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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #69537 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69537)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of The holy war, by C. Snouck Hurgronje
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: The holy war
-       "Made in Germany"
-
-Author: C. Snouck Hurgronje
-
-Contributor: Richard J. H. Gottheil
-
-Release Date: December 14, 2022 [eBook #69537]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: David E. Brown and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
-             at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
-             generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOLY WAR ***
-
-
-
-
-
-  The Holy War
-
-  “Made in Germany”
-
-  By
-  Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje
-
-  Professor of the Arabic Language in the University of
-  Leiden, Holland; Councillor to the Dutch
-  Ministry of the Colonies, etc., etc.
-
-  With a Word of Introduction by
-  Richard J. H. Gottheil
-  Columbia University, N. Y.
-
-  G. P. Putnam’s Sons
-  New York and London
-  The Knickerbocker Press
-  1915
-
-
-
-
-  COPYRIGHT, 1915
-  BY
-  G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS
-
-  The Knickerbocker Press, New York
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION
-
-
-The proclamation of a “Holy War” by the Sheikh-ul-Islam at
-Constantinople has excited interest above and beyond its connection
-with the present war. It has raised the whole question of the validity
-and effectiveness of this measure as a political instrument in the
-hands of a modern Mohammedan government. Students of Islam have asked
-themselves of what use this weapon, taken from the arsenal of a
-theocratic form of sovereignty, could be in a state which is in process
-of conforming to the present-day theory of secular and democratic
-control. The development of the Ottoman Empire since the granting of
-the Constitution in 1908 has been followed with an interested eye
-by those of us who have felt the immense possibilities inherent in
-the Turkish people and latent in Turkish soil. It is with distinct
-pleasure that we read the following study of a knotty problem; for it
-is worked out with the hand of a master. There are few so well equipped
-or so competent to effect such a study--especially in the relations of
-the question to the larger problems of the day--as is Dr. C. Snouck
-Hurgronje. One of the rare Europeans who have ever travelled in that
-part of Arabia considered by Mohammedans to be sacred and exclusive,
-his stay of eight months in the capital of their faith (1884-1885)
-enabled him not only to write the most complete and the most reliable
-history of that city (_Mekka_, Leiden, 1888), but also to talk with the
-faithful from all the corners of the Mohammedan world. As Councillor
-to the Government of Netherlands-India, he spent the years 1889-1906
-in Batavia, where he came into closest touch with the development of
-Islam in the farthest East. He has laid down many of his conclusions
-in his comprehensive work on the Achehnese (_De Atjehers_, Leiden,
-1903-1904; English translation, London, 1906). His scholarly lectures
-on the origins of Islam, given before various American university
-audiences in the spring of 1914, will long be remembered for the
-cool judgment and the careful poise they evinced. In the periodical
-publications of learned societies he has contributed numerous essays
-which easily place him in the very forefront of authorities on the
-subject which he has made his own.
-
-The study which is here presented to the English-reading public
-appeared originally in the Dutch periodical _De Gids_, 1915, No.
-1, under the title “Heilige Oorlog Made in Germany.” It has been
-ably translated by Professor Joseph E. Gillet of the University of
-Wisconsin, with the distinct attempt to preserve as much of the style
-of the author as the English language will permit. I am glad of the
-opportunity to express publicly my thanks to Professor Gillet for the
-readiness with which he accepted the task I laid upon him.
-
-                                                  RICHARD GOTTHEIL.
-
-  COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY IN THE
-    CITY OF NEW YORK
-      March, _1915_.
-
-
-
-
-The Holy War
-
-“Made in Germany”
-
-
-
-
-The Holy War
-
-“Made in Germany”
-
-
-More than ten years ago I had a conversation with a Turk of a highly
-intellectual type about religious fanaticism and its bearing on
-political situations. He concluded his considerations on this subject
-about as follows: “In former times the inhabitants of the civilized
-world used to destroy each other for being at variance about the
-mysteries of the other world. Now, however, glory be to Allah, humanity
-has overcome this barbarous custom and everybody is free to believe
-what he likes. But what good is this to us, as long as wars continue to
-be waged on account of economic and political interests, wars of which
-the fanaticism is not to be outdone by that of the bitterest religious
-strife, and of which the destructiveness is continuously being
-increased by our immense technical progress? Under such circumstances
-a quiet enjoyment of the hard-won freedom of thought is out of the
-question.”
-
-This utterance ever again obtrudes itself on my memory in connexion
-with the events that are taking place at present. Large groups of men,
-kept apart by varying political and economic interests, have for years
-and years consumed an important part of their intellectual and material
-resources in devising means by which, in the fulness of time, they
-might destroy each other; and now, at last, the long-expected spark
-has fallen on the accumulated fuel. Every one of the belligerents is
-horrified by the idea of responsibility for the crimes against mankind
-which they are perpetrating in common. The culture they shared with
-each other has been shelved and finds its only expression in a dull
-series of contentions where each one charges the other with the guilt
-of what they have all carefully planned together. The sceptical irony
-of my Turkish friend was not unjustified. Not that it teaches us
-anything new. Only in this respect might his utterance be somewhat
-surprising to those of us who are not familiar with the Mohammedan
-world, that it shows a Turk recognizing without restriction general
-religious peace and freedom of thought as an undisputed possession.
-Considered from this point of view the words quoted here are the more
-valuable, as they express with tolerable accuracy the opinion of all
-Turkish intellectuals on the problem of religion.
-
-This tolerance seems irreconcilable with the prescriptions of the
-Mohammedan law concerning the attitude towards the adherents of other
-religions. For, according to this law, which as a whole claims divine
-authority, the whole world of man is to be subjected to the Mohammedan
-community and is also, as far as possible, to be incorporated by it
-in a spiritual sense. That this aim may be attained, the community of
-the faithful is to do _jihâd_, _i. e._, carry on a _holy war_ against
-all that are still living outside the circle of its authority. The
-leadership in the _jihâd_, the determination of time, place, and means,
-is one of the chief duties of the head of the community, the Caliph,
-the successor of Mohammed as supreme governor, supreme judge, and
-supreme commander of all the Moslims. As the interests of Islâm in
-his opinion require it, he is to carry on this war with more or less
-energy or even temporarily to desist from it. Under no circumstances
-may he agree to a suspension of the offensive against a nation of
-unbelievers for more than ten years. Provided they subject themselves
-to the Mohammedan state-authority and are satisfied with the position
-of subjects without civic rights, adherents of the Jewish and of the
-Christian religion, and of such religions as obtain equal recognition
-with those, are granted the exercise of their religion, though with
-certain restrictions. In the case of real heathens subjection must be
-accompanied by conversion.
-
-The _jihâd_-program assumes that the Mohammedans, just as at their
-first appearance in the world, continuously form a compact unity under
-one man’s leadership. But this situation has in reality endured so
-short a time, the realm of Islâm has so quickly disintegrated into
-an increasingly large number of principalities, the supreme power
-of the so-called Caliph, after flourishing for a short period, has
-become so much a mere word, that even the _jihâd_-prescriptions have
-had to be adapted to this state of crumbling authority. As in most
-other respects so also concerning the waging of the holy war, the law
-therefore transfers the authority and the duties of the one Caliph
-to the various territorial heads, to each one for the extent of his
-dominion. Now it is evident that this shifting of authority from one to
-many is a great simplifying influence for the internal government; but
-it is equally evident that by this disintegration the continuance of
-the world-conquest, as it was started in the first century of Islâm, is
-made impossible.
-
-To be sure, there were a number of other causes which stemmed the
-first wild rush of the Moslim legions. They met frontiers where
-resistance could not be broken at once, and the enjoyment of what had
-been conquered weakened their energy. The great deeds of the first
-generations were idealized in the imagination of the later ones, the
-stains removed from them, and the theory of their desirable continuance
-elaborated in details, the more casuistical as their realization was
-getting further outside the sphere of possibilities. Only where a
-Mohammedan territory is attacked by a nation of unbelievers, there the
-duty of defence is put upon the whole of the population. Offensive
-action is justified only when it is ordered and regulated by a
-recognized head of the state. Where unbelievers succeed in subjecting a
-Moslim population, the latter must not resign itself to this state of
-submission, but must grasp the first opportunity for either throwing
-off the yoke or for emigrating to an independent Moslim country; and
-this as much in order to ward off the danger with which their own
-religion is threatened, as in order to strengthen the ranks of the
-faithful for the struggle against the enemy, _i. e._, the non-subjected
-unbelievers. Even if the impossibility of effective resistance or
-emigration should endure for centuries, the relation of dependency upon
-a non-Mohammedan state-authority created thereby is to be accepted only
-as temporary and abnormal.
-
-The whole set of laws which, according to Islâm, should regulate the
-relations between believers and unbelievers, is the most consequent
-elaboration imaginable of a mixture of religion and of politics in
-their mediæval form. That he who possesses material power should also
-dominate the mind is accepted as a matter of course; the possibility
-that adherents of different religions could live together as citizens
-of the same state and with equal rights is excluded. Such was the
-situation in the Middle Ages not only with the Mohammedans: before
-and even long after the Reformation our ancestors did not think very
-differently on the matter. The difference is chiefly this, that Islâm
-has fixed all these mediæval regulations in the form of eternal laws,
-so that later generations, even if their views have changed, find it
-hard to emancipate themselves from them. This emancipation became all
-the more difficult because both the multitude and the scribes clung the
-more tightly to this questionable legacy of their ancestors, the more
-circumstances seemed to flout the realization of this mighty program.
-It is a fact that in the countries of Islâm all through the centuries
-little care has been given to the education of the masses, and the idea
-of a future world-domination was too pleasing to their vanity to be
-lightly discarded. The jurists, in their narrowness, did not partake
-of the fulness of real life; they anxiously preserved the forms of the
-ancient ideals without noticing that their contents had vanished. To
-them the appreciation of religious freedom by intellectual Turks, such
-as the friend quoted above, was and still is a frivolous concession to
-the debased spirit of the times.
-
-Nevertheless the minds went on their forward march, in the past
-century often with surprising rapidity. Through the very harshness
-of Mohammedan society and the inefficiency and corruption of the
-Mohammedan governments the whole territory of Islâm, in contrast to
-its conscious program of world-dominion, gradually came under European
-influence. This has gone so far already that more than ninety per cent.
-of all Mohammedans live in conquered territory or in protectorates
-under the political rule of European powers, whereas the independence
-of the remaining part, chiefly Turkey, is maintained in appearance
-only by a certain cleverness in balancing between the large powers
-which are vying for its tutelage.
-
-This coming into contact of the territory of Islâm and the world
-outside which has ended with the total loss of the former’s political
-independence, was originally brought about by the necessity of Europe
-to expand economically, that is, by the self-interest of the nations
-which were able to shake off the dust of the Middle Ages and which
-overtook the Mohammedans in a spiritual as well as in a material
-sense. Later on only did the narrow idea of exploitation give way
-to that of annexation and eventually to that of complete absorption
-of the conquered territories, in the sense that the population was
-to be educated into partaking, as far as they could and was deemed
-expedient, of the culture of the conquerors. This was not done at
-one stroke; the struggle between the egotism of the guardians and
-their sense of duty to their wards is still in full swing. But the
-European guardians, even those for whom the consequent application
-of the newer principles is often too hard a task, would even now be
-ashamed to profess any other principle of government but that of a pure
-harmony between the interests of two nations, of which one has been
-subordinated by history to the other. The Mohammedans under direct or
-indirect European government have already derived considerable benefit
-from this; and one may say that on the whole they are better off than
-their co-religionists in the quasi-independent states, where they
-suffer the disadvantages both of a corrupt administration and of the
-struggle for economic gain between the great powers of the West. Still,
-the oppression under which the population labours in such a country as
-Turkey has also excited aspirations to intellectual development. The
-Young-Turk movement of these late years loudly speaks for that.
-
-In the more highly developed circles of all Mohammedan countries the
-conviction has become general that the mediæval mixture of religion
-and politics, which the system of Islâm wanted to uphold for ever, is
-not of our times. The Mohammedans have become inferiors in this world,
-politically and socially; so much so that the idea of a world-dominion
-founded on their religion could not keep anything of its attraction for
-all but the ignorant. The others are almost ashamed of the presumption
-expressed by the teaching of the _jihâd_, and try hard to prove that
-the law itself restricts its application to circumstances which do not
-occur any more.
-
-The lesson of tolerance was least easily impressed on the nations
-which had stood in the front rank in the political heyday of Islâm,
-least of all on the Turks who had played the leading part in the last
-scene of glory. When in 1258 Bagdad was destroyed by the Mongols and
-the Abasside Caliphate, dating more than five centuries back, was
-wiped out, the Mohammedan world was not lifted from its hinges, as
-would have happened if the Caliphate still had had anything to do with
-the central government of the Mohammedans. In fact, this princely
-house had already been living three centuries and a half on the faint
-afterglow of its ephemeral splendour; and if during that time it was
-not crowded out by one of the many powerful sultans, its very practical
-insignificance was the main reason for that. So insignificant had these
-caliphs in name become that certain European writers sometimes have
-felt induced to represent them as a kind of religious princes of Islâm,
-who voluntarily or not had transferred their secular power to the many
-territorial princes in the wide dominion of Islâm. To them the total
-lack of secular authority, coupled with the often-manifested reverence
-of the Moslim for the Caliphate, appeared unintelligible except on
-the assumption of a spiritual authority, a sort of Mohammedan papacy.
-Still, such a thing there never was, and Islâm, which knows neither
-priests nor sacraments, could not have had occasion for it. Here, as
-elsewhere, the multitude preferred legend to fact: they imagined the
-successor of the Prophet as still watching over the whole of the Moslim
-community; as, according to historical tradition, he really did during
-the first two centuries following the Hijrah, and this long after
-the institution of the Caliphate had disappeared in the political
-degeneration of Islâm. However, they did not imagine him as a pope, but
-as a supreme ruler; above all as the _amîr-al-mu’-minîn_, commander of
-the legions of Islâm, which sometime would make the whole world bend to
-its power.
-
-The Caliph, the lieutenant of Allah’s Messenger, and the _jihâd_, the
-holy war against the whole world outside Islâm: with those two names
-was indissolubly connected the remembrance of those two brilliant
-centuries in which the course of circumstances seemed to justify the
-Mohammedan ambition for world-dominion. Whatever disappeared in reality
-survived in legend; the worship of the shadow-Caliphs of Bagdad made it
-easier for many Mohammedans to forget the failure of their political
-ideal.
-
-When Bagdad had fallen and a large part of the Abasside family
-had been exterminated, this political fetishism still had its
-after-effects; the sultans of Egypt availed themselves of it by making
-one of those who had escaped murder continue the tradition of the
-dummy-Caliphate in their capital and thus creating the impression that
-their territory had now become the centre of Islâm. But this shadow
-of a shadow was to fade away entirely when the sun of the Ottomans
-reached its zenith. Under their direction Islâm ventured its last
-attempt, not to subdue the world, to be sure, but at least to become a
-world-power of the first rank. They succeeded in taking Constantinople
-(1452), a task at which the greatest Moslim princes of yore had vainly
-tried their strength. When in 1517 they had conquered Egypt and
-subsequently also the province of the holy cities of Arabia, Mecca
-and Medina, they felt themselves strong enough to try resuscitating
-the tradition of the real Caliphate; or, at least, to assume the part
-of fetish themselves. They were not deterred from this even by the
-express prescription of the law, which requires that he who shall
-occupy the Caliphate shall be descended from the noble Arabian house
-of Qoraish. The sophistry of complaisant jurists helped them to remove
-this objection, and the multitude did not resist these tricks, seeing
-that the dreams which they connected with the Caliphate now seemed to
-turn into realities. The conqueror of Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt, Western
-Arabia, Mesopotamia, and the empire of Byzantium, whom a large part of
-Europe considered as a formidable foe, might confidently substitute his
-sword as a fetish for the powerless pedigree of the Abassides.
-
-This re-born Caliphate consequently lacked important traditional
-characteristics; and in other respects also it could not be considered
-as the regular continuation of its predecessor. Several of the oldest
-Mohammedan countries remained entirely outside the Turkish sphere of
-influence; and those were not only such where, as in Persia, a dynasty
-opposed to the Turks raised the banner of heresy, but also perfectly
-orthodox countries in Central Asia, in India, in North-Western Africa,
-where the Turkish sword found no occasion to assert itself. In Morocco
-the Turkish Caliphate was even directly ignored, as the local princes,
-descendants of the Prophet, themselves assumed the highest title.
-Elsewhere, simultaneously with the rise of the Ottomans or after, there
-arose new Mohammedan dominions which have never come into contact with
-any real or supposed political centre of Islâm; such as those in the
-Far East of Asia and in Central Africa.
-
-Indeed the usurpation of the Caliph-title by the Ottoman Sultans had
-only this significance, that in their political period of splendour
-they wished to have it established beyond dispute that no other Moslim
-prince could compare with them in importance. This could in no wise
-be more aptly done than by adding to all their high-sounding Persian
-and Turkish titles the name of the most exalted office which had ever
-existed in Islâm. To their power this nominal title of Caliph has never
-added anything; they ruled only what their armies had conquered and
-outside those limits they did not exert the slightest influence.
-
-The Turkish sword soon lost its edge; long before the policy of the
-great European powers gnawed off piece after piece from the realm of
-the Ottomans, several provinces had developed into separate feudal
-dominions under hereditary dynasties. Since Turkey, entirely dependent
-in its policy upon non-Mohammedan powers, can only claim about five per
-cent. of the Mohammedans of the world as its subjects, it would sound
-highly ridiculous to have the Sultan of that realm called “Lieutenant
-of God’s Messenger, Supreme Commander of the Faithful,” if also outside
-Turkey one were not used to much traditional nonsense in princely
-titles.
-
-It is just in this last century that the Turks, through a concourse of
-circumstances, have sometimes succeeded in coining some small advantage
-out of this doubtfully legal, now meaningless title.
-
-Means of communication increased a thousandfold have now brought
-into contact Mohammedan nations which formerly knew nothing, or
-hardly anything, about each other’s existence. The approximately
-230,000,000 of Mohammedans living under non-Moslim rule mostly do
-not possess sufficient historical remembrance to understand that the
-change in administration has been an improvement for them. They see
-the political past of Islâm only through the veil of legend, and when
-the present gives occasion for grievances and objections--and where
-are these lacking?--they are rather prone to believe that all their
-complaints would be cured, if only the Commander of the Faithful
-could take their interests in hand. Of the maladministration under
-which the real subjects of the Sultan of Turkey are labouring, they
-hear little and experience nothing. And the Sultan, who has been the
-worst in this respect, until in 1909 he was deposed and exiled by his
-subjects, has worked more zealously and more successfully than any of
-his predecessors for the dissemination amongst the Mohammedans of the
-false imaginations concerning the Caliphate. His wily but short-sighted
-policy, which brought his own empire ever nearer to its fall, made
-him seek solace for many a failure in Panislamic intrigues, staged
-by unscrupulous but mostly ignorant and blundering confederates, who
-showed the credulous the ideal picture of a Caliph, assuring them that
-it was a good likeness of Abdulhamîd.
-
-There has often been talk of an organization of Panislâm under the
-direction of Abdulhamîd, but this is without foundation. In 1897, in
-connexion with some foul, secretly circulated, pamphlets, which the
-most intimate counsellors of the Sultan in vying for his favour had let
-loose against each other, I tried to describe the atmosphere around
-the despot,[1] and when, in 1908, I witnessed the first two months of
-the revolution in Constantinople, I found a complete justification of
-my description.[2] That gang of shallow intriguers was little qualified
-to lead a serious international movement. They exploited the connexions
-established with certain Mohammedans of consequence in non-Turkish
-territory to increase their own advantage and prestige, without being
-of any real use in the resuscitation of the dead Caliphate. The
-establishment of a few Turkish consulates in Mohammedan countries under
-European rule also failed of its aim. They usually forgot to pay the
-consuls their salaries; the consuls did not even know the languages
-of the populations amongst whom they lived, and took no pains to learn
-them. Their mostly very “advanced” manner of living did not serve to
-heighten respect for the man who sent them.
-
-It is a fact that Panislâm cannot work with any program except with the
-worn-out, flagrantly impracticable, program of world-conquest by Islâm;
-and this has lost its hold on all sensible adherents of Islâm; whereas,
-among the stupid multitude, which may still be tempted by the idea of
-war against all _kâfirs_, it can stir up only confusion and unrest. At
-most it may cause local disturbances; but it can never in any sense
-have a constructive influence.
-
-Probably without intention, some European statesmen and writers have
-given a certain support to the Panislamic idea by their consideration,
-based on an absolute misunderstanding, of the Caliphate as a kind
-of Mohammedan papacy. Most of all did this conception find adherents
-in England at the time when that country was still considered to be
-the protector of the Turk against danger threatened by Russia. It was
-thought useful to make the British-Indian Moslim believe that the
-British Government was on terms of intimate friendship with the head
-of their church. Turkish statesmen made clever use of this error. Of
-course they could not admit before their European friends the real
-theory of the Caliphate with its mission of uniting all the faithful
-under its banner in order to make war on all _kâfirs_. They rejoiced
-all the more to see that these had formed about that institution a
-conception which, to be sure, was false, but for that very reason
-plausible to non-Mohammedans. They took good care not to correct it,
-for they were satisfied with being able, before their co-religionists,
-to point to the fact that even among the great non-Mohammedan powers
-the claim of the Ottomans to the Caliphate was recognized.
-
-Although Panislâm was not organized, nevertheless in Mohammedan
-countries under European rule it often would oppose the normal
-development of a mutually desirable relation between the governing and
-the governed. Speculating on dissatisfaction in every form, it secretly
-worked as a disturbing element, without there being any hope that the
-division caused or intensified might lead to improvements.
-
-All European powers must have hailed as a welcome consequence of
-the revolution of 1908 the fact that the Young Turks who forced the
-re-establishment of the constitution wanted to put an end to the
-mediæval mixture of religion and politics. The upholding of Islâm as a
-state-religion was on their part a concession to the old tradition,
-without prejudice to the complete equality of the adherents of all
-religions as citizens of the Turkish Empire. Re-born Turkey was to be
-a modern constitutional state in the full meaning of the word. For
-Caliphate and _jihâd_ there was no room in such a state. Turks and
-Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, and whoever else lived together
-under the Crescent, were to co-operate in liberty, equality, and
-fraternity to make Young Turkey into a state respected in international
-life. The empire of the Ottomans was not to presume on any interference
-with co-religionists living under non-Mohammedan rule. At most the
-government, in case such had reason to complain about the violation
-of their rights, might permit representations to be made similar to
-those which the Christian powers had so often addressed to Turkey in
-connexion with alleged oppression of Christian nations under Turkish
-rule.
-
-Soon these ideals were shown to be too exalted for the time being.
-The greed of the European powers did not grant Young Turkey the rest
-necessary for internal reform. Upon the enthusiastic harmony of the
-first days of deliverance from the claws of despotism, there speedily
-followed the renascence of the old internal strife, now no longer held
-in leash by the common fear of the despot. The Committee of Unity
-and Progress, which before or behind the scenes had the direction of
-things, found itself constrained on one side to resort again to the
-hateful governing methods of despotism, on the other side to grant
-many concessions to the detriment of its own program, even to Moslim
-orthodoxy and to the beliefs and superstitions of the multitude. The
-fetish of the Caliphate had to be exhumed again from the museum of
-antiquities where it had temporarily been stored. As to the idea of
-_jihâd_, which was so closely connected with it, the European powers
-took care that it was not forgotten. Turkey was continually forced to a
-_jihâd_.
-
-When we translate the word _jihâd_ by “holy war” this is justified,
-inasmuch as such a war has for the Mohammedans a holy, a religious
-character. But it is a mistake to imagine that besides this there
-exists a non-holy or secular war. Apart from using the army to repress
-revolt against lawful authority, which must be considered as a police
-measure, Islâm knows no war other than the _jihâd_, and no other aim to
-the _jihâd_ than the defence of the interests of Islâm against attacks
-by non-Mohammedans or the extension of the territory of Islâm to the
-detriment of the Dâr al-Harb, the country of the unbelievers. The
-wars which Turkey had to carry on under Abdulhamîd against Russia and
-against Greece have never been called by Turks and Arabs by any other
-name but _jihâd_, even if they were prudent enough not to use that
-term of mediæval fanaticism in their intercourse with Europeans. This
-holds true also of the war with Italy for the possession of Tripoli
-and of that with the Balkan States. For the Mohammedans, who continue
-in the old fashion mixing politics and religion, there is no other war
-but religious war. That a special edict of the Sultan-Caliph should
-be needed to stamp one of Turkey’s wars as a holy war, is one more of
-those ridiculous misconceptions of things Mohammedan, of which so many
-have become current in Europe. The Turks do not usually protest against
-such nonsense; but in their dealings with Europeans they mostly
-endorse it when their interest requires it. For no Moslim in the world,
-however, when Turkey is involved in war, does the question whether
-the Sultan has decreed the holy war possess a reasonable meaning. All
-this ought to be well considered if one is to understand correctly the
-political events of these days in so far as they involve Turkey.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-About these events pamphlets have been published in Germany, which
-in certain respects perhaps deserve some attention even outside that
-country. _Deutschland, die Türkei und der Islam_ is the title of a
-pamphlet by Hugo Grothe, who is considered as qualified in the field
-of economics, and whose former writings contain the results of his
-scientific journeys in European and Asiatic Turkey, in Persia and in
-Tripolitania. This pamphlet is part of a series, _Zwischen Krieg
-und Frieden_, edited by Irmer, Lamprecht, and von Liszt, containing
-political articles for the public at large. Amongst its contributors
-appears Prince von Bülow.
-
-When Grothe departs from economic politics he at once shows himself
-to be in unfamiliar surroundings. The political problem of Islâm, _e.
-g._, is not clear in his mind. The Caliphate he calls the secular
-representation of the religious community of the Mohammedans, a rather
-vague expression of the idea that all Mohammedans in a political
-sense are legally subjects of the Caliph; who to be sure is kept
-from exercising his administrative rights over what now amounts to
-ninety-five per cent. of these subjects by unbelieving princes whose
-authority is necessarily illegal. But now Grothe on another page quotes
-the following from a proclamation issued by the Imperial Governor of
-Kamerun to the native population: “We are further given help by the
-Sultan in Stambul, who in matters of religion is the Supreme Lord of
-all Mohammedans,” and far from adding the necessary correction, he
-calls this official nonsense “interesting.” Grothe’s assertion that at
-the outset of the present war the “_jihâd_ of Germany” had been the
-subject of debates and prayers in the mosques of Turkey is perhaps a
-poetical phrase, for, even if we translate _jihâd_ about correctly as
-“holy war,” still our “holy war,” as now every belligerent calls his
-own struggle, is by no means rendered by the Arabic-Mohammedan _jihâd_.
-When old-fashioned pious Mohammedans refer to this war in their prayer,
-the prayer will sound about as follows: “We thank Thee, Allah, for
-having divided the legions of the Devil against themselves and because
-Thy almightiness forces some of them to support the defenders of Islâm
-with their arms and their men. Arrange all this, O Lord, for a speedy
-victory of the faithful and for the ruin of all who disobey Thee and
-Thy Messenger.” Thus and thus only is the conception of those Moslims
-who have not yet been sufficiently sobered by history to share the view
-of the Turk whose words I quoted at the beginning of this article.
-
-It is also poetical phrasing of Grothe’s when he makes an earthquake
-perceived at Konia, Bundur, and Sparta contribute towards giving the
-Turks real insight into the meaning of the catastrophe which has
-befallen us; poetical phrasing, when in his travels he continually
-hears Turks, Arabs, Kurds, and Anatolians professing their sympathy for
-Germany and expressing views on contemporary politics which do not,
-either, differ one jot from Grothe’s own. He hears them expressing
-those in languages of which he understands nothing, for the two
-Turkish expressions which Grothe uses are unidiomatic.[3]
-
-We remain nearer to reality when we follow Grothe’s survey of the
-politico-economic relations between Turkey and Germany, as they
-developed in the last twenty years of the nineteenth century. Germany,
-he says, through a concourse of unfavourable circumstances, has been
-badly outdistanced in the race of the European powers for the economic
-and commercial advantages which are to be had in Turkish territory. In
-fact, a change for the better started only with the concession of the
-Anatolian railway to a German syndicate (1888) which was followed later
-on by that of the Bagdad railway. One gets an idea of the rapidity of
-the movement by looking at the figures of imports and exports combined,
-between Germany and Turkey: 14 million for 1888, but for 1913, 200-250
-million marks. The competition with England, France, and Russia again
-made it desirable for all parties that their spheres of interest
-should be determined. Before the war the understanding had come so far
-that they were expected in the present year to reach an agreement,
-by which England would receive Southern Mesopotamia as its economic
-territory, France Syria, Germany the part of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor
-which is bounded on the one hand by the 34th and 41st degrees of east
-longitude, and on the other by the 36th and 39th degrees of northern
-latitude, whereas the northern part of Asia Minor was to be given to a
-French-Russian combine for railway construction.
-
-For this economic sphere of influence Germany would have felt slightly
-grateful, but by no means satisfied. Since August she has started
-pegging out quite different frontiers, on the assumption, of course,
-that her expectations of a propitious result of the war will not be
-disappointed. For this, according to Grothe, she has every right. For
-it must be considered certain that in case Germany were to fail, Russia
-would not hesitate to destroy the Turkish Empire. As Russia cannot
-find in the Far East the ice-free waterway which she needs for her
-development without getting into conflict with Japan, and not in the
-Persian Gulf without getting into conflict with England, the Empire
-of the Czars is more than ever determined to possess Constantinople.
-England, who formerly has always opposed this, would now support it; in
-return, she would be allowed to look upon Mesopotamia and Arabia as
-her own.
-
-Germany alone can save Turkey, and she has a huge interest in doing so
-since only the preservation of the complete integrity of the Ottoman
-Empire will make it possible for Germany to protect and to develop
-the economic position which she has gained in it. Besides, Germany is
-the only one among the large powers with which Turkey has to count
-who would not wish to annex a single foot of the country, and could
-not even if she wanted to. Germany’s geographical position would
-prevent her from effectively protecting such possessions and deriving
-profit from them. That is why during the twenty-five years of her
-more intimate relations with Turkey, Germany has always been the only
-trustworthy friend of the Empire of the Sultan-Caliph. There is between
-the two countries, apart from all questions of sentiment, a natural
-community of interests, whereas the interests of all the other large
-powers can only be furthered at the cost of Turkey’s welfare, and
-finally of her existence.
-
-Turkey has not always looked at it quite in this light; a certain
-distrust had to be overcome, fostered by the unfair competition of
-those who envied Germany and also partly strengthened by Germany’s
-often too feeble policy. But now the scales have fallen from the eyes
-of the Young Turks, who hold the helm of state. It seems that in
-Constantinople they are only waiting for German victories in Northern
-France and in Galicia--Grothe wrote before the Turkish declaration of
-war--before uniting with Germany and Austria against the Allied Powers.
-The Turkish army, which in its organization owes so much already to
-German teaching and direction, will have great need of German help
-and support in order to accomplish its task, but then it will also
-constitute a far from contemptible ally. This will be especially true
-if the Caliph decrees the _great holy war_, the _jihâd_.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-Here now Grothe finds himself quite at sea, as he does not know that
-for Mohammedans of the old stamp, who have not taken part in the
-intellectual movement of the Mohammedan East in the last few years,
-every war waged by Turkey is a _jihâd_. For such as these the question
-is not: “_jihâd_ or secular war?” but “against whom has Turkey declared
-_jihâd_?” And then, supposing the answer is as Grothe imagines,
-_i. e._, _jihâd_ “against all powers that have devoured Mohammedan
-countries and thus have robbed Islâm of its splendour,” the question
-remains whether, as Grothe hopes and expects, the Mohammedan nations
-under European rule will really be so charmed by the call to arms
-issued in the name of Sultan Mehmed Reshâd, that they will attack their
-masters “_here with secrecy and ruse, there with fanatical courage_.”
-Grothe already sees in his imagination how “_the thus developed
-religious war_”--so he openly calls it--is to mean especially for
-England “_the decline of her greatness_.”
-
-We know that Turkey is at present engaged in an experiment with just
-such a holy war, as suggested by Grothe and his intellectual kin. The
-highest juridical authority in Constantinople, the Sheich-ul-Islâm,
-who since the revolution of 1908 has ever been a creature and an
-instrument of the Young Turk Committee, has answered affirmatively a
-series of questions submitted to him by the insignificant successor
-of Abdulhamîd, with whom the leaders of the Young Turk Committee can
-do as they please. In reality those questions and answers together
-form a proclamation of Enver and Taläat, the leading ministers on the
-Committee, and both he who asks the questions (the Sultan) and he who
-answers them (the Sheich-ul-Islâm) fill the office of puppets. This
-proclamation of the men on the Committee of Unity and Progress (by
-which--let it be noted!--was originally meant the union of the several
-nations under the Crescent and their progress as a modern state) is to
-the effect, that, when the Lord of all Mohammedans declares holy war
-against the enemies of Islâm, who plunder the countries of Islâm and
-slaughter their inhabitants or reduce them into slavery, it is the duty
-of all Mohammedans in this world to take part in this war with life and
-goods; that therefore especially the Mohammedan subjects of France,
-Russia, and England are also obliged to participate in it; that those
-who neglect this duty and avoid the struggle incur the anger of God;
-that, however, Mohammedans who live under the rule of the said powers
-or their allies and help them wage war against Germany and Austria, the
-supporters of Turkey, commit a great sin that will certainly bring on
-the wrath of God. This proclamation of the prescriptions of the Divine
-Law as applied to the political situation of the moment, and according
-to the pronouncement of its authoritative interpreter, served as the
-basis of a manifesto of the Sultan to the army and navy, issued on
-November 12, 1914.
-
-This manifesto assumes that Russia, together with England and France,
-has started the hostilities; that Turkey therefore was forced to take
-up arms; that Russia anyway had not during three centuries let one
-opportunity escape to harm Turkey; that millions of Mohammedans are
-suffering under the tyrannical rule of the said powers; that therefore
-the holy war has been declared, upon the issue of which not only the
-welfare of the Turkish Empire but also the life and future of three
-hundred million[4] of Mohammedans depend. The mercy of Allah and the
-support of the Prophet will turn the struggle against the enemies of
-Islâm, undertaken together with Germany and Austria, into victory.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-Constantinople would not be Constantinople if these extravagant
-utterances of the Committee[5] had not been followed by a
-demonstration, a _numâyashi_. When in 1908 I was witnessing the first
-two months of the revolution brought about by the military under the
-direction of the Committee, no day passed without a number of those
-_numâyashi_; masses of people who jostled behind a couple of flags with
-the legend “Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity,” halted in front of
-some public buildings or residences of persons in authority and there
-applauded speeches of which nobody could understand anything. If one
-asked the shouters what it was all about, one was told: “revolution,
-liberty, hasn’t the police been abolished?” and the like. In a similar
-manner the Committeemen on November 14th treated the inhabitants to a
-_numâyashi_ lasting fully eight hours.
-
-In the mosque of Mehmed the Conqueror, which commemorates the greatest
-victory of the Turks over Christianity, the conquest of Constantinople
-in 1452, the questions and answers outlined above were read aloud, the
-_fetwa_, that is, of the holy war. Prayers were said, long speeches
-were held, there was no end to the jubilation. The procession passed
-through the main parts of the city, waited upon the Grand Vizier,
-and--demonstrated in front of the German and the Austrian embassies.
-Nazim-bey and Mukhtar-bey, faithful Committeemen, respectively
-complimented the German and the Austrian ambassadors and their speeches
-were answered by the ambassadors. The addresses exchanged at the German
-embassy would not have been worded differently by Dr. Grothe himself.
-For the German ambassador did not only speak of Germany and Turkey, but
-of their common struggle for the real welfare of the Mohammedan world;
-of Germany’s friendship for the Empire of the Ottomans, but especially
-for the adherents of Islâm, before _all_ of whom, as soon as the German
-and Turkish arms have achieved victory, there lies a glorious future.
-The Austrian ambassador was a little more cautious and less Mohammedan
-in his reply, and only mentioned the holy war which the Empire of
-the Ottomans is waging together with Austria, and the sympathy which
-unites Austria and Turkey. But the whole show must have made on the
-Mohammedans, who would not, as we do, think first of all of a musical
-comedy of Offenbach, this impression, if any: that Germany and Austria
-have put themselves in the service of Turkey for waging a _jihâd_; for
-naturally, of the three, Turkey is the only one that can be involved in
-a _jihâd_. To call a war between _kâfirs_ (unbelievers) a _jihâd_ is
-for a good Mohammedan either blasphemous or ridiculous.
-
-Grothe has thus voiced the sentiments of the ruling classes in his
-country, not only where he discussed the economic relations of Germany
-in most recent times and in the future, but also where he treated of
-the stirring up of the slumbering Mohammedan fanaticism in the interest
-of Germany. This makes it somewhat less inexplicable to me that my
-esteemed colleague, Professor C. H. Becker at Bonn, who until recently
-honourably represented the science of Islâm in the Colonial Institute
-at Hamburg, should also have been swept away by the incredible
-_jihâd_-craze, which at present seems to possess German statesmen. His
-pamphlet _Germany and Islam_[6] breathes the same spirit as Grothe’s,
-although it is favourably distinguished from the latter by its more
-moderate tone and, it goes without saying, by its knowledge of Islâm.
-
-Becker materially supplements Grothe’s picture of the future relations
-between Germany and Turkey, by including in his program of protection
-of Turkey the military and political renascence of the Empire of
-the Crescent, in order that it may be re-created into a modern
-constitutional state with a respectable army. Not only German products
-and German capital, but also German spirit must set to work in Turkey.
-It must do so according to a better method than that used by France and
-England in their colonies: “a sound common-school education according
-to modern methods, but on the basis of the traditional oriental culture
-and supported by the best powers of Islamic religion.” We shall revert
-to this. First a few remarks in connexion with the picture, which may
-be seen in the writings of both Grothe and Becker, of the growth of
-political harmony between Germany and Turkey, temporarily leaving aside
-that which may be achieved through the Caliphate and through Moslim
-fanaticism.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-It is easy to understand that Germany, in view of the rapidly increased
-interests which she has gained in Turkey, would like to reduce to the
-smallest proportions the dangers and difficulties that may be caused
-by competitors. It is just as easy to see that Turkey would after all
-prefer to deal with Germany, as through this contact loss of territory
-was not so much to be feared. “After all,” so I said intentionally;
-for there must have been moments when the Sultan or the Committee must
-have thought: Where is that friendship? Under Abdulhamîd the German
-affection was expressed only to him who had all power vested in him,
-but who is now generally considered to have been the greatest enemy his
-people ever knew. From 1888 to 1908 Germany ignored the Turkish people,
-because it could not be of use to Germany. Any one knowing something
-of the nature of European political friendship will not wonder at this
-any more than at Emperor William’s small interest in the fate of the
-once-beloved Abdulhamîd, when the latter was forced by the Committee
-first to parade as a friend of liberty and later to disappear.
-
-Whoever sought favour or advantage in Turkey after 1908, had to force
-it or beg it from the Committee. The latter could not at once trust
-Germany, as also our German writers remark, because the liberal Turks,
-who had fled their country before the revolution, were given the cold
-shoulder in Germany on account of the friendship with the despot. When
-Austria availed herself of the general confusion after the revolution,
-first to help in the complete detachment of Bulgaria from Turkey,
-afterwards to annex a piece of Turkish territory herself, Germany did
-not raise one finger to keep its ally from an amputation so painful to
-Turkey. Later on Italy took Tripoli and Turkey found it difficult to
-fully appreciate the fact that Germany was the only one in the Triple
-Alliance who did not take anything, because Turkey knew, as well as
-anybody else, what natural obstacles there were to such an undertaking.
-Where no such natural obstacles existed, Germany took her part as
-greedily as the others; and in Africa she even has subjected two
-million Mohammedans to her authority, an authority which will not be
-found by those concerned to be less tyrannical than the British-Indian
-and North-African Mohammedans, according to Sultan Mehmed Reshâd and
-according to Becker, find the British or French administration.
-
-Now Becker may argue: those Mohammedans were already under our rule
-before our great infatuation with Turkey and Islâm began, and, besides,
-the coal-black Moslems do not count for much even in the eyes of
-Turks and Arabs. But this is not a serious answer to the objection,
-the more so since Islâm not only repudiates the contempt for negroes
-theoretically, but because practically all ways have ever been much
-more widely open to gifted negroes in Moslim than in Christian
-countries. To be sure, Becker has estimated the number of _oppressed_
-Mohammedans who must now be helped by Germany at only one hundred and
-fifty million; so that only Russia, England, and France are counted
-as oppressors. But the Sultan in his manifesto has mentioned the full
-three hundred million, at which the Kaiser estimated the adherents of
-Islâm, as victims to be set free, and has thus by mistake included
-amongst them the two million German subjects and the Moslims under
-Austrian and Italian rule, not to mention any others.
-
-During the Balkan War, the independence of Turkey was certainly no less
-seriously menaced than was now the case before the _jihâd_-declaration;
-but even then it received little support from its German friend. Grothe
-remarks that for the sake of Turkey alone it would have been difficult
-to stir up in Germany sufficient enthusiasm for a war, whereas now,
-against the rivals, England and Russia, it has been found so easy.
-Still, it will have to be admitted that the effect of Emperor William’s
-visits to the Sultan, with which according to Becker and Grothe, the
-conscious Islâm-policy of Germany was inaugurated, has not developed
-normally but that it has long remained exceedingly latent.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-All this may emphasize the somewhat one-sided character of Germany’s
-policy still more than the writings of Becker and Grothe, but it
-does not do away with the fact that under the present political
-constellation, Turkey herself may derive great advantage from the
-alliance with Germany. But, if now we imagine the future as the German
-writers desire it, the situation stripped of all accessories appears
-like this: Turkey freed by Germany from all troublesome meddling of
-England, France, and Russia, will fall under German guardianship, and,
-though with careful avoidance of the name, it will become a _German
-protectorate_. Its army, its administration, its finances, everything
-will have to be thoroughly reorganized by Germany. The relation will
-be different in form only from the protectorate of France in Morocco
-and that of England in many a Mohammedan principality. In calmer
-times eulogies on the method by which the English in India, the
-French in Northern Africa, ruled their Mohammedans, have never been
-lacking in Germany; although criticism and indignation were never
-lacking either, when German interests were at stake. They talked of
-the _pax Britannica_ and of the _pax Gallica_, which had replaced the
-former insecurity, confusion, and corruption. Even England’s work
-in Egypt was appreciated, and favourable opinions were heard about
-the Islâm-policy of Russia in Central Asia. We have no reason to
-expect less favourable results of a German protectorate in Turkey;
-nay it would even be possible that they might avoid many mistakes of
-their predecessors and that the end might prove a blessing to Turkish
-countries. But the Germans would certainly find that the gratitude of
-the Turks would end when the absolutely unavoidable interference would
-start in earnest, even if the Turks did not fail to recognize the
-advantage to themselves of some of the reforms determined upon.
-
-Besides, the opinions of German experts about Turkey and about Islâm,
-especially about their possibilities for reorganization, are not, at
-any rate were not before this war, at all the same as those which are
-now so warmly defended by Grothe and Becker. Professor Joh. Marquart,
-at present Professor in the University of Berlin, derides in the
-preface of his work, _The Benin-collection of the National Museum
-of Ethnology in Leiden_ (1913), “the alleged function of Islâm as a
-bearer of culture,” and he speaks with biting irony of the “blessings
-of the _jihâd_, predatory murder on the path of Allah turned into
-a religious duty,” _i. e._, that duty which Germany now has again
-impressed on Turkey. It was not only in German missionary circles that
-Islâm was considered as the enemy who was most of all to be fought,
-but in a German colonial congress this resolution was adopted: “_As
-the expansion of Islâm is a serious danger to the development of our
-colonies, the colonial congress suggests for earnest consideration_,”
-etc.
-
-Professor Martin Hartmann, who teaches the science of Islâm at the
-Seminary for Oriental Languages in Berlin, and whose pen has given us
-a number of notable writings on Islâm and on Turkey, never tires of
-pointing out that the Moslims are kept from participating in culture
-mainly by the institutions of Islâm, which scorns woman and despises
-non-believers.[7]
-
-He calls the Caliphate of the Ottoman Sultans a usurpation which could
-only have been committed through contempt for the holy tradition, a
-“_means of agitation_,” an “_easy way to be considered by the world of
-Islâm as a kind of fetish_”; he says that “_this double quality_ [of
-the Sultan-Caliph] _has never been recognized by the civilized powers_”
-and that the honest abandonment of this title would rather strengthen
-Turkey than weaken her. Of course he also has a few things to say about
-the holy war. About this he intentionally put his opinion on record
-when the word _jihâd_ was brought up by the Turks in their war with
-Italy over Tripoli, and he made use of this expression which has again
-become topical: “... _the threat of holy war, i. e., of war against all
-unbelievers, except against those who are expressly designated to the
-community by the leaders of Islâm as friends of Islâm. This idea is
-madness._” As the seat of the agitation was at that time in Berlin, he
-adds to this: “_Let this be a warning against the creation of unrest
-by the excitation of religious fanaticism. All civilized nations will
-unanimously stand together against any such attempt._” I could quote
-reams of print with similar contents; I content myself with one more:
-“_Islâm is a religion of hate and of war. It must not be suffered to be
-the ruling principle in a nation of the civilized world._”
-
-I could quote at least as many utterances of the same author which give
-the impression that the Turks are the nation least fitted in all the
-Turkish Empire to do any good for the development of their country.
-Everywhere, where the Turkish element had obtruded itself on other
-Mohammedans at the point of the sword, it has “_destroyed cultural
-possessions and has created nothing, absolutely nothing, in the way of
-cultural values_.” Their religious conceit is even more intolerable
-than their national conceit. The Turks of Constantinople are “_an awful
-pack_” (“ein schauderhaftes Gesindel”) and the “_honest Anatolian_”
-(who also appears in Grothe) is a product of legend. And such an
-inferior nation “_wants to be the ruling element in the great empire
-from Scutari and Prevesa to Van and Bassora_!”
-
-Professor Hartmann has an exceedingly lively temperament, and I would
-not dream of endorsing all his opinions or denying that his expressions
-are exaggerated. But in knowledge of his subject he stands far higher
-than Grothe; and as regards Turkey, also higher than Becker, together
-with whom he is the chief representative of the science of Islâm in
-Germany. Besides, Becker himself has formerly expressed himself about
-the Islâm question in much the same way, although in a more moderate
-form and in a different tone. Naturally, Becker himself has been the
-first to feel the contrast between his joining in the flourish with
-the words Caliph and _jihâd_ in his latest writings, and the opinions
-expressed by him in former times of quiet scientific work. He himself
-repeats the concluding sentence of a lecture delivered by him in Paris
-in 1910: “_If the solidarity of Islâm is a phantom, the solidarity of
-the white race is a reality_,” but now he does so in order to weaken
-the impression of these words and to limit them to the Islâm of the
-negroes in Africa, who were the main subject of his speech. Probably
-none of the audience understood this limitation, as the words quoted
-were immediately preceded by these: “the fear that one power might
-unite with Islâm to thwart another, does not seem to me very well
-founded.” Besides Becker had formerly, _e. g._, in 1904, in an article
-on Panislamism represented the panislamistic idea as contrary to the
-real interests of Turkey[8]: “_The Young Turks had hoped_ [after the
-Russo-Turkish War of 1878] _to put an end by their reforms just to that
-religious element, which made of the Sultan above everything else the
-Caliph, the protagonist of Islâm, and thus_ =made impossible the normal
-development of the Ottoman Empire, which after all is mainly made up of
-Christians=.” And in the German translation[9] of the above-mentioned
-lecture, which was delivered in Paris in 1910, the following additional
-passage occurs: “_The Caliphate of the Sultan of Constantinople was,
-up to the time of the Young-Turkish revolution, the basis of Turkey’s
-Islâm-policy. To be sure Young Turkey has not abandoned the claim to
-the Caliphate_; =but if she wishes at all to grow into a constitutional
-state, she will have to make as little use of it as possible.... A
-strong Turkey, it goes without saying, will never claim political
-sovereignty over the Islamic subjects of other powers....=”
-
-In his latest pamphlet, _Deutschland und der Islam_, Becker confesses
-his recent conversion and argues that his long-cherished notions were
-wrong. He, as well as Grothe, dwells at length on the two visits paid
-by Emperor William to Sultan Abdulhamîd (1889 and 1898), the second
-one combined with what Grothe calls “_a political pilgrimage to the
-Holy Land_.” The world has considered these visits, the first of which
-took place one year after the concession of the Anatolian railway,
-that is to say in 1889, as overgorgeous demonstrations of Germany’s
-industrial and commercial interest in Turkey. The way it was done made
-many, even in Germany, shrug their shoulders. First of all Abdulhamîd,
-the “blood-drinking” tyrant, in whose crimes the great powers after
-all shared the guilt, on account of what Berard, and together with
-him Hartmann, called “_the conspiracy of silence_,” seemed a strange
-object for such a hearty expression of friendship, which left behind it
-in Constantinople a lumbering commemorative fountain, which according
-to experts is an insult to good taste. Furthermore, the impression
-produced on the Moslim world was not at all such as was intended. To be
-sure, it was thought remarkable that the monarch of a powerful European
-empire should go twice to pay homage to the Sultan, the more as it
-was known that no return-visits of the Sultan followed; _the caller_
-therefore showed himself to the inhabitants as _the inferior_; and
-simple Mohammedan souls, who draw their knowledge of the world’s map
-and the world’s history more from legends than from reality, saw in
-this a confirmation of their belief that the whole earth is subjected
-to the mightiest Moslim sovereign, and that all princes are his
-vassals, even if they are in parts very unruly. Those homages in no way
-contributed to the glory of Germany in the East, whatever flatterers
-may palm off about it on German travellers. The strangest impression of
-all, however, was produced on all those who know Islâm by the Emperor’s
-speech on his second journey (1898), at Damascus, at the grave of
-Saladin, on which he also deposited a wreath.
-
-Saladin (Salâh-ad-din) has become popular in Europe through the history
-of the Crusades and especially through Lessing; in the Mohammedan
-East his name has been long forgotten, except by the few students of
-history and literature. These know him as an unscrupulous politician,
-who by faithlessness and treason had risen to great power, and who is
-forgiven much because he was a strictly orthodox _kâfir_-hater; and
-not as the example of eighteenth-century tolerance which Lessing in
-his _Nathan der Weise_ has made of him. On the grave of this hater of
-Christianity, the Emperor of a world-empire, which, as Becker reminds
-us, has Christianity as its state-religion, spoke these words: “_The
-three hundred million Mohammedans that are scattered through the world
-may rest assured that the German Emperor will eternally[10] be their
-friend._”
-
-This part of the display has made as little permanent impression in the
-Moslim world as Saladin himself; and German scientists at that time
-shook their heads when they heard of it. But now these words suddenly
-are at a premium: Grothe and Becker give their interpretations of
-them, and the Turks have been so energetically reminded of them that
-Nazim-bey quoted them in his address to the German ambassador and that
-the Sultan by mistake borrowed from them the oftentimes corrected, at
-any rate very antiquated, census-figures of his manifesto.
-
-Till recently Becker, “through ignorance,” as he now avers, has
-“_considered this emphasizing of the Caliph-title by Germany as
-a mistake_”; but now, after Prince von Bülow’s explanations in
-_Deutschland unter Kaiser Wilhelm II._, he joyfully discovers in it
-the first powerful expression of “_a conscious German Islâm-policy_”
-and the proof “_that German policy has from the first taken Islâm into
-account as an international factor_.” Becker’s scientific conscience,
-in this conversion and in his defence of the adoption of the Caliphate
-among the factors of international politics, is not so untroubled as
-that of Grothe, who does not seem to feel at all the grotesqueness of
-this Islâm-policy. At any rate, Becker says that he does not wish to
-be considered as having expressed an opinion on the relation between
-Turkey and Germany; that he restricts himself to stating the fact
-that such a relation exists; that, as a matter of fact, millions of
-dissatisfied Mohammedan subjects of European nations expect their
-salvation from Turkey, and that the hour has struck for Germany to make
-use of this mood.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-Salvation from Turkey! The country of which Martin Hartmann quite
-recently said that “_the exclusion of the Islamic-Turkish rule from
-Europe is drawing near_”; and that “_she_ [Turkey] _should have been
-already long ago threatened with being placed under guardianship_”;
-or again: “_thus will only come more quickly that which will have to
-come sometime, anyway: the lapsing of political power from the hands
-of dying Turkdom_”; from Turkey, which, according to Becker, must be
-re-created and under the energetic direction of Germany be transformed
-into a modern civilized state, a thing which a few years ago he
-declared to be feasible only if the Caliphate-idea were either entirely
-abandoned or emphasized as little as possible!
-
-How is it that Turkey suddenly is considered able to do that which
-until recently had been put aside as nonsense; how is it that now
-they recommend as useful to Turkey what, such a short time ago, was
-considered a source of certain ruin? When, in his _Ultimatum des
-Panislamismus_ Hartmann scourged the agitators who wished to give to
-the Turkish-Italian conflict the character of a religious war, he
-at the same time gave the sharpest criticism imaginable of Germany’s
-present attempt to revive the dying mediæval fanaticism of the
-Mohammedan world. “_Turkey can only exclaim: Heaven protect me against
-my friends!_”--so he then justly said. What may not Turkey exclaim now
-that her best friend is exciting her to religious war, and presently
-turns over to her the Mohammedan prisoners who fought against Germany,
-in order to submit them to a politico-religious conversion cure?
-
-We can only attribute all this to the lamentable upsetting of the
-balance, even in the intellectual atmosphere, of what we used to call
-the civilized world. For in normal times we know that the Germans are
-far too sensible and logical to digest the enormous nonsense that a
-thing which in general would be considered as a shame for mankind and
-a catastrophe for Turkey can become good and commendable as soon as
-Germany places herself behind or beside the Crescent. We do not know
-what will be the issue of many of the present terrible happenings; but
-this, I think, I may already now foretell with certainty, that within a
-not very long time a number of German writings will testify that also
-in Germany indignation has been aroused by the despicable game that is
-being played with the Caliphate and the holy war.
-
-It would be risky, now that the facts will so speedily speak their
-incontrovertible language, to try to foretell in how far the attempt
-to light the blaze of a Mohammedan religious war on a large scale, and
-thereby to cause endless confusion in international relations, has a
-chance to succeed. Hartmann formerly denied the possibility with full
-conviction: “... _as soon_,” said he, “_as the representatives of
-the various Islamic groups confer together about common measures, the
-enormous differences in ethnical, economic, and intellectual tendencies
-among the two hundred million Mohammedans show themselves!_” Becker,
-who formerly called “_the solidarity of Islâm a phantom_,” says now:
-“_The great war which reveals and decides so much, will also bring the
-proof as to whether the often-discussed international solidarity of
-Islâm is a real factor or a delusion._”
-
-It is certain that if Germany persists in her present “Islâm-policy”
-there will be no lack of all sorts of measures destined to put before
-the Mohammedan public the history of the origins of that policy and
-the new relation of vassal in which the re-created Sultan-Caliph
-finds himself with regard to Germany. But against a Commander of the
-Faithful, himself under an unbelieving Commander, even Mohammedans of
-the old stamp, who otherwise might have been duped by the comedy, will
-have serious objections. The main basis of the claim of the Ottoman
-sultans was _their_ sword; not a sword that would be drawn and sheathed
-at the order of an unbelieving “ally.”
-
-Fortunately, we need not worry with regard to our Dutch-Indian
-Mohammedan population. They adopted Islâm when the Turkish Empire had
-already come into existence, but without Turkey’s noticing it; and they
-have never had any contact with the Crescent. The Sultan of Rûm, as
-they call the Great Lord of Constantinople, has remained a legendary
-creature for them. To be sure, the panislamistic idea has penetrated
-into the East-Indian Archipelago, but it has found little favourable
-ground. The large mass of the lower classes remains untouched, and
-the majority of the higher classes is entirely immune against this
-politico-religious mixture of deceit and nonsense. And we have good
-reason to believe that this immunity will constantly spread. For if
-Germany has quite recently inaugurated her “_conscious Islâm-policy_”
-with the above-described displays, we have already had for a few years
-longer our conscious _educational policy_ towards the native population
-which history has entrusted to our care; and against that, Caliphate
-and holy war and other mediæval iniquities are fortunately powerless.
-If we only unshakably adhere to our centuries-old guarantee of complete
-religious liberty for our Mohammedans, and at the same time continue to
-pursue our educational policy at a constantly increased pace, we shall
-never have to fear the peculiar sort of “intellectual weapons” which
-now for the first time are put into circulation with the trade-mark
-“made in Germany.” Still, we keep hoping in the interest of humanity
-that Germany will before long withdraw the new product from the market.
-
-       *       *       *       *       *
-
-The holy war of Islâm is, as we have remarked several times, a
-thoroughly mediæval institution, which even the Mohammedan world
-was outgrowing. One of the peculiarities of this institution we may
-sincerely admire: holy war against co-members of the Mohammedan
-community is absolutely excluded by the law of Islâm. The restriction
-of the community to Mohammedans, to those who profess the same dogma
-about what is beyond this life, is mediæval; but the consideration
-of strife within the sphere of the community as impious, provides an
-excellent foundation for the highest social civilization and is rather
-humiliating for the modern world. Let us hear what Martin Hartmann in
-his excited tone writes about it: “_In contrast to Islâm, where war
-is on principle limited to war against those of different belief as
-being ‘unbelievers,’ nobody in the Christian world takes exception to
-war against adherents of the same faith, and here the servants of the
-church of Love are not infrequently the most zealous in the urging,
-that is, in denying the Gospel; they provide to order the patriotic
-gesture, which in this case represents a violation of the fifth
-commandment, not to mention that other commandment: Thou shalt love thy
-neighbour as thyself._”
-
-Indeed, in Islâm it is only necessary to remove the mediæval
-restriction of the right to complete political existence, which was
-limited to members of the same community, and to expand the idea of
-the community to one embracing the whole world, in order to assure
-absolute world-peace, an absolute command of the divine law. To modern
-states which have Mohammedans as subjects, protégés, or allies, the
-beautiful task is reserved of educating these and themselves at the
-same time to this high conception of human society; rather than leading
-them back, for their own selfish interests, into the ways of mediæval
-religious hatred which they were just about to leave.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[1] “Eenige Arabische strydschriften besproken,” _Tydschrift van het
-Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen_, vol. xxxix., pp.
-379-427.
-
-[2] My experiences at that time I reported in the February issue of _De
-Gids_, 1909.
-
-[3] On his journeys Grothe, being a German, was continually referred to
-by Turks as “our friend,” which he translates by _bizim dost_ instead
-of _dostomuz_, and his Turkish translation for “a German” is always
-_Alemanly_ instead of _Alman_ or _Almanjaly_.
-
-[4] This computation is taken from the speech delivered by the German
-Emperor in 1898 by the grave of Saladin; the population then appears
-not to have increased in the last sixteen years.
-
-[5] In order to fully appreciate the unctuously-fanatical _fetwa_ and
-proclamation, one has to bear in mind that the real authors of both
-documents, Enver, Taläat, _et al._, are practically free-thinkers.
-
-[6] It is one of a long series of “Political Pamphlets”--_Politische
-Flugschriften_--edited by Ernst Jäckh, and which numbers among its
-contributors Prince von Bülow (again) and other celebrities. Further,
-Becker published in the collection of _Bonner Vaterländische Reden
-und Vorträge während des Krieges_ a lecture on “Deutsch-Türkische
-Interessengemeinschaft” (Community of Interests between Germany and
-Turkey); in the _Süddeutsche Monatshefte_ an article “England und
-Egypten,” and in _Das Grössere Deutschland_ an article “England und der
-Islam.”
-
-[7] The following is a short anthology of titles from M. Hartmann’s
-writings of most recent years: “Der Islam, 1908,” in _Mitteilungen des
-Seminars für Orient. Spr. in Berlin_, Jahrg. xii., Abt. ii., 1909;
-_Die Arabische Frage_, Leipzig, 1909; _Der Islam_, Leipzig, 1909; “Die
-neuere Literatur zum Türkischen Problem” (Recent Publications on the
-Turkish Question), in _Zeitschrift für Politik_, 1909; _Unpolitische
-Briefe aus der Türkei_, Leipzig, 1910 (Non-political Letters from
-Turkey); _Islam, Mission und Politik_, Leipzig, 1912; _Fünf Vorträge
-über den Islam_, Leipzig, 1912 (Five Lectures on Islâm); “Das Ultimatum
-des Panislamismus” (on the holy war against Italy), in _Das Freie
-Wort_, Jahrg. xi., No. 16; “Mission und Kolonialpolitik,” in _Koloniale
-Rundschau_, Heft 3, März, 1911.
-
-[8] “Panislamismus,” _Archiv für Religionswissenschaft_, Bd. vii., 1904.
-
-[9] “Der Islam und die Kolonisierung Afrika’s,” in _Internat.
-Wochenschrift für Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik_, 19 Febr., 1910.
-
-[10] An attribute well suited indeed to political friendship!
-
-
-
-
-TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
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-
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-
-  Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The holy war, by C. Snouck Hurgronje</p>
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-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The holy war</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>&quot;Made in Germany&quot;</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: C. Snouck Hurgronje</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Contributor: Richard J. H. Gottheil</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: December 14, 2022 [eBook #69537]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: David E. Brown and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOLY WAR ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter hide"><img src="images/coversmall.jpg" width="450" alt=""></div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-<div class="chapter">
-<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/i_title.jpg" alt=""></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-<div class="titlepage">
-
-<h1><span class="large">The Holy War</span></h1>
-
-<p><span class="xxlarge">“Made in Germany”</span></p>
-
-<p>By<br>
-<span class="xlarge">Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje</span><br>
-
-Professor of the Arabic Language in the University of<br>
-Leiden, Holland; Councillor to the Dutch<br>
-Ministry of the Colonies, etc., etc.</p>
-
-<p>With a Word of Introduction by<br>
-<span class="large">Richard J. H. Gottheil</span><br>
-Columbia University, N. Y.</p>
-
-<p><span class="large">G. P. Putnam’s Sons</span><br>
-New York and London<br>
-<span class="antiqua">The Knickerbocker Press</span><br>
-1915</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Copyright, 1915<br>
-by</span><br>
-G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS<br>
-<br>
-<span class="antiqua">The Knickerbocker Press, New York</span></p>
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[iii]</span>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">INTRODUCTION</h2>
-</div>
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE proclamation of a “Holy War”
-by the Sheikh-ul-Islam at Constantinople
-has excited interest above and
-beyond its connection with the present
-war. It has raised the whole question
-of the validity and effectiveness of this
-measure as a political instrument in the
-hands of a modern Mohammedan government.
-Students of Islam have asked
-themselves of what use this weapon, taken
-from the arsenal of a theocratic form of
-sovereignty, could be in a state which is
-in process of conforming to the present-day
-theory of secular and democratic
-control. The development of the Ottoman
-Empire since the granting of the Constitution
-in 1908 has been followed with an
-interested eye by those of us who have felt<span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[iv]</span>
-the immense possibilities inherent in the
-Turkish people and latent in Turkish soil.
-It is with distinct pleasure that we read
-the following study of a knotty problem;
-for it is worked out with the hand of a
-master. There are few so well equipped
-or so competent to effect such a study—especially
-in the relations of the question
-to the larger problems of the day—as is
-Dr. C. Snouck Hurgronje. One of the rare
-Europeans who have ever travelled in that
-part of Arabia considered by Mohammedans
-to be sacred and exclusive, his stay
-of eight months in the capital of their
-faith (1884-1885) enabled him not only
-to write the most complete and the most
-reliable history of that city (<i>Mekka</i>,
-Leiden, 1888), but also to talk with the
-faithful from all the corners of the
-Mohammedan world. As Councillor to
-the Government of Netherlands-India, he
-spent the years 1889-1906 in Batavia,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span>
-where he came into closest touch with the
-development of Islam in the farthest East.
-He has laid down many of his conclusions
-in his comprehensive work on the
-Achehnese (<i>De Atjehers</i>, Leiden, 1903-1904;
-English translation, London, 1906).
-His scholarly lectures on the origins of
-Islam, given before various American
-university audiences in the spring of 1914,
-will long be remembered for the cool
-judgment and the careful poise they
-evinced. In the periodical publications
-of learned societies he has contributed
-numerous essays which easily place him
-in the very forefront of authorities on
-the subject which he has made his own.</p>
-
-<p>The study which is here presented to the
-English-reading public appeared originally
-in the Dutch periodical <i>De Gids</i>, 1915,
-No. 1, under the title “Heilige Oorlog
-Made in Germany.” It has been ably
-translated by Professor Joseph E. Gillet<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span>
-of the University of Wisconsin, with the
-distinct attempt to preserve as much of
-the style of the author as the English language
-will permit. I am glad of the
-opportunity to express publicly my thanks
-to Professor Gillet for the readiness with
-which he accepted the task I laid upon him.</p>
-
-<p class="right"><span class="smcap">Richard Gottheil.</span></p>
-
-<p><span class="smcap">Columbia University in the<br>
- &#160; &#160; &#160; City of New York</span><br>
- &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; &#160; March, <i>1915</i>.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="ph2">The Holy War<br>
-“Made in Germany”</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[3]</span>
-<p class="ph2">The Holy War<br>
-“Made in Germany”</p>
-</div>
-
-<p class="drop-cap">MORE than ten years ago I had a conversation
-with a Turk of a highly
-intellectual type about religious fanaticism
-and its bearing on political situations.
-He concluded his considerations
-on this subject about as follows: “In
-former times the inhabitants of the civilized
-world used to destroy each other for
-being at variance about the mysteries of
-the other world. Now, however, glory
-be to Allah, humanity has overcome this
-barbarous custom and everybody is free
-to believe what he likes. But what good
-is this to us, as long as wars continue to
-be waged on account of economic and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[4]</span>
-political interests, wars of which the
-fanaticism is not to be outdone by that
-of the bitterest religious strife, and of
-which the destructiveness is continuously
-being increased by our immense technical
-progress? Under such circumstances a
-quiet enjoyment of the hard-won freedom
-of thought is out of the question.”</p>
-
-<p>This utterance ever again obtrudes itself
-on my memory in connexion with the
-events that are taking place at present.
-Large groups of men, kept apart by varying
-political and economic interests, have
-for years and years consumed an important
-part of their intellectual and material
-resources in devising means by which, in
-the fulness of time, they might destroy
-each other; and now, at last, the long-expected
-spark has fallen on the accumulated
-fuel. Every one of the belligerents
-is horrified by the idea of responsibility
-for the crimes against mankind which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span>
-they are perpetrating in common. The
-culture they shared with each other has
-been shelved and finds its only expression
-in a dull series of contentions where each
-one charges the other with the guilt of
-what they have all carefully planned
-together. The sceptical irony of my
-Turkish friend was not unjustified. Not
-that it teaches us anything new. Only in
-this respect might his utterance be somewhat
-surprising to those of us who are
-not familiar with the Mohammedan world,
-that it shows a Turk recognizing without
-restriction general religious peace and
-freedom of thought as an undisputed
-possession. Considered from this point
-of view the words quoted here are the
-more valuable, as they express with
-tolerable accuracy the opinion of all
-Turkish intellectuals on the problem of
-religion.</p>
-
-<p>This tolerance seems irreconcilable with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>
-the prescriptions of the Mohammedan
-law concerning the attitude towards the
-adherents of other religions. For, according
-to this law, which as a whole
-claims divine authority, the whole world
-of man is to be subjected to the Mohammedan
-community and is also, as far as
-possible, to be incorporated by it in a
-spiritual sense. That this aim may be
-attained, the community of the faithful
-is to do <i>jihâd</i>, <i>i. e.</i>, carry on a <i>holy war</i>
-against all that are still living outside
-the circle of its authority. The leadership
-in the <i>jihâd</i>, the determination of
-time, place, and means, is one of the chief
-duties of the head of the community, the
-Caliph, the successor of Mohammed as
-supreme governor, supreme judge, and
-supreme commander of all the Moslims.
-As the interests of Islâm in his opinion
-require it, he is to carry on this war with
-more or less energy or even temporarily<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>
-to desist from it. Under no circumstances
-may he agree to a suspension of
-the offensive against a nation of unbelievers
-for more than ten years. Provided
-they subject themselves to the Mohammedan
-state-authority and are satisfied
-with the position of subjects without civic
-rights, adherents of the Jewish and of the
-Christian religion, and of such religions
-as obtain equal recognition with those,
-are granted the exercise of their religion,
-though with certain restrictions. In the
-case of real heathens subjection must be
-accompanied by conversion.</p>
-
-<p>The <i>jihâd</i>-program assumes that the
-Mohammedans, just as at their first appearance
-in the world, continuously form
-a compact unity under one man’s leadership.
-But this situation has in reality
-endured so short a time, the realm of
-Islâm has so quickly disintegrated into
-an increasingly large number of principalities,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>
-the supreme power of the so-called
-Caliph, after flourishing for a short
-period, has become so much a mere word,
-that even the <i>jihâd</i>-prescriptions have had
-to be adapted to this state of crumbling
-authority. As in most other respects so
-also concerning the waging of the holy
-war, the law therefore transfers the authority
-and the duties of the one Caliph to
-the various territorial heads, to each one
-for the extent of his dominion. Now it
-is evident that this shifting of authority
-from one to many is a great simplifying
-influence for the internal government;
-but it is equally evident that by this disintegration
-the continuance of the world-conquest,
-as it was started in the first
-century of Islâm, is made impossible.</p>
-
-<p>To be sure, there were a number of other
-causes which stemmed the first wild rush
-of the Moslim legions. They met frontiers
-where resistance could not be broken<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>
-at once, and the enjoyment of what had
-been conquered weakened their energy.
-The great deeds of the first generations
-were idealized in the imagination of the
-later ones, the stains removed from them,
-and the theory of their desirable continuance
-elaborated in details, the more
-casuistical as their realization was getting
-further outside the sphere of possibilities.
-Only where a Mohammedan territory is
-attacked by a nation of unbelievers, there
-the duty of defence is put upon the whole
-of the population. Offensive action is
-justified only when it is ordered and regulated
-by a recognized head of the state.
-Where unbelievers succeed in subjecting
-a Moslim population, the latter must not
-resign itself to this state of submission,
-but must grasp the first opportunity for
-either throwing off the yoke or for emigrating
-to an independent Moslim country;
-and this as much in order to ward off<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>
-the danger with which their own religion
-is threatened, as in order to strengthen
-the ranks of the faithful for the struggle
-against the enemy, <i>i. e.</i>, the non-subjected
-unbelievers. Even if the impossibility of
-effective resistance or emigration should
-endure for centuries, the relation of
-dependency upon a non-Mohammedan
-state-authority created thereby is to be
-accepted only as temporary and abnormal.</p>
-
-<p>The whole set of laws which, according
-to Islâm, should regulate the relations
-between believers and unbelievers, is the
-most consequent elaboration imaginable
-of a mixture of religion and of politics in
-their mediæval form. That he who possesses
-material power should also dominate
-the mind is accepted as a matter of
-course; the possibility that adherents of
-different religions could live together as
-citizens of the same state and with equal
-rights is excluded. Such was the situation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>
-in the Middle Ages not only with
-the Mohammedans: before and even long
-after the Reformation our ancestors did
-not think very differently on the matter.
-The difference is chiefly this, that Islâm
-has fixed all these mediæval regulations
-in the form of eternal laws, so that later
-generations, even if their views have
-changed, find it hard to emancipate themselves
-from them. This emancipation
-became all the more difficult because both
-the multitude and the scribes clung the
-more tightly to this questionable legacy
-of their ancestors, the more circumstances
-seemed to flout the realization of
-this mighty program. It is a fact that
-in the countries of Islâm all through the
-centuries little care has been given to the
-education of the masses, and the idea of
-a future world-domination was too pleasing
-to their vanity to be lightly discarded.
-The jurists, in their narrowness, did not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>
-partake of the fulness of real life; they
-anxiously preserved the forms of the
-ancient ideals without noticing that their
-contents had vanished. To them the
-appreciation of religious freedom by intellectual
-Turks, such as the friend quoted
-above, was and still is a frivolous concession
-to the debased spirit of the times.</p>
-
-<p>Nevertheless the minds went on their
-forward march, in the past century often
-with surprising rapidity. Through the
-very harshness of Mohammedan society
-and the inefficiency and corruption of
-the Mohammedan governments the whole
-territory of Islâm, in contrast to its
-conscious program of world-dominion,
-gradually came under European influence.
-This has gone so far already that more
-than ninety per cent. of all Mohammedans
-live in conquered territory or in protectorates
-under the political rule of European
-powers, whereas the independence of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>
-remaining part, chiefly Turkey, is maintained
-in appearance only by a certain
-cleverness in balancing between the large
-powers which are vying for its tutelage.</p>
-
-<p>This coming into contact of the territory
-of Islâm and the world outside
-which has ended with the total loss of
-the former’s political independence, was
-originally brought about by the necessity
-of Europe to expand economically, that
-is, by the self-interest of the nations
-which were able to shake off the dust of
-the Middle Ages and which overtook the
-Mohammedans in a spiritual as well as in
-a material sense. Later on only did the
-narrow idea of exploitation give way to
-that of annexation and eventually to that
-of complete absorption of the conquered
-territories, in the sense that the population
-was to be educated into partaking,
-as far as they could and was deemed expedient,
-of the culture of the conquerors.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>
-This was not done at one stroke; the
-struggle between the egotism of the guardians
-and their sense of duty to their
-wards is still in full swing. But the
-European guardians, even those for whom
-the consequent application of the newer
-principles is often too hard a task, would
-even now be ashamed to profess any other
-principle of government but that of a
-pure harmony between the interests of
-two nations, of which one has been subordinated
-by history to the other. The
-Mohammedans under direct or indirect
-European government have already derived
-considerable benefit from this; and
-one may say that on the whole they are
-better off than their co-religionists in
-the quasi-independent states, where they
-suffer the disadvantages both of a corrupt
-administration and of the struggle for
-economic gain between the great powers
-of the West. Still, the oppression under<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>
-which the population labours in such a
-country as Turkey has also excited aspirations
-to intellectual development. The
-Young-Turk movement of these late
-years loudly speaks for that.</p>
-
-<p>In the more highly developed circles
-of all Mohammedan countries the conviction
-has become general that the
-mediæval mixture of religion and politics,
-which the system of Islâm wanted to
-uphold for ever, is not of our times. The
-Mohammedans have become inferiors in
-this world, politically and socially; so
-much so that the idea of a world-dominion
-founded on their religion could not keep
-anything of its attraction for all but the
-ignorant. The others are almost ashamed
-of the presumption expressed by the
-teaching of the <i>jihâd</i>, and try hard to
-prove that the law itself restricts its
-application to circumstances which do
-not occur any more.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>The lesson of tolerance was least easily
-impressed on the nations which had stood
-in the front rank in the political heyday
-of Islâm, least of all on the Turks who
-had played the leading part in the last
-scene of glory. When in 1258 Bagdad
-was destroyed by the Mongols and the
-Abasside Caliphate, dating more than
-five centuries back, was wiped out, the
-Mohammedan world was not lifted from
-its hinges, as would have happened if the
-Caliphate still had had anything to do
-with the central government of the Mohammedans.
-In fact, this princely house
-had already been living three centuries
-and a half on the faint afterglow of its
-ephemeral splendour; and if during that
-time it was not crowded out by one of the
-many powerful sultans, its very practical
-insignificance was the main reason
-for that. So insignificant had these
-caliphs in name become that certain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>
-European writers sometimes have felt
-induced to represent them as a kind of
-religious princes of Islâm, who voluntarily
-or not had transferred their secular
-power to the many territorial princes in
-the wide dominion of Islâm. To them
-the total lack of secular authority,
-coupled with the often-manifested reverence
-of the Moslim for the Caliphate,
-appeared unintelligible except on the
-assumption of a spiritual authority, a
-sort of Mohammedan papacy. Still, such
-a thing there never was, and Islâm, which
-knows neither priests nor sacraments,
-could not have had occasion for it. Here,
-as elsewhere, the multitude preferred
-legend to fact: they imagined the successor
-of the Prophet as still watching
-over the whole of the Moslim community;
-as, according to historical tradition, he
-really did during the first two centuries
-following the Hijrah, and this long after<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>
-the institution of the Caliphate had disappeared
-in the political degeneration of
-Islâm. However, they did not imagine
-him as a pope, but as a supreme ruler;
-above all as the <i>amîr-al-mu’-minîn</i>, commander
-of the legions of Islâm, which
-sometime would make the whole world
-bend to its power.</p>
-
-<p>The Caliph, the lieutenant of Allah’s
-Messenger, and the <i>jihâd</i>, the holy war
-against the whole world outside Islâm:
-with those two names was indissolubly
-connected the remembrance of those two
-brilliant centuries in which the course of
-circumstances seemed to justify the Mohammedan
-ambition for world-dominion.
-Whatever disappeared in reality survived
-in legend; the worship of the shadow-Caliphs
-of Bagdad made it easier for
-many Mohammedans to forget the failure
-of their political ideal.</p>
-
-<p>When Bagdad had fallen and a large<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>
-part of the Abasside family had been
-exterminated, this political fetishism still
-had its after-effects; the sultans of Egypt
-availed themselves of it by making one
-of those who had escaped murder continue
-the tradition of the dummy-Caliphate in
-their capital and thus creating the impression
-that their territory had now become
-the centre of Islâm. But this shadow of
-a shadow was to fade away entirely when
-the sun of the Ottomans reached its
-zenith. Under their direction Islâm ventured
-its last attempt, not to subdue the
-world, to be sure, but at least to become a
-world-power of the first rank. They succeeded
-in taking Constantinople (1452),
-a task at which the greatest Moslim
-princes of yore had vainly tried their
-strength. When in 1517 they had conquered
-Egypt and subsequently also the
-province of the holy cities of Arabia,
-Mecca and Medina, they felt themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>
-strong enough to try resuscitating the
-tradition of the real Caliphate; or, at
-least, to assume the part of fetish themselves.
-They were not deterred from
-this even by the express prescription of
-the law, which requires that he who shall
-occupy the Caliphate shall be descended
-from the noble Arabian house of Qoraish.
-The sophistry of complaisant jurists
-helped them to remove this objection,
-and the multitude did not resist these
-tricks, seeing that the dreams which
-they connected with the Caliphate now
-seemed to turn into realities. The conqueror
-of Asia Minor, Syria, Egypt,
-Western Arabia, Mesopotamia, and the
-empire of Byzantium, whom a large part
-of Europe considered as a formidable foe,
-might confidently substitute his sword
-as a fetish for the powerless pedigree of
-the Abassides.</p>
-
-<p>This re-born Caliphate consequently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>
-lacked important traditional characteristics;
-and in other respects also it could
-not be considered as the regular continuation
-of its predecessor. Several of the
-oldest Mohammedan countries remained
-entirely outside the Turkish sphere of
-influence; and those were not only such
-where, as in Persia, a dynasty opposed
-to the Turks raised the banner of heresy,
-but also perfectly orthodox countries in
-Central Asia, in India, in North-Western
-Africa, where the Turkish sword found
-no occasion to assert itself. In Morocco
-the Turkish Caliphate was even directly
-ignored, as the local princes, descendants
-of the Prophet, themselves assumed the
-highest title. Elsewhere, simultaneously
-with the rise of the Ottomans or
-after, there arose new Mohammedan
-dominions which have never come into
-contact with any real or supposed political
-centre of Islâm; such as those in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>
-the Far East of Asia and in Central
-Africa.</p>
-
-<p>Indeed the usurpation of the Caliph-title
-by the Ottoman Sultans had only this
-significance, that in their political period
-of splendour they wished to have it established
-beyond dispute that no other
-Moslim prince could compare with them
-in importance. This could in no wise be
-more aptly done than by adding to all
-their high-sounding Persian and Turkish
-titles the name of the most exalted office
-which had ever existed in Islâm. To
-their power this nominal title of Caliph
-has never added anything; they ruled
-only what their armies had conquered
-and outside those limits they did not
-exert the slightest influence.</p>
-
-<p>The Turkish sword soon lost its edge;
-long before the policy of the great European
-powers gnawed off piece after piece
-from the realm of the Ottomans, several<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>
-provinces had developed into separate
-feudal dominions under hereditary dynasties.
-Since Turkey, entirely dependent
-in its policy upon non-Mohammedan
-powers, can only claim about five per
-cent. of the Mohammedans of the world
-as its subjects, it would sound highly
-ridiculous to have the Sultan of that
-realm called “Lieutenant of God’s Messenger,
-Supreme Commander of the Faithful,”
-if also outside Turkey one were not
-used to much traditional nonsense in
-princely titles.</p>
-
-<p>It is just in this last century that the
-Turks, through a concourse of circumstances,
-have sometimes succeeded in
-coining some small advantage out of
-this doubtfully legal, now meaningless
-title.</p>
-
-<p>Means of communication increased a
-thousandfold have now brought into
-contact Mohammedan nations which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span>
-formerly knew nothing, or hardly anything,
-about each other’s existence. The
-approximately 230,000,000 of Mohammedans
-living under non-Moslim rule
-mostly do not possess sufficient historical
-remembrance to understand that the
-change in administration has been an
-improvement for them. They see the
-political past of Islâm only through the
-veil of legend, and when the present gives
-occasion for grievances and objections—and
-where are these lacking?—they are
-rather prone to believe that all their
-complaints would be cured, if only the
-Commander of the Faithful could take
-their interests in hand. Of the maladministration
-under which the real subjects
-of the Sultan of Turkey are labouring,
-they hear little and experience nothing.
-And the Sultan, who has been the worst
-in this respect, until in 1909 he was deposed
-and exiled by his subjects, has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>
-worked more zealously and more successfully
-than any of his predecessors for the
-dissemination amongst the Mohammedans
-of the false imaginations concerning
-the Caliphate. His wily but short-sighted
-policy, which brought his own empire
-ever nearer to its fall, made him seek
-solace for many a failure in Panislamic
-intrigues, staged by unscrupulous but
-mostly ignorant and blundering confederates,
-who showed the credulous the
-ideal picture of a Caliph, assuring them
-that it was a good likeness of Abdulhamîd.</p>
-
-<p>There has often been talk of an organization
-of Panislâm under the direction of
-Abdulhamîd, but this is without foundation.
-In 1897, in connexion with some
-foul, secretly circulated, pamphlets, which
-the most intimate counsellors of the Sultan
-in vying for his favour had let loose
-against each other, I tried to describe the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>
-atmosphere around the despot,<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a> and when,
-in 1908, I witnessed the first two months of
-the revolution in Constantinople, I found
-a complete justification of my description.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>
-That gang of shallow intriguers
-was little qualified to lead a serious international
-movement. They exploited
-the connexions established with certain
-Mohammedans of consequence in non-Turkish
-territory to increase their own
-advantage and prestige, without being
-of any real use in the resuscitation
-of the dead Caliphate. The establishment
-of a few Turkish consulates in
-Mohammedan countries under European
-rule also failed of its aim. They usually
-forgot to pay the consuls their salaries;
-the consuls did not even know the languages<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>
-of the populations amongst whom
-they lived, and took no pains to learn
-them. Their mostly very “advanced”
-manner of living did not serve to heighten
-respect for the man who sent them.</p>
-
-<p>It is a fact that Panislâm cannot work
-with any program except with the worn-out,
-flagrantly impracticable, program
-of world-conquest by Islâm; and this
-has lost its hold on all sensible adherents
-of Islâm; whereas, among the stupid
-multitude, which may still be tempted by
-the idea of war against all <i>kâfirs</i>, it can
-stir up only confusion and unrest. At
-most it may cause local disturbances; but
-it can never in any sense have a constructive
-influence.</p>
-
-<p>Probably without intention, some European
-statesmen and writers have given a
-certain support to the Panislamic idea
-by their consideration, based on an absolute
-misunderstanding, of the Caliphate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>
-as a kind of Mohammedan papacy. Most
-of all did this conception find adherents
-in England at the time when that country
-was still considered to be the protector
-of the Turk against danger threatened
-by Russia. It was thought useful to
-make the British-Indian Moslim believe
-that the British Government was on
-terms of intimate friendship with the
-head of their church. Turkish statesmen
-made clever use of this error. Of course
-they could not admit before their European
-friends the real theory of the Caliphate
-with its mission of uniting all the
-faithful under its banner in order to make
-war on all <i>kâfirs</i>. They rejoiced all the
-more to see that these had formed about
-that institution a conception which, to
-be sure, was false, but for that very reason
-plausible to non-Mohammedans. They
-took good care not to correct it, for they
-were satisfied with being able, before<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span>
-their co-religionists, to point to the fact
-that even among the great non-Mohammedan
-powers the claim of the Ottomans
-to the Caliphate was recognized.</p>
-
-<p>Although Panislâm was not organized,
-nevertheless in Mohammedan countries
-under European rule it often would oppose
-the normal development of a mutually
-desirable relation between the governing
-and the governed. Speculating on dissatisfaction
-in every form, it secretly
-worked as a disturbing element, without
-there being any hope that the division
-caused or intensified might lead to improvements.</p>
-
-<p>All European powers must have hailed
-as a welcome consequence of the revolution
-of 1908 the fact that the Young Turks
-who forced the re-establishment of the
-constitution wanted to put an end to the
-mediæval mixture of religion and politics.
-The upholding of Islâm as a state-religion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>
-was on their part a concession to the old
-tradition, without prejudice to the complete
-equality of the adherents of all religions
-as citizens of the Turkish Empire.
-Re-born Turkey was to be a modern
-constitutional state in the full meaning of
-the word. For Caliphate and <i>jihâd</i> there
-was no room in such a state. Turks and
-Arabs, Greeks, Armenians, and Jews, and
-whoever else lived together under the
-Crescent, were to co-operate in liberty,
-equality, and fraternity to make Young
-Turkey into a state respected in international
-life. The empire of the Ottomans
-was not to presume on any interference
-with co-religionists living under non-Mohammedan
-rule. At most the government,
-in case such had reason to complain
-about the violation of their rights, might
-permit representations to be made similar
-to those which the Christian powers had
-so often addressed to Turkey in connexion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>
-with alleged oppression of Christian
-nations under Turkish rule.</p>
-
-<p>Soon these ideals were shown to be too
-exalted for the time being. The greed
-of the European powers did not grant
-Young Turkey the rest necessary for
-internal reform. Upon the enthusiastic
-harmony of the first days of deliverance
-from the claws of despotism, there speedily
-followed the renascence of the old
-internal strife, now no longer held in
-leash by the common fear of the despot.
-The Committee of Unity and Progress,
-which before or behind the scenes had
-the direction of things, found itself constrained
-on one side to resort again to
-the hateful governing methods of despotism,
-on the other side to grant many
-concessions to the detriment of its own
-program, even to Moslim orthodoxy and
-to the beliefs and superstitions of the
-multitude. The fetish of the Caliphate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>
-had to be exhumed again from the museum
-of antiquities where it had temporarily
-been stored. As to the idea of
-<i>jihâd</i>, which was so closely connected
-with it, the European powers took care
-that it was not forgotten. Turkey was
-continually forced to a <i>jihâd</i>.</p>
-
-<p>When we translate the word <i>jihâd</i> by
-“holy war” this is justified, inasmuch as
-such a war has for the Mohammedans a
-holy, a religious character. But it is a
-mistake to imagine that besides this there
-exists a non-holy or secular war. Apart
-from using the army to repress revolt
-against lawful authority, which must
-be considered as a police measure, Islâm
-knows no war other than the <i>jihâd</i>, and
-no other aim to the <i>jihâd</i> than the defence
-of the interests of Islâm against attacks
-by non-Mohammedans or the extension
-of the territory of Islâm to the detriment
-of the Dâr al-Harb, the country of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>
-unbelievers. The wars which Turkey
-had to carry on under Abdulhamîd
-against Russia and against Greece have
-never been called by Turks and Arabs
-by any other name but <i>jihâd</i>, even if they
-were prudent enough not to use that term
-of mediæval fanaticism in their intercourse
-with Europeans. This holds true
-also of the war with Italy for the
-possession of Tripoli and of that with
-the Balkan States. For the Mohammedans,
-who continue in the old fashion
-mixing politics and religion, there is no
-other war but religious war. That a
-special edict of the Sultan-Caliph should
-be needed to stamp one of Turkey’s wars
-as a holy war, is one more of those ridiculous
-misconceptions of things Mohammedan,
-of which so many have become
-current in Europe. The Turks do not
-usually protest against such nonsense;
-but in their dealings with Europeans<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>
-they mostly endorse it when their interest
-requires it. For no Moslim in the world,
-however, when Turkey is involved in war,
-does the question whether the Sultan has
-decreed the holy war possess a reasonable
-meaning. All this ought to be well considered
-if one is to understand correctly
-the political events of these days in so far
-as they involve Turkey.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>About these events pamphlets have
-been published in Germany, which in
-certain respects perhaps deserve some
-attention even outside that country.
-<i>Deutschland, die Türkei und der Islam</i> is
-the title of a pamphlet by Hugo Grothe,
-who is considered as qualified in the field
-of economics, and whose former writings
-contain the results of his scientific journeys
-in European and Asiatic Turkey,
-in Persia and in Tripolitania. This pamphlet
-is part of a series, <i>Zwischen Krieg<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>
-und Frieden</i>, edited by Irmer, Lamprecht,
-and von Liszt, containing political articles
-for the public at large. Amongst its contributors
-appears Prince von Bülow.</p>
-
-<p>When Grothe departs from economic
-politics he at once shows himself to be in
-unfamiliar surroundings. The political
-problem of Islâm, <i>e. g.</i>, is not clear in his
-mind. The Caliphate he calls the secular
-representation of the religious community
-of the Mohammedans, a rather vague
-expression of the idea that all Mohammedans
-in a political sense are legally
-subjects of the Caliph; who to be sure is
-kept from exercising his administrative
-rights over what now amounts to ninety-five
-per cent. of these subjects by unbelieving
-princes whose authority is necessarily
-illegal. But now Grothe on another page
-quotes the following from a proclamation
-issued by the Imperial Governor of
-Kamerun to the native population: “We<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span>
-are further given help by the Sultan
-in Stambul, who in matters of religion
-is the Supreme Lord of all Mohammedans,”
-and far from adding the necessary
-correction, he calls this official nonsense
-“interesting.” Grothe’s assertion that at
-the outset of the present war the “<i>jihâd</i>
-of Germany” had been the subject of
-debates and prayers in the mosques of
-Turkey is perhaps a poetical phrase, for,
-even if we translate <i>jihâd</i> about correctly
-as “holy war,” still our “holy war,” as
-now every belligerent calls his own struggle,
-is by no means rendered by the
-Arabic-Mohammedan <i>jihâd</i>. When old-fashioned
-pious Mohammedans refer to
-this war in their prayer, the prayer will
-sound about as follows: “We thank Thee,
-Allah, for having divided the legions of
-the Devil against themselves and because
-Thy almightiness forces some of them
-to support the defenders of Islâm with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>
-their arms and their men. Arrange all
-this, O Lord, for a speedy victory of the
-faithful and for the ruin of all who disobey
-Thee and Thy Messenger.” Thus
-and thus only is the conception of those
-Moslims who have not yet been sufficiently
-sobered by history to share the view
-of the Turk whose words I quoted at the
-beginning of this article.</p>
-
-<p>It is also poetical phrasing of Grothe’s
-when he makes an earthquake perceived
-at Konia, Bundur, and Sparta contribute
-towards giving the Turks real insight into
-the meaning of the catastrophe which
-has befallen us; poetical phrasing, when
-in his travels he continually hears Turks,
-Arabs, Kurds, and Anatolians professing
-their sympathy for Germany and expressing
-views on contemporary politics which
-do not, either, differ one jot from Grothe’s
-own. He hears them expressing those
-in languages of which he understands<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>
-nothing, for the two Turkish expressions
-which Grothe uses are unidiomatic.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a></p>
-
-<p>We remain nearer to reality when we
-follow Grothe’s survey of the politico-economic
-relations between Turkey and
-Germany, as they developed in the last
-twenty years of the nineteenth century.
-Germany, he says, through a concourse
-of unfavourable circumstances, has been
-badly outdistanced in the race of the
-European powers for the economic and
-commercial advantages which are to be
-had in Turkish territory. In fact, a
-change for the better started only with
-the concession of the Anatolian railway
-to a German syndicate (1888) which was
-followed later on by that of the Bagdad
-railway. One gets an idea of the rapidity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>
-of the movement by looking at the
-figures of imports and exports combined,
-between Germany and Turkey: 14 million
-for 1888, but for 1913, 200-250 million
-marks. The competition with England,
-France, and Russia again made it desirable
-for all parties that their spheres of
-interest should be determined. Before
-the war the understanding had come so
-far that they were expected in the present
-year to reach an agreement, by which
-England would receive Southern Mesopotamia
-as its economic territory, France
-Syria, Germany the part of Mesopotamia
-and Asia Minor which is bounded on
-the one hand by the 34th and 41st
-degrees of east longitude, and on the
-other by the 36th and 39th degrees of
-northern latitude, whereas the northern
-part of Asia Minor was to be given
-to a French-Russian combine for railway
-construction.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>For this economic sphere of influence
-Germany would have felt slightly grateful,
-but by no means satisfied. Since
-August she has started pegging out quite
-different frontiers, on the assumption, of
-course, that her expectations of a propitious
-result of the war will not be disappointed.
-For this, according to Grothe,
-she has every right. For it must be
-considered certain that in case Germany
-were to fail, Russia would not hesitate
-to destroy the Turkish Empire. As
-Russia cannot find in the Far East the
-ice-free waterway which she needs for
-her development without getting into
-conflict with Japan, and not in the Persian
-Gulf without getting into conflict with
-England, the Empire of the Czars is more
-than ever determined to possess Constantinople.
-England, who formerly has
-always opposed this, would now support
-it; in return, she would be allowed to look<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>
-upon Mesopotamia and Arabia as her
-own.</p>
-
-<p>Germany alone can save Turkey, and
-she has a huge interest in doing so since
-only the preservation of the complete
-integrity of the Ottoman Empire will
-make it possible for Germany to protect
-and to develop the economic position
-which she has gained in it. Besides,
-Germany is the only one among the large
-powers with which Turkey has to count
-who would not wish to annex a single foot
-of the country, and could not even if
-she wanted to. Germany’s geographical
-position would prevent her from effectively
-protecting such possessions and
-deriving profit from them. That is why
-during the twenty-five years of her more
-intimate relations with Turkey, Germany
-has always been the only trustworthy
-friend of the Empire of the Sultan-Caliph.
-There is between the two countries, apart<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>
-from all questions of sentiment, a natural
-community of interests, whereas the interests
-of all the other large powers can
-only be furthered at the cost of Turkey’s
-welfare, and finally of her existence.</p>
-
-<p>Turkey has not always looked at it
-quite in this light; a certain distrust had
-to be overcome, fostered by the unfair
-competition of those who envied Germany
-and also partly strengthened by
-Germany’s often too feeble policy. But
-now the scales have fallen from the eyes
-of the Young Turks, who hold the helm
-of state. It seems that in Constantinople
-they are only waiting for German
-victories in Northern France and in
-Galicia—Grothe wrote before the Turkish
-declaration of war—before uniting with
-Germany and Austria against the Allied
-Powers. The Turkish army, which in
-its organization owes so much already to
-German teaching and direction, will have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>
-great need of German help and support
-in order to accomplish its task, but then
-it will also constitute a far from contemptible
-ally. This will be especially true
-if the Caliph decrees the <i>great holy war</i>,
-the <i>jihâd</i>.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>Here now Grothe finds himself quite
-at sea, as he does not know that for
-Mohammedans of the old stamp, who
-have not taken part in the intellectual
-movement of the Mohammedan East
-in the last few years, every war waged by
-Turkey is a <i>jihâd</i>. For such as these the
-question is not: “<i>jihâd</i> or secular war?”
-but “against whom has Turkey declared
-<i>jihâd</i>?” And then, supposing the answer
-is as Grothe imagines, <i>i. e.</i>, <i>jihâd</i> “against
-all powers that have devoured Mohammedan
-countries and thus have robbed
-Islâm of its splendour,” the question
-remains whether, as Grothe hopes and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>
-expects, the Mohammedan nations under
-European rule will really be so charmed
-by the call to arms issued in the name of
-Sultan Mehmed Reshâd, that they will
-attack their masters “<i>here with secrecy
-and ruse, there with fanatical courage</i>.”
-Grothe already sees in his imagination
-how “<i>the thus developed religious war</i>”—so
-he openly calls it—is to mean especially
-for England “<i>the decline of her greatness</i>.”</p>
-
-<p>We know that Turkey is at present
-engaged in an experiment with just such
-a holy war, as suggested by Grothe and
-his intellectual kin. The highest juridical
-authority in Constantinople, the
-Sheich-ul-Islâm, who since the revolution
-of 1908 has ever been a creature and
-an instrument of the Young Turk Committee,
-has answered affirmatively a
-series of questions submitted to him by
-the insignificant successor of Abdulhamîd,
-with whom the leaders of the Young<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>
-Turk Committee can do as they please.
-In reality those questions and answers
-together form a proclamation of Enver
-and Taläat, the leading ministers on the
-Committee, and both he who asks the
-questions (the Sultan) and he who answers
-them (the Sheich-ul-Islâm) fill the office
-of puppets. This proclamation of the
-men on the Committee of Unity and
-Progress (by which—let it be noted!—was
-originally meant the union of the
-several nations under the Crescent and
-their progress as a modern state) is to
-the effect, that, when the Lord of all
-Mohammedans declares holy war against
-the enemies of Islâm, who plunder the
-countries of Islâm and slaughter their
-inhabitants or reduce them into slavery,
-it is the duty of all Mohammedans in
-this world to take part in this war with
-life and goods; that therefore especially
-the Mohammedan subjects of France,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>
-Russia, and England are also obliged to
-participate in it; that those who neglect
-this duty and avoid the struggle incur
-the anger of God; that, however, Mohammedans
-who live under the rule of the
-said powers or their allies and help them
-wage war against Germany and Austria,
-the supporters of Turkey, commit a
-great sin that will certainly bring on the
-wrath of God. This proclamation of the
-prescriptions of the Divine Law as applied
-to the political situation of the moment,
-and according to the pronouncement of
-its authoritative interpreter, served as
-the basis of a manifesto of the Sultan
-to the army and navy, issued on November
-12, 1914.</p>
-
-<p>This manifesto assumes that Russia,
-together with England and France, has
-started the hostilities; that Turkey therefore
-was forced to take up arms; that
-Russia anyway had not during three centuries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>
-let one opportunity escape to harm
-Turkey; that millions of Mohammedans
-are suffering under the tyrannical rule
-of the said powers; that therefore the
-holy war has been declared, upon the
-issue of which not only the welfare of
-the Turkish Empire but also the life and
-future of three hundred million<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> of Mohammedans
-depend. The mercy of Allah
-and the support of the Prophet will turn
-the struggle against the enemies of Islâm,
-undertaken together with Germany and
-Austria, into victory.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>Constantinople would not be Constantinople
-if these extravagant utterances of
-the Committee<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> had not been followed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>
-by a demonstration, a <i>numâyashi</i>. When
-in 1908 I was witnessing the first two
-months of the revolution brought about
-by the military under the direction of the
-Committee, no day passed without a
-number of those <i>numâyashi</i>; masses of
-people who jostled behind a couple of
-flags with the legend “Liberty, Equality,
-and Fraternity,” halted in front of some
-public buildings or residences of persons
-in authority and there applauded speeches
-of which nobody could understand anything.
-If one asked the shouters what
-it was all about, one was told: “revolution,
-liberty, hasn’t the police been
-abolished?” and the like. In a similar
-manner the Committeemen on November
-14th treated the inhabitants to a <i>numâyashi</i>
-lasting fully eight hours.</p>
-
-<p>In the mosque of Mehmed the Conqueror,
-which commemorates the greatest
-victory of the Turks over Christianity,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>
-the conquest of Constantinople in 1452,
-the questions and answers outlined above
-were read aloud, the <i>fetwa</i>, that is, of
-the holy war. Prayers were said, long
-speeches were held, there was no end to
-the jubilation. The procession passed
-through the main parts of the city, waited
-upon the Grand Vizier, and—demonstrated
-in front of the German and the
-Austrian embassies. Nazim-bey and
-Mukhtar-bey, faithful Committeemen,
-respectively complimented the German
-and the Austrian ambassadors and their
-speeches were answered by the ambassadors.
-The addresses exchanged at the
-German embassy would not have been
-worded differently by Dr. Grothe himself.
-For the German ambassador did
-not only speak of Germany and Turkey,
-but of their common struggle for the real
-welfare of the Mohammedan world; of
-Germany’s friendship for the Empire of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>
-the Ottomans, but especially for the adherents
-of Islâm, before <i>all</i> of whom, as
-soon as the German and Turkish arms
-have achieved victory, there lies a glorious
-future. The Austrian ambassador was
-a little more cautious and less Mohammedan
-in his reply, and only mentioned
-the holy war which the Empire of the Ottomans
-is waging together with Austria,
-and the sympathy which unites Austria
-and Turkey. But the whole show must
-have made on the Mohammedans, who
-would not, as we do, think first of all of
-a musical comedy of Offenbach, this
-impression, if any: that Germany and
-Austria have put themselves in the service
-of Turkey for waging a <i>jihâd</i>; for naturally,
-of the three, Turkey is the only one
-that can be involved in a <i>jihâd</i>. To call
-a war between <i>kâfirs</i> (unbelievers) a
-<i>jihâd</i> is for a good Mohammedan either
-blasphemous or ridiculous.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span>Grothe has thus voiced the sentiments
-of the ruling classes in his country, not
-only where he discussed the economic
-relations of Germany in most recent times
-and in the future, but also where he
-treated of the stirring up of the slumbering
-Mohammedan fanaticism in the
-interest of Germany. This makes it
-somewhat less inexplicable to me that
-my esteemed colleague, Professor C. H.
-Becker at Bonn, who until recently honourably
-represented the science of Islâm
-in the Colonial Institute at Hamburg,
-should also have been swept away by the
-incredible <i>jihâd</i>-craze, which at present
-seems to possess German statesmen. His
-pamphlet <i>Germany and Islam</i><a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> breathes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>
-the same spirit as Grothe’s, although it is
-favourably distinguished from the latter
-by its more moderate tone and, it goes
-without saying, by its knowledge of
-Islâm.</p>
-
-<p>Becker materially supplements Grothe’s
-picture of the future relations between
-Germany and Turkey, by including in
-his program of protection of Turkey the
-military and political renascence of the
-Empire of the Crescent, in order that it
-may be re-created into a modern constitutional
-state with a respectable army.
-Not only German products and German
-capital, but also German spirit must set
-to work in Turkey. It must do so according
-to a better method than that
-used by France and England in their
-colonies: “a sound common-school education<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>
-according to modern methods, but
-on the basis of the traditional oriental
-culture and supported by the best powers
-of Islamic religion.” We shall revert
-to this. First a few remarks in connexion
-with the picture, which may be
-seen in the writings of both Grothe and
-Becker, of the growth of political harmony
-between Germany and Turkey,
-temporarily leaving aside that which
-may be achieved through the Caliphate
-and through Moslim fanaticism.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>It is easy to understand that Germany,
-in view of the rapidly increased interests
-which she has gained in Turkey, would
-like to reduce to the smallest proportions
-the dangers and difficulties that may be
-caused by competitors. It is just as
-easy to see that Turkey would after all
-prefer to deal with Germany, as through
-this contact loss of territory was not so<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>
-much to be feared. “After all,” so I
-said intentionally; for there must have
-been moments when the Sultan or the
-Committee must have thought: Where
-is that friendship? Under Abdulhamîd
-the German affection was expressed only
-to him who had all power vested in him,
-but who is now generally considered to
-have been the greatest enemy his people
-ever knew. From 1888 to 1908 Germany
-ignored the Turkish people, because it
-could not be of use to Germany. Any
-one knowing something of the nature of
-European political friendship will not
-wonder at this any more than at Emperor
-William’s small interest in the fate of
-the once-beloved Abdulhamîd, when the
-latter was forced by the Committee first
-to parade as a friend of liberty and later
-to disappear.</p>
-
-<p>Whoever sought favour or advantage
-in Turkey after 1908, had to force it or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>
-beg it from the Committee. The latter
-could not at once trust Germany, as also
-our German writers remark, because the
-liberal Turks, who had fled their country
-before the revolution, were given the cold
-shoulder in Germany on account of the
-friendship with the despot. When Austria
-availed herself of the general confusion
-after the revolution, first to help in the
-complete detachment of Bulgaria from
-Turkey, afterwards to annex a piece of
-Turkish territory herself, Germany did
-not raise one finger to keep its ally from
-an amputation so painful to Turkey.
-Later on Italy took Tripoli and Turkey
-found it difficult to fully appreciate the
-fact that Germany was the only one in the
-Triple Alliance who did not take anything,
-because Turkey knew, as well as anybody
-else, what natural obstacles there were to
-such an undertaking. Where no such
-natural obstacles existed, Germany took<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>
-her part as greedily as the others; and
-in Africa she even has subjected two million
-Mohammedans to her authority, an
-authority which will not be found by those
-concerned to be less tyrannical than
-the British-Indian and North-African
-Mohammedans, according to Sultan
-Mehmed Reshâd and according to
-Becker, find the British or French administration.</p>
-
-<p>Now Becker may argue: those Mohammedans
-were already under our rule before
-our great infatuation with Turkey
-and Islâm began, and, besides, the coal-black
-Moslems do not count for much
-even in the eyes of Turks and Arabs.
-But this is not a serious answer to the
-objection, the more so since Islâm not
-only repudiates the contempt for negroes
-theoretically, but because practically all
-ways have ever been much more widely
-open to gifted negroes in Moslim than in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>
-Christian countries. To be sure, Becker
-has estimated the number of <i>oppressed</i>
-Mohammedans who must now be helped
-by Germany at only one hundred and
-fifty million; so that only Russia, England,
-and France are counted as oppressors.
-But the Sultan in his manifesto
-has mentioned the full three hundred
-million, at which the Kaiser estimated
-the adherents of Islâm, as victims to be
-set free, and has thus by mistake included
-amongst them the two million German
-subjects and the Moslims under Austrian
-and Italian rule, not to mention any
-others.</p>
-
-<p>During the Balkan War, the independence
-of Turkey was certainly no less
-seriously menaced than was now the
-case before the <i>jihâd</i>-declaration; but
-even then it received little support from
-its German friend. Grothe remarks that
-for the sake of Turkey alone it would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>
-have been difficult to stir up in Germany
-sufficient enthusiasm for a war, whereas
-now, against the rivals, England and
-Russia, it has been found so easy. Still,
-it will have to be admitted that the effect
-of Emperor William’s visits to the Sultan,
-with which according to Becker and
-Grothe, the conscious Islâm-policy of
-Germany was inaugurated, has not developed
-normally but that it has long
-remained exceedingly latent.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>All this may emphasize the somewhat
-one-sided character of Germany’s
-policy still more than the writings of
-Becker and Grothe, but it does not do
-away with the fact that under the present
-political constellation, Turkey herself may
-derive great advantage from the alliance
-with Germany. But, if now we imagine
-the future as the German writers desire
-it, the situation stripped of all accessories<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>
-appears like this: Turkey freed by Germany
-from all troublesome meddling of
-England, France, and Russia, will fall
-under German guardianship, and, though
-with careful avoidance of the name, it
-will become a <i>German protectorate</i>. Its
-army, its administration, its finances,
-everything will have to be thoroughly
-reorganized by Germany. The relation
-will be different in form only from the
-protectorate of France in Morocco and
-that of England in many a Mohammedan
-principality. In calmer times eulogies
-on the method by which the English in
-India, the French in Northern Africa,
-ruled their Mohammedans, have never
-been lacking in Germany; although criticism
-and indignation were never lacking
-either, when German interests were at
-stake. They talked of the <i>pax Britannica</i>
-and of the <i>pax Gallica</i>, which had replaced
-the former insecurity, confusion, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>
-corruption. Even England’s work in
-Egypt was appreciated, and favourable
-opinions were heard about the Islâm-policy
-of Russia in Central Asia. We
-have no reason to expect less favourable
-results of a German protectorate in Turkey;
-nay it would even be possible that
-they might avoid many mistakes of their
-predecessors and that the end might
-prove a blessing to Turkish countries.
-But the Germans would certainly find
-that the gratitude of the Turks would
-end when the absolutely unavoidable
-interference would start in earnest, even
-if the Turks did not fail to recognize the
-advantage to themselves of some of the
-reforms determined upon.</p>
-
-<p>Besides, the opinions of German experts
-about Turkey and about Islâm, especially
-about their possibilities for reorganization,
-are not, at any rate were not
-before this war, at all the same as those<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>
-which are now so warmly defended
-by Grothe and Becker. Professor Joh.
-Marquart, at present Professor in the
-University of Berlin, derides in the preface
-of his work, <i>The Benin-collection of the
-National Museum of Ethnology in Leiden</i>
-(1913), “the alleged function of Islâm as
-a bearer of culture,” and he speaks with
-biting irony of the “blessings of the <i>jihâd</i>,
-predatory murder on the path of Allah
-turned into a religious duty,” <i>i. e.</i>, that
-duty which Germany now has again
-impressed on Turkey. It was not only
-in German missionary circles that Islâm
-was considered as the enemy who was
-most of all to be fought, but in a German
-colonial congress this resolution was
-adopted: “<i>As the expansion of Islâm is
-a serious danger to the development of our
-colonies, the colonial congress suggests for
-earnest consideration</i>,” etc.</p>
-
-<p>Professor Martin Hartmann, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>
-teaches the science of Islâm at the Seminary
-for Oriental Languages in Berlin,
-and whose pen has given us a number of
-notable writings on Islâm and on Turkey,
-never tires of pointing out that the Moslims
-are kept from participating in culture
-mainly by the institutions of Islâm,
-which scorns woman and despises non-believers.<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a></p>
-
-<p>He calls the Caliphate of the Ottoman
-Sultans a usurpation which could only
-have been committed through contempt
-for the holy tradition, a “<i>means of agitation</i>,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>
-an “<i>easy way to be considered by
-the world of Islâm as a kind of fetish</i>”; he
-says that “<i>this double quality</i> [of the Sultan-Caliph]
-<i>has never been recognized by
-the civilized powers</i>” and that the honest
-abandonment of this title would rather
-strengthen Turkey than weaken her. Of
-course he also has a few things to say about
-the holy war. About this he intentionally
-put his opinion on record when the word
-<i>jihâd</i> was brought up by the Turks in
-their war with Italy over Tripoli, and he
-made use of this expression which has
-again become topical: “... <i>the threat of
-holy war, i. e., of war against all unbelievers,
-except against those who are expressly designated
-to the community by the leaders of
-Islâm as friends of Islâm. This idea is
-madness.</i>” As the seat of the agitation
-was at that time in Berlin, he adds to
-this: “<i>Let this be a warning against the
-creation of unrest by the excitation of religious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>
-fanaticism. All civilized nations will
-unanimously stand together against any such
-attempt.</i>” I could quote reams of print with
-similar contents; I content myself with one
-more: “<i>Islâm is a religion of hate and of
-war. It must not be suffered to be the ruling
-principle in a nation of the civilized world.</i>”</p>
-
-<p>I could quote at least as many utterances
-of the same author which give the
-impression that the Turks are the nation
-least fitted in all the Turkish Empire to
-do any good for the development of their
-country. Everywhere, where the Turkish
-element had obtruded itself on other
-Mohammedans at the point of the sword,
-it has “<i>destroyed cultural possessions and
-has created nothing, absolutely nothing, in
-the way of cultural values</i>.” Their religious
-conceit is even more intolerable than
-their national conceit. The Turks of
-Constantinople are “<i>an awful pack</i>”
-(“ein schauderhaftes Gesindel”) and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>
-“<i>honest Anatolian</i>” (who also appears in
-Grothe) is a product of legend. And such
-an inferior nation “<i>wants to be the ruling
-element in the great empire from Scutari and
-Prevesa to Van and Bassora</i>!”</p>
-
-<p>Professor Hartmann has an exceedingly
-lively temperament, and I would not
-dream of endorsing all his opinions or
-denying that his expressions are exaggerated.
-But in knowledge of his subject
-he stands far higher than Grothe; and
-as regards Turkey, also higher than
-Becker, together with whom he is the
-chief representative of the science of
-Islâm in Germany. Besides, Becker himself
-has formerly expressed himself about
-the Islâm question in much the same way,
-although in a more moderate form and in
-a different tone. Naturally, Becker himself
-has been the first to feel the contrast
-between his joining in the flourish with
-the words Caliph and <i>jihâd</i> in his latest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>
-writings, and the opinions expressed by
-him in former times of quiet scientific
-work. He himself repeats the concluding
-sentence of a lecture delivered by him
-in Paris in 1910: “<i>If the solidarity of Islâm
-is a phantom, the solidarity of the white
-race is a reality</i>,” but now he does so in
-order to weaken the impression of these
-words and to limit them to the Islâm of
-the negroes in Africa, who were the main
-subject of his speech. Probably none of
-the audience understood this limitation,
-as the words quoted were immediately
-preceded by these: “the fear that one
-power might unite with Islâm to thwart
-another, does not seem to me very well
-founded.” Besides Becker had formerly,
-<i>e. g.</i>, in 1904, in an article on Panislamism
-represented the panislamistic idea as
-contrary to the real interests of Turkey<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a>:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>
-“<i>The Young Turks had hoped</i> [after the
-Russo-Turkish War of 1878] <i>to put an
-end by their reforms just to that religious
-element, which made of the Sultan above
-everything else the Caliph, the protagonist
-of Islâm, and thus</i> <b>made impossible the
-normal development of the Ottoman
-Empire, which after all is mainly made
-up of Christians</b>.” And in the German
-translation<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> of the above-mentioned lecture,
-which was delivered in Paris in
-1910, the following additional passage
-occurs: “<i>The Caliphate of the Sultan of
-Constantinople was, up to the time of the
-Young-Turkish revolution, the basis of
-Turkey’s Islâm-policy. To be sure Young
-Turkey has not abandoned the claim to
-the Caliphate</i>; <b>but if she wishes at all to
-grow into a constitutional state, she will
-have to make as little use of it as possible....<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>
-A strong Turkey, it goes without
-saying, will never claim political sovereignty
-over the Islamic subjects of other
-powers....</b>”</p>
-
-<p>In his latest pamphlet, <i>Deutschland und
-der Islam</i>, Becker confesses his recent
-conversion and argues that his long-cherished
-notions were wrong. He, as
-well as Grothe, dwells at length on the two
-visits paid by Emperor William to Sultan
-Abdulhamîd (1889 and 1898), the second
-one combined with what Grothe calls
-“<i>a political pilgrimage to the Holy Land</i>.”
-The world has considered these visits,
-the first of which took place one year after
-the concession of the Anatolian railway,
-that is to say in 1889, as overgorgeous
-demonstrations of Germany’s industrial
-and commercial interest in Turkey. The
-way it was done made many, even in
-Germany, shrug their shoulders. First
-of all Abdulhamîd, the “blood-drinking”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>
-tyrant, in whose crimes the great powers
-after all shared the guilt, on account of
-what Berard, and together with him
-Hartmann, called “<i>the conspiracy of silence</i>,”
-seemed a strange object for such
-a hearty expression of friendship, which
-left behind it in Constantinople a lumbering
-commemorative fountain, which
-according to experts is an insult to good
-taste. Furthermore, the impression produced
-on the Moslim world was not at
-all such as was intended. To be sure, it
-was thought remarkable that the monarch
-of a powerful European empire
-should go twice to pay homage to the
-Sultan, the more as it was known that
-no return-visits of the Sultan followed;
-<i>the caller</i> therefore showed himself to the
-inhabitants as <i>the inferior</i>; and simple
-Mohammedan souls, who draw their
-knowledge of the world’s map and the
-world’s history more from legends than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span>
-from reality, saw in this a confirmation
-of their belief that the whole earth is
-subjected to the mightiest Moslim sovereign,
-and that all princes are his vassals,
-even if they are in parts very unruly.
-Those homages in no way contributed to
-the glory of Germany in the East, whatever
-flatterers may palm off about it on
-German travellers. The strangest impression
-of all, however, was produced on
-all those who know Islâm by the Emperor’s
-speech on his second journey
-(1898), at Damascus, at the grave of
-Saladin, on which he also deposited a
-wreath.</p>
-
-<p>Saladin (Salâh-ad-din) has become
-popular in Europe through the history
-of the Crusades and especially through
-Lessing; in the Mohammedan East his
-name has been long forgotten, except by
-the few students of history and literature.
-These know him as an unscrupulous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>
-politician, who by faithlessness and
-treason had risen to great power, and
-who is forgiven much because he was a
-strictly orthodox <i>kâfir</i>-hater; and not as
-the example of eighteenth-century tolerance
-which Lessing in his <i>Nathan der
-Weise</i> has made of him. On the grave of
-this hater of Christianity, the Emperor
-of a world-empire, which, as Becker reminds
-us, has Christianity as its state-religion,
-spoke these words: “<i>The three
-hundred million Mohammedans that are
-scattered through the world may rest assured
-that the German Emperor will eternally</i><a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a>
-<i>be their friend.</i>”</p>
-
-<p>This part of the display has made as
-little permanent impression in the Moslim
-world as Saladin himself; and German
-scientists at that time shook their heads
-when they heard of it. But now these
-words suddenly are at a premium: Grothe<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>
-and Becker give their interpretations of
-them, and the Turks have been so energetically
-reminded of them that Nazim-bey
-quoted them in his address to the
-German ambassador and that the Sultan
-by mistake borrowed from them the oftentimes
-corrected, at any rate very antiquated,
-census-figures of his manifesto.</p>
-
-<p>Till recently Becker, “through ignorance,”
-as he now avers, has “<i>considered
-this emphasizing of the Caliph-title by
-Germany as a mistake</i>”; but now, after
-Prince von Bülow’s explanations in
-<i>Deutschland unter Kaiser Wilhelm II.</i>, he
-joyfully discovers in it the first powerful
-expression of “<i>a conscious German Islâm-policy</i>”
-and the proof “<i>that German policy
-has from the first taken Islâm into account
-as an international factor</i>.” Becker’s scientific
-conscience, in this conversion and
-in his defence of the adoption of the
-Caliphate among the factors of international<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>
-politics, is not so untroubled as
-that of Grothe, who does not seem to feel
-at all the grotesqueness of this Islâm-policy.
-At any rate, Becker says that
-he does not wish to be considered as
-having expressed an opinion on the relation
-between Turkey and Germany; that
-he restricts himself to stating the fact
-that such a relation exists; that, as a
-matter of fact, millions of dissatisfied
-Mohammedan subjects of European
-nations expect their salvation from Turkey,
-and that the hour has struck for
-Germany to make use of this mood.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>Salvation from Turkey! The country
-of which Martin Hartmann quite recently
-said that “<i>the exclusion of the Islamic-Turkish
-rule from Europe is drawing
-near</i>”; and that “<i>she</i> [Turkey] <i>should
-have been already long ago threatened with
-being placed under guardianship</i>”; or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>
-again: “<i>thus will only come more quickly
-that which will have to come sometime,
-anyway: the lapsing of political power from
-the hands of dying Turkdom</i>”; from Turkey,
-which, according to Becker, must be
-re-created and under the energetic direction
-of Germany be transformed into a
-modern civilized state, a thing which a
-few years ago he declared to be feasible
-only if the Caliphate-idea were either entirely
-abandoned or emphasized as little
-as possible!</p>
-
-<p>How is it that Turkey suddenly is
-considered able to do that which until
-recently had been put aside as nonsense;
-how is it that now they recommend
-as useful to Turkey what, such a short
-time ago, was considered a source of
-certain ruin? When, in his <i>Ultimatum
-des Panislamismus</i> Hartmann scourged
-the agitators who wished to give to the
-Turkish-Italian conflict the character of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>
-a religious war, he at the same time gave
-the sharpest criticism imaginable of Germany’s
-present attempt to revive the
-dying mediæval fanaticism of the Mohammedan
-world. “<i>Turkey can only exclaim:
-Heaven protect me against my friends!</i>”—so
-he then justly said. What may not
-Turkey exclaim now that her best friend
-is exciting her to religious war, and presently
-turns over to her the Mohammedan
-prisoners who fought against Germany,
-in order to submit them to a politico-religious
-conversion cure?</p>
-
-<p>We can only attribute all this to the
-lamentable upsetting of the balance, even
-in the intellectual atmosphere, of what
-we used to call the civilized world. For
-in normal times we know that the Germans
-are far too sensible and logical to
-digest the enormous nonsense that a
-thing which in general would be considered
-as a shame for mankind and a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>
-catastrophe for Turkey can become good
-and commendable as soon as Germany
-places herself behind or beside the Crescent.
-We do not know what will be the
-issue of many of the present terrible
-happenings; but this, I think, I may
-already now foretell with certainty, that
-within a not very long time a number of
-German writings will testify that also in
-Germany indignation has been aroused
-by the despicable game that is being
-played with the Caliphate and the holy
-war.</p>
-
-<p>It would be risky, now that the facts
-will so speedily speak their incontrovertible
-language, to try to foretell in how
-far the attempt to light the blaze of a
-Mohammedan religious war on a large
-scale, and thereby to cause endless confusion
-in international relations, has a
-chance to succeed. Hartmann formerly
-denied the possibility with full conviction:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>
-“... <i>as soon</i>,” said he, “<i>as the representatives
-of the various Islamic groups confer
-together about common measures, the enormous
-differences in ethnical, economic,
-and intellectual tendencies among the two
-hundred million Mohammedans show
-themselves!</i>” Becker, who formerly called
-“<i>the solidarity of Islâm a phantom</i>,” says
-now: “<i>The great war which reveals and
-decides so much, will also bring the proof
-as to whether the often-discussed international
-solidarity of Islâm is a real
-factor or a delusion.</i>”</p>
-
-<p>It is certain that if Germany persists
-in her present “Islâm-policy” there will
-be no lack of all sorts of measures destined
-to put before the Mohammedan public
-the history of the origins of that policy
-and the new relation of vassal in which
-the re-created Sultan-Caliph finds himself
-with regard to Germany. But against
-a Commander of the Faithful, himself<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>
-under an unbelieving Commander, even
-Mohammedans of the old stamp, who
-otherwise might have been duped by the
-comedy, will have serious objections.
-The main basis of the claim of the Ottoman
-sultans was <i>their</i> sword; not a sword
-that would be drawn and sheathed at the
-order of an unbelieving “ally.”</p>
-
-<p>Fortunately, we need not worry with regard
-to our Dutch-Indian Mohammedan
-population. They adopted Islâm when
-the Turkish Empire had already come
-into existence, but without Turkey’s noticing
-it; and they have never had any
-contact with the Crescent. The Sultan
-of Rûm, as they call the Great Lord of
-Constantinople, has remained a legendary
-creature for them. To be sure, the panislamistic
-idea has penetrated into the
-East-Indian Archipelago, but it has found
-little favourable ground. The large mass
-of the lower classes remains untouched,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>
-and the majority of the higher classes is
-entirely immune against this politico-religious
-mixture of deceit and nonsense.
-And we have good reason to believe that
-this immunity will constantly spread.
-For if Germany has quite recently inaugurated
-her “<i>conscious Islâm-policy</i>” with
-the above-described displays, we have
-already had for a few years longer our
-conscious <i>educational policy</i> towards the
-native population which history has entrusted
-to our care; and against that,
-Caliphate and holy war and other mediæval
-iniquities are fortunately powerless.
-If we only unshakably adhere to our
-centuries-old guarantee of complete religious
-liberty for our Mohammedans, and
-at the same time continue to pursue our
-educational policy at a constantly increased
-pace, we shall never have to fear
-the peculiar sort of “intellectual weapons”
-which now for the first time are put into<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span>
-circulation with the trade-mark “made
-in Germany.” Still, we keep hoping
-in the interest of humanity that Germany
-will before long withdraw the new product
-from the market.</p>
-
-<hr class="tb">
-
-<p>The holy war of Islâm is, as we have
-remarked several times, a thoroughly
-mediæval institution, which even the
-Mohammedan world was outgrowing.
-One of the peculiarities of this institution
-we may sincerely admire: holy war against
-co-members of the Mohammedan community
-is absolutely excluded by the law
-of Islâm. The restriction of the community
-to Mohammedans, to those who
-profess the same dogma about what is
-beyond this life, is mediæval; but the
-consideration of strife within the sphere
-of the community as impious, provides
-an excellent foundation for the highest social
-civilization and is rather humiliating<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span>
-for the modern world. Let us hear what
-Martin Hartmann in his excited tone
-writes about it: “<i>In contrast to Islâm,
-where war is on principle limited to war
-against those of different belief as being
-‘unbelievers,’ nobody in the Christian
-world takes exception to war against adherents
-of the same faith, and here the
-servants of the church of Love are not infrequently
-the most zealous in the urging, that
-is, in denying the Gospel; they provide to
-order the patriotic gesture, which in this
-case represents a violation of the fifth commandment,
-not to mention that other commandment:
-Thou shalt love thy neighbour
-as thyself.</i>”</p>
-
-<p>Indeed, in Islâm it is only necessary to
-remove the mediæval restriction of the
-right to complete political existence,
-which was limited to members of the same
-community, and to expand the idea of the
-community to one embracing the whole<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span>
-world, in order to assure absolute world-peace,
-an absolute command of the divine
-law. To modern states which have
-Mohammedans as subjects, protégés, or
-allies, the beautiful task is reserved of
-educating these and themselves at the
-same time to this high conception of
-human society; rather than leading them
-back, for their own selfish interests, into
-the ways of mediæval religious hatred
-which they were just about to leave.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="ph1">FOOTNOTES:</p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> “Eenige Arabische strydschriften besproken,” <i>Tydschrift
-van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten
-en Wetenschappen</i>, vol. xxxix., pp. 379-427.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> My experiences at that time I reported in the February
-issue of <i>De Gids</i>, 1909.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> On his journeys Grothe, being a German, was continually
-referred to by Turks as “our friend,” which he
-translates by <i>bizim dost</i> instead of <i>dostomuz</i>, and his Turkish
-translation for “a German” is always <i>Alemanly</i> instead
-of <i>Alman</i> or <i>Almanjaly</i>.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> This computation is taken from the speech delivered
-by the German Emperor in 1898 by the grave of Saladin;
-the population then appears not to have increased in the
-last sixteen years.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> In order to fully appreciate the unctuously-fanatical
-<i>fetwa</i> and proclamation, one has to bear in mind that the
-real authors of both documents, Enver, Taläat, <i>et al.</i>, are
-practically free-thinkers.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> It is one of a long series of “Political Pamphlets”—<i>Politische
-Flugschriften</i>—edited by Ernst Jäckh, and
-which numbers among its contributors Prince von Bülow
-(again) and other celebrities. Further, Becker published
-in the collection of <i>Bonner Vaterländische Reden und Vorträge
-während des Krieges</i> a lecture on “Deutsch-Türkische
-Interessengemeinschaft” (Community of Interests between
-Germany and Turkey); in the <i>Süddeutsche Monatshefte</i>
-an article “England und Egypten,” and in <i>Das Grössere
-Deutschland</i> an article “England und der Islam.”</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> The following is a short anthology of titles from M.
-Hartmann’s writings of most recent years: “Der Islam,
-1908,” in <i>Mitteilungen des Seminars für Orient. Spr. in
-Berlin</i>, Jahrg. xii., Abt. ii., 1909; <i>Die Arabische Frage</i>,
-Leipzig, 1909; <i>Der Islam</i>, Leipzig, 1909; “Die neuere
-Literatur zum Türkischen Problem” (Recent Publications
-on the Turkish Question), in <i>Zeitschrift für Politik</i>, 1909;
-<i>Unpolitische Briefe aus der Türkei</i>, Leipzig, 1910 (Non-political
-Letters from Turkey); <i>Islam, Mission und Politik</i>,
-Leipzig, 1912; <i>Fünf Vorträge über den Islam</i>, Leipzig, 1912
-(Five Lectures on Islâm); “Das Ultimatum des Panislamismus”
-(on the holy war against Italy), in <i>Das Freie Wort</i>,
-Jahrg. xi., No. 16; “Mission und Kolonialpolitik,” in
-<i>Koloniale Rundschau</i>, Heft 3, März, 1911.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> “Panislamismus,” <i>Archiv für Religionswissenschaft</i>,
-Bd. vii., 1904.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> “Der Islam und die Kolonisierung Afrika’s,” in <i>Internat.
-Wochenschrift für Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik</i>,
-19 Febr., 1910.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> An attribute well suited indeed to political friendship!</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop">
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<div class="transnote">
-<p class="ph1">TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:</p>
-
-<p>Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.</p>
-
-<p>Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized.</p>
-
-<p>Archaic or variant spelling has been retained.</p>
-</div></div>
-<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE HOLY WAR ***</div>
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