<p>“I have given the directions to the governor of Antwerp,
to meet the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">crotchets</i> which I find in the heads of the king’s
governors upon every turn....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 476.)<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span></p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To His Royal Highness the Duc de Berry.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Waterloo</span>, June 18th, 1815,<br>
three o’clock in the morning.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SIR,</p>

<p>“I have not written to your Royal Highness since Thursday,
as I had nothing to communicate ... and I have had a
great deal to do.</p>

<p>“We had a very sanguinary battle on Friday last: near
the farm of Quatre-Bras; the Prussians, about Sombreffe.
I had very few troops with me, and no cavalry: I however
drove the enemy back, and had considerable success. The
Prussians suffered a good deal, and retreated during the night;
and in consequence I retired also during the day. I saw very
little yesterday of the enemy, who followed us very gently,
and the Prussians not at all. The Prussians have been joined
by their fourth corps, more than thirty thousand strong, and
I have also nearly all my men together.</p>

<p>“It may happen that the enemy will turn us by Hal,
although the weather is terrible and the roads are in a shocking
state, and although I have posted prince Frederick’s corps
between Hal and Enghien. If this should happen, I beg
your Royal Highness to march on Antwerp ... and to inform
his Majesty (Louis XVIII,) that I beg him to leave Ghent
for Antwerp by the left of the Scheldt. He will find no difficulty
in crossing at the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tête de Flandre</i>.</p>

<p>... “I hope, and I have every reason to believe, that all
will turn out well; but we must take every possible precaution,
and avoid great losses. It is with this view, that I beg
your Royal Highness to follow the directions here given, and
his Majesty to make for Antwerp, not upon false reports, but
upon certain information that the enemy has got into Brussels,
in spite of me, in turning me by Hal....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 476-7.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The following letters, written just after the battle, will show
how deeply the duke felt the loss of his companions in arms:<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span>
the renown his success would ensure was no consolation to
him for the loss of friends and heroes: patriotism, and the
confident expectation that an effectual stop was at length put
to the horrors which had desolated Europe for more than
twenty years, were the sources of such comfort as he could
feel himself, or offer to others, for the expenditure of so many
valuable lives.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To the Earl of Aberdeen, K. T.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, June 19th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR LORD,</p>

<p>“You will readily give credit to the existence of the
extreme grief with which I announce to you the death of your
gallant brother, (colonel Gordon,) in consequence of a wound
received in our great battle of yesterday.</p>

<p>“He had served me most zealously and usefully for many
years, and on many trying occasions; but he had never rendered
himself more useful, and had never distinguished himself
more, than in our late actions.</p>

<p>“He received the wound which occasioned his death, when
rallying one of the Brunswick battalions which was shaking
a little; and he lived long enough to be informed by myself
of the glorious result of our actions, to which he had so much
contributed by his active and zealous assistance.</p>

<p>“I cannot express to you the regret and sorrow with which
I look round me, and contemplate the loss which I have
sustained, particularly in your brother. The glory resulting
from such actions, so dearly bought, is no consolation to me,
and I cannot suggest it as any to you and his friends; but I
hope that it may be expected that this last one has been so
decisive, as that no doubt remains that our exertions and our
individual losses will be rewarded by the early attainment of
our just object. It is then that the glory of the actions in
which our friends and relations have fallen, will be some consolation
for their loss.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“Believe me, etc.</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>

<p>“Your brother had a black horse, given to him, I believe,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span>
by lord Ashburnham, which I will keep till I hear from you
what you wish should be done with it.”</p>

<p class="right">
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 488-9.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the Duke of Beaufort, K. G.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, June 19th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR LORD,</p>

<p>“I am very sorry to have to acquaint you that your brother
Fitzroy is very severely wounded, and has lost his right arm.
I have just seen him, and he is perfectly free from fever, and
as well as anybody could be under such circumstances. You
are aware how useful he has always been to me, and how much
I shall feel the want of his assistance, and what a regard and
affection I feel for him; and you will readily believe how much
concerned I am for his misfortune. Indeed, the losses I have
sustained, have quite broken me down; and I have no feeling
for the advantages we have acquired. I hope, however, that
your brother will soon be able to join me again; and that he
will long live to be, as he is likely to become, an honour to
his country, as he is a satisfaction to his family and friends.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“Believe me, etc.</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 489.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Marshal Prince Schwarzenberg.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Joncourt</span>, June 26th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “Our battle on the 18th was one of giants; and our
success was most complete, as you perceive. God grant I may
never see another! for I am overwhelmed with grief at the
loss of my old friends and comrades.</p>

<p>“My neighbour and fellow-labourer (Blücher) is in good
health, though he suffers a little from the fall of a horse,
wounded under him in the battle of the 16th....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 510.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The following extracts will prove the early and complete
conviction of the Duke, that all had been decided at Waterloo.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span></p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To General Dumouriez.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Nivelles</span>, June 20th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “You must have heard what I have done; and I hope
you are satisfied. I never saw such a battle as the one the
day before yesterday; and never before did I gain such a
victory. I trust it is all over with Bonaparte. We are in hot
pursuit of him....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(Gurwood, vol. XII, page 490.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To General the Earl of Uxbridge.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Le Cateau</span>, June 23d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “My opinion is that we have given Napoleon his
death-blow.... He can make no head against us ... <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">il n’a
qu’à se pendre</i>,” (he has only to hang himself)....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 499-500.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the Prince de Talleyrand.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Le Cateau</span>, June 24th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “It was I who recommended to the king (Louis
XVIII,) to enter France at present, because I was aware of
the extent of our success in the battle of the 18th....</p>

<p>“I enclose you, in confirmation of my opinion of the extent
of our success, the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Journal de l’Empire</cite> of the 22d, in which
you will find Bonaparte’s account of the action, the truth of
which, as far as it goes against himself, cannot be doubted....</p>

<p>“I conclude that you can have no scruple about joining the
king forthwith, a measure which I earnestly entreat you and
the other members of the king’s council to adopt without loss
of time.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 502-3.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">I may here remark, that in political foresight, the Duke
was in advance of Talleyrand himself, as the letter above demonstrates.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span></p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Marshal Lord Beresford.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Gonesse</span>, July 2d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“You will have heard of our battle of the 18th. Never
did I see such a pounding match. Both were what the boxers
call gluttons. Napoleon did not manœuvre at all. He just
moved forward in the old style, in columns, and was driven
off in the old style....</p>

<p>“I had the infantry for some time in squares; and we had
the French cavalry walking about us as if they had been our
own. I never saw the British infantry behave so well....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 529.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The subjoined extracts show how steadily Wellington kept
in view the sole object of the war; and that he was not to be
cajoled by any diplomatic chicanery, and what pains he took
to keep statesmen to the point.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Earl Bathurst.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Joncourt</span>, June 25th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“To advanced posts ... yesterday received a proposition
to suspend hostilities, as it was stated that Bonaparte had
abdicated in favour of his son, and has appointed a provisional
government, consisting of Fouché, Carnot, Caulincourt, general
Grenier, and Quinette; that these persons had sent ministers
to the allied powers to treat for peace.</p>

<p>“It appeared both to prince Blücher and to me, that these
measures were a trick....</p>

<p>“The object of the alliance of the powers of Europe is
declared by the first article of the treaty of the 25th of March,
to be to force Napoleon Bonaparte to desist from his projects,
and to place him in a situation in which he will no longer have
it in his power to disturb the peace of the world; and, by the
third article, the powers of Europe have agreed not to lay
down their arms till ... it shall have been rendered impossible
for Bonaparte to excite fresh troubles....</p>

<p>“I could not consider his abdication of a usurped power in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span>
favour of his son, and his handing over the government provisionally
to five persons named by himself, to be that description
of security which the allies had in view, which should
induce them to lay down their arms; and therefore I continue
my operations....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 508.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the French Commissioners.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Head-Quarters</span>, June 26th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “Since the 15th instant, when Napoleon Bonaparte,
at the head of the French armies, invaded the dominions of
the king of the Netherlands, and attacked the Prussian army
the Field-Marshal has considered his sovereign, and those
powers whose armies he commands, in a state of war with the
government of France; and he does not consider the abdication
of Napoleon Bonaparte of his usurped authority, under
all the circumstances which have preceded and attended that
measure, as the attainment of the object held out in the declarations
and treaties of the allies, which should induce them
to lay down their arms.</p>

<p>“The Field-Marshal cannot consent therefore to any suspension
of hostilities, however desirous he is of preventing the
farther effusion of blood.</p>

<p>“Their Excellencies ... will probably consider any interview
with him a useless waste of their time....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 512.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">It will appear, by the subjoined documents, that Wellington
was tender of the life of Napoleon, who had not spared that
of the duc d’Enghien, and who had declared that he would
treat in the same way, that is, put to death, any Bourbon
prince he should catch within the boundaries of his empire.
Blücher was eager to put Bonaparte to death, as the guilty
author of so much rapine and bloodshed; and to punish the
Parisians by fines, the destruction of the bridge of Jena, and
of their city itself, if they proved refractory. From this<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span>
dreadful retaliation, it required all the influence of the Duke
over Blücher to preserve them. Posterity should know, if
the French will not pay attention to the fact, through whose
intervention Napoleon’s life was spared, and Paris saved from
dishonour, if not pillage and utter destruction.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Sir Charles Stuart, G.C.B.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Orvillé</span>, June 28th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR STUART,</p>

<p>“I send you my dispatches, which will make you acquainted
with the state of affairs. You may show them to Talleyrand
if you choose.</p>

<p>“General —— has been here this day to negotiate for
Napoleon’s passing to America, to which proposition I have
answered that I have no authority. The Prussians think the
Jacobins wish to give him over to me, believing that I will
save his life. Blücher wishes to kill him; but I have told
him that I shall remonstrate, and shall insist upon his being
disposed of by common accord. I have likewise said that, as
a private friend, I advised him to have nothing to do with so
foul a transaction; that he and I had acted too distinguished
parts in these transactions to become executioners; and that
I was determined, that if the sovereigns wished to put him to
death, they should appoint an executioner, which should not
be me....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 516.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Marshal Prince Blücher.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Gonesse</span>, July 2d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SIR,</p>

<p>“I requested general Müffling to write to your Highness
yesterday, upon the subject of the propositions which had been
made to me by the French commissioners for a suspension of
hostilities, upon which I have not yet had a positive answer
from your Highness....</p>

<p>“If we choose it, we can settle all our matters now, by
agreeing to the proposed armistice....</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span></p>

<p>“By adopting this measure, we provide for the quiet restoration
of his Majesty to his throne; which is that result of
the war which the sovereigns of all of us have always considered
the most beneficial for us all, and the most likely to lead
to permanent peace in Europe.</p>

<p>“It is true we shall not have the vain triumph of entering
Paris at the head of our victorious troops; but ... I doubt
our having the means at present of succeeding in an attack
upon Paris; and, if we are to wait till the arrival of marshal
prince Wrede to make the attack, I think we shall find the
sovereigns disposed, as they were last year, to spare the capital
of their ally, and either not to enter the town at all, or
enter it under an armistice, such as it is in your power and
mine to sign this day.</p>

<p>“I earnestly urge your Highness ... to let me have your
decision whether you will agree to any armistice, or not....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 526-7.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the French Commissioners.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Gonesse</span>, July 2d, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“It is my duty to apprize your Excellencies, that I have
just received a letter from marshal prince Blücher, who
expresses the greatest aversion to granting an armistice....
I have written to him once more, having the greatest desire
to save your capital from the danger which menaces it; and
I expect his answer to-night....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington</span>.”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol XII, page 528.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Marshal Prince Blücher.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, July 8th, 1815, midnight.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MEIN LIEBER FÜRST,</p>

<p>“Several reports have been brought to me during the
evening and night, and some from the government, in consequence
of the work carrying on by your Highness on one of
the bridges over the Seine, which it is supposed to be your
intention to destroy.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span></p>

<p>“As this measure will certainly create a good deal of
disturbance in the town, and as the sovereigns, when they
were here before, left all these bridges, etc., standing, I take
the liberty of suggesting to you to delay the destruction of the
bridge, at least till they shall arrive; or, at all events, till I
can have the pleasure of seeing you to-morrow morning.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 549.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The duke of Wellington was obliged to continue his mediation
with Blücher, to prevent the exasperated veteran from
punishing the pockets and humbling the pride of the Parisians;
and for this his generous and enlightened intervention
the Duke did not receive the gratitude that was due to him,
as must appear from the following letters:</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To Marshal Prince Blücher.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, July 9th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“The subjects on which lord Castlereagh and I conversed
with your Highness and general comte Gneisenau this morning,
viz. the destruction of the bridge of Jena and the levy of
the contribution of one hundred millions of francs upon the
city of Paris, appear to me to be so important to the allies in
general, that I cannot allow myself to omit to draw your
Highness’s attention to them again in this shape.</p>

<p>“The destruction of the bridge of Jena is highly disagreeable
to the king and to the people, and may occasion disturbance in
the city. It is not merely a military measure, but is one likely
to attach to the character of our operations, and is of political
importance. It is adopted solely because the bridge is considered
a monument of the battle of Jena, notwithstanding that
the government are willing to change the name of the bridge.</p>

<p>“Considering the bridge as a monument, I beg leave to
observe that its immediate destruction is inconsistent with the
promise made to the commissioners on the part of the French
army, during the negotiation of the convention; viz. that the
monuments, museums, etc., should be reserved for the decision
of the allied sovereigns.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span></p>

<p>“All that I ask is, that the execution of the orders given
for the destruction of the bridge may be suspended till the
sovereigns shall arrive here, when, if it should be agreed by
common accord that the bridge ought to be destroyed, I shall
have no objection....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 552-3.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Monsieur</em> ——.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, July 13th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 10th. Perhaps if you
had taken the trouble to inform yourself respecting the works
of the Prussian army at the bridge of Jena, and the part I
have acted in this affair, you would think that I do not merit
the reproaches which you with your signature, and others
anonymously, have made me on this subject.</p>

<p>“But I ascribe them to the levity with which impressions
are received and are allowed to influence the actions of men,
and the most important measures, in this country; and if the
injustice you have done me in your letter lead you to inquire
and reflect before you ever again bring a charge against a
public man, I pardon you.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 555-6.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The pains which the Duke took to preserve the strictest
discipline amongst the troops under his command, and which
far surpassed the care taken by other commanders in similar
circumstances, entitled him to the gratitude of the Parisians,
but did not always exempt him from ill-timed and unreasonable
demands. The following severe but just reply was provoked
by general comte de Vaubois, who seems to have importuned
the Duke for compensation for damages said to be done by the
British troops to the French people:</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To General Comte de Vaubois.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, November 10th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MONSIEUR,</p>

<p>“You, who have served, must be well aware that it is not
possible to give compensation to the full amount for all the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span>
damages arising from the presence of an army in a country, or
the irregularities of individual soldiers, or the inevitable consequences
of military occupation. It is quite true that I
usually require reparation to be made for damages caused to
the inhabitants by any irregularities of the troops, especially
of English troops. But it is more as a means of discipline
than as a full compensation to the inhabitants; and I cannot
adopt in every case the same means with foreign troops, who
are not so well, nor so regularly paid.</p>

<p>“The fact is, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">M. le général</i>, that France, in carrying her
arms into other countries, caused misery, devastation and ruin:
I myself have been eyewitness of the destruction of property
throughout whole provinces, that refused to submit to the
yoke of the tyrant, and that were in consequence entirely depopulated.</p>

<p>“Although private revenge ought never to be the motive
of a man, and most assuredly it is not that of the allied
sovereigns, we can hardly expect that soldiers, men taken
from the poorest and most hardy ranks of society, after having
seen their properties, or those of their relatives, burned, sacked,
destroyed by the French, should have any very great respect
for French property, when, by the fortune of war, they find
themselves in France.</p>

<p>“It is our duty, it is the interest of all of us, more even, I
think, than that it is the duty of the French government, to
prevent those acts of devastation; and I believe that there is
no one who has endeavoured to do this duty so much as I have.
But, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">M. le général</i>, you know what armies are; and I appeal
to your judgment: is it possible entirely to prevent such
occurences in such an army as is under my command; particularly
when the soldier is excited by the remembrance of the
evils which he and his relatives have had to endure at the
hands of French troops?...</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 685-6.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To H.R.H. Prince Frederick of Orange.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, November 10th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“I send you a letter I have just received from general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span>
comte de Vaubois, concerning the damages done by the soldiers
of the Netherlands.</p>

<p>“You will see that their officers were not present at their
bivac ... and that the damage done by them amounts to
30,000 francs, a sum ten times greater perhaps than the general
will have to pay, as his part of the contribution to the
allies, in five years. It is clearly of great importance that the
allies prevent these irregularities.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 686.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">Many have been pleased to say that the duke of Wellington
both could and ought to have interposed to save marshal
Ney from being ignominiously executed. Without entering
into the question, whether Ney was a perjured traitor to
Louis XVIII, and if so, what was the meetest punishment for
his treason, it may be confidently averred that Napoleon
would have spared no man under similar circumstances. The
following documents are worthy of attention:</p>


<p class="p2 center">MEMORANDUM</p>

<p class="pfs80">RESPECTING MARSHAL NEY.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, November 19th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“It is extraordinary that Madame la maréchale Ney should
have thought proper to publish in print parts of a conversation
which she is supposed to have had with the duke of
Wellington; and that she has omitted to publish that which
is a much better record of the Duke’s opinion on the subject
to which the conversation related; viz. the Duke’s letter to
the maréchal prince de la Moskowa, in answer to the maréchal’s
note to his Grace. That letter was as follows:</p>

<div class="blockquot">
<p class="right">
“November, 14th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“I have had the honour of receiving the note which you
addressed to me on the 13th November, relating to the
operation of the capitulation of Paris on your case. The
capitulation of Paris of the 3d July was made between the
commanders in chief of the allied British and Prussian armies<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span>
on the one part, and the prince d’Eckmühl, commander in
chief of the French army, on the other; and related exclusively
to the military occupation of Paris.</p>

<p>“The object of the 12th article was to prevent the adoption
of any measures of severity, under the military authority of
those who made it, towards any persons in Paris on account
of the offices which they had filled, or their conduct, or their
political opinions. But it was never intended, and could
not be intended, to prevent either the existing French government,
under whose authority the French commander in
chief must have acted, or any French government which
should succeed to it, from acting in this respect as it might
deem fit.”</p>
</div>

<p>“It is obvious from this letter that the duke of Wellington,
one of the parties to the capitulation of Paris, considers that
that instrument contains nothing which can prevent the king
from bringing marshal Ney to trial in such manner as his
Majesty may think proper<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a>.</p>

<p>“The contents of the capitulation fully confirm the justice
of the Duke’s opinion. It is made between the commanders
in chief of the contending armies respectively; and the first
nine articles relate solely to the mode and time of the evacuation
of Paris by the French army, and of the occupation by
the British and Prussian armies.</p>

<p>“The 10th article provides that the existing authorities
shall be respected by the two commanders in chief of the allies;
the 11th, that public property shall be respected, and that the
allies shall not interfere <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en aucune manière dans leur administration
et dans leur gestion</i>; (in any manner, either in
their administration or in their management;) and the 12th article
states, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Seront pareillement respectées les personnes et
les propriétés particulières: les habitants, et, en général, tous
les individus qui se trouvent dans la capitale, continueront à
jouir de leurs droits et libertés, sans pouvoir être inquiétés,
ni recherchés en rien relativement aux fonctions qu’il occupent,
ou auraient occupées, à leur conduite, et à leurs opinions<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span>
politiques</i>. (The persons as well as the property of individuals,
shall be equally respected; the inhabitants, and in general
every individual residing in the capital, shall continue in full
possession of their rights and liberties, without being molested
in any manner, on account of the functions which they may
have filled, their conduct, or their political opinions.)</p>

<p>“By whom were these private properties and persons to be
respected? By the allied generals and their troops mentioned
in the 10th and 11th articles; and not by other parties to whom
the convention did not relate in any manner.</p>

<p>“The 13th article provides that <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">les troupes étrangères</i>,
(the foreign troops) shall not obstruct the carriage of provisions
by land or water to the capital.</p>

<p>“Thus it appears that every article in the convention relates
exclusively to the operations of the different armies, or to the
conduct of the allies and that of their generals, when they
should enter Paris; and, as the duke of Wellington states in
his dispatch of the 4th of July, with which he transmitted the
convention to England, it ‘decided all the military points
then existing at Paris, and touched nothing political<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a>.’</p>

<p>“But it appears clearly that, not only was this the Duke’s
opinion of the convention at the time it was signed, but likewise
the opinion of Carnot, of marshal Ney, and of every other
person who had an interest in considering the subject.</p>

<p>“Carnot says, in the <cite lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Exposé de la conduite politique de
M. Carnot</cite>, (page 43,) <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Il fut résolu d’envoyer aux généraux
anglais et prussiens une commission spéciale chargée de leur
proposer une convention purement militaire, pour la remise
de la ville de Paris entre leurs mains, en écartant toute
question politique, puisqu’on ne pouvait préjuger quelles
seraient les intentions des alliés, lorsqu’ils seraient réunis</i>.
(It was decided to forward to the English and Prussian generals
a special commission, to the purport of proposing to them
a convention, purely military, for the surrender of the city of
Paris into their hands, setting aside all political questions,
since it was impossible to foresee what might be the ultimate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span>
intentions of the allies, when they should be assembled.)</p>

<p>“It appears that marshal Ney fled from Paris in disguise,
with a passport given to him by the duc d’Otrante, under a
feigned name, on the 6th of July. He could not be supposed
to be ignorant of the tenor of the 12th article of the convention;
and he must then have known whether it was the intention
of the parties who made it, that it should protect him
from the measures which the king, then at St.-Denis, should
think proper to adopt against him.</p>

<p>“But if marshal Ney could be supposed ignorant of the
intention of the 12th article, the duc d’Otrante, could not, as
he was at the head of the provisional government, under
whose authority the prince d’Eckmühl must have acted when
he signed the convention<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a>.</p>

<p>“Would the duc d’Otrante have given a passport under a
feigned name to marshal Ney, if he had understood the 12th article
as giving the marshal any protection, excepting against
measures of severity by the two commanders in chief?</p>

<p>“Another proof of what was the opinion of the duc d’Otrante,
of the king’s ministers, and of all the persons most interested
is establishing the meaning now attempted to be given to the
12th article of the convention of the 3d July, is the king’s
proclamation of the 24th July, by which nineteen persons are
ordered for trial, and thirty-eight persons are ordered to quit
Paris, and to reside in particular parts of France, under the
observation and superintendence of the police, till the Chambers
should decide upon their fate<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a>.</p>

<p>“Did the duc d’Otrante, did any of the persons who are the
objects of this proclamation, did any person on their behalf,
ever then, or now, claim for them the protection of the 12th article
of the convention? Certainly the convention was then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span>
understood, as it ought to be understood now, viz. that it was
exclusively military and was never intended to bind the then
existing government of France, or any government which
should succeed it.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, p. 694-6.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center">EXTRACT FROM THE PROCLAMATION OF LOUIS XVIII.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Cambray</span>, June 28th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “In the plot which they contrived, I perceive many of
my subjects to have been misled, and some guilty. I promise—I
who never promised in vain, as all Europe can witness,—to
pardon to misled Frenchmen all that has transpired since
the day I quitted Lille amidst so many tears, up to the day
I re-entered Cambray, amidst so many acclamations. But the
blood of my people has flowed in consequence of a treason
unprecedented in the annals of the world. That treason has
summoned foreigners into the heart of France; every day
reveals to me a new disaster. I owe it, therefore, to the
dignity of my crown, to the interest of my people, and to the
repose of Europe, to except from pardon the instigators and
authors of this horrible plot. They shall be delivered over to
the vindication of the laws by the two Chambers, which I
propose forthwith to assemble....</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Louis.</span>”<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To ——<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a>, Esq.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, August 8th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR SIR,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 2d, regarding the battle
of Waterloo. The object which you propose to yourself is
very difficult of attainment, and, if really attained, is not a
little invidious. The history of a battle is not unlike the
history of a ball. Some individuals may recollect all the little
events, of which the great result is the battle won or lost; but
no individual can recollect the order in which, or the exact<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span>
moment at which they occurred, which makes all the difference
as to their value or importance.</p>

<p>“Then the faults or the misbehaviour of some gave occasion
for the distinction of others, and perhaps were the cause
of material losses; and you cannot write a true history of a
battle without including the faults and misbehaviour of part
at least of those engaged.</p>

<p>“Believe me that every man you see in a military uniform
is not a hero; and that, although in the account given of a
general action, such as that of Waterloo, many instances of
individual heroism must be passed over unrelated, it is better
for the general interests to leave those parts of the story untold,
than to tell the whole truth.</p>

<p>“If, however, you should still think it right to turn your
attention to this subject, I am most ready to give you every
assistance and information in my power.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“Believe me, etc.</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 590.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To the same.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, August 17th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR SIR,</p>

<p>“I have received your letter of the 11th, and I regret
much that I have not been able to prevail upon you to relinquish
your plan.</p>

<p>“You may depend upon it, you will never make it a satisfactory
work.</p>

<p>“I will get you the list of the French army, generals, etc.</p>

<p>“Just to show you how little reliance can be placed, even
on what are supposed the best accounts of a battle, I mention
that there are some circumstances mentioned in general Müffling’s
account which did not occur as he relates them.</p>

<p>“He was not on the field during the whole battle, particularly
not during the latter part of it.</p>

<p>“The battle began, I believe, at eleven.</p>

<p>“It is impossible so say when each important occurrence
took place, nor in what order. We were attacked first with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span>
infantry only; then, with cavalry only; lastly, and principally,
with cavalry and infantry mixed.</p>

<p>“No houses were possessed by the enemy in Mont-St.-Jean,
excepting the farm in front of the left of our centre<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a>, on the
road to Genappe, can be called one. This they got, I think,
at about two o’clock, and got it from a circumstance which
is to be attributed to the neglect of the officer commanding
on the spot.</p>

<p>“The French cavalry were on the plateau in the centre
between the two high-roads for nearly three quarters of an
hour, riding about among our squares of infantry, all firing
having ceased on both sides. I moved our squares forward
to the guns; and our cavalry, which had been detached by
lord Uxbridge to the flanks, was brought back to the centre.
The French cavalry were then driven off. After that circumstance,
repeated attacks were made along the whole front of
the centre of the position, by cavalry and infantry, till seven
at night. How many I cannot tell.</p>

<p>“When the enemy attacked sir Thomas Picton I was
there, and they got as far as the hedge on the cross-road,
behind which the —— had been formed. The latter had run
away, and our troops were on our side of the hedge. The
French were driven off with immense loss. This was the first
principal attack. At about two in the afternoon, as I have
above said, they got possession of the farm-house on the high-road,
which defended this part of the position; and they then
took possession of a small mound on the left of the high-road
going from Brussels, immediately opposite the gate of the
farm; and they were never removed from thence till I commenced
the attack in the evening: but they never advanced
farther on that side.</p>

<p>“These are answers to all your queries; but remember, I
recommend to you to leave the battle of Waterloo as it is.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“Believe me, etc.</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, p. 609-610.)<br>
</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span></p>


<p class="p2">The fair inference is, that the Duke, on seeing the orchard
and garden of La Haye-Sainte in possession of the enemy
about two o’clock <span class="allsmcap">P.M.</span>, thought the farm was also in their
hands, which certainly was not the case till about five o’clock.</p>

<p>The farm-house in question, La Haye-Sainte, was lost from
a deficiency of <em>proper</em> ammunition; its gallant defenders were
riflemen. Who was to be blamed for that deficiency, it is
difficult now to ascertain: the Duke, it appears, thought the
officer commanding on the spot was censurable on this account.
Let me be allowed to record my regret, that on this and many
other occasions, valuable lives and important posts were often
lost, owing to our having three different sizes for ball cartridges.
If there were but one size, as I think there might
be, for cavalry, infantry and rifles, the mutual supply of
ammunition would be at all times practicable, and, in critical
moments, of the utmost value.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>To His Royal Highness the Duke of York.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Orvillé</span>, June 28th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>... “I would beg leave to suggest to your Royal Highness
the expediency of giving to the non-commissioned officers and
soldiers engaged in the battle of Waterloo, a medal<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a>. I am
convinced it would have the best effect in the army; and, if
the battle should settle our concerns, they will well deserve
it....</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr2">“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”</span><br>
(<em>Gurwood</em>, vol. XII, page 520.)<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>To Earl Bathurst.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, September 17th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MY DEAR LORD,</p>

<p>“I have long intended to write to you about the medal for
Waterloo. I recommend that the men should all have the
same medal, hung on the same ribbon as that now used with
the medals....</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Wellington.</span>”<br>
</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_n3" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of Note; decorative separator)">
</div>


<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span></p>

<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_III">No. III.</h3>

<p class="p1 center">SUMMARY</p>

<div class="blockquot">

<p>OF THE RISE AND PROGRESS OF FIELD-MARSHAL THE
DUKE OF WELLINGTON, WITH THE PUBLIC HONOURS
AND EMOLUMENTS THAT HAVE BEEN CONFERRED UPON
HIM.</p>
</div>

<table class="autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdl wd70">Born</td>
<td class="tdrb">1st May, 1769.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Ensign</td>
<td class="tdrb">7th March, 1787.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Lieutenant</td>
<td class="tdrb">25th December, 1787.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Captain</td>
<td class="tdrb">30th June, 1791.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Major</td>
<td class="tdrb">30th April, 1793.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Lieutenant-Colonel</td>
<td class="tdrb">30th September, 1793.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Colonel</td>
<td class="tdrb">3d May, 1796.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Major-General</td>
<td class="tdrb">29th April, 1802.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Lieutenant-General</td>
<td class="tdrb">25th April, 1808.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">General, in Spain and Portugal</td>
<td class="tdrb">31st July, 1811.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Field-Marshal</td>
<td class="tdrb">21st June, 1813.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Governor of Seringapatam</td>
<td class="tdrb">6th May, 1799.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">The inhabitants of Calcutta vote a sword of the value of 1,000<em>l.</em> to Major-General Wellesley</td>
<td class="tdrb">21st February, 1804.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">The officers of his division vote to Major-General Wellesley a gold vase, which is afterwards changed to a service of plate embossed with “Assye.”</td>
<td class="tdrb">26th February, 1804.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Appointed a Knight Companion of the Bath</td>
<td class="tdrb">1st September, 1804.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanked by parliament</td>
<td class="tdrb">8th March, 1805.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Returned to serve in parliament</td>
<td class="tdrb">12th April, 1806.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Sworn a Privy Counsellor</td>
<td class="tdrb">8th April, 1807.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Secretary to Ireland</td>
<td class="tdrb">19th April, 1807.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Negotiates capitulation at Copenhagen</td>
<td class="tdrb">5th September, 1807.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanked in parliament for the same.</td>
<td class="tdrb">1st February, 1808.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span>
A piece of plate, commemorating the battle of Vimeiro, voted to Lieutenant-General Sir Arthur Wellesley by the general and field-officers who served at it</td>
<td class="tdrb">22d August, 1808.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanked in parliament for Vimeiro</td>
<td class="tdrb">27th January, 1809.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Appointed to command the army in Portugal</td>
<td class="tdrb">2d April, 1809.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Appointed Marshal-General of the Portuguese army</td>
<td class="tdrb">6th July, 1809.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Created Baron Douro of Wellesley and Viscount Wellington of Talavera</td>
<td class="tdrb">26th August, 1809.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament voted for Talavera</td>
<td class="tdrb">1st February, 1810.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Pension of 2,000<em>l.</em> per annum, voted to him and his two succeeding heirs male</td>
<td class="tdrb">16th February, 1810.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for the liberation of Portugal</td>
<td class="tdrb">26th April, 1811.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">License granted in the name of the King by the Prince Regent, to accept the title of Conde do Vimeiro, and the insignia of Knight Grand-Cross of the Tower and Sword from the prince regent of Portugal</td>
<td class="tdrb">26th October, 1811.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Created by the regency of Spain a Grandé, with the title of Duque de Ciudad-Rodrigo</td>
<td class="tdrb">January, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for Ciudad-Rodrigo</td>
<td class="tdrb">10th February, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Advanced in the British peerage by the title of Earl Wellington</td>
<td class="tdrb">18th February, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Voted 2,000<em>l.</em> per annum in addition</td>
<td class="tdrb">21st February, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for Badajoz</td>
<td class="tdrb">27th April, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">The order of the Golden Fleece conferred by the regency of Spain</td>
<td class="tdrb">July, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span>
Appointed Generalissimo of the Spanish armies</td>
<td class="tdrb">12th August, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Advanced in the British peerage by the title of Marquis of Wellington.</td>
<td class="tdrb">18th August, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Advanced by the regent of Portugal to the title of Marquez de Torres-Vedras</td>
<td class="tdrb">12th September, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for Salamanca.</td>
<td class="tdrb">3d December, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">A grant of 100,000<em>l.</em> from parliament, to be laid out in the purchase of lands as a reward for his services.</td>
<td class="tdrb">7th December, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Advanced by the regent of Portugal to the title of Duque da Victoria.</td>
<td class="tdrb">18th December, 1812.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Elected a Knight of the Garter</td>
<td class="tdrb">4th March, 1813.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for the battle of Vittoria</td>
<td class="tdrb">8th July, 1813.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">The regency of Spain, on the proposition of the Cortes, offers to bestow on the Duque de Ciudad-Rodrigo the estate of Soto-de-Roma, in Granada</td>
<td class="tdrb">22d July, 1813.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of parliament for San-Sebastian and the operations subsequent to Vittoria</td>
<td class="tdrb">8th October, 1813.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">The prince Regent grants permission to the Marquis of Wellington to accept and wear the insignia of Grand-Cross of the following orders: Imperial and Royal Austrian Military order of Maria-Theresa; Imperial Russian Military order of St.-George; Royal Prussian Military order of the Black Eagle; Royal Swedish Military order of the Sword</td>
<td class="tdrb">4th March, 1814.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of the Prince Regent and the parliament for Orthez</td>
<td class="tdrb">24th March, 1814.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span>
Advanced in the British peerage by the titles of Marquis of Douro and Duke of Wellington</td>
<td class="tdrb">3d May, 1814.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">A grant of 400,000<em>l.</em> voted by parliament, in addition to the former grants</td>
<td class="tdrb">24th June, 1814.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Ambassador to France</td>
<td class="tdrb">5th July, 1814.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Assists at Congress at Vienna</td>
<td class="tdrb">January, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Takes command of the British forces on the continent</td>
<td class="tdrb">11th April, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Battle of Waterloo</td>
<td class="tdrb">18th June, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Thanks of the Prince Regent and parliament for Waterloo</td>
<td class="tdrb">22d June, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">A grant of 200,000<em>l.</em> voted by parliament, in addition to the former grants</td>
<td class="tdrb">6th July, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Created Prince of Waterloo by the king of the Netherlands</td>
<td class="tdrb">18th July, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Commander in chief of the allied armies of occupation</td>
<td class="tdrb">22d October, 1815.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Appointed Field-Marshal in the Austrian, Russian and Prussian armies</td>
<td class="tdrb">15th November, 1818.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Visits Waterloo with George IV</td>
<td class="tdrb">1st October, 1821.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Commander in Chief</td>
<td class="tdrb">22d January, 1827.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">First Lord of the Treasury</td>
<td class="tdrb">13th February, 1828.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Appointed Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports</td>
<td class="tdrb">20th January, 1829.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdl">Elected Chancellor of the University of Oxford</td>
<td class="tdrb">29th January, 1834.</td>
</tr>
</table>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_n4" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of Note; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_IV">No. IV.</h3>

<p>The reader should be aware, that in military returns, the
figures which represent the strength of regiments often greatly
exceed the actual number of effective men <em>present</em>. There
are always numerous casualties, not accounted for in returns,
particularly before a battle. The <em>missing</em> are not all eventually<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span>
<em>loss</em>; for, if not taken prisoners most of them join after
the strife. The strength of the British was of course greater
on the 16th, before the action at Quatre-Bras, where the loss
was particularly severe, as may be seen in the subjoined tables,
in the 1st foot-guards, 1st Royal Scots, 32d, 33d, 42d, 44th,
69th, 79th, and 92d regiments.</p>

<p>The officers who afterwards died of their wounds, are here
returned <em>killed</em>.</p>


<p class="p2 center">RETURNS</p>

<p class="negin1"><em>of the strength (officers, non-commissionned officers, drummers,
trumpeters, rank and file) of the British army, on
the morning of the 18th of June 1815; and of the total loss,
in killed, wounded and missing, on the three days: 16th,
17th, and 18th.</em></p>


<p class="p2 pfs80">STAFF.</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Killed.</span>—The duke of Brunswick, sir Thomas Picton, sir
William Ponsonby. <em>Colonel</em> sir William De Lancey. <em>Lieutenant-colonel</em>
Currie. <em>Captains</em>: W. Crofton (54th Reg.),
T. Smith (93d Reg.).</p>

<p><span class="smcap">Wounded.</span>—H.R.H. the prince of Orange. <em>Lieutenant-general</em>
sir G. Cooke. <em>Major-generals</em>: Sir E. Barnes, sir
James Kempt, sir Colin Halkett, sir Denis Pack, sir Colquhoun
Grant, sir W. Dornberg, sir F. Adam. <em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>:
Waters, sir G. Berkeley (35th Reg.).
<em>Majors</em>: A. Hamilton, Hunter Blair, Hon. G. Dawson.
<em>Captains</em>: Hon. E. S. Erskine, E. Fitzgerald (25th Reg.),
W. Murray, H. Seymour, T. Wright, H. M<sup>c</sup>Leod, J. Mitchell
(25th Reg.), J. Tyler, A. Langton, H. Dumaresque. <em>Lieutenants</em>:
W. Havelock (43d Reg.), J. Hamilton (46th Reg.),
J. Rooke, D. Hall.</p>

<p>Officers who were killed or wounded, serving on the staff
but belonging to regiments which were on the field, are here
included in the returns of their respective regiments.</p>

<p>By adding together the figures in the first two columns
opposite to any regiment, the reader may obtain its total
effective strength, at the opening of the campaign.</p>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">1st Life-Guards.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">245</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">18</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">65</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Ferrior. <em>Captain</em> Lind.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: J. Whale, E. Kelly, S. Richardson, S. Cox.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">2d Life-Guards.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">235</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;155</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Fitzgerald.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant</em> Waymouth.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">Royal Horse-Guards. (Blues.)</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">246</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">8</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">98</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> R. Packe.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: Sir J. Elley, sir R. C. Hill, C. Hill. <em>Lieutenants</em>: C. Shawe, E. W. Bouverie.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">1st Dragoon Guards.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">571</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">246</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Fuller. <em>Majors</em>: Graham, Bringhurst. <em>Captain</em> Battersby.
                <em>Lieutenant</em>: Brooke. Schelver, <em>adjutant</em>. <em>Cornet</em> Hon. B. Bernard.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: M. Turner, P. Sweny, J. Naylor, <em>Lieutenant</em> D. Irvine.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">1st Royal Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">428</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">” &#160;</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">196</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captains</em>: E. Windsor, C. Foster. <em>Lieutenant</em> R. Magniac. <em>Cornet</em> J. Sykes. Shepley, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Major</em> C. Radclyffe. <em>Captain</em> A. Clark. <em>Lieutenants</em>: G. Gunning, T. Keily, S. Trafford, C. Ommaney, C. Blois, S. Goodenough, S. Wyndowe.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">2d Royal Dragoons. (Scots Greys.)</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">442</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">199</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> J. Hamilton. <em>Captain</em> T. Reignolds. <em>Cornets</em>: E. Westby, H. C. Kinchant, L. Barnard, T. Trotter, L. Shuldham.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: J. B. Clarke, T. P. Hankin. <em>Major</em> R. Vernon. <em>Captain</em> J. Poole. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Mills, F. Stupart, J. Carruthers, C. Wyndham.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">6th (Innis-killing) Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">445</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">217</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Lieutenant</em> P. Ruffe. McCluskey, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: J. Muter, F. S. Miller, W. F. Browne. <em>Captain</em> Hon. S. Douglas. <em>Lieutenant</em> A. Hassard.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">7th Hussars.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">362</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">46</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;150</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> E Hodge. <em>Lieutenant</em> A. Meyers.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-general</em> the earl of Uxbridge. <em>Major</em> W. Thornhill. <em>Captains</em>: W. Verner, T. W. Robbins, P. A.
                          Heyliger, T. Wildman, J. J. Frazer, J. D. Elphistone. <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. Douglas, J. R. Gordon, E. J. Peters, F. Beatty.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">10th Hussars.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">452</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">94</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> Hon. F. Howard. <em>Lieutenant</em> G. Gunning.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> G. Quentin. <em>Captains</em>: J. Grey, Gurwood, C. Wood. <em>Lieutenants</em>: H. Arnold, A. Bacon.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">11th Light Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">435</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">3</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">73</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant</em> E. Phelips.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenants</em>: F. Wood, R. Coles, J. T. Moore, R. Milligan. <em>Cornet</em> J. A. Schreiber.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">12th Light Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">427</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">111</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captain</em> E. Sandys. <em>Lieutenant</em> L. J. Bertie. <em>Cornet</em> E. Lockhart.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Hon. F. Ponsonby. <em>Lieutenant</em> W. H. Dowbiggen.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">13th Light Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">448</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">1</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">105</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captain</em> J. Gubbins.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Boyse. <em>Captain</em> J. Doherty. <em>Lieutenant</em>: G. Doherty, C. R. Bowers, J. Geale, G. Pym, J. Mill, G. H. Packe, J. E. Irving.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">15th Hussars.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">417</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">70</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> E. Griffith. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Sherwood, H. Buckley.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> L. Dalrymple. <em>Captains</em>: J. Thuckwell,
                          J. Whiteford, J. Buckley. <em>Lieutenants</em>: W. Byam, E. Byam, G. F. Dawkens, R. Mansfield.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th Light Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">434</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">32</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captain</em> J. Buchanan. <em>Cornet</em> A. Hay.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> J. Hay. <em>Captain</em> R. Weyland. <em>Lieutenants</em>: W. Osten, N. D. Crichton.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th Hussars.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">442</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">2</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">102</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt pad2">”</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant</em> C. Hesse. H. Duperier, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">23rd Light Dragoons.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">341</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">6</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">72</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Lieutenant</em> S. Coxen.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Major</em> J. M. Cutcliffe. <em>Captains</em>: C. W. Dance, T. Gerrard. <em>Lieutenants</em>: T. B. Wall, B. Disney.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">1st Foot-Guards, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">781</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;285</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;153</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: Sir F. D’Oyley, W. H. Milnes, Thomas Miller. <em>Captains</em>:
                          T. Brown, Robert Adair. <em>Lieutenant</em> Hon. T. Barrington.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Colonels</em>: Askew, R. H. Cooke. <em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: Sir H. Bradford, sir Henry Hardinge*, sir T. N. Hill, lord Fitzroy Somerset. <em>Captains</em>: Hon. O. Bridgeman,
                          J. Simpson, S. Burgess. <em>Lieutenants</em>: G. Fludyer, T. C. Croft, F. Luttrell, C. P. Ellis, Hon. H. Lascelles.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">1st Foot-Guards, 3d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">860</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">262</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">342</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Colonels</em>: E. Stables, C. Thomas. <em>Captains</em>: E. Grose, N. Chambers. <em>Ensigns</em>: E. Pardoe, James, Lord Hay.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Colonels</em>: Hon. W. Stewart, Hon. H. Townshend, H. D’Oyley, G. Fead. <em>Captains</em>: R. Adair, T. Streatfield, Hon. R. Clements.
                          <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. Batty, R. Bruce, W. Barton.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">Coldstream Guards, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">1,045</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">308</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captains</em>: J. L. Blackman, E. Sumner, G. R. Buckley, G. H. Percival.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: J. McDonell, D. McKinnon, Hon. A. Abercromby, C. H. Wyndham. <em>Captains</em>: Hon. R. Moore,
                          Hon. E. Lascelles. <em>Lieutenants</em>: H. Griffiths, J. Montague, H. Vane.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">3d Foot-Guards, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">1,056</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">7</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">239</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: Hon. Sir Alexander Gordon, C. F. Canning. <em>Captains</em>:
                       S. W. Stothert, T. Crawford, J. Ashton, Hon. H. Forbes. <em>Ensign</em> C. Simpson.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: C. Dashwood, E. Bowater, C. West. <em>Captains</em>: R. B. Hesketh, G. Evelyn, H. Montgomery. <em>Lieutenants</em>: C. Lake, D. Baird.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">1st Royal Scots, 3d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">453</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">218</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">144</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Captain</em> W. Buckley. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Armstrong, J. E. O’Neill, W. Young. <em>Ensigns</em>: Robertson, Kennedy, Anderson.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em>: C. Campbell. <em>Majors</em>: L. Arguimbau, R. McDonald, H. Massey. <em>Captain</em> R. Dudgeon.
                          <em>Lieutenants</em>: A. Morrison, W. J. Rea, J. Ingram, W. Clarke, A. Cameron, <em>adjutant</em>; J. Stoyte, R. Scott, G. Lane, J. Symes, J. Alstone, J. Mann, W. Dobbs,
                          J. F. W. Millar, G. Stewart, J. L. Black. <em>Ensigns</em>: C. Graham, T. Stephens, J. McKay, L. M. Cooper. <em>Quarter-master</em> T. Griffiths.
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc" colspan="5"></td>
<td class="tdc">* Wounded at Ligny.</td>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">4th Reg. Foot, 1st Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">670</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;134</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant</em> W. Squire.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: G. D. Wilson, C. J. Edgell. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Browne, G. Smith, H. Boyd, A. Gerard. <em>Ensigns</em>: W. M. Mathews, B. Collins, G. Richardson.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">14th Reg. Foot, 3d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">630</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">36</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Ensigns</em>: A. Cooper, A. Ormsby (24th).</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">23d Royal Welsh Fuzileers, 1st Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">741</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">478</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> sir H. W. Ellis. <em>Captains</em>: Hawtyn, C. Jolliffe, T. Farmer. <em>Lieutenants</em>: G. Fensham, J. Clyde, W. Leebody (24th).</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: H. Johnson, J. H. Hill. <em>Lieutenants</em>: A. Griffiths, Fielding. <em>Quarter-master</em> A. Sidley.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">27th (Innis-killing) Reg. Foot.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">750</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">104</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captain</em> G. Holmes. <em>Ensign</em> J. Ireland.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: J. Hare, J. Tucker, <em>Lieutenants</em>: G. McDonnell, W. Henderson, R. Handcock,
                      E. Drewe, W. Fortescue, J. Millar, C. Manley, T. Craddock. <em>Ensigns</em>: T. Handcock, T. Smith, J. Ditmas.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">28th Reg. Foot.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">556</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">75</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">177</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> W. P. Meacham. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Clarke, C. Ingram.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Nixon. <em>Captains</em>: R. Llewellyn, R. Kelly, J. Bowles, T. English, C. Teulon. <em>Lieutenants</em>:
                        J. Wilkinson, R. Gilbert, R. P. Eason, W. Irwin, H. Hilliard, J. Coen, C. Carrothers, J. Shelton, J. Deares. <em>Ensign</em>: Mountsteven, H. Bridgeland, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">30th Reg. Foot.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">635</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">51</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">228</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Major</em> T. Chambers. <em>Captain</em> A. M. Nabb. <em>Lieutenants</em>: H. Beere, E. Prendergast. <em>Ensigns</em>: J. James, J. Bullen.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Hamilton. <em>Majors</em>: W. Bailey, C. A. Vigoureux. <em>Captain</em> A. Gore. <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. C. Elliott, J. Rumley, R. Daniell,
                     J. Roe, R. Hugues, P. Lockwood, J. Pratt, W. O. Warren, T. Monypenny. M. Andrews, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">32d Reg. Foot.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">503</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;196</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;174</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captains</em>: J. Boyce, T. Cassan, E. Whitty.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: W. H. Toole, J. Crowe, H. Harrison, C. Wallett. <em>Lieutenants</em>: H. W. Brookes, G. Barr, M. Meighan, D. Davies, <em>adjutant</em>; J Boase, T. R. Lewin, H. Butterworth,
                     J. Colthurst, J. Robinson, J. Fitzgerald, T. Horan, E. Stephen, H. Quill, J. Jagoe, S. H. Lawrence. <em>Ensigns</em>: H. Metcalfe, J. Birtwhistle, A. Stewart, W. Bennett, C. Dallas, J. M. Conchy.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">33d Reg. Foot, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">576</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">106</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">185</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captains</em>: J. Haigh, H. R. Buck. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Boyce, A. Gore, T. D. Haigh, J. Cameron, J. Hart.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Major</em> E. Parkinson. <em>Captains</em>: Mc Intyre, C. Knight, Harty. <em>Lieutenants</em>: T. Reid, J. Murkland, R. Westmore, J. Ogle, S. Pagan, J. Furlong. <em>Ensigns</em>: H. Bain, J. Alderson, J. A. Howard, G. Drury. W. Thain, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">40th Reg. Foot.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">862</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">219</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Major</em> R. Heyland. <em>Captain</em> W. Fisher.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: C. Ellis, J. Barnett. <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. Moore, J. Anthony, J. Mill, T. Campbell, Hon. H. Browne. <em>Ensigns</em>: J. Robb, F. Ford, A. Clerke.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">42d Highlanders, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">329</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">288</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">49</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> sir R. Mc Ara. <em>Captain</em> G. Davidson. <em>Lieutenant</em> R. Gordon. <em>Ensign</em> G. Gerard.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> R. Dick. <em>Major</em> A. Menzies. <em>Captains</em>: M. Mc Pherson, D. Mc Donald, D. Mc Intosh, R. Boyle. <em>Lieutenants</em>: D. Chisholm, D. Stewart, D. Mc Kenzie, H. A. Fraser, J. Malcolm, A. Dunbar, J. Brander, J. Orr, G. G. Munro.
                     <em>Ensigns</em>: W. Fraser, A. L. Fraser. J. Young, <em>adjutant</em>. <em>Quarter-master</em> McIntosh.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">44th Reg. Foot, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">480</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">138</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">64</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Lieutenant</em> W. Tomkins. <em>Ensign</em> P. Cooke.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: Hamerton, G. O’Malley. <em>Captains</em>: A. Brugh, D. Power, W. Burney, M. Fane, J. Jessop. <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. Russell, R. Grier, W. B. Strong, J. Campbell, J Burke, W. Hern. <em>Ensigns</em>: C. Christie, B. Whitney, T. McCann. <em>adjutants</em>: J. C. Webster, A. Wilson.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">51st Light Infantry.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">619</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">42</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captain</em> S. Beardsley. <em>Lieutenant</em> C. W. Tyndale.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">52d Light Infantry.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">1,148</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;199</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Ensign</em> W. Nettles.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> J. Rowan. <em>Captains</em>: W. Rowan, J. F. Love, C. Diggle. <em>Lieutenants</em>: C. Dawson, M. Anderson, G. Campbell, F. Cottingham. J. Winterbottom, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">69th Reg. Foot, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">541</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;155</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">85</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Colonel</em> C. Morice. <em>Captains</em>: B. Hobhouse, Hon. W. Curzon, P. Blackwood. <em>Lieutenant</em> M. Wightwick.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Captains</em>: J. L. Watson, H. Lindsay. <em>Lieutenants</em>: H. Anderson, J. Stewart, B. Pigot, C. Busteed. <em>Ensign</em> E. Hodder. <em>Volunteer</em> Clarke.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">71st (Highland) Light Infantry.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">929</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">202</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captain</em> E. L’Estrange. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. R. Elwes, J. Todd.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Colonel</em> T. Reyneel. <em>Major</em> A. Jones. <em>Captains</em>: D. Campbell, A. Grant, J. Henderson, C. Johnstone. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Barralier, R. Lind,
                       J. Roberts, C. Lewin, R. Law, J. Coote, W. Hanson. W. Anderson, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">73d Reg. Foot, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">498</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">56</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">280</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Captains</em>: A. Robertson, J. M. Kennedy. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Strachan, W. Hollis, J. Acres, Brown. <em>Ensigns</em>: W. S. Lowe, C. Page.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Colonel</em> G. Harris. <em>Major</em> A. J. McLean. <em>Captains</em>: A. Coane, E. T. Pirch, W. Wharton, J. Garland. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. McConnell, T. Reynolds, D. Browne, J. Lloyd.
                       <em>Ensigns</em>: R. Hesilrige, T. Deacon, W. McBean, C. B. Eastwood, G. D. Bridge. P. Hay, <em>adjutant</em>.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">79th Highlanders.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">440</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">304</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">175</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Captains</em>: McKay, McRa, Neil Campbell, J. Cameron, J. Sinclair. <em>Lieutenants</em>: D. Cameron, D. McPherson, E. Kennedy. J. Kynock, <em>adjutant</em>, J. Rowling.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Lieutenant-colonels</em>: N. Douglas, A. Brown, D. Cameron. <em>Captains</em>: T. Mylne, J. Campbell, N. Campbell, W. Marshall, M. Fraser, W. Bruce. <em>Lieutenants</em>: A. Cameron,
                     T. Brown, W. Maddocks, W. Leaper, J. Fraser, D. McPhee, E. Cameron, A. Forbes, C. McArthur, J. Powling, W. A. Riach. <em>Ensigns</em>: J. Nash, J. Robertson, A. S. Crawford. <em>Volunteer</em> Cameron.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span><br>
   <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span><br></p>

<table class="p1 fs70 autotable">
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">REGIMENTS.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" rowspan="2">STRENGTH on the 18th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt" colspan="2">LOSS ON THE</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt wd30" rowspan="2">OFFICERS KILLED.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt br wd40" rowspan="2">OFFICERS WOUNDED.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">16th and 17th.</td>
<td class="tdc bl bt">18th.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">92d Highlanders.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">422</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;286</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">&#160;116</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> Cameron. <em>Captains</em>: W. C. Grant, gu. Little. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Chisholm, G. Mackie, <em>Ensigns</em>: A. Beecher, R. McPherson.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Colonel</em> J. Mitchell. <em>Captains</em>: G. W. Holmes, D. Campbell, P. Wilkie, A. Ferrier. <em>Lieutenants</em>: R. Winchester, T. Hobbs, T. McIntosh, D. McDonald, J. Ross, R. McDonald,
                     H. Innes, G. Logan, J. McInlay, A. McPherson, J. Hope. <em>Ensigns</em>: J. Branwell, R. Logan, A. McDonald, R. Hewit. <em>Assistant surgeon</em> J. Stewart.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">95th Rifles, 1st Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">418</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">64</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">156</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Majors</em>: C. Smith, C. Ecles. <em>Lieutenants</em>: J. Stilwell, E. D. Johnston.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Lieutenant-colonel</em> sir A. Barnard. <em>Majors</em>: A. Cameron, Beckwith. <em>Captains</em>: E. Chawner, W. Johnston. <em>Lieutenants</em>:
                        J. P. Gardner, J. Fitzmaurice, W. Shenley, J. Molloy, J. Gardner, G. Simmons, A. Stewart, J. Wright, J. Church.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">95th Rifles, 2d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">655</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">246</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant</em> Backhouse.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Majors</em>: A. Norcott, G. Wilkins. <em>Captains</em>: G. Miller, J. G. McCulloch. <em>Lieutenants</em>: Humbley, D. Cameron,
                        E. Coxon, R. Cochran, J. Fry, J. Ridgeway, J. Lynam, R. Eyre, J. Walsh, P. Webb.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt">95th Rifles, two companies, 3d Bat.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt">202</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">”</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt">50</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt"><em>Lieutenant</em> W. Lister.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt br"><em>Major</em> J. Ross. Captain J. Fullerton. <em>Lieutenants</em>: T. Worsley, G. W. Shenly.</td>
</tr>
<tr>
<td class="tdc bl bt bb">Royal Artillery.</td>
<td class="tdrp bl bt bb">4,944</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">28</td>
<td class="tdrq bl bt bb">476</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb"><em>Majors</em>: Lloyd, N. Ramsay, Cairnes, Beane, Bolton. <em>Lieutenants</em>: W. L. Robe, M. Cromie, C. Spearman, F. Manners, F. Troughton.</td>
<td class="tdlz bl bt bb br"><em>Captains</em>: Napier, J. Parker, Bull, Winyates, Dansey, R. McDonald, Webber, W. Strangeway, D. Crawford, A. McDonald. <em>Lieutenants</em>: W. Brereton, W. Smith, Barnes,
                        Bloomfield, Barton, Forbes, W. Harvey, Foster, D. Crawford, J. Day, W. Poole, C. H. Baines, T. Harvey, J. W. Pringle. <em>Captain</em> Robt. Thomson, <em>Royal Engineers</em>.</td>
</tr>
</table>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_n5" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of Note; decorative separator)">
</div>


<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span></p>

<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_V">No. V.</h3>

<p class="p1 center lsp">LETTERS</p>

<p class="p2 pfs80">CONCERNING THE BATTLE OF WATERLOO.</p>


<p class="p1 center"><em>Marshal Blücher to Baron Müffling.</em></p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Wavre</span>, June 18th, 1815.<br>
</p>

<p>“Your Excellency will assure the duke of Wellington from
me, that, ill as I am, I shall place myself at the head of my
troops, and attack the right of the French, in case they undertake
anything against his Grace. If, on the other hand,
the day should pass over without their making any attack, it
is then my opinion that we should jointly attack them to-morrow.</p>

<p>“I beg your Excellency to convey to the Duke my full
and firm conviction, that this is the best measure to be adopted
in our present situation.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Blücher.</span>”<br>
</p>


<p class="p1">General count Gneisenau, the chief of the staff, felt
alarmed at the tenor of the above letter, which told plainly
the decided manner it was to be carried out. Fearing the
Prussian army might be placed in a dangerous situation,
should the allies be forced to retire before they could arrive,
he wrote the following note:</p>

<p>“General count Gneisenau concurs with the views expressed
in the enclosed letter, but entreats your Excellency
to ascertain most particularly, whether the duke of Wellington
<em>has really adopted the decided resolution of fighting
in his present position</em>; or whether he only intends some
demonstration, which might become very dangerous to our
army.</p>

<p>“Your Excellency will be so good as to acquaint us with
the result of your observations on this point, as it is of the
greatest consequence that we should be informed of the Duke’s
real intention.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span></p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>The Prince de la Moskowa to the Duc d’Otrante.</em></p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“MONSIEUR LE DUC,</p>

<p>“The most false and defamatory reports have been spreading
for some days over the public mind, upon the conduct
which I have pursued during this short and unfortunate campaign.
The newspapers have reported those odious calumnies,
and appear to lend them credit. After having fought for
twenty-five years for my country, after having shed my blood
for its glory and independence, an attempt is made to accuse
me of treason; an attempt is made to mark me out to the
people, and to the army itself, as the author of the disaster it
has just experienced.</p>

<p>“Forced to break silence, while it is always painful to
speak of one’s self, and, above all, to answer calumnies, I
address myself to you, sir, as the President of the Provisional
Government, for the purpose of laying before you a faithful
statement of the events I have witnessed.</p>

<p>“On the 11th of June, I received an order from the minister
of war to repair to the Imperial presence. I had no command,
and no information upon the composition and strength
of the army. Neither the Emperor nor his minister had given
me any previous hint, from which I could anticipate that I
should be employed in the present campaign; I was consequently
taken by surprise, without horses, without accoutrements,
and without money, and I was obliged to borrow the
necessary expenses of my journey. Having arrived on the
12th at Laon, on the 13th at Avesnes, and on the 14th at
Beaumont, I purchased, in this last town, two horses from
the duc de Trévise, with which I repaired, on the 15th, to
Charleroi, accompanied by my first aide-de-camp, the only
officer who attended me. I arrived at the moment when the
enemy, attacked by our troops, was retreating upon Fleurus
and Gosselies.</p>

<p>“The Emperor ordered me immediately to put myself at
the head of the 1st and 2d corps of infantry, commanded by
lieutenant-generals d’Erlon and Reille, of the division of
light cavalry of lieutenant-general Piré, of the division of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span>
light cavalry of the guard under the command of lieutenant-general
Lefebvre-Desnouettes and Colbert, and of two divisions
of cavalry of count de Valmy; forming, in all, eight
divisions of infantry, and four of cavalry. With these troops,
a part of which only I had as yet under my immediate command,
I pursued the enemy, and forced him to evacuate Gosselies,
Frasnes, Mellet, Heppignies. There they took up a
position for the night, with the exception of the first corps,
which was still at Marchiennes, and which did not join me
till the following day.</p>

<p>“On the 16th, I received orders to attack the English in
their position at Quatre-Bras. We advanced towards the
enemy with an enthusiasm difficult to be described. Nothing
resisted our impetuosity. The battle became general, and
victory was no longer doubtful, when, at the moment that I
intended to order up the first corps of infantry, which had
been left by me in reserve at Frasnes, I learned that the
Emperor had disposed of it without adverting me of the circumstance,
as well as of the division of Girard of the second
corps, on purpose to direct them upon St.-Amand, and to
strengthen his left wing, which was vigorously engaged with
the Prussians. The shock which this intelligence gave me,
confounded me. Having no longer under me more than three
divisions, instead of the eight upon which I calculated, I was
obliged to renounce the hopes of victory; and, in spite of all
my efforts, in spite of the intrepidity and devotion of my
troops, my utmost efforts after that could only maintain me
in my position till the close of the day. About nine o’clock,
the first corps was sent me by the Emperor, to whom it had
been of no service. Thus twenty-five or thirty thousand men
were, I may say, paralyzed, and were idly paraded during the
whole of the battle from the right to the left, and the left to
the right, without firing a shot.</p>

<p>“It is impossible for me, sir, not to arrest your attention
for a moment upon these details, in order to bring before your
view all the consequences of this false movement, and, in
general, of the bad arrangements during the whole of the day.
By what fatality, for example, did the Emperor, instead of
leading all his forces against lord Wellington, who would have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span>
been attacked unawares, and could not have resisted, consider
this attack as secondary? How did the Emperor, after the
passage of the Sambre, conceive it possible to fight two battles
on the same day? It was to oppose forces double ours, and
to do what military men who were witnesses of it can scarcely
yet comprehend. Instead of this, had he left a corps of observation
to watch the Prussians, and marched with his most
powerful masses to support me, the English army had undoubtedly
been destroyed between Quatre-Bras and Genappe;
and this position, which separated the two allied armies, being
once in our power, would have opened for the Emperor an
opportunity of advancing to the right of the Prussians, and
of crushing them in their turn. The general opinion in France,
and especially in the army, was, that the Emperor would have
bent his whole efforts to annihilate first the English army;
and circumstances were favourable for the accomplishment
of such a project: but fate ordered otherwise.</p>

<p>“On the 17th, the army marched in the direction of Mont-St.-Jean.</p>

<p>“On the 18th, the battle began at one o’clock, and though
the bulletin, which details it, makes no mention of me, it is
not necessary for me to mention that I was engaged in it.
Lieutenant-general count Drouot has already spoken of that
battle, in the House of Peers. His narration is accurate,
with the exception of some important facts which he has
passed over in silence, or of which he was ignorant, and which
it is now my duty to declare. About seven o’clock in the
evening, after the most frightful carnage which I have ever
witnessed, general Labédoyère came to me with a message
from the Emperor, that marshal Grouchy had arrived on our
right, and attacked the left of the English and Prussians
united. This general officer, in riding along the lines, spread
this intelligence among the soldiers, whose courage and devotion
remained unshaken, and who gave new proofs of them at
that moment, in spite of the fatigue which they experienced.
Immediately after, what was my astonishment, I should
rather say indignation, when I learned, that so far from
marshal Grouchy having arrived to support us, as the whole
army had been assured, between forty and fifty thousand<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span>
Prussians attacked our extreme right, and forced it to retire!</p>

<p>“Whether the Emperor was deceived with regard to the
time when the marshal could support him, or whether the
march of the marshal was retarded by the efforts of the enemy
longer than was calculated upon, the fact is, that at the
moment when his arrival was announced to us, he was only
at Wavre upon the Dyle, which to us was the same as if he
had been a hundred leagues from the field of battle.</p>

<p>“A short time afterwards, I saw four regiments of the
middle guard, conducted by the Emperor, arriving. With
these troops, he wished to renew the attack, and to penetrate
the centre of the enemy. He ordered me to lead them on:
generals, officers, and soldiers, all displayed the greatest intrepidity;
but this body of troops was too weak to resist, for
a long time, the forces opposed to it by the enemy, and it was
soon necessary to renounce the hope which this attack had,
for a few moments, inspired. General Friant had been struck
with a ball by my side; and I myself had my horse killed, and
fell under it. The brave men who will return from this terrible
battle will, I hope, do me the justice to say, that they
saw me on foot with sword in hand during the whole of the
evening, and that I only quitted the scene of carnage among
the last, and at the moment when retreat could no longer be
prevented. At the same time, the Prussians continued their
offensive movements, and our right sensibly retired; the
English advanced in their turn. There remained to us still
four squares of the old guard to protect the retreat. These
brave grenadiers, the choice of the army, forced successively
to retire, yielded ground foot by foot, till, overwhelmed by
numbers, they were almost entirely annihilated. From that
moment, a retrograde movement was declared, and the army
formed nothing but a confused mass. There was not, however,
a total rout, nor the cry of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Sauve qui peut</i>, as has been
calumniously stated in the bulletin. As for myself, constantly
in the rear-guard, which I followed on foot, having all my
horses killed, worn out with fatigue, covered with contusions,
and having no longer strength to march, I owe my life to a
corporal who supported me on the road, and did not abandon
me during the retreat. At eleven at night, I found lieutenant-general<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span>
Lefebvre-Desnouettes; and one of his officers, major
Schmidt, had the generosity to give me the only horse that
remained to him. In this manner I arrived at Marchiennes-au-Pont
at four o’clock in the morning, alone, without any
officers of my staff, ignorant of what had become of the Emperor,
who, before the end of the battle, had entirely disappeared,
and who, I was allowed to believe, might be either
killed or taken prisoner. General Pamphile Lacroix, chief of
the staff of the second corps, whom I found in this town,
having told me that the Emperor was at Charleroi, I was led
to suppose that his Majesty was going to put himself at the
head of marshal Grouchy’s corps, to cover the Sambre, and
to facilitate to the troops the means of rallying towards
Avesnes, and, with this persuasion, I went to Beaumont; but
parties of cavalry following on too near, and having already
intercepted the roads of Maubeuge and Philippeville, I became
sensible of the total impossibility of arresting a single soldier
on that point, to oppose the progress of the victorious enemy.
I continued my march upon Avesnes, where I could obtain no
intelligence of what had become of the Emperor.</p>

<p>“In this state of matters, having no knowledge of his
Majesty nor of the Major-General, confusion increasing every
moment, and, with the exception of some fragments of regiments
of the guard and of the line, every one following his
own inclination, I determined immediately to go to Paris by
St.-Quentin, to disclose, as quickly as possible, the true state
of affairs to the minister of war, that he might send to the
army some fresh troops, and take the measures which circumstances
rendered necessary. At my arrival at Bourget,
(two leagues from Paris,) I learned that the Emperor had
passed there at nine o’clock in the morning.</p>

<p>“Such, <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">M. le duc</i>, is the history of this calamitous campaign.</p>

<p>“Now I ask those who have survived this fine and numerous
army, how I can be accused of the disasters of which it has
been the victim, and of which our military annals furnish no
example. I have, it is said, betrayed my country, I who,
to serve it, have shown a zeal which I perhaps have carried
to an extravagant height: but this calumny is supported by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span>
no fact, by no circumstance. But how can these odious
reports, which spread with frightful rapidity, be arrested? If,
in the researches which I could make on this subject, I did
not fear almost as much to discover as to be ignorant of the
truth, I would say, that all was a tendency to convince that
I have been unworthily deceived, and that it is attempted to
cover, with the pretence of treason, the faults and extravagancies
of this campaign; faults which have not been avowed
in the bulletins that have appeared, and against which I in
vain raised that voice of truth which I will yet cause to resound
in the House of Peers.</p>

<p>“I expect, from the candour of your Excellency, and from
your indulgence to me, that you will cause this letter to be
inserted in the <cite>Journal</cite>, and give it the greatest possible
publicity.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Marshal prince de la Moskowa.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“<span class="smcap">Paris</span>, June 26th, 1815.”</p>

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<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_VI">No. VI.</h3>

<p class="p1 center lsp">ANECDOTES</p>

<p class="p2 pfs80">RELATIVE TO THE CAMPAIGN OF WATERLOO.</p>


<p>At a period of the battle, when the Duke was surrounded
by his staff, it was evident they had become the object of the
fire from a French battery. The shot fell fast around them.
Their horses became restive, and Copenhagen himself (the
Duke’s horse,) so fidgety, that the Duke became impatient,
and having reasons for remaining on the spot, said, “Gentlemen,
we are rather too close together: better divide a little.”</p>


<p class="p2">On one occasion Wellington rode up to Picton’s division,
just as a hot fire of musketry opened upon the 92d. The staff
expected every instant to see him drop, as he sat coolly watching
the effect of the enemy’s fire: but he remained untouched;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span>
as did also lord Arthur Hill, who was the only officer that
had accompanied him to the crest of the ground.</p>


<p class="p2">During the battle, a British artillery officer rode up to the
duke of Wellington and said, “Your Grace, I have a distinct
view of Napoleon, attended by his staff: my guns are well
pointed in that direction, shall I open fire?” The Duke
replied, “Certainly not, I will not allow it; it is not the
business of commanders to fire upon each other.”</p>

<p>From this it is evident that circumstances alter cases, as
may be seen by the following expression of the Duke: “I
cannot discover the policy of not hitting one’s enemy as hard
as one can, and in the most vulnerable place.” (<cite>Dispatches</cite>,
vol. XI, page 547.)</p>


<p class="p2">Whilst the Duke was occupied intently in observing with
his telescope a movement in the enemy’s line, some of their
skirmishers were pressing on, and the musket-balls began to
whistle round his Grace in such profusion, that colonel
Gordon was induced to take the bridle of the Duke’s charger,
and lead him forward to a hollow, where he was in shelter;
and so intent was his Grace in observing the enemy, that it
was accomplished without his noticing it. Throughout this
long and trying day, the Duke was always to be seen where
danger threatened, or difficulties arose, fearlessly passing from
point to point, and constantly exposed to the fire of the enemy,
protected doubtlessly by a merciful and all-wise Providence,
to add still further lustre to his name by his continued services
to his country.</p>


<p class="p2">During the heat of the battle, the Duke was about to pass
in front of a Nassau square, the troops composing which had
served Napoleon, when several of his staff requested his Grace
to pass by its rear: had he rode along the front, the simple
process of pulling a single trigger might have blasted all our
expectations, and injured the cause of Europe more than did
the whole efforts of Napoleon and his army.</p>

<p>The arms, clothing, and general bearing of the Nassau-men
were truly French: their splendid rifle-green uniform, broad<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span>
buff cross-belts, handsome white cased cap and tall black
plume, produced a martial and imposing appearance.</p>


<p class="p2">A hussar and a cuirassier had got entangled in the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i>,
and met in the plain, in full view of our line; the hussar was
without a cap, and bleeding from a wound in the head, but
that did not hinder him from attacking his steel-clad adversary.
He soon proved that the strength of cavalry consist in
good horsemanship, and the skilful use of the sword, and not
in being clad in heavy defensive armour. The superiority of
the hussar was visible the moment the swords crossed: after a
few wheels a tremendous facer made the Frenchman reel in
his saddle, and all his attempts to escape his more active foe
became unavailing; a second blow stretched him on the ground,
amidst the cheers of the light horseman’s comrades, the
3d German hussars, who were ardent spectators of the combat.</p>


<p class="p2">During the cavalry charges, a man, named Gilmore, of
captain Elphinstone’s troop, and belonging to my regiment,
was lying under his wounded grey horse, about two hundred
yards in our front. The cuirassiers were advancing; and as
I was aware they spared none who fell into their hands, I
sprang from my saddle, soon reached the spot, and seizing the
bridle raised the horse’s head; when the animal making a
struggle, Gilmore was enabled to extricate himself, and to
reach our line just before the enemy’s cavalry came up. The
pleasure I felt on this occasion will be understood by any one
who has had the opportunity of saving life.—Two other
human beings, one, a lad, David Bale, at Clapham, in Surrey;
another, a boy, named Tannis, in the village of Mont-St.-Jean,
I was providentially enabled to rescue from drowning.</p>


<p class="p2">I witnessed an encounter during the battle, between an
artillery-man and a cuirassier: the former was under his gun;
the latter dodging round, endeavouring to run his sword
through him. At length the cuirassier’s horse was shot, and
the gunner, getting from his place of shelter, dealt a blow
with his ramrod upon the head of his antagonist, which felled
him to the ground: he then seized upon the cuirassier’s sword,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span>
and collaring him, proceeded towards the rear. On passing
us, the gunner gave his prisoner a kick on the hind part of
his person, saying, “Be off to the rear.”</p>


<p class="p2">On the morning of the 18th, colonel Ellis, of the 23d Royal
Welsh fuzileers, issued an order that no man was to fall out
of the ranks to assist the wounded. Upon the colonel being
severely wounded, captain Brown ordered two men to follow
and assist him to the rear; but the gallant colonel declined
their services, observing, “There are not too many bayonets
in the Royal Welsh, return to your post.” This strict adherence
to discipline, and disinterestedness, no doubt cost him
his life, and deprived the service of one of its brightest ornaments.
(See <cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XII, p. 610-611.)</p>


<p class="p2">The day before the battle of Waterloo, captain Elphinstone,
of the 7th hussars, was grievously wounded and taken prisoner.
His condition was noticed by Napoleon, who immediately
sent one of his surgeons to dress his wounds; and
perceiving that, from loss of blood, Elphinstone had swooned
away, he sent a silver goblet full of wine from his own store.
On the arrival of the Bellerophon in England, lord Keith
presented his grateful thanks to Napoleon, for having saved
the life of his nephew.</p>


<p class="p2">On the 29th of May, (prior to the battle,) we had a grand
review of the cavalry and horse artillery. After the review
most of the superior officers breakfasted with lord Uxbridge,
at Ninove. Old Blücher was amongst them, and openly
declared, he had not given the world credit for containing so
many fine men as he had seen that day. Our infantry,
although not such fine-looking fellows, still bore away the
foremost laurels of the day of battle. On parting, Blücher
wished all a good day, exclaiming, “We shall soon meet
again in Paris.”</p>


<p class="p2">In 1818, Blücher was one of a large party at Berlin, where
much merriment and jesting went on from the proposal and
solution of enigmas. Blücher at once absorbed the attention<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span>
of all the guests, by saying, “I will do what none of you
can, I will kiss my own head;” and while all were wondering
how that was to be done, the old man added with the utmost
assurance, “This is the way;” when rising, he approached his
friend Gneisenau, whom he kissed and embraced most heartily.</p>


<p class="p2">Blücher, when at dinner with the ministers of several
different states of Europe, gave as a toast, “May the diplomatists
not again spoil with their pens, that which the armies
have with so much cost won with their swords!”</p>

<p>Happening to meet the Prussian minister, prince Hardenberg,
he thus boldly addressed him, “I only wish I had you
gentlemen of the pen, exposed for once to a pretty smart
skirmishing fire, that you might learn what it is when the
soldier is obliged to repair with his life’s blood the errors
which you so thoughtlessly commit on paper.”</p>

<p>The following fact shows that no personal considerations
restrained him from indulging in his splenetic humour against
the great diplomatist of the day:</p>

<p>Nearly everybody knows that, immediately after the
convention of Paris, Blücher was desirous to destroy the
bridge of Jena, and that he would undoubtedly have carried
his intentions into effect, had it not been for the urgent representations
of the duke of Wellington.</p>

<p>On that occasion, count von der Golz, formerly his aide-de-camp,
and then Prussian ambassador in Paris, made a written
application to him in behalf and in the name of prince Talleyrand,
beseeching the preservation of the bridge. Blücher
replied in his own hand-writing, “I have resolved upon
blowing up the bridge, and I cannot conceal from your
Excellency how much pleasure it would afford me, if Monsieur
de Talleyrand would previously station himself upon it;
and I beg you will make my wish known to him.”</p>


<p class="p2">When Blücher was at Oxford, in 1814, with the emperors
and kings, the Prince Regent and the duke of Wellington, he
received an intimation that the heads of the University intended
to confer upon him the dignity of a Doctor. Blücher,
who never dreamed of becoming one of the learned, could not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span>
refrain from laughter, and jocularly remarked, “Well, if I
am to be a doctor, they cannot do less than make Gneisenau
an apothecary: for we both work together; and it is he who
has to make up the pills, which I am in the habit of administering<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a>.”</p>


<p class="p2">On the 15th of June, 1815, the French general Bourmont,
colonels Clouet and Villoutreys, with three captains, deserted
Napoleon, and came over to the Prussians. When Bourmont
was presented to Blücher, the latter could not refrain from
evincing his contempt for the faithless soldier. Some officers
tried to impress him more favourably towards the general, by
directing his attention to the white cockade which he wore
in a conspicuous fashion: the Prince bluntly remarked, “It
matters not what a man sticks in his hat for a mark; a mean-spirited
scoundrel always remains the same.”</p>


<p class="p2">In a private letter from Blücher to sir Hudson Lowe, written
many months anterior to Bonaparte’s quitting Elba, after
disavowing all desire for future triumphs, he expressed a hope,
that if again called upon to act, it might be in conjunction
with the general and army that had immortalized themselves
in the Peninsula, when Wellington and himself would go hand
in hand to victory. It was truly a prophetic epistle.</p>


<p class="p2">“It has always occurred to me, however,” says the Duke,
(upon the battle of Leipsick,) “that if Bonaparte had not
placed himself in a position that every other officer would
have avoided<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a>, and had not remained in it longer than was
consistent with any notions of prudence, he would have retired
in such a state, that the allies could not have ventured to
approach the Rhine.” (<cite>Dispatches</cite>, vol. XI, page 435.)</p>


<p class="p2">It is always interesting to know what estimate great commanders<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span>
have formed of one another. During the Peninsular
campaign, marshal Marmont, with about sixty thousand men,
approached Wellington’s position at Fuente-Guinaldo, when
the iron Duke’s force did not exceed two thousand five
hundred horse, and two weak divisions of infantry. Still he
exhibited the same coolness and imperturbable self-possession,
which, in emergency, invariably marked his distinguished and
successful career. On this occasion, the Spanish general
Alava, whose enlightened patriotism and high military qualities
had endeared him to the Duke, thus accosted him,
“Here you are with a couple of weak divisions in front of
the whole French army; and you seem quite at your ease!
Why, it is enough to put any man in a fever!”—“I have
done according to the very best of my judgment all that can
be done,” was the characteristic reply of the British commander,
“and therefore I care not either for the enemy in
front, or for anything which they may say at home.”</p>

<p>Upon Marmont’s being informed, that, for thirty-six hours,
Wellington, with about fourteen thousand men, had lain within
cannon range of him, his astonishment was unbounded; and
he is said to have exclaimed, that, “Brilliant as was Napoleon’s
star, Wellington’s was more brilliant still.” Marshal
Marmont’s discrimination was amply proved at Waterloo.</p>


<p class="p2">Lieutenant-colonel Ponsonby, of the 12th light dragoons,
gives the following account of himself on being wounded. He
says,</p>

<p>“In the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">mêlée</i> (thick of the fight) I was almost instantly
disabled in both my arms, losing first my sword, and then my
rein; and, followed by a few of my men who were presently
cut down, no quarter being asked or given, I was carried
along by my horse, till, receiving a blow from a sabre, I fell
senseless on my face to the ground. Recovering, I raised
myself a little to look round, being at that time in a condition
to get up and run away, when a lancer passing by, cried
out, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tu n’es pas mort, coquin!</i>’ and struck his lance
through my back. My head dropped, the blood gushed into
my mouth, a difficulty of breathing came on, and I thought
all was over. Not long after, a skirmisher stopped to plunder<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span>
me, threatening my life: I directed him to a small side-pocket,
in which he found three dollars, all I had; but he continued
to threaten, tearing open my waistcoat, and leaving me in a
very uneasy posture.</p>

<p>“But he was no sooner gone, than an officer bringing up
some troops, and happening to halt where I lay, stooped down,
and addressing me, said, he feared I was badly wounded. I
answered that I was, and expressed a wish to be moved to the
rear. He said it was against orders, to remove even their
own men; but that, if they gained the day, (and he understood
that the duke of Wellington was killed, and that six of our
battalions had surrendered,) every attention in his power
should be shown me. I complained of thirst, and he held his
brandy bottle to my lips, directing one of his soldiers to lay
me straight on my side, and place a knapsack under my head:
they then passed on into action, soon perhaps to want, though
not to receive, the same assistance; and I shall never know
to whose generosity I was indebted, as I believe, for my life.</p>

<p>“By and by, another skirmisher came up, a fine young
man, full of ardour, loading and firing: he knelt down and
fired over me many times, conversing with me very gaily all
the while: at last he ran off, saying, ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Vous serez bien aise
d’apprendre que nous allons nous retirer. Bonjour, mon
ami.</i>’ (‘You will be pleased to learn that we are going to
fall back. Good day, my friend.’) It was dusk, when two
squadrons of Prussian cavalry crossed the valley in full trot,
lifting me from the ground, and tumbling me about cruelly.</p>

<p>“The battle was now over, and the groans of the wounded
all around me, became more and more audible: I thought
the night never would end. About this time, I found a soldier
lying across my legs, and his weight, his convulsive motions,
his noises, and the air issuing through a wound in his side,
distressed me greatly; the last circumstance most of all, as
I had a wound of the same nature myself. It was not a
dark night, and the Prussians were wandering about to
plunder: many of them stopped to look at me as they passed;
at last one of them stopped to examine me: I told him that
I was a British officer, and had been already plundered. He
did not however desist, and pulled me about roughly.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span></p>

<p>“An hour before midnight, I saw a man in an English
uniform, coming towards me; he was, I suspected, on the
same errand. I spoke instantly, telling him who I was: he
belonged to the 40th, and had missed his regiment. He
released me from the dying soldier, took up a sword, and
stood over me as sentinel. Day broke, and at six o’clock in
the morning a messenger was sent to Hervé: a cart came for
me, and I was conveyed to the village of Waterloo, and laid
in the bed, as I afterwards understood, from which Gordon
had but just before been carried out. I had received seven
wounds; a surgeon slept in my room, and I was saved by
excessive bleeding.”</p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>Related by an officer.</em></p>

<p>... “Early on the following morning, the survivors arose
and hurried out to seek, amidst the dying and the dead, those
comrades and friends of whose fate they were as yet ignorant<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a>.
But even earlier still had the wretches who hang on the skirts
of every army, for the purpose of rifling the new-made corpse,
been at work: the watches and purses of many were already
gone; while many a brave heart, still throbbing, had received
its <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">coup de grâce</i> from the hands of these merciless plunderers.</p>

<p>“Waterloo was won; the sun set upon a scene of slaughter,
and the stillness of death succeeded the roar of battle. The
thunder of five hundred cannons, the roll of musketry, the
shock of mail-clad horsemen, the Highland slogan, the Irish
huzza, were heard no more; and the moon gleamed coldly on
a field of death, whose silence was only broken by the groans
of the wounded, as they lay in helpless wretchedness beside
their dead companions.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span></p>

<p>“While many a sufferer listened to every sound in anxious
expectation of relief, a dropping fire was occasionally heard
in the direction of Genappe, announcing that the broken army
of Napoleon was fiercely followed by its conquerors.</p>

<p>“Wearied by the unparalleled exertions of the tremendous
day of Waterloo, the British pursuit gradually relaxed, and
the light cavalry halted on the right of the road to Quatre-Bras;
but the Prussians, less fatigued, continued to harass
the flying enemy, and the mingled mass of fugitives were
forced from every village where they had attempted to form
bivacs. A barrier was hastily thrown across the entrance
of Genappe, to arrest the progress of the <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">jägers</i> and hussars
that hung upon the rear of the guard; but it was blown down
by a few discharges of a howitzer, and the French were driven
from the town. Throughout the disastrous night not a moment
of repose was granted to the terror-stricken. To attempt
anything like serious resistance to their pursuers, where all
were inextricably confused, was absurd. Officers and soldiers
were mobbed together; discipline had ended: none attempted
to direct, where none were found to obey; and with unrelenting
fury the Prussian cavalry sabred the exhausted fugitives,
till, after passing Gosselies and Charleroi, the wreck
of Napoleon’s army found a temporary shelter beneath the
walls of Philippeville.</p>

<p>“That night, the British bivac was on the same ridge
which their beaten enemy had occupied on the preceding one;
and as I lay upon the ground, I heard at times, and at no
great distance from me, the voices of my more fortunate companions
who had escaped from the slaughter, and some were
roaming over the field in search of plunder. Momentarily, I
expected that a friendly straggler would pass by. I must
have been for a considerable period insensible; for the place
where I fell, although the theatre of the final struggle between
the relics of Ney’s columns and the British guards, was now
totally deserted by the living, and cumbered only with the
dying and the dead.</p>

<p>“I seemed as if awakening from a dream: a difficulty of
respiration painfully annoyed me, and I endeavoured to rise;
but a weight, too mighty to be removed, pressed me to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span>
earth. My sight was imperfect, my eyelids felt closed. I
disengaged my left hand, and raising it to my face, found that
a mask of congealed blood covered it. I rubbed it away, and,
prepared as I was for a sanguinary spectacle by the continuous
moanings of wounded men and dying horses, I closed my eyes
in horror, when the clear cold moonlight revealed the sickening
scene.</p>

<p>“Directly over me, and in the very attitude in which he
had groaned his last, an officer of the old guard was stretched:
our faces were nearly touching, and his open eyes had fixed
their glassy stare on mine. A sword-cut had divided his
upper lip, and, exposing the teeth, gave to the dead man’s
countenance a grin so horrible and ghastly, that I who had
witnessed death in every form, was glad to avert my eyes.
I made a desperate effort to shake him off; but a horse’s neck
rested on my legs, and my feeble exertions were quite unequal
to rid me of this double load.</p>

<p>“While suffering great inconvenience of position, I felt
the cold intense, and thirst intolerable. No relief was attainable;
the groans of the dying were unheard, and I sullenly
submitted to my fate. But morning must soon break, and
then probably I should be succoured. Could I but disengage
myself from the dead man who pressed me almost to suffocation,
I might endure pain, cold, and thirst. I made another
effort, it failed; and, in despair, I laid my head upon the
ground, moistened with my own blood and that of my departed
enemy. Just then a voice immediately beside me, uttered a
feeble supplication for some water. I turned my head, and
saw a young ensign, whose leg had been shattered by the
wheels of a gun, raise himself upon his elbow, and look across
the field, in hope of discovering some one who would relieve
him. Nor were his cries unheard: a man dressed in the dark
uniform of a Prussian <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">jäger</i>, and armed with the short sword
which rifle-troops carry, approached the sufferer; but, alas!
he was not on the errand of mercy. Seizing the wounded
man rudely, and deaf to his entreaties, he commenced his work
of plunder. I heard the chinking of a purse, and a trinket,
a watch, or locket, glittered in the moonlight, as he tore it
from the bosom of the prostrate ensign.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span></p>

<p>“Oh! no, no, I cannot, will not part with that!” a low
weak voice muttered; “it was my mother’s dying gift: I
will never part with it!” A struggle ensued, but it was a
short one: the ruffian, irritated at resistance, raised himself,
and with a home-thrust silenced the poor youth for ever.
Great God! that such a scene of death should be increased by
the hand of murder!</p>

<p>“I grew sick; I feared to breathe: my death was to be the
next, for he had quickly plundered the body of his victim,
and turned to the dead guardsman who lay across my breast.
Suddenly he stopped, listened, and gazed suspiciously around;
then sank down behind, and stretched himself upon the field.</p>

<p>“My heart beat again. Two men came forward, and they
too were plundering. But surely, all could not be so ruthless
as the crouching wretch beside me! Nearer and nearer they
approached; and, sounds of joy! they conversed in my native
tongue. I listened with exquisite delight, and never did
human voices appear so sweet as theirs. They were grenadiers
of the line, and one of them wore a sergeant’s stripes.
Without a moment’s hesitation I addressed them; and an
appeal in their native language was not disregarded, I was
promptly answered in kindly tones; and while one caught the
defunct Frenchman by the collar and flung him aside, his
comrade extricated my legs from the dead charger, and assisted
me to rise up.</p>

<p>“I found myself in the centre of a heap of corpses; to take
a second step without treading on a body was impossible; yet
I scarce regarded the scene of slaughter: my eyes were riveted
upon one corpse, that of the poor lad whom the crouching
<i lang="de" xml:lang="de">jäger</i> had so brutally murdered.</p>

<p>“I stood up with difficulty; a faintness overpowered me:
I staggered, and would have fallen, but the sergeant supported
me, while his comrade held a canteen to my mouth.
It contained brandy diluted with water, and, to one parched
as I was, the draught was exquisitely grateful. My deliverers
appeared anxious to move off, either to obtain fresh
plunder, or secure that already acquired; and which, to judge
from the size of their havresacs, must have been considerable.
I begged them to assist me from the field; but they declined<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span>
it, alleging that they must rejoin their regiment before day-break.
At this moment my eyes encountered those of the
<i lang="de" xml:lang="de">jäger</i>, who lay as motionless behind the dead horse as any of
the corpses that surrounded him. If I remained, (and I could
not walk without support,) the chances were immense that
the villain would speedily remove one who had witnessed a
deed of robbery and murder, and I made a fresh appeal to my
worthy countrymen:</p>

<p>“Sergeant, I will reward you handsomely: do not desert
me.”</p>

<p>“I cannot remain longer, sir: morning is breaking, and you
will soon have relief enough,” was the reply.</p>

<p>“It will never reach me: there is one within three paces,
who will not permit me to look upon another sun.”</p>

<p>“Both soldiers started.</p>

<p>“What do you mean?” exclaimed the sergeant eagerly.</p>

<p>“Mark you that Prussian sharp-shooter who skulks behind
the horse?”</p>

<p>“What of him?” asked the grenadier.</p>

<p>“Yonder dead officer supplicated assistance from that
scoundrel, and he answered him with curses, and commenced
plundering him directly. I saw him take a purse, and tear
away his epaulette. Some other article the poor fellow
feebly attempted to retain; and the villain, before my eyes,
stabbed him to the heart. Hearing your approach, he hid
himself behind that charger: need I add, that there he lies
until you leave this spot, and that I shall most probably be
his next victim?”</p>

<p>“You shall not, by Heaven!” exclaimed the sergeant, as he
drew his sword and stepped over the dead horse. The Prussian,
who had no doubt watched the conference attentively, sprang
upon his feet on the first movement of the grenadier; but his
fate was sealed: before the sergeant’s comrade could unsheath
his bayonet, the <i lang="de" xml:lang="de">jäger</i> was cut down, and the murderer rolled
in the agonies of death beside the unfortunate youth whom
but a few minutes before he had so ruthlessly slaughtered.</p>

<p>“The corpse was speedily plundered by the grenadiers, and
the spoil of the rifleman, when united to their booty, made, as
I suspect, a valuable addition.</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span></p>

<p>“The moonlight was now yielding to the grey tint of early
day, and the chief cause of my apprehensions being removed by
the <em>jäger’s</em> death, I found leisure to scrutinize my deliverers.</p>

<p>“The first was a very powerful and athletic man, whose
years might be set down at forty: his vigorous frame was
perfectly unbroken, and his look bespoke a daring and unhesitating
resolution. Indeed, his whole appearance was much
above his rank; he seemed a war-worn, dissipated soldier: to
him a field of battle was no novelty; and the perfect <em>nonchalance</em>
with which he dispatched the Prussian, betrayed a
recklessness regarding human life, rather befitting a bandit
than a soldier.</p>

<p>“His companion, a very young man, was a fine strapping
flanker, and in everything appeared to be wholly governed
by the will of his comrade. He touched the dead, I thought,
with some repugnance, and seemed of gentler heart and milkier
disposition than might be expected in a midnight plunderer
upon a battle field.</p>

<p>“See, the dawn breaks rapidly,” said the non-commissioned
officer to the young grenadier: “we must be off, Macmanus....
We leave you safe, sir; yonder black sharp-shooter will
never draw another trigger. Pick up a musket for the
gentleman; we must not leave him without the means of
keeping stragglers at a distance, should any come prowling
here, before the fatigue-parties arrive to carry off the
wounded. Here, sir, take another pull at the brandy-flask;
nothing keeps up a sinking heart so well.”</p>

<p>“Thanks, my kind fellow, I owe you my life. Had you
left me to yon black scoundrel, he would have served me as
he did our comrade there. What are your names, your
regiment? I shall take care to report your timely services
to....”</p>

<p>The elder of the grenadiers laughed: “You are but a
young soldier, sir, and this, as I suspect, your first field.
I know you mean us kindly, but silence is the best service
you can render us. We should have been with the advance
near Genappe, instead of collecting lost property upon the
plains of Waterloo. Well, we fought hard enough yesterday
to allow us a right to share what no one claims, before<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span>
the Flemish clowns come here by cock-crow. Adieu!” As
he spoke, his companion handed me a musket, after trying the
barrel with a ramrod, and ascertaining from flint and pan that
it was both loaded and serviceable.</p>

<p>“Enough; I ask no questions. But here are a few guineas.”</p>

<p>“Which we do not require,” said the sergeant. “We have
made a good night’s work, and your money, young sir, we
neither want, nor take. If we have rendered you service,
it was for the sake of the old country. It is hard to shut
one’s ears, when the first language that we lisped in from
the cradle asks pity in the field. Farewell, sir; morning
a comes on apace.”</p>

<p>“And yet,” I replied, “I might perhaps at some time serve
you. You know the fable: the Mouse once cut a net,
and saved a Lion. I am indeed but a young soldier: but
should I be able to be serviceable at any future period, ask
for J—— B——, and he will remember the night of Waterloo.”</p>

<p>“Of all the fields that ever were seen, Waterloo presented
perhaps the most bloody. The small space over which the
action had been fought, rendered the scene indeed appalling:
masses of dead appearing as it were piled on each other.”</p>


<p class="p2">The field of Waterloo is twelve miles and a quarter from
Brussels; Quatre-Bras, twenty-one; and Ligny, twenty-eight
miles: notwithstanding the great difference in the distances
of those places, the firing at Ligny and Quatre-Bras was
more distinctly heard at Brussels on the 16th, than that of
Waterloo on the 18th.</p>

<p>Our detached force at Hall, which is about nine miles from
Waterloo, heard nothing of the firing, nor did they know until
the following morning, (the 19th,) how busily we had been
engaged.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_n7" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(end of Note; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<h3 class="fs135" id="Note_VII">No. VII.</h3>

<p class="p1">As a tribute of the Author’s respectful gratitude for the
information he has obtained from many officers who have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span>
visited the field, and, with all the advantages of being on the
spot, have discussed the leading questions which have been
raised in the United Service Journal, and so many other publications,
respecting the details of the battle, their names are
subjoined:</p>


<p class="p1 allsmcap center">GENERALS.</p>

<div class="textcol">
Lord John Hay.<br>
Sir Hussey Vivian.<br>
Sir A. Barnard.<br>
Sir H. Ross.<br>
Sir Colin Campbell.<br>
Sir Guy Campbell.<br>
Sir F. Adam.<br>
Alexander Macdonald.<br>
</div>
<div class="textcol">
J. B. Parker.<br>
D. Mercer.<br>
W. Mayne.<br>
T. Reynell.<br>
H. Murray.<br>
Thomas Hunter Blair.<br>
T. W. Robbins.<br>
J. S. Kennedy.<br>
</div>


<p class="p1 allsmcap center">COLONELS.</p>

<div class="textcol">
Hon. Keppell.<br>
Sir W. Verner, Bart.<br>
Sir Henry Floyd, Bart.<br>
Sir G. Hoste.<br>
G. Gurwood.<br>
T. Wildman.<br>
Bussche.<br>
Vigouroux.<br>
Forbes.<br>
N. Norcliffe.<br>
Gilbourne.<br>
Lord Douro.<br>
</div>
<div class="textcol">
Grey.<br>
Calvert.<br>
Tinling.<br>
Parkinson.<br>
Wallace.<br>
Grove.<br>
Bruce.<br>
Kuhlman.<br>
Lord Grosvenor.<br>
Lord Wellesley.<br>
Hon. G. Cathcart.<br>
Brown.<br>
</div>


<p class="p1 allsmcap center">MAJORS.</p>

<div class="textcol">
Turner.<br>
Tindale.<br>
Browne.<br>
Dawson.<br>
Jackson.<br>
Edward Macready.<br>
Belcher.<br>
</div>
<div class="textcol">
Fowler.<br>
Cox.<br>
Rice.<br>
Lloyd.<br>
Maddox.<br>
Ainsley.<br>
Hawley.<br>
</div>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span></p>

<p>Two other officers of high rank, who served on the Duke’s
staff, have given me information respecting some of the most
important occurrences of the day, but not permission to publish
their names, as they had previously refused this favour to
several writers of distinction.</p>

<p>The following letters are submitted to the reader as offering
satisfactory evidence of the Author’s competency to attempt
a narration of the battle, and to act as guide to the visitors
to the field, as well as of the authenticity of the spoils and
relics, which any one may inspect at his residence, Mont-St.-Jean:</p>


<p class="p1 right">
“<span class="smcap">Ems</span>, July 23d, 1839.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,</p>

<p>“I promised to write to you, but I have not had time to do
so till now, since I saw you at Waterloo. You were desirous
of having my testimony of the authenticity of the different
articles collected from the field, that I saw in your house.
I can have no hesitation in giving it generally. Many of the
things I saw, I could speak to as having belonged to regiments
of my own brigade.</p>

<p>“It is but just also to you to say, that the account you
gave me of the various occurrences of the day, was, as far as
I knew, extremely correct, and by no means exaggerated, and
I give you full credit for the pains you have taken to collect
the details. I sincerely hope, that from the occupation you
have undertaken, you will derive the means of passing the
remainder of your days in competence and comfort; and thus
reap the reward of your intelligence, on a field where you had
previously proved your courage.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr4">“Your friend,</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Hussey Vivian</span>, lieutenant-general.”<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">“I have seen at various times, Sergeant-Major Cotton’s
collection of spoils of the campaign of 1815, and I am of
opinion that they are genuine relics, and such as may be
relied on.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Henry Floyd</span>, Bart., colonel unattached,<br>
<span class="padr2">captain 10th hussars at Waterloo.</span><br>
</p>

<p>“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, 1848.”</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span></p>


<p class="p2 right">
“<span class="smcap">Brussels</span>, October 2d, 1845.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,</p>

<p>“I received so much satisfaction from our walk over the
field of Waterloo yesterday, that I am induced to leave with
you the expression of it.</p>

<p>“Being anxious to satisfy myself regarding certain operations
of the day, particularly the movements of the light brigade,
(52d, 71st, 95th,) to which I belonged, I found your
exact knowledge of the ground, and the numerous details you
have collected, highly instructive and interesting.</p>

<p>“I am glad to learn that you intend publishing a memoir
of the battle, and will not fail to become a purchaser as soon
as it appears.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr4">“Your sincere well-wisher,</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">Thomas Hunter Blair</span>, colonel.”<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 right">
“<span class="smcap">Namur</span>, June 29th, 1846.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,</p>

<p>“I have read your book ... with very great interest....
Thinking from our conversation on the field respecting the
present condition of the ground on which Halkett’s brigade
acted, that you would be pleased to know the opinion of even
so undistinguished a member of that body as myself, respecting
your explanation of the events of the battle thereabouts, ...
I hesitate not to say that I was at once surprised and gratified
to hear from you ... the best and most correct detail of the
proceedings ... that I have either heard or read.... Further ...
you made me far better acquainted with the details of what
occurred at Hougoumont, and to its right, than I ever was
before.</p>

<p>“Hoping you may long enjoy health to pursue the interesting
occupation for which your soldierly qualities and intelligence
so well fit you, I remain, etc.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Edward Macready</span>, major unattached;<br>
<span class="padr2">of the 30th, at Waterloo.”</span><br>
</p>


<p class="p2">The following document is to the Author, and probably it
will be to not a few of his readers, deeply interesting: it is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span>
from the late lamented colonel Gurwood, whose labour in
collecting and publishing the Wellington Dispatches, whilst
it rendered an invaluable, perhaps an unrequited service to
his country and to civilization, broke his health, and bore
down his gallant spirit:</p>


<p class="p1 right">
“<span class="smcap">70, Lowndes-square, London</span>, June 18th, 1843.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,</p>

<p>“I have had a set of the <cite>Dispatches of the Duke of Wellington</cite>
packed up to be forwarded to you, which I shall
endeavour to send you on the return of king Leopold to Brussels,
to the care of sir G. H. Seymour, her Majesty’s minister,
to whom I shall write to inform you when they arrive.</p>

<p>“The marquis of Anglesey has much enhanced the value
of my present to you, in writing his name in the title page at
my request, and he appeared much pleased at gratifying an
old soldier of his regiment.</p>

<p class="right">
<span class="padr4">“Very faithfully yours,</span><br>
“<span class="smcap">J. Gurwood</span>.”<br>
</p>


<p class="p2 pfs80">A RELIC.</p>

<p>On the 15th of May 1846, colonel Macdonald, of the Royal
artillery, visited the Author’s interesting collection at Mont-St.-Jean,
of arms, etc., spoils of the Waterloo campaign.
The gallant veteran recognized his own sword of a curious
workmanship, that had been lost on the field, when he was
wounded.</p>

<p>This precious relic the colonel left with the Author, giving
him the following certificate:</p>

<p class="p1 pad2">“This sword I wore at the battle of Waterloo, and after I
was wounded my servant left it on the field.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Alexander Macdonald</span>, colonel,<br>
<span class="padr2">“Royal horse artillery<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a>.</span><br>
</p>

<p class="pad2">“<span class="smcap">Waterloo</span>, May 15th, 1846.”</p>


<p class="p2">Amongst the kind presents which the Author has received<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span>
from his countrymen, for his Waterloo Museum and library,
at Mont-St.-Jean, he gratefully mentions the following:</p>


<p class="p2">“<cite>Selections from Dispatches, etc., of the Duke of Wellington,
by colonel Gurwood</cite>;</p>

<p>“Presented by Lieutenant-Colonel N. Norcliffe, K. H., of
Langton-Hall, Yorkshire, to his fellow soldier, Sergeant-Major
Cotton, late of the 7th hussars.</p>

<p>“July 25th, 1842.”</p>


<p class="p2 right">
“<span class="smcap">Blackheath</span>, July 30th, 1846.<br>
</p>

<p class="pad2 allsmcap">“SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON,</p>

<p>“Alderman Moon rejoiced in being able to gratify the patriotic
feelings of an old Waterloo hero, and at once offered
to present you with a copy of his celebrated engraving of the
Waterloo Banquet, which he trusts you will frame and place
in your Museum.</p>

<p class="right">
“<span class="smcap">Francis Bennock.</span>”<br>
</p>


<p class="p2">“Mr. Billen has much pleasure ... in sending Sergeant-Major
Cotton an engraved portrait of the brave general
Sir James Kempt, and further promises, should he have
the honour to engrave any other officers who took part in
that eventful day, to send an impression to Sergeant-Major
Cotton.</p>

<p>“<span class="smcap">23, High-street, Camden-town</span>, 6th September, 1842.”</p>


<p class="p2">Of the <em>first edition</em> of this work, the following notice
appeared in a London journal:</p>

<p>“The author of the unpretending little volume before us is
principal guide to the field of battle. This duty he is well
qualified to perform from his intimate knowledge of the ground,
near which he has resided during eleven years, and from his
zealous endeavours to render himself master of facts, by
studious research, and by communicating on the spot with
military men of all ranks and nations.</p>

<p>“The qualifications that recommend sergeant-major Cotton
as guide, have facilitated his efforts to put in print those events<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span>
which he is daily required to narrate verbally; and it is but
justice to say that he has accomplished his task lucidly, impartially,
and in plain, straight-forward language, becoming
his position and antecedents.</p>

<p>“He states in sober and graphic terms, how the tempest
first gathered and suddenly burst forth in advance of Charleroi,
next upon our allies at Ligny, and our own advance
corps at Quatre-Bras; he informs us of the principal incidents
that led to the grand crisis, as well as of the measures adopted
by the British commander to stem the torrent. The author
likewise gives an intelligible sketch of the limited tactical
movements executed during the battle.</p>

<p>“Sergeant-major Cotton shows us how the lion-hearted
Glengary, with Hepburn, Saltoun, and their indomitable
brother guardsmen, immortalized Hougoumont. He carries
us with Hamilton and his Grey squadrons into the thick of the
onslaught, where the Household cavalry and Union brigades,
the pride of English chivalry, hurled themselves upon their
brave antagonists. He does not forget the ‘Up, guards,
and make ready!’ or the resistless charge that followed;
nor does he pass over in silence the unflinching valour with
which Baring’s Hanoverians so long maintained their dangerous
post. The author points out where the ardent Irish,
thigh by thigh with heroic Highlanders, or knee by knee with
stalworth English, bore down compactly upon advancing
infantry, or with admirable coolness threw themselves into
those impenetrable squares, wherein our devoted gunners
found momentary shelter, when the field was swept by cuirassed
hosts, more impetuous and daring than successful. We
could willingly quote several interesting and graphic passages
from sergeant-major Cotton’s clear and well-written narrative,
from which we have risen with a more distinct acquaintance
with the subject and scene, than we had hitherto derived from
works of higher pretensions. But, as the whole volume merits
perusal, we will content ourselves with expressing hopes that
this <span class="smcap">Voice from Waterloo</span> may find an echo in public
favour, and that our veteran hussar’s pen may gain for him
laurels more substantial than those already earned by his
well-tried sabre.” (<cite>Morning Chronicle</cite>, 22d January, 1846.)</p>

<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span></p>


<p class="p2 center"><em>Extract from the Brussels Herald.</em></p>

<p>We have much pleasure in reprinting, from the <cite>Literary
Gazette</cite> of last Saturday, the following notice of sergeant-major
Cotton’s new work, <span class="smcap">A Voice from Waterloo</span>:</p>

<p>“The author was in the fight in the 7th hussars. He has
since resided for years at Mont-St.-Jean, where this volume
is published; and he acts as a guide to visitors when they
desire to inspect this famous battle field.</p>

<p>“Sergeant-major Cotton says, (<a href="#Page_202">page 201</a>,) ‘Facts are
stubborn things;’ and with the qualifications we have noticed,
he is the very man to tell us all about it. And he has
told us in a very circumstantial manner, separating details
from masses, and altogether afforded us a better idea of this
dreadful encounter than we have gathered from any other
quarter. We had, by a curious coincidence, just arrived at
this conclusion on reading his book, when we had an opportunity,
in common with a number of leading artists and connoisseurs,
of seeing Mr. Sidney Cooper’s Battle of Waterloo,
painted for the approaching exhibition in Westminster-Hall.
We were at once wonderfully struck with the apparent realization
of the accounts which had just made such an impression
on our minds. It seemed as if the artist had been present with
the writer, and transferred in the most graphic and spirited
manner to the canvass what he had committed with such
particular effect to the paper. The chivalrous encounters, the
almost single combats, the groups of cavalry slaughterings,
the flight, the rally, the rush of riderless horses, the dying
and the dead scattered among the trampled corn: all told the
terrible tale of the last charge and effort of the French to
retrieve the discomfiture of the day. Of these Mr. Cooper
has made a stirring and splendid use. It is indeed a battle-piece,
and upon the largest scale, such as never has been produced
before by English painter, if by the greatest foreign
master, in this style of art. The artist is sublime in the
mysteries of moving human columns under the canopy of
smoke, through which the spectator may easily imagine he
hears the cannon boom. The whole is real, yet imaginative;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span>
and inspires at the same moment feelings of intense individual
interest, and general awe. With regard to the author we
need not add any other comment. Though he mentions that
the Duke and Blücher met at La Belle-Alliance after the
battle, we think he shows that this could not have been the
case; and we have reason to believe that no such meeting ever
took place<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a>.”</p>


<p class="p4 pfs80">THE END.</p>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> <em>See</em>, <a href="#Page_229">page 229</a>, the proclamation of Louis XVIII to the French people,
dated Cambray, the 28th June, 1815.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> <em>See</em> lord Bathurst’s dispatch of the 7th July, and the Duke’s answer of
the 13th, <span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, vol. XII, page 557.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> <em>See</em> the duke of Wellington’s dispatch to lord Bathurst of the 8th July.
(<span class="smcap">Gurwood</span>, vol. XII, page 549,) detailing a conversation which took place
with the duc d’Otrante at Neuilly, on the night of the 5th July; the whole of
which turned upon a recommendation given by the duc d’Otrante, that the
king should give a <em>general amnesty</em>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> “As well as the duke of Wellington recollects, there is in the war department
a letter from the prince d’Eckmühl to marshal St.-Cyr on this subject,
in which he urges every argument against the proclamation of the 25th July,
excepting the 12th article of the convention of Paris.”</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> <em>Scott.</em></p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> La Haye-Sainte.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> <em>See</em> the <a href="#cover">covering of this book</a>.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Gneisenau was the chief of the Prussian staff. He was at once the life
and soul, main-spring and working head of their army.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> At Leipsick, Napoleon selected his own position, and there he chose a field
with a defile over a morass, a mile and a half broad, which probably was the
principal cause of his defeat.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Several ladies were on the field on the morning of the 19th, going about
like ministering angels tending the wounded. How truly in this instance do
Scott’s lines picture the soft sex!</p>

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
    <div class="verse indent0">“O woman! In our hours of ease,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Uncertain, coy, and hard to please,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">And variable as the shade</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">By the light quivering aspen made;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">When pain and anguish wring the brow,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">A ministering angel thou!”</div>
</div>
</div>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Brother to sir John Macdonald, the adjutant-general at the Horse-Guards.</p>

</div>

<div class="footnote">

<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> I wish I were as positive of every part of my narrative. E.C.</p>

</div>
</div>



<hr class="fulla x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="chapter"></div>
<p class="p2 pfs120">SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON’S</p>

<p class="p1 pfs150">WATERLOO CABINET.</p>

<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="dec_sep_cab" style="max-width: 10em;">
  <img class="p1 w100" src="images/dec_sep.jpg" alt="(decorative separator)">
</div>


<p class="p2 pfs80">THIS INTERESTING MUSEUM CONTAINS</p>

<p>1. The following highly finished engravings: Napoleon,
Wellington, Blücher; Wellington and Napoleon at Waterloo;
the Waterloo Banquet; Sir James Kempt; Battle of Waterloo;
Capture of an Eagle; the Prince of Orange wounded.</p>

<p>2. Medallion portraits of Napoleon, Wellington, Blücher,
King of the Netherlands, Lords Hill and Anglesey, Sir Thomas
Picton, Count Alten, Marshals Ney and Soult; General
Cambronne, or “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">La garde meurt et ne se rend pas</i>.”</p>

<p>3. General view of the Field, (oil;) View of Hougoumont.</p>

<p>4. Plans showing different periods of the Battles of Ligny,
Quatre-Bras, Waterloo and Wavre; Map on which is indicated
the distribution of the respective armies at the commencement
of hostilities.</p>

<p>5. Autographs of the following Waterloo Commanders and
Officers: Napoleon, Wellington, Field-Marshal the Marquis
of Anglesey, Lord Somerset, Lord Love, Sir Edward Somerset,
Major General Sir William Gomme, Marshal Grouchy; Generals
Vivian, Harris, Sir E. Kerrison, Hunter Blair, and
Macdonald; Colonels Sir Henry Floyd, Bart., Gurwood,
Hon. G. Cathcart, and Muttlebury; Majors Kennedy, Macready,
and Lindam, Captain J. Braman, etc.</p>

<p>6. The London Gazette of Thursday 22d June 1815, and
the Times of the same date.</p>

<p>7. An interesting collection of <span class="smcap">Relics</span>, warranted spoils of
the Waterloo campaign, a part of which are labelled for sale
at moderate prices, although not so cheap as the spurious
articles with which the neighbourhood abounds.</p>

<p>The collection of relics is composed of arms, cuirasses,
casques, caps, clothing, accoutrements, various military ornaments,
trappings, gold and silver Crosses of the Legion of
honour, Prussian Crosses and Medals, etc., etc.</p>

<p><em>The most interesting relic is the Sword, of General
Alexander Macdonald, which he left on the field of battle
when wounded, and recognized amongst the relics of the
Waterloo Cabinet on revisiting the field in May 1846. The
General’s certificate is attached to the Sword.</em></p>

<p>A pair of Napoleon’s silver spurs.</p>

<p>Several pieces of Napoleon’s kitchen utensils, marked with
the Imperial crown, letter <em>N</em>, and “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Tuileries</i>,” or “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Voyage</i>.”</p>

<p>A Dragoon’s saddle-bags, with the stains of blood still
visible, etc., etc., etc.</p>


<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="title_sep_4" style="max-width: 12.5em;">
  <img class="p4 w100" src="images/title_sep.jpg" alt="(end of section; decorative separator)">
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>

<div class="bbox">
<p class="pfs150">SERGEANT-MAJOR COTTON.</p>

<p class="center"><em>The celebrated Waterloo Guide and author of the sketch<br>
of the battle entitled: “A voice from Waterloo.”</em></p>

<hr class="r5">

<div class="poetry-container">
<div class="poetry">
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">Pause, stranger as you pass this hallowed spot,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Where guardian angels hover round unseen!</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Reposing here brave Cotton sleeps, whose lot</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">On earth has one of dauntless valour been.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">At Hugoument his bleaching ashes lie,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">And mingle with the dust beneath his grave;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">Whilst seraphs waft his loosened soul on high,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">To life eternal which awaits the brave.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">Bold, as a soldier, faithful, as a friend,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">To enemies forgiving and humane,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">He strove through life his country to defend,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">With character unsullied by a stain.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">When War’s rude thunders rent the loaded air,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">And clashing arms bespoke the dread dispute,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">When Heroes pressed the cannon’s front to dare,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Each heart for Glory in the wild pursuit.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">Amongst them Cotton fought; and lived to tell</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">To countless eager ears the mighty fray,</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">In which his comrades and opponents fell,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">When victory to Britons gave the day.</div>
  </div>
  <div class="stanza">
    <div class="verse indent0">His mortal course he thus pursued by choice,</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">And thus performed the labour from him due;</div>
    <div class="verse indent0">’Till lo! as recompense, from Heaven a voice</div>
    <div class="verse indent2">Has called to bliss, the “Voice from Waterloo.”</div>
  </div>
</div>
</div>

</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">

<div class="figcenter illowp76" id="map" style="max-width: 37.5em;">
  <img class="p2 w100" src="images/map.jpg" alt="Field of Waterloo">
<a href="images/map-large.jpg">
<span class="screenonly fs60 center">click here for larger image.</span></a>
  <div class="caption">FIELD OF WATERLOO<br>
  TOWARDS SUNSET, ON JUNE 13TH, 1815.
  </div>
</div>


<div class="chapter"></div>
<div class="p4 transnote">
<a id="TN"></a>
<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p>

<p>Footnote <span class="fnanchor">[72]</span> is referenced from Footnote <span class="fnanchor"><a href="#Footnote_71">[71]</a></span>, not from the
main text.</p>

<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.</p>

<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p>

<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p>

<p>
<a href="#Page_viii">Pg viii:</a> ‘many occurences’ replaced by ‘many occurrences’.<br>
<a href="#Page_viii">Pg viii:</a> ‘only irreconcileable’ replaced by ‘only irreconcilable’.<br>
<a href="#Page_ix">Pg ix:</a> ‘discrepances which’ replaced by ‘discrepancies which’.<br>
<a href="#Page_xi">Pg xi:</a> ‘Prussian ontposts’ replaced by ‘Prussian outposts’.<br>
<a href="#Page_xi">Pg xi:</a> ‘CHATER II’ replaced by ‘CHAPTER II’.<br>
<a href="#Page_xv">Pg xv:</a> ‘its retread’ replaced by ‘its retreat’.<br>
<a href="#Page_xvii">Pg xvii:</a> ‘Waterloo at it is’ replaced by ‘Waterloo as it is’.<br>
<a href="#Page_2">Pg 2:</a> ‘allied sovereings’ replaced by ‘allied sovereigns’.<br>
<a href="#Page_2">Pg 2</a> &#160; <a href="#Footnote_1">FN [1]:</a> ‘a good jonrney’ replaced by ‘a good journey’.<br>
<a href="#Page_2">Pg 2</a> &#160; <a href="#Footnote_1">FN [1]:</a> ‘from Napoleau’ replaced by ‘from Napoleon’.<br>
<a href="#Page_4">Pg 4:</a> ‘Napoleons’s name’ replaced by ‘Napoleon’s name’.<br>
<a href="#Page_5">Pg 5:</a> ‘strengh of the enemy’ replaced by ‘strength of the enemy’.<br>
<a href="#Page_6">Pg 6:</a> ‘were to be groud’ replaced by ‘were to be ground’.<br>
<a href="#Page_6">Pg 6:</a> ‘in the propable’ replaced by ‘in the probable’.<br>
<a href="#Page_8">Pg 8</a> &#160; <a href="#Footnote_7">FN [7]:</a> ‘of tha 1st German’ replaced by ‘of the 1st German’.<br>
<a href="#Page_10">Pg 10:</a> ‘of the Prussiam’ replaced by ‘of the Prussian’.<br>
<a href="#Page_10">Pg 10:</a> ‘as ta be concealed’ replaced by ‘as to be concealed’.<br>
<a href="#Page_11">Pg 11:</a> ‘at the independance’ replaced by ‘at the independence’.<br>
<a href="#Page_11">Pg 11:</a> ‘of agressions’ replaced by ‘of aggressions’.<br>
<a href="#Page_12">Pg 12:</a> ‘The centre colum’ replaced by ‘The centre column’.<br>
<a href="#Page_18">Pg 18:</a> ‘Nothwithstanding the’ replaced by ‘Notwithstanding the’.<br>
<a href="#Page_19">Pg 19:</a> ‘Description o the’ replaced by ‘Description of the’.<br>
<a href="#Page_20">Pg 20:</a> ‘aids-de-camp. Shortly’ replaced by ‘aides-de-camp. Shortly’.<br>
<a href="#Page_20">Pg 20:</a> ‘marche from Nivelles’ replaced by ‘march from Nivelles’.<br>
<a href="#Page_21">Pg 21:</a> ‘in somme measure’ replaced by ‘in some measure’.<br>
<a href="#Page_32">Pg 32:</a> ‘but was forgotton’ replaced by ‘but was forgotten’.<br>
<a href="#Page_38">Pg 38:</a> ‘lieutenand-general’ replaced by ‘lieutenant-general’.<br>
<a href="#Page_39">Pg 39:</a> ‘dragoons and lanccrs’ replaced by ‘dragoons and lancers’.<br>
<a href="#Page_40">Pg 40:</a> ‘immediate and efficent’ replaced by ‘immediate and efficient’.<br>
<a href="#Page_41">Pg 41:</a> ‘them, when praticable’ replaced by ‘them, when practicable’.<br>
<a href="#Page_42">Pg 42:</a> ‘und forming a circle’ replaced by ‘and forming a circle’.<br>
<a href="#Page_42">Pg 42:</a> ‘up the alignements’ replaced by ‘up the alignments’.<br>
<a href="#Page_44">Pg 44:</a> ‘the enemy, dit not’ replaced by ‘the enemy, did not’.<br>
<a href="#Page_44">Pg 44:</a> ‘chequered colums’ replaced by ‘chequered columns’.<br>
<a href="#Page_49">Pg 49:</a> ‘at a goad pace’ replaced by ‘at a good pace’.<br>
<a href="#Page_54">Pg 54:</a> ‘which he commited’ replaced by ‘which he committed’.<br>
<a href="#Page_55">Pg 55:</a> ‘galop from the French’ replaced by ‘gallop from the French’.<br>
<a href="#Page_55">Pg 55:</a> ‘of la La Haye-Sainte’ replaced by ‘of La Haye-Sainte’.<br>
<a href="#Page_57">Pg 57:</a> ‘nowithstanding the major’ replaced by ‘notwithstanding the major’.<br>
<a href="#Page_59">Pg 59:</a> ‘the position ot this’ replaced by ‘the position of this’.<br>
<a href="#Page_59">Pg 59:</a> ‘staggered the Freneh’ replaced by ‘staggered the French’.<br>
<a href="#Page_60">Pg 60:</a> ‘be gallantly’ replaced by ‘he gallantly’.<br>
<a href="#Page_61">Pg 61:</a> ‘to be wondered as’ replaced by ‘to be wondered at’.<br>
<a href="#Page_62">Pg 62:</a> ‘he hid so’ replaced by ‘he did so’.<br>
<a href="#Page_62">Pg 62:</a> ‘lay and on’ replaced by ‘lay hand on’.<br>
<a href="#Page_64">Pg 64:</a> ‘disloged the German’ replaced by ‘dislodged the German’.<br>
<a href="#Page_65">Pg 65:</a> ‘his coat ant killed’ replaced by ‘his coat and killed’.<br>
<a href="#Page_67">Pg 67:</a> ‘time so catch’ replaced by ‘time to catch’.<br>
<a href="#Page_75">Pg 75:</a> ‘au unknown spot’ replaced by ‘an unknown spot’.<br>
<a href="#Page_76">Pg 76:</a> ‘Hamilton, aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘Hamilton, aide-de-camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_76">Pg 76</a> &#160; <a href="#Footnote_42">FN [42]:</a> ‘maintened fop a few’ replaced by ‘maintained for a few’.<br>
<a href="#Page_79">Pg 79:</a> ‘the sergeant sadler’ replaced by ‘the sergeant saddler’.<br>
<a href="#Page_86">Pg 86:</a> ‘home: stil the’ replaced by ‘home: still the’.<br>
<a href="#Page_86">Pg 86:</a> ‘Prince, notwihstanding’ replaced by ‘Prince, notwithstanding’.<br>
<a href="#Page_87">Pg 87:</a> ‘Freemantle, aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘Freemantle, aide-de-camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_89">Pg 89:</a> ‘ther huge camp’ replaced by ‘their huge camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_91">Pg 91:</a> ‘Alten’s divison’ replaced by ‘Alten’s division’.<br>
<a href="#Page_91">Pg 91:</a> ‘sent an aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘sent an aide-de-camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_91">Pg 91:</a> ‘ther dislike to’ replaced by ‘their dislike to’.<br>
<a href="#Page_92">Pg 92:</a> ‘his men howerer’ replaced by ‘his men however’.<br>
<a href="#Page_100">Pg 100:</a> ‘were the fate’ replaced by ‘where the fate’.<br>
<a href="#Page_100">Pg 100:</a> ‘as well as be could’ replaced by ‘as well as he could’.<br>
<a href="#Page_107">Pg 107:</a> ‘smyptom of falling’ replaced by ‘symptom of falling’.<br>
<a href="#Page_109">Pg 109:</a> ‘having sarcely fired’ replaced by ‘having scarcely fired’.<br>
<a href="#Page_112">Pg 112:</a> ‘aid-de-camp and many’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp and many’.<br>
<a href="#Page_113">Pg 113:</a> ‘who prolonghed this’ replaced by ‘who prolonged this’.<br>
<a href="#Page_115">Pg 115:</a> ‘the dreadful carnarge’ replaced by ‘the dreadful carnage’.<br>
<a href="#Page_117">Pg 117:</a> ‘to be inflictied’ replaced by ‘to be inflicted’.<br>
<a href="#Page_117">Pg 117:</a> ‘his own officiers’ replaced by ‘his own officers’.<br>
<a href="#Page_117">Pg 117</a> &#160; <a href="#Footnote_64">FN [64]:</a> ‘by Vandersmiesen’s’ replaced by ‘by Vandersmissen’s’.<br>
<a href="#Page_118">Pg 118:</a> ‘lientenant Banner’ replaced by ‘lieutenant Banner’.<br>
<a href="#Page_119">Pg 119:</a> ‘in a angle’ replaced by ‘in an angle’.<br>
<a href="#Page_125">Pg 125:</a> ‘alongh is front’ replaced by ‘along his front’.<br>
<a href="#Page_126">Pg 126:</a> ‘lieutement Gunning’ replaced by ‘lieutenant Gunning’.<br>
<a href="#Page_129">Pg 129:</a> ‘the Erench position’ replaced by ‘the French position’.<br>
<a href="#Page_129">Pg 129:</a> ‘aid-de-camp to general’ replaced by ‘aide-de-camp to general’.<br>
<a href="#Page_130">Pg 130:</a> ‘The Prussian dragroons’ replaced by ‘The Prussian dragoons’.<br>
<a href="#Page_131">Pg 131:</a> ‘most dreaful struggle’ replaced by ‘most dreadful struggle’.<br>
<a href="#Page_135">Pg 135:</a> ‘connduct of the French’ replaced by ‘conduct of the French’.<br>
<a href="#Page_135">Pg 135:</a> ‘so long a perriod’ replaced by ‘so long a period’.<br>
<a href="#Page_136">Pg 136:</a> ‘full of enthusiam’ replaced by ‘full of enthusiasm’.<br>
<a href="#Page_137">Pg 137:</a> ‘is life and strength’ replaced by ‘his life and strength’.<br>
<a href="#Page_137">Pg 137:</a> ‘he abbors insult and’ replaced by ‘he abhors insult and’.<br>
<a href="#Page_138">Pg 138:</a> ‘ministering angles’ replaced by ‘ministering angels’.<br>
<a href="#Page_140">Pg 140:</a> ‘commencing hostilites’ replaced by ‘commencing hostilities’.<br>
<a href="#Page_141">Pg 141:</a> ‘Ny interest in’ replaced by ‘My interest in’.<br>
<a href="#Page_141">Pg 141:</a> ‘the follewing day’ replaced by ‘the following day’.<br>
<a href="#Page_143">Pg 143:</a> ‘downfal of Napoleon’ replaced by ‘downfall of Napoleon’.<br>
<a href="#Page_147">Pg 147:</a> ‘and majors-generals’ replaced by ‘and major-generals’.<br>
<a href="#Page_147">Pg 147:</a> ‘the battalton of’ replaced by ‘the battalion of’.<br>
<a href="#Page_148">Pg 148:</a> ‘Neitheir did he attempt’ replaced by ‘Neither did he attempt’.<br>
<a href="#Page_150">Pg 150:</a> ‘Higness’s approbation’ replaced by ‘Highness’s approbation’.<br>
<a href="#Page_151">Pg 151:</a> ‘the adjudant-general’ replaced by ‘the adjutant-general’.<br>
<a href="#Page_154">Pg 154:</a> ‘excesive difficulties’ replaced by ‘excessive difficulties’.<br>
<a href="#Page_158">Pg 158:</a> ‘three in the afternon’ replaced by ‘three in the afternoon’.<br>
<a href="#Page_160">Pg 160:</a> ‘the wole army’ replaced by ‘the whole army’.<br>
<a href="#Page_162">Pg 162:</a> ‘attaked in their turn’ replaced by ‘attacked in their turn’.<br>
<a href="#Page_162">Pg 162:</a> ‘embarrassement arising’ replaced by ‘embarrassment arising’.<br>
<a href="#Page_167">Pg 167:</a> ‘throughout our narritive’ replaced by ‘throughout our narrative’.<br>
<a href="#Page_168">Pg 168:</a> ‘that pratically shown’ replaced by ‘that practicality shown’.<br>
<a href="#Page_175">Pg 175:</a> ‘your Highnees will’ replaced by ‘your Highness will’.<br>
<a href="#Page_177">Pg 177:</a> ‘by my aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘by my aide-de-camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_179">Pg 179:</a> ‘fitfty thousand men’ replaced by ‘fifty thousand men’.<br>
<a href="#Page_180">Pg 180:</a> ‘nessary to overcome’ replaced by ‘necessary to overcome’.<br>
<a href="#Page_184">Pg 184:</a> ‘Yon wrote from Gembloux’ replaced by ‘You wrote from Gembloux’.<br>
<a href="#Page_186">Pg 186:</a> ‘attaking the French’ replaced by ‘attacking the French’.<br>
<a href="#Page_191">Pg 191:</a> ‘wits great military’ replaced by ‘with great military’.<br>
<a href="#Page_192">Pg 192:</a> ‘everthrow the throne’ replaced by ‘overthrow the throne’.<br>
<a href="#Page_192">Pg 192:</a> ‘cause have the fallen’ replaced by ‘cause have they fallen’.<br>
<a href="#Page_193">Pg 193:</a> ‘hehold! these are’ replaced by ‘behold! these are’.<br>
<a href="#Page_196">Pg 196:</a> ‘gaeat in desolation’ replaced by ‘great in desolation’.<br>
<a href="#Page_196">Pg 196:</a> ‘dishonourable fligt’ replaced by ‘dishonourable flight’.<br>
<a href="#Page_199">Pg 199:</a> ‘it they believe’ replaced by ‘if they believe’.<br>
<a href="#Page_200">Pg 200:</a> ‘render them unavailling’ replaced by ‘render them unavailing’.<br>
<a href="#Page_201">Pg 201:</a> ‘Prussians head-quaters’ replaced by ‘Prussians’ head-quarters’.<br>
<a href="#Page_214">Pg 214:</a> ‘and the roards are’ replaced by ‘and the roads are’.<br>
<a href="#Page_216">Pg 216:</a> ‘and honour to’ replaced by ‘an honour to’.<br>
<a href="#Page_219">Pg 219:</a> ‘The Field-Marshall cannot’ replaced by ‘The Field-Marshal cannot’.<br>
<a href="#Page_222">Pg 222:</a> ‘At this measure’ replaced by ‘As this measure’.<br>
<a href="#Page_223">Pg 223:</a> ‘the greatitude of’ replaced by ‘the gratitude of’.<br>
<a href="#Page_224">Pg 224:</a> ‘I send yon a letter’ replaced by ‘I send you a letter’.<br>
<a href="#Page_225">Pg 225:</a> ‘have throught proper’ replaced by ‘have thought proper’.<br>
<a href="#Page_225">Pg 225:</a> ‘adressed to me’ replaced by ‘addressed to me’.<br>
<a href="#Page_227">Pg 227:</a> ‘as the proprety of’ replaced by ‘as the property of’.<br>
<a href="#Page_227">Pg 227:</a> ‘By whom weere these’ replaced by ‘By whom were these’.<br>
<a href="#Page_227">Pg 227:</a> ‘who had ad interest’ replaced by ‘who had an interest’.<br>
<a href="#Page_227">Pg 227:</a> ‘anglais el prussiens’ replaced by ‘anglais et prussiens’.<br>
<a href="#Page_230">Pg 230:</a> ‘at which, they occured’ replaced by ‘at which they occurred’.<br>
<a href="#Page_232">Pg 232:</a> ‘throught the farm’ replaced by ‘thought the farm’.<br>
<a href="#Page_234">Pg 234:</a> ‘Douro of Wellesly’ replaced by ‘Douro of Wellesley’.<br>
<a href="#Page_253">Pg 253:</a> ‘presenc  I had’ replaced by ‘presence. I had’.<br>
<a href="#Page_253">Pg 253:</a> ‘my first aid-de-camp’ replaced by ‘my first aide-de-camp’.<br>
<a href="#Page_261">Pg 261:</a> ‘frem loss of blood’ replaced by ‘from loss of blood’.<br>
<a href="#Page_262">Pg 262:</a> ‘his aid-de-camp, and’ replaced by ‘his aide-de-camp, and’.<br>
<a href="#Page_264">Pg 264:</a> ‘best of my judment’ replaced by ‘best of my judgment’.<br>
<a href="#Page_268">Pg 268:</a> ‘almost to snffocation’ replaced by ‘almost to suffocation’.<br>
<a href="#Page_271">Pg 271:</a> ‘your timely serviees’ replaced by ‘your timely services’.<br>
<a href="#Page_275">Pg 275:</a> ‘highly instruetive’ replaced by ‘highly instructive’.<br>
<a href="#Page_276">Pg 276:</a> ‘invaluable, perharps’ replaced by ‘invaluable, perhaps’.<br>
</p>
</div>


<div>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 69670 ***</div>
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