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diff --git a/old/69321-0.txt b/old/69321-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 9008818..0000000 --- a/old/69321-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,4055 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Historical sketches of Old Charing. -The hospital and chapel of Saint Mary Roncevall. Eleanor of Castile, -Queen of England, and the monuments erected in her memory., by James -Galloway - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Historical sketches of Old Charing. The hospital and chapel of - Saint Mary Roncevall. Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England, and - the monuments erected in her memory. - -Author: James Galloway - -Release Date: November 9, 2022 [eBook #69321] - -Language: English - -Produced by: MWS, Barry Abrahamsen, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF OLD -CHARING. THE HOSPITAL AND CHAPEL OF SAINT MARY RONCEVALL. ELEANOR OF -CASTILE, QUEEN OF ENGLAND, AND THE MONUMENTS ERECTED IN HER -MEMORY. *** - - - - - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 1. - Charing Cross and the Chapel of St. Mary Roncevall in - the early part of the sixteenth century. (After Van den Wyngaerde.) -] - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF OLD CHARING - - - - - The Hospital and Chapel of Saint - Mary Roncevall - - - - - Eleanor of Castile, Queen of England - - AND THE - - Monuments Erected in Her Memory - - - - BY - - JAMES GALLOWAY, - - A.M., M.D. - - _Senior Physician, and a Vice-President, Charing Cross Hospital_. - - - - LONDON - JOHN BALE, SONS & DANIELSSON, LTD. - OXFORD HOUSE - 83-91, GREAT TITCHFIELD STREET, OXFORD STREET, W. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - PREFACE. - - ------- - -These Studies in the history of Old London were written at the request -of Students of Charing Cross Hospital, and were first published in their -Gazette. The rough outlines, marks of which may be easily discerned, -were formed by the notes for Lectures delivered to the Students and -Nursing Staff of the Hospital on various occasions. It is hoped that in -the present form these Studies may continue to be of interest to friends -of Charing Cross Hospital, and perhaps also to the large and increasing -number of Students of the history of London. - -London, - - Easter, 1914. - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - THE HOSPITAL AND CHAPEL OF - SAINT MARY RONCEVALL - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - THE HOSPITAL AND CHAPEL OF - - SAINT MARY RONCEVALL - - AT CHARING CROSS. - - - ------- - - - “En Rencesvals si est Carles entrez; - * * * - Rollanz remeint pur les altres guarder. - * * * - Halt sunt li pui e tenebrus e grant, - Li val parfunt e les ewes curranz. - * * * - Li gentilz quens, qu’il fut morz cunquerant.” - - “La Chanson de Roland,” édition, Léon Gautier. - - -THE fact that the conventual Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall was founded -at the village of Charing in the time of Henry III, and that it -continued to exist till the dissolution of the religious houses by Henry -VIII, is well known to students of the history of London; but, so far as -the writer is aware, no definite attempt had been made to collect the -remaining records of this interesting medical foundation before 1907, -when the story of the Convent and its Hospital was published -privately.[1] Nevertheless, the influence of the Convent and the -Hospital which it established was considerable during the three -centuries of their existence in England. The name which the Convent in -London received from the Mother House served to revive the memories of -perilous journeys and of timely succour in the minds of many who had -travelled abroad in France and Spain engaged either in warlike or -peaceful affairs, the name of Roncevall in many forms came to be used as -a family designation in various parts of England;[2] and Chaucer refers -to the existence of the Convent in a way that shows that the reference -required no explanation to his readers. After the dissolution of the -alien priories the fraternity owed its continued existence to the -recognition of the charitable assistance it rendered to “the poor people -flocking to the Hospital.” - -Footnote 1: - - Galloway, James, “The Story of Saint Mary Roncevall,” private - publication; and _Charing Cross Hosp. Gaz._, 1907, ix, p. 43. Cf. - references by Dugdale, “Monasticon Anglicanum,” ed. 1830; Newcourt, - “Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londinense,” 1708; Tanner, - “Notitia Monastica,” 1744; also by Stow and later writers on London. - -Footnote 2: - - The records of the painful dispute between the Abbot of Rewley and - John Ronceval and his associates, John, Thomas, and Walter Rounceval - may be yet read with interest.—Calend. Pat. Rolls. 16 Ed. II and 14 - Ed. III. (1323-41.) - -This attempt to fill up a gap in the history of London hospitals may be -of some service to the students of the history of medicine, and of -interest to the larger number who are unwilling to forget the stories of -Old London. - - - RONCESVALLES. - -There are few places so renowned in the early literature of the Romance -languages as the pass through the Western Pyrenees, at the southern -extremity of which lies the village of Roncesvalles. The Song of Roland -handed down the memories of Roncesvalles from the early Middle Ages; but -this famous poem (dating in its present form from the latter part of the -eleventh century) must be regarded only as the final and successful -effort to collect the traditions which form the foundations of French -and Spanish history. The traditions find their earliest record in the -legends and “chansons de geste,” which, in the first instance, served to -commemorate the successful rising of the people of Spain to expel an -invader, Charlemagne, the Emperor of the North. The rearguard of his -retreating host, consisting chiefly of Frankish subjects of the Emperor -under the leadership of the Count Roland, Captain-General of the Breton -March, the Emperor’s nephew, was overwhelmed and annihilated, while -traversing the Pass on their retreat from Spain in the year 778. The -ancient history of Eginhard, telling of the Spaniards, says very -suggestively “usque ad unum omnes interficiunt ac ... summa cum -celeritate in diversa disperguntur.” Even “li gentilz quens” did not -escape the massacre. The Chanson de Roland gives the French version of -this tradition, which was accepted by the Normans in England; the -Spanish legend of the hero Bernardo del Carpio gives, as it is to be -expected, a very different account of the overthrow of the Emperor. - -In the course of the succeeding centuries the Pass of Roncesvalles -occupies on more than one occasion a prominent place in British history. -One of the most picturesque passages in Froissart tells how the army of -Edward the Black Prince traversed the Pass in the ill-omened invasion of -Spain that led to his fatal illness. His remarkable victory at Navarrete -scarcely relieves the gloomy record of this adventure. Little more than -one hundred years have elapsed since Roncesvalles and the neighbouring -defiles once more saw the advance of war-worn British soldiery. In the -defence of these passes against the advance of the French under Soult, -so nearly successful in overwhelming Wellington’s right flank, and in -the subsequent pursuit of the retreating French armies, some of the most -remarkable of the feats of arms which distinguished the Peninsular War -took place. British military history contains few more stirring episodes -than the combats between the French and the allied troops in the Passes -of Maya and Roncesvalles. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 2. - _Stanfords Geog^. Estab^. London._ - A chart of the Western Pyrenees, showing the roads through the passes - and the position of Roncesvalles and Ibañeta. -] - -The memories of Roncesvalles, therefore, are in no danger of being -forgotten, but it has passed from knowledge that for a period of more -than three hundred years the name of Roncesvalles was more familiar to -the citizens of Westminster and London than to the dwellers in Pamplona -and Bayonne. How it came about that an important religious house -dedicated to Our Lady of Roncesvalles should have been established at -Charing will best be understood if we consider the nature of the -activities of the ancient Monastery in the Pass of Roncesvalles, the -numbers of those on whom it conferred benefits, and the character of its -benefactors in England. - - - THE CONVENT OF ST. MARY RONCESVALLES IN NAVARRE. - -From very early Christian times a religious house, no doubt very small -in its beginnings, was situated near the top of the pass through which -runs the ancient road over the Pyrenees leading from Pamplona in -Navarre, through the mountains by St. Jean Pied-de-Port, to Bayonne and -Bordeaux. The religious community at this place received its most -important support from Charlemagne himself, when he established a -religious house intended to be a memorial of Roland and his comrades in -arms. The original Convent of Charlemagne’s foundation was situated -close to the village of Ibañeta, near the summit of the Pass and the -site of the great battle. Of this house only insignificant and deserted -ruins remain. After a destructive raid by the Moors under Abderramen, -Caliph of Cordova, in 921, the community removed to the present site of -the Monastery in the village of Roncesvalles, two or three kilometres -farther south. The removal of the Convent to this site is said to have -been determined by various miraculous signs, among others by the -discovery of an image of the Holy Virgin, and it was clearly to the -advantage of the community that its permanent settlement should be in -the comparatively sheltered southern approaches of the Pass rather than -on the exposed summit. - -The Order of Roncesvalles thus became established on a firmer basis, and -at first had distinct military as well as religious purposes. The -members of the community consisted of knights and companions, as well as -the brothers and sisters, who all bore the badge of the Order. The -duties which they had to fulfil were military, for the Knights of -Roncesvalles were in frequent conflict with the Moors, and religious, -for not only did the brethren serve their Church, but one of the -earliest and most important duties of the community was to establish a -hospital in the Pass for wayfarers in this wild region. - -In the course of time the members of this military-religious community -received the Augustinian Rule, but they retained much of their -independence, the memories of their original order, and especially held -to the traditions of hospitality and charitable succour to pilgrims and -to those in distress. The Convent and its Hospital gradually acquired -wide renown on account of the good works carried on by the Canons. Their -house was on the main road between France and Spain. The military -expeditions so frequently traversing the frontiers marched along the -highway passing its doors, pilgrims visiting the shrine of St. James at -Compostella must have halted there on their way to and from the south, -and the road through the Pass was the chief highway for peaceful -travellers of every kind. The community, therefore, increased in -importance and in wealth by gifts from princes, nobles, knights, and the -common folk, and came to possess property not only in Spain, but also in -Portugal, Italy and in France, and, as the records show, in England and -Wales, in Ireland, and in Scotland. It is stated that at the height of -its prosperity the Convent distributed annually from 25,000 to 30,000 -rations, each consisting of a loaf of 16 oz., half a pint of wine, with -sufficient soup and meat, or fish on days of fast. Those who were infirm -had chicken broth and mutton. The Hospital had a staff consisting of the -physicians, with whom were associated surgeons and an apothecary, and -one of the distinguishing features of the Order at a very early period -was that it included sisters. In the case of patients dying while in -hospital, free interment was given after the celebration of masses in -due form. It is expressly stated that the daughter house in England, -with its possessions in that country, in Ireland, and in Scotland, -remitted annually the sum of 4,000 ducats for the support of the Mother -House at Roncesvalles.[3] - -Footnote 3: - - Cf. Reseña histórica de la Real Casa de nuestra Señora de - Roncesvalles; por D. Hilario Sarasa, Pamplona, 1878; a review was - published by Wentworth Webster in the “Academy,” 1879, xvi, p. 135-6. - -During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the community of -Roncesvalles fell on evil days. The march of events deprived them of -their property abroad, while laxity in the observance of their Rule and -the continually disturbed state of the Franco-Spanish frontier brought -about the loss of the greater part of their accumulated possessions and -wealth. Unfortunately the ancient records of the Monastery have nearly -all been destroyed; but there remains in the library an unpublished -manuscript giving the history of the Order and the Convent, written by -Don Juan Huarte, about the middle of the seventeenth century, which -incorporates information received from a certain Don Francisco -Olastro[4] (who is stated to have been an ambassador from England in -Madrid) respecting the history of their daughter house in London. But -even at the time when this document was written, many statements it -contains appear to have acquired the characteristics of tradition and -can be accepted only after careful collation and criticism. We have, -therefore, to depend almost entirely on the English records for the -history of the House of Roncesvalles in London. - -Footnote 4: - - ? Francis Oliver. - - - THE CONVENT OF SAINT MARY RONCEVALL AT CHARING. - -To understand how it was possible that a religious house in the Pyrenees -could hold possessions scattered throughout so many different lands, it -must be clearly borne in mind that in the Middle Ages the rule exercised -by the Church took very little cognizance of State limits. The -ecclesiastical power was much stronger than the national influences of -the time, and the Church drew its revenues from all Christian countries, -quite irrespective of political boundaries. At the time when the House -of Roncesvalles at Charing was founded, the overlordship of the Pope had -been felt in England and in France in a very real manner. In addition to -this ecclesiastical bond, the political relationships between England, -France and Northern Spain were of the most intimate character, so that -the all-pervading power of the Church could be exercised with the -greater ease in these countries. During the period of the Norman, and -even more so during the Angevin dynasty, the English barons experienced -the greatest difficulty in detaching themselves from the influences -exerted on them by their foreign relationships, even if they had the -desire to do so. In many cases they seem to have frankly regarded their -insular possessions as sources of revenue and power to be made use of in -order to promote their Continental interests. In this respect they -followed the example set in such unmistakable fashion by kings such as -Richard and John. The Church acted in the same manner, and many foreign -convents were able, by their powerful influence, to obtain possession -of, and to exploit, the rich lands of England for their own support. It -was not until the close of the reign of John and during the reign of -Henry III that the separate destinies of England and France became -apparent to the more sagacious of the English statesmen of that period. -It is very instructive, therefore, to note as evidence of the -complicated and distracting political and social influences still felt -by the English magnates, that the noble family which perhaps most of all -by its example and advice sought to uphold the political independence of -England as apart from France, was nevertheless impelled to become one of -the great benefactors of a foreign religious house. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 3. FIG. 4. - Figs. 3 and 4.—Front and profile views of the effigy in the Temple - Church of William Marshall, sen., Earl of Pembroke (_ob._ 1219). -] - - - WILLIAM MARSHALL, EARL OF PEMBROKE (1219-31), FOUNDER OF ST. MARY - RONCEVALL. - -The House of Roncesvalles appears to have owed most of its property in -England and in Ireland to the liberality of William Marshall, Earl of -Pembroke, the eldest son of the great William Marshall—_Rector regis et -regni_—the Protector of the King and his kingdom after the death of -John. The elder Marshall stands out in conspicuous fashion as the most -steadfast of all the advisers of the king during the dark period -coinciding with the reigns of Richard I and John. His early years were -passed in France, acquiring skill in the martial exercises commonly -practised by the young nobles of the day, and his courage and -proficiency in arms were such that he had early acquired the reputation -of being one of the most redoubtable knights in Christendom. If no other -evidence remained of his prowess, the historic passage of arms against -Richard Cœur de Lion while still Count of Poitiers will be sufficient -proof.[5] On this occasion he overthrew Richard and held him at his -mercy, preventing the mad attack on his father, and probably saved the -Prince from the fate of being a parricide. In addition to his skill in -the use of arms, he gradually built up for himself a reputation for -prudence, sagacity and loyalty, so that while still a young man he was -entrusted with the guardianship of the young Henry, son of Henry II, and -in the succeeding reigns occupied the most prominent positions under the -English Crown, trusted by the barons and even by John. The testimony of -the French King Philip Augustus, when informed of the death of William -Marshall, as to his reputation for loyalty and honour remains on record: -“Et, en vérité le Maréchal fut l’homme le plus loyal que j’aie jamais -connu.”[6] - -Footnote 5: - - “Al conte Richard ki veneit. - E quant li quens le vit venir - Si s’escria par grant haïr: - ‘Par les gambes Dieu! Maréchal - Ne m’ociez; ce sereit mal. - Ge sui toz desarmes issi.’ - Et li Maréchal respondi: - ‘Nenil! diables vos ocie! - Cor jo ne vos ocirai mie.’” - - —“L’Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal,” 8836-8844; publié pour la - Société de l’Histoire de France par Paul Meyer. - -Footnote 6: - - “Dist li reis ‘mes li Maréchal Fu, al mien dit, li plus leials, Veir, - que jeo unques coneusse En nul liu ou je unques fusse.” - - —“L’Histoire de Guillaume le Maréchal,” 19149-19152. - -During the many years of William Marshall’s residence abroad he -travelled widely throughout France and no doubt in Northern Spain. It is -well known that he went on pilgrimage to the Holy Sepulchre in -fulfilment of a promise given to the young Henry on his deathbed. -Marshall must have been very familiar with the reputation of the -Monastery at Roncesvalles. There can be little doubt that he had passed -it on his journeyings; the military-religious character of its Rule -would have appealed to him, and he may even have rested in the House of -the Convent. His piety is evidenced by the fact that he became closely -associated with the Order of the Knights Templars, was one of their -great benefactors in England, and at his death received sepulture in -their church, then newly built in London. - -The elder Marshall died in the year 1219, and was succeeded by his -eldest son, also called William, who then became possessed of one of the -most extensive heritages in England, for the English and Welsh lands of -the Clares, Earls of Pembroke, and in addition their great Irish -inheritance in Leinster, had come into the possession of the Marshall -family. - -What we know of the son shows him to have been a man of much the same -type as his father—probably not so rugged, but with the same steadfast -ideals of loyal conduct. It is evident that his character was as -strongly tinctured with religious feeling as was that of his father. He -also was an Associate of the Order of the Knights Templars, and was one -of their principal supporters after their removal to the “New Temple,” -where the “Temple” Church still stands. His admiration for his father is -clearly shown by the priceless biography of the elder William which we -still possess. This poem is known as “L’Histoire de Guillaume le -Maréchal” and is evidently the work of a professional writer of the -period, but it was composed under the direction of the son of the great -Marshall with the assistance of Jean d’Erleé,[7] his father’s old -companion and faithful squire. - -Footnote 7: - - Erlée; Earley (Erleia, Erlegh, &c.), near Reading. - -[Illustration: - - FIGS. 5, 6, and 7.—Front and profile views of the effigy in the - Temple Church of William Marshall, jun., Earl of Pembroke (_ob._ - 1231). -] - -During the lifetime of William Marshall and his son, and for long before -and after, the high road through the Pass of Roncesvalles was much -frequented. It was the main line of communication by land between France -and Spain on the western frontier, and was used both by peaceful -travellers and by the numerous military expeditions passing from one -country to the other. These expeditions resulted not only from the -constant warfare of the border but were also organized by Crusaders on -their way to help the Spaniard against the Moor, frequently with the -purpose of travelling farther to the Holy Land. At this time also the -relationships formed by Henry II and his sons with the Courts of the new -kingdoms in the north of Spain, which were beginning to arise as the -tide of Moorish invasion receded, were of the most intimate character. -It will be remembered that Richard, when King of England, married -Berengaria, daughter of Sancho VI of Navarre, after a very troublesome -wooing, and that the younger Sancho took the part of Richard while the -latter was on crusade against their common enemies in the South of -France. The relationship between the Courts of Aragon and Castile and -the Angevin Kings was no less intimate. William Marshall and his eldest -son were in the closest association with the Royal House. They both -travelled far and wide over France and Northern Spain, so that the -Angevin dominions in Aquitaine and the neighbouring kingdom of Navarre -must at one time have been as well known to the Marshall family as their -home in England. - -Another reason which brought many travellers along the road through -Roncesvalles was the attraction of the Shrine of St. James at -Compostella. The pilgrimage to Compostella was undertaken by knights and -their squires as the result of vows made on the field of battle, and was -famed for its efficacy among all engaged in military affairs. But the -pilgrimage even to armed bands was a dangerous one on account of the -disturbed state of the frontier. An interesting example of this is -presented in the relationships between Richard and his neighbour the -Count of Toulouse. The ostensible cause for Richard’s warfare against -the Count of Toulouse was the inveterate inclination of the latter to -acts of brigandage. When war was declared the Count of Toulouse had -actually captured and ill-treated two English knights named Robert le -Poer and Ralph Fraser, on their return from a pilgrimage to Compostella. -The reputation of the Hospital of St. Mary in the Pass of Roncesvalles -and of the Convent which supported the Hospital was known to every -traveller—peaceful or warlike—in Western Europe, and would certainly -have appealed to the benevolence of such a man as the younger William -Marshall. The probability is that both father and son had stronger -motives for giving alms to the Community—the result of benefits received -from the Convent and Hospital during their journeys between France and -Spain. - - - THE COMING OF THE BRETHREN TO ENGLAND (1229) AND THE FOUNDATION OF THE - CONVENT AT CHARING. - -The first knowledge we have of the presence in England of members of the -Community of Roncesvalles is obtained from the letters of protection -given to certain brethren by Henry III, in the year 1229. These letters -were of the usual complete character, and it is clear that the intention -of the deputation from Roncesvalles was to seek alms in England for the -support of their House in the remote valley in the Pyrenees. This -purpose was definitely encouraged by a special clause in the letters of -protection. - -The brethren seem to have been taken under the patronage of the younger -William Marshall from the beginning. They may even have come to England -on his invitation, for we find that he soon commenced to make -arrangements to give them revenues and an establishment in this country. -Very unfortunately for the Convent, the Earl died in the year 1231, soon -after his return to England from Henry’s disastrous campaign in Poitou -and Brittany, where he had held the chief command. But the record of his -great gift remains, for on August 11, 1232, Henry confirmed at Wenlock -“the grant to Saint Mary and the Hospital at Roncevaux (_Roscida -Vallis_) of the gift which William Marshall, sometime Earl of Pembroke, -made to them of all his houses at Cherring, and the houses and -curtilages adjoining them formerly belonging to William Briwere, and of -100_s._ at Suthanton payable from the houses of the said Earl there, of -13_l._ of land in Netherwent in the moor of Magor, and of a carucate of -land in Assandon, which he bought from Robert de Rochford.” - -It was thus in consequence of the munificence of William Marshall the -younger that the brethren of Roncesvalles obtained the land on the banks -of the Thames at Charing where they subsequently built their conventual -dwelling, their Hospital for the sick, and the Chapel by the riverside, -which were to remain an important feature of London for over three -hundred years. - - - SAINT MARY RONCEVALL TO THE YEAR 1348. - -The records of this alien settlement for many years consist mainly of -statements of the gifts received from various important persons. The -community seems to have flourished, and their work, both in London and -in the Pyrenees, continued to deserve the sympathy and support of their -pious benefactors. There is evidence that they possessed property in -Norwich, Canterbury, Oxford, Pevensey, Southampton, and elsewhere, and -that they received certain revenues from Ireland and from Scotland. It -is easy to understand that their Irish revenues may have been -considerable on account of the great estates possessed by the Marshall -family in Leinster. It is clear also that the Convent had the advantage -of royal favour and patronage, for the English records contain several -confirmations of valuable gifts from both Henry III and Edward I, -derived from royal property situated in the South of France, to the -mother house in the Pyrenees. One of the most interesting of these gifts -is the rent to be derived for the benefit of the Convent from the King’s -lands in the town of Myramand, previously granted to Eleanor, the Queen -Mother. This grant is specially mentioned in the same document as -another endowment derived from the same source to be paid to the Abbey -of Fontevraud. This benefaction to the House of Roncesvalles gives the -measure of respect in which it was held, for an English king who placed -the house of Roncesvalles in the same category as the Abbey of -Fontevraud as worthy of support must have felt the claims of the Convent -in the Pyrenees in the strongest possible way. Edward’s Angevin -ancestors had been buried in the Church of Fontevraud for generations, -and there was no ecclesiastical foundation possessing a greater claim on -the munificence of the Angevin family than this Abbey. - -The little that is known of the domestic progress of the House at -Charing, in addition to such general indications as are given of its -financial condition, concerns the appointment of certain officials. In -the year 1278, and again in 1280, a certain Henry, son of William of -Smalebrook, was appointed as his attorney for two years on each occasion -by the Prior of the Hospital of Roncesvalles. The inference to be -derived from this is that the weakness inherent in all the alien houses -had already begun to show itself in the community at Charing. The -management of the estates in England was entrusted to agents in this -country, with the consequence that maladministration of their affairs -was very apt to take place, and, as a result, opportunities frequently -arose for the interference of neighbouring magnates or of the King -himself with the affairs of the alien religious houses. - -Complications of this nature must have taken place about this time at -the House at Charing. In the year 1283 a certain Brother Lupus appears -upon the scene for the first time. His position in England seems to have -been that of envoy coming from the Pope, but in the same record he is -described as a priest, envoy and preceptor of the Houses in England and -Ireland of the Prior and Convent of the Hospital of St. Mary -Roncesvalles, and he no doubt had instructions to supervise the -management of their estates. The arrival of Brother Lupus, “streight -comen fro the court of Rome,” with indulgences for the remission of -sins, is an interesting proof that even so early as the year 1283 the -sale of indulgences was one of the special functions of the brethren of -Roncesvalles, and was no doubt a source of considerable income to the -Priory[8]. Chaucer, writing a hundred years later, alludes, in his -characteristic ironical manner, to this side of the activities of the -Canons of Roncesvalles;[9] and even so late as the year 1432, when the -House in London had come under the influence of the English clergy, a -special effort was made to preserve this source of profit. - -Footnote 8: - - An instructive example is afforded by the exploits of Ralph de - “Runcevill,” who is stigmatized as a vagabond monk, but who was - nevertheless strong enough to retain possession of the Priory of - Goldcliff in the Marches of Wales (near Newport, Monmouthshire) in - spite of the efforts of his superior, the Abbot of the very important - Convent of Bec-Hellouin, in Normandy, of which the House at Goldcliff - was a “Cell,” “Calend. Pat. Rolls,” 12-14, Ed. II, (1319-1321). - -Footnote 9: - - “A Somner was ther with us in that place, - That had a fyr-reed cherubinnes face.” - * * * * - “With him ther rood a gentil Pardoner - Of Rouncival, his freend and his compeer, - That streight was comen fro the court of Rome. - Ful loude he song ‘Com hider, love, to me.’ - This somnour bar to him a stiff burdoun, - Was never trompe of half so greet a soun.” - - —The Prologue to the “Canterbury Tales” (Dr. Skeat’s edition). - -The year 1290 must have been notable in the annals of the Hospital, for -in that year died Eleanor of Castile, the wife of Edward I, at Harby, -near Lincoln, and the King in pious memory built a sculptured cross at -every place where the body of his consort rested during the funeral -procession to Westminster. The last station in this progress was at the -village of Charing. The hospitality of the brethren must have been taxed -to the utmost to provide accommodation for the retinue accompanying the -King, even if supplemented by the exertions of the neighbouring -hermitage of St. Catherine. The cross at Charing was completed in the -year 1294, and the brethren no doubt at this time had many opportunities -of conversing with the artists and handicraftsmen who formed the very -flourishing and remarkable school of art at Westminster, and who were so -enthusiastically encouraged both by Henry III and his son Edward. It is -quite possible that the Chapel of the Convent may have benefited by the -advice, or even by the workmanship of Alexander “the Imaginator,” of -Abingdon, and William de Ireland, whose artistic handiwork formed so -prominent a feature of the Eleanor Crosses. - -The next records show that officials with foreign names are in charge of -the estate of Roncesvalles in England. In 1292 William de Cestre and -Peter Arnaldi de Santo Michaele are nominated attorneys for five years -for the Prior then staying beyond seas, and again, the following year, -we find Lupus de Canone concerned in the management of the Roncesvalles -property, having a lay person, Arnaldus de Sancto Johanne, associated -with him. - -Evidence of the vigour displayed by Brother Lupus in his administration -of the affairs of the Convent occurs in an entry in the statement of -accounts drawn up by the Executors of Queen Eleanor. It gives the -information that the Executors paid the comparatively large sum of -14_l._ 2_s._ to Brother Lupus, Procurator of the Hospital of -Roncesvalles, as damages claimed by the brethren on account of their -houses at Southampton. This payment was made in the year 1291, and not -only indicates that the estate of Roncesvalles in England was being -watchfully managed, but also gives us the information that the Convent -still possessed the property at Southampton, originally conveyed to them -in the foundation-gift of William Marshall. - -The brethren of St. Mary of Roncesvalles at Charing did not fail to -defend their rights when unjust inroads were made on their property. -There are indications that efforts, stimulated no doubt by the Mother -House, were made after periods of lax management—numerous in the -troubled times that followed—to repossess themselves of the rents and -property seized by powerful neighbours. These efforts were in many cases -successful, partly by the good will of charitably disposed persons, -partly by the influence of the Crown, but mainly by the sturdy support -of the rights of their House before the King’s Court. - -In the year 1294, the Prior of the Hospital claimed, by writ of entry, -one toft with appurtenances in Westminster from Adam, son of Walter the -Scot. It was admitted that the toft and tenements had been held fifteen -years previously by the Prior, who had lost them by default, as he did -not appear before the Court when the ownership of the property was in -question. The Convent made good its claim, though it seems that Adam was -quite willing to restore the property to the Convent, but a special -inquiry had to be made to show that there was no collusion in permitting -this property to pass in mortmain to the religious house. It is of -interest to note that the Prior, Garcia de Ochoa, died in November, -1278, and was succeeded by the Prior Juan. In the year 1279, when this -property passed by default, difficulties may have arisen on account of -an interregnum at Roncesvalles. - -To this period an incident should probably be referred to which -attention is drawn in an undated petition from the Prior, requesting -that property lying before the Cross at Charing, to the extent of 3 -acres, and certain rents, should be restored. This property had been -held for a period of ten years by a certain John of Lincoln, Burgess of -London, and on his death had passed into the hands of the King on -account of default on the part of the Attorney of the Prior and Convent. -This petition quaintly recites as part of the evidence that the property -belonged to the Convent, that the fact was a matter of common knowledge, -“come les gentz dil pais le sauont bien et toute la veisinetee.” The -little incident has a strong resemblance to other successful claims for -their lost lands made under the stimulating influence of Brother Lupus. - -During the troubled times when England was engaged in Continental wars, -soon to become almost continuous, communication between Gascony and -England must have been so difficult as to be well-nigh impossible to men -of peace. Convoys under military protection were in imminent danger of -capture, and from what we know, especially in the case of naval warfare -at this period, there were few of the vanquished who escaped death. In -addition to the dangers of travelling another source of great difficulty -was felt by the Prior and his officials. The King was in constant and -urgent need of money to permit of the prosecution of his warlike policy, -and his agents were not too scrupulous as to how it was obtained. If it -could be represented that the property of the alien religious houses in -the King’s dominions could be used for the support of his enemies -abroad, or if it could be urged in extenuation that funds sent abroad by -the alien communities could be captured in transit, it is evident that -the King would have many excuses and would exercise little scruple in -levying heavy contributions on the property of the alien clergy in this -country, or even of confiscating it entirely. It was under these -conditions that the earliest suppressions and confiscations of the alien -houses took place. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 8. - After an ancient drawing in the Gardner collection. On the left is - part of the south end of the chapel of St. Mary Roncevall; in the - foreground and to the right the gardens of the Convent. In the - distance the river and the buildings of Whitehall and Westminster. -] - -In 1321 we have a very suggestive record that William Roberti, Canon of -the Hospital of St. Mary, is appointed Proctor-General in England for -the recovery of their lands and rents. The late Proctor, John de -Roncesvalles, had died, and the Prior in Navarre,[10] not being informed -of the fact, did not appoint a new Proctor, “war and other impediments -hindering them, so that their lands and rents were taken by divers men.” -Immediately following, letters of protection are given to William -Roberti to aid him in his task, “in consideration of the benefits -constantly given in that Hospital to poor pilgrims visiting the shrine -of Santiago.” As the result of this vigorous action the House of St. -Mary Roncesvalles at Charing passed through a period of comparative -prosperity, for so late as 1335 a strong policy still seems to have been -pursued. In that year there is an interesting record of the recovery of -10 acres of land known as “Roncesvalcroft,” in Kensington. It was stated -to have been abandoned by the brethren and was in the occupation of a -certain Simon de Kensyngton. In such matters, however, the King’s agents -were usually very active. Simon de Kensyngton did not long remain in -possession, for the watchful eyes of William Trussel and Walter de -Hungerford, the King’s escheators, were upon him and they claimed the -land for the Crown. The legal argument in this dispute goes on to state -how the land, not being held directly from the Crown, was restored to -the brethren. - -Footnote 10: - - Andrés Ruiz de Medrano; _ob._ August 21, 1327 (?). - -It was in the second quarter of the fourteenth century that the -community of St. Mary of Roncesvalles in this country appears to have -been most prosperous. The Convent at Charing Cross was the headquarters -of the brethren in our islands. The Procurator for the Prior who managed -the estates and collected the revenues had his residence there. The -property they possessed in London was the most valuable, and consisted -of plots of land in various parts of the suburbs, as well as at Charing -Cross, but the Convent also possessed a considerable amount of property -in Canterbury and at Oxford. Evidence remains that they derived revenue -from property in Norwich and that they had possessions elsewhere in -England, in Wales, in Ireland, and in Scotland. The income derived from -these possessions was sufficient to permit of a subsidy towards the -support of the Mother House in the Pyrenees. - -At Charing Cross itself the Priory possessed a piece of land fronting on -the river and extending back to the roadway between London and -Westminster. The depth of this plot was then not so great as it is now, -for the waters of the river extended much nearer to Charing Cross than -at present.[11] The position of Inigo Jones’s well-known watergate at -the foot of Buckingham Street, the last relic remaining of York House, -indicates the line of the river bank at a date over two hundred years -subsequent to the time now under consideration. - -Footnote 11: - - Charing Cross stood approximately on the site now occupied by the - statue of King Charles I. - -Occupying the most easterly part of the river frontage was situated the -Church of the Convent. This Church, or Chapel as it was usually called -in London, was built soon after the foundation of the Convent, but there -is evidence that considerable alterations and additions were made much -later, perhaps at the end of the fourteenth, and again during the last -phase of the existence of the house, in the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries. Some idea of the appearance of the Chapel and the -neighbouring buildings may be gained by studying two ancient drawings -still in existence, made while the conventual buildings were standing. -One of these is the well-known sketch of London by Anthony Van den -Wyngaerde, dating from the middle of the sixteenth century. The other is -a very beautiful sketch in the Gardner collection which shows a portion -of the south-western end of the chapel, the gardens of the Convent, and -in the distance Whitehall and Westminster. Judging by the evidence thus -obtained, the chapel consisted of a rectangular nave, built of stone. -The type of work indicates that it was built about the middle of the -thirteenth century. There appear to have been two storeys in this -building, the lower storey with three large pointed windows, and the -upper storey with three smaller windows also pointed. The upper part, -with the small windows, may have formed the clerestory. It is possible, -however, that the upper part of the church was cut off from the lower -part, and that this upper storey was lighted by the three smaller -windows alluded to. Instances of this arrangement are known to have -occurred in the churches belonging to hospitals. In such cases part of -the church served the purpose of sheltering the sick, while at the -eastern end was the chapel proper, arranged so that the sick should have -the full benefit of the services of the church. - -The pitch of the chapel roof was steep, the form most easily constructed -at the period of which we speak, and was no doubt covered with lead. A -belfry was situated at the north-eastern end of the chapel. Certain -buildings of a much later date than the main part of the edifice, and -probably built of brick, are seen to have been added to the northern and -southern ends of the chapel, and along the river front. From a terrace -on the south-east side of the chapel stairs led down to the water’s -edge. Immediately to the west of the chapel were the Convent gardens, -extending in the direction of the roadway to Westminster, and partly -terraced to the river bank. Lying back from the chapel were the -conventual buildings and other tenements in the possession of the -community. These appear to have been arranged on both sides of a court -which opened on the high road close to the cross. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 9. - The cross according to the use of Roncesvalles, from a stamp now used - in the “Real Casa.” This ensign “unites in one figure the Cross, the - Crozier, and the Sword.” -] - -It is stated that over the doorway of each of these houses was -sculptured a cross, according to the use of Roncesvalles. There also -appears to have been a Latin inscription around or near the doorway of -the chapel indicating the date of an addition or restoration in the time -of Henry IV. The exact position occupied by the Hospital itself cannot -be now identified unless, as is very probable, the chapel itself did -duty both as a church and a hospital. The churchyard of the community -was probably situated in the lands to the south-west of the conventual -buildings. The situation of the chapel corresponds approximately to the -middle section of Charing Cross Railway Station in alignment with York -Gate and extending towards the land now occupied by Craven Street and -Northumberland Avenue. - - - THE BLACK DEATH (1348-49). - -The event which seems to have done more than any other single cause to -depress the fortunes and to change the future relationships of the -foreign community of St. Mary was the catastrophe of the Black Death. -The plague visited London in the autumn of 1348. Its ravages were -serious in the early days of November, and the condition of affairs had -produced so much alarm that Parliament was prorogued on January 1, 1349. -A further prorogation occurred on March 10, the reason given being that -the “pestilence was continuing at Westminster, in the City of London, -and at other places, more severely than before (_gravius solito_).” It -had diminished, or almost disappeared, in London by the end of that -year. The clergy appear to have suffered throughout the country even -more severely than the rest of the populace—evidence that they did not -fail in their duties during that terrible period. Geoffrey le Baker, a -clerk of Osney, says, “Of the clergy and cleric class there died a -multitude known to God only.”[12] - -Footnote 12: - - Creighton, “History of Epidemics in Britain,” 1891, Camb., i, chap. 3. - -What actually happened at Charing Cross can only be guessed, but there -are very clear indications that the Convent of St. Mary Roncevall -suffered severely. The deaths among the brethren were probably numerous, -for no one sufficiently important seems to have survived to uphold the -interests of the parent House. The depressed state of the Convent is the -more striking as the calamity occurred after a period of great -prosperity. - -When the plague ceased, and for some time after, the affairs of the -Convent appear to have been in complete confusion. The immense mortality -during the year of the prevalence of the plague disordered to a serious -extent the whole executive of the country, and especially affected the -Church. In some cases the community in the smaller convents died out -entirely, in others the senior members and officials completely -disappeared from the records, and in all cases serious losses must have -occurred. This fatality was not confined to the monastic clergy alone; -those holding benefices outside the religious houses perished probably -in greater numbers. The consequence was that throughout the country -rapid institutions to vacant benefices had to be made to carry on the -duties of those who had fallen, and frequently unlettered, and in some -cases unworthy, clerks succeeded to important charges. These -difficulties must have been much accentuated in the case of alien -houses. They suffered, as did all the other religious communities, and -in addition, they felt the difficulty of being remote from the parent -House. Officials who would have had the interests of the House at heart -could not be sent from abroad to take charge on short notice, and the -Prior at Roncesvalles, no doubt, did not even know of the deaths of his -subordinates at Charing Cross. The vacant benefices in the possession of -the alien houses were sought for and obtained by clergy on the spot who -had influence, and there can be no doubt that the conclusion is correct, -that many of these persons were more concerned in advancing their own -interests and in retaining the possessions thus secured, than in -guarding the rights of the foreign abbey or priory. Not only, however, -did the local clergy secure the vacant benefices and property, but in -many cases the property of the alien houses was taken possession of by -their influential neighbours, sometimes without opposition, when the -original possessors had entirely disappeared, at other times by the high -hand when the rightful owners were few or feeble. - - -THE CONFLICT OF INTEREST BETWEEN ALIEN AND ENGLISH CLERGY AT SAINT MARY - RONCEVALL (1350-1414). - -In spite of these adverse conditions the house of St. Mary Roncevall -survived, although new influences appear directing its affairs. The -earliest records after the Plague show that English clergy were in -possession of the Church and Hospital, and the title of Warden is made -use of for the first time by the chief clerical official. Special -interest appears to have been taken in its affairs by the Crown, perhaps -because its estate afforded a ready source of revenue, but more likely -on account of the proximity of the Convent to the Royal Palace at -Westminster. The Church and Hospital afforded convenient opportunities -of preferment and of income to the clergy connected with the Chapel -Royal of St. Stephen or of the Royal Household. - -The first records after the Plague are of special significance. In 1379, -in the reign of Richard II, the chapel and lands of St. Mary Roncevall -were seized into the King’s hands in accordance with the statute dated -at Gloucester, “for the forfeiture of the lands of schismatic aliens,” -and in accordance with the policy of the Crown at this period to -suppress all the alien religious houses. At this time there was a -certain Nicholas Slake, a clerk, who, wise in his generation, had not -failed in procuring preferment and much advantage from the Church. He -possessed various benefices throughout the country, and finally became -Dean of the Chapel Royal of St. Stephen, Westminster, in the year -1396.[13] Nicholas Slake had obtained possession of the revenues and had -become Warden of the Hospital and Chapel of “Rounsyvale,” probably when -the Crown took possession of the property after the forfeiture of 1379. -In 1383, we find that the King grants a writ of aid for Ralph Archer, -Proctor of Nicholas Slake, Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall, -“to arrest and bring before the King and Council all persons whom he -shall prove to have collected alms in the realm as Proctor of the -Hospital, and converted the same to their own use.” - -Footnote 13: - - Hennessy, “Novum Repertorium Ecclesiasticum Parochiale Londinense.” - -It seems probable that an effort had been made by Nicholas Slake to put -the affairs of his church in order, either on his own initiative, or on -account of the renewed interest taken in the house at Charing Cross by -the Mother Convent. It is noteworthy that about this time the Prior and -brethren at Roncesvalles commenced a process at law to claim their -property. An inquisition took place before the King’s Court at -Westminster into the foundation of the Hospital, and as it appeared in -evidence that the chapel and its property belonged to the Prior of -Roncesvalles, it was restored (April 23, 1383). - -There now appears to have been a short period of quiet and good fortune -for the brotherhood. It will be remembered that the years 1390-92 are -known as the three “quiet” years of the Hundred Years’ War with France. -Peaceful communications were restored between Navarre, through France to -England, so that we are not surprised to find that in 1389, Garcias, a -Canon of Roncesvalles, is ratified as Warden of the Chapel of Roncevall -by Charing Cross, at the supplication of the King’s kinsman, Charles of -Navarre. What happened in the next year, 1390, is a little obscure. -Garcias does not seem to have been at home or comfortable at Charing -Cross, or the influence of the London clergy may have prevailed over the -alien, for in that year we note that John Hadham, the King’s clerk, is -Warden of the Hospital. - -The following years must have brought much anxiety to the remnants of -the alien clergy in England. They must have become more and more -conscious of the insecurity of their tenure. England was once more -engaged in deadly war with France; communications between the two -countries were constantly interrupted or carried on with great risk and -danger, and in the case of the Hospital of St. Mary, the sending of -their surplus revenue to Navarre through France must have been regarded -by the King, constantly seeking funds for military purposes, with the -utmost jealousy. Most of the alien houses had already been suppressed. -The continued existence of the House of St. Mary Roncevall, as mentioned -above, had been seriously threatened. The affairs, therefore, of the -community of Charing Cross must have been in great disorder and can have -afforded little satisfaction to the parent House. That the Prior did -make efforts to supervise the affairs of the Convent in England is -clear, but the control must have been very ineffective. - -In 1396, John Newerk obtained the wardenship and the property of the -Hospital, including the charters, various apostolic bulls and other -documents, and apparently installed himself comfortably in his benefice, -for in the year 1399 we find that ratification of the estate of Ronceval -was given to Newerk. In the meantime Francis, who was then Prior at -Roncesvalles, learned of the doings of John Newerk, and commenced a -process against him for having broken into the close and houses -belonging to the Prior in the parish of St. Martin’s in the Fields, of -having removed a sealed chest worth 20_s._, containing the charters and -other muniments of the hospital, and claimed damages to the extent of -200_l._ This action seems to have dragged on for a wearisome length of -time, for in the year 1409 special directions are given by the King, -that, “whereas the suit has been long delayed, the justices are ordered -to proceed therein, but not to give judgment without consulting him.” -The plea was concluded in Hilary Term, 1409, and judgment was given to -the effect that at the time of the trespass the close and houses were -the sole and free tenement of the Prior, so that John Newerk was mulcted -in damages to the extent of 100 marks, but he was held not guilty in -respect of the matter of the chest and writings. Though the Prior was -largely successful in this action, his success did not long delay the -only possible issue. - - - SAINT MARY RONCEVALL PASSES INTO THE HANDS OF ENGLISH CLERGY (1414). - -The end of the strife between the Navarrese and English clergy for -supremacy in the House at Charing Cross was not far off. By the year -1414 the few remaining alien priories and convents were suppressed by -Henry V, but what influence this final suppression had on the activities -of the Convent of St. Mary Roncevall is not quite clear. English clergy -were already in possession of the appointments in the Church and -Hospital, and the services of the Convent to the people of London seem -to have continued. There arose no question of handing over the property -for secular purposes, and probably there was no serious dislocation of -the usual work of the House. The management of its affairs must simply -have been recognized to be entirely independent of the Prior and his -officials. It is to the credit of both parties that this separation was -accomplished without severe disturbance, for, as we shall see, -communications between the Prior at Roncesvalles and the Warden of St. -Mary Roncevall remained on what seems to have been a friendly basis. The -English wardens who were now appointed were, so far as is known, men of -note, and frequently in close relationship with the Court. - -In 1417 Walter Sheryngton, Prebendary of Goderynghill, is confirmed in -his possession of the estate and the “free chapel” of Rouncevall in the -Diocese of London. During his tenure of office there appears to have -been an action at law between the Prior of the Hospital and the Warden, -the exact nature of which is uncertain; but during its course the -conditions of the early foundation of the Convent at Charing Cross came -under discussion. - -In 1432 Roger Westwode, who was also a Prebendary of the Chapel Royal, -St. Stephen’s, was Warden of the Chapel or Hospital of St. Mary -Roncevall. He was clearly conscious of the advantages to be gained by -the connexion with the House in the Pyrenees, as he obtained a royal -licence to receive bulls and letters of indulgence for the profit of his -own chapel from the Prior in Navarre, and also to remit alms for the -poor and other monies to the Priory. An echo of the old difficulties can -be noted in this document, as the royal licence states clearly that the -said Priory is “outside our allegiance, and the licence is to continue -so long as there is no war between us and the King of Navarre.” - -The fortunes of the Hospital in the middle fifteenth century can only be -judged by inference, but there can be little doubt that it continued to -be useful, and that gradually its functions as a place for the cure of -the needy sick became more developed. The co-operation of nursing -sisters must have also become familiar to the London community by this -time. The brethren and sisters had pursued their avocation in tending -and in nursing the infirm from very early days in the history of the -community of St. Mary both in Navarre and in England. As the religious -house became more distinctly a hospital their services must have been in -constantly increasing request. - - - THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FRATERNITY OF ST. MARY RONCEVALL (1475). - -The year 1475 marks the official commencement of the last stage of the -existence of the Hospital. In that year a royal charter of Edward IV -records the “foundation of a fraternity or perpetual gild of a master, -two wardens and the brethren and sisters who may wish to be of the same -in the Chapel of St. Mary Rounsidevall by Charyng Crosse, and of a -perpetual chantry of one chaplain to celebrate divine service at the -High Altar in the said chapel.” In 1478 a grant in mortmain is recorded -to the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of the Fraternity of the -said Chapel or Hospital, and of its property, revenues and privileges, -for the sustenance of the chaplain and two additional clergy who now -seem to have been required for the services of the chapel, and of “the -poor people flocking to the Hospital.” - -In the years following, the affairs of the Hospital seem to have been -administered with energy and prudence, for we have records in 1494, 1495 -and 1496 of legal proceedings concerning the property and privileges of -the Hospital, in which the master and wardens vigorously upheld their -position and successfully defended their rights. The litigation, which -seems to have gone on intermittently chiefly for the recovery of the -ancient possessions of the Hospital, appears to have been brought to a -conclusion in the year 1510, when, in the Mastership of Laurence Long, -the fraternity paid the sum of 20_s._ into the hanaper for the -confirmation of the various charters granted to the fraternity by the -King. - -Again there seems to have been a period of comparative calm and, no -doubt, of successful performance of the duties of the Hospital. The -fraternity may have even thought that the storm which burst over the -Church in the time of Henry VIII would leave them unharmed on account of -the fulfilment of their useful functions in the community, for so late -as the year 1542, while William Jenyns was Master, a record can be read -giving evidence of their continuing interest and careful management of -their affairs. In this year they obtained certain property and a wharf -in the parish of St. Margaret, in respect of rents to be paid from a -tenement called the “Shippe” and certain lands in the Parish of St. -Clement Danes without Temple Bar. This, however, is the last deed -recorded of the ancient community, with the exception of the final act -which was very soon to take place. - - - DISSOLUTION OF THE FRATERNITY BY HENRY VIII (1544). - -The policy of the King, enforced in many cases by the greed of his -agents and other members of the Court, could not leave the Hospital -unscathed, and not even the charitable deeds of the fraternity were -sufficient to save them from dispersion. The grief with which the -master, wardens and members of the fraternity assembled to ratify their -last official act in a corporate capacity may be conceived, and it is -possible to some faint extent to imagine the feelings of despair and of -bitter irony uppermost in the minds of the brethren and sisters when -they heard the words of the Deed of Surrender read aloud. In this -document the master, wardens, brethren and sisters of the fraternity -declared that they are “specially influenced at the present time by -divers causes and considerations to give and concede by this Charter to -the most excellent and invincible prince, our Lord Henry VIII, by the -Grace of God, King of England, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith -and Supreme Head of the Church in England and Ireland,” their Church, -Hospital, and all other property and privileges. The affixing of their -Common Seal to this document concludes the chequered history of the -Convent of St. Mary Roncevall at Charing Cross (November 11, 1544). - -Though the remaining members of the Community were deprived of their -offices and ejected from the home which they had so long possessed at -Charing Cross, their lot was not so hard as in the case of many others -driven into the world at this time. A pittance from their income was -left. There may be read in a book of payments of Edward VI, under the -heading “Pencions out of Monasteries” that the guardians of Roncevall -were allotted the munificent annual income of 6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ Very -oddly in this document the larger sum of 8_l._ is entered and crossed -out in favour of the smaller amount mentioned. The amount of the pension -was measured with parsimonious exactness. Quarterly payments of 33 -shillings and 4 pence are entered as being paid to the few surviving -members of the fraternity so late as at Christmas, the Annunciation, -Midsummer and Michaelmas, 1551 and 1552. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 10.—The common seal of the Fraternity of St. Mary Roncevall. - FIG. 11.—From the imperfect impression attached to the Deed of - Surrender. -] - - - THE LATER HISTORY OF THE ESTATE OF RONCEVALL. - -The subsequent fate of the Chapel and Hospital and the land on which -they stood may be shortly stated. The site was granted, no doubt with -the buildings on it, in the year 1550 to Sir Thomas Cawarden.[14] -Cawarden had been master of the revels to Henry VIII and had established -claims to reward or remuneration from the King which had not been -satisfied on his death. He was able to establish and enforce these -claims in the early years of Edward VI. With some difficulty he obtained -in discharge of his claims on the Crown the estate and property of -Roncevall and also the church and property of the Blackfriars within the -City of London. He seems also to have secured at this time the -stewardship of Nonsuch Palace and its lands in the County of Surrey. - -Footnote 14: - - “A Survey of London,” by John Stow, 1603. The edition by Charles L. - Kingsford, Clarendon Press, 1908, i, p. 341; ii, p. 350. - -The properties of Roncevall and of the Blackfriars soon passed from the -hands of Cawarden, probably during the period of wild speculation in -land and real estate which followed the dissolution of the religious -houses, but the stewardship of Nonsuch he continued to hold with much -tenacity in spite of the efforts to dislodge him from this favourite -position by Cardinal Pole during the reign of Queen Mary. - -Cawarden died in the year 1559. In the meantime the Roncevall property -had passed to Sir Robert Brett. It was purchased early in the -seventeenth century by Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, who built -himself a town house, described as a “sumptuous palace,” on the site, -using for the purpose the material of the ancient Convent. This house -was completed in the year 1605 and was known for some years as -Northampton House. It consisted of buildings arranged on three sides of -a quadrangle, and open towards the garden and river. From him the -property passed by inheritance to his nephew, Thomas Howard, first Earl -of Suffolk, the second son of Thomas, fourth Duke of Norfolk, who -completed the quadrangle, the house being then known as Suffolk House. -From the Howard family the property passed by an heiress to Algernon -Percy, Earl of Northumberland, in 1642; another heiress of the Percy -family brought the property to Charles Seymour, Duke of Somerset. While -in the possession of the Somerset family and their immediate successors, -the Strand front was much improved and acquired the architectural -features so long associated with Northumberland House at Charing Cross. -By another heiress, Lady Elizabeth Seymour, the property passed into the -possession of the present Duke of Northumberland’s family. - -In consequence of the construction of the Thames Embankment, and the -necessity for making a wide approach from Charing Cross, the late -Metropolitan Board of Works bought the property from the Duke of -Northumberland, in 1874, for the sum of £500,000. Northumberland House, -the last of the old river-side mansions, was completely demolished and -now Northumberland Avenue and the great buildings near it occupy the -site of the Convent and Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall.[15] - -Footnote 15: - - “Old and New London,” V. iii, by Edward Walford (Cassell, Petter and - Galpin). “Charing Cross,” by J. H. MacMichael (Chatto and Windus), - 1905. - - - THE RONCEVALL PROPERTY IN LONDON; FROM INFORMATION IN AN UNPUBLISHED -MANUSCRIPT OF THE BEGINNING OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY IN THE LIBRARY AT - RONCESVALLES.[16] - -Footnote 16: - - The author is indebted to Don José Urrutia, the Abbot-Prior, for a - précis of this document. - -Most of the ancient documents dealing with the history of the Priory -have been destroyed or lost as the result of war, fires and other -causes. There remains in the Library at Roncesvalles an unpublished MS. -dealing with the early history of the Priory and its dependencies, -written about the second quarter of the seventeenth century by Don Juan -Huarte. This MS. incorporates information obtained by the writer from -various sources, and especially under the date April 12, 1623, from a -certain Brother Miguel de Spiritu Sancto, who derived it in his turn -from a certain Don Francisco Olastro—(Francis Oliver?)—who is stated to -have been an ambassador from England in Madrid. This document states -that there is situated in the suburbs of London a wide street named “the -Street of Our Lady of Roncesvalles.” The houses in this street have -sculptured over their doorways a single cross according to the use of -Roncesvalles. At the end of the street is a large building, now nearly -dismantled, which was a sumptuous church in the time of the Catholic -Religion. Over the portico of the church were sculptured three crosses -of the same form, and in addition there was a clearly engraved Latin -inscription to the effect that this church was built and completely -finished in honour of the Blessed Virgin by Henry IV, King of England, -who, in addition, granted to the Community of St. Mary of Roncevall -large possessions and revenues for the service of the Priory and -Hospital. The inscription is dated in the MS. 1378, but this date, which -is clearly impossible, is probably an error of transcription for 1408, -arising from peculiarities in the formation of the figures, and there -are other errors to be noted, showing that the information is derived -through indirect channels. The inscription is given as follows:— - - “Henricus quartus Dei gratia Rex Angliæ, Iberniæ et Irlandæ, - Princeps Gales, et Dux (_Lancastrie?_). Hanc ecclesiam - sacratissimæ Virginis et Matris Mariæ construxit locupletavit et - a fundamentis edificavit, et eam in honorem dictæ Sanctissimæ - Virginis et Matris multis possessionibus et redditibus et - inquiliniis ditavit, et eam cum suis omnibus possessionibus, - inquiliniis subditis et redditibus donavit in donum perpetuum - ordini et hospitali generali coenobii Sanctæ Mariæ Roncesvallis - in anno domini Salvatoris nostri Jhesu Christi, MCCCLXXVIII.” - -The document goes on to say that the Priory possessed in England -property including the Chapel and Convent at Charing Cross -(“Caringrasso”) of the yearly value of 9,300 pounds English money, -corresponding to 8,223 Spanish ducats, and that it also owned property -in Canterbury (“Conturbel”) of the yearly value of 4,000 pounds, and in -Oxford (“Oxonia”) of 5,700 pounds. A Procurator was appointed directly -by the Abbot at Roncesvalles, who had his headquarters in London at -Charing Cross, and had complete powers of administration to deal with -the property of the Convent scattered through England, Scotland, and -Ireland, and he also directed the Hospital and other enterprises of the -Brotherhood. - -The Huarte MS. also states that, in the ancient archives of the Abbey -there existed a record in alphabetical arrangement, from which it is -gathered that Henry VI of England, finding that no official was being -sent from Roncesvalles, directed one of his chaplains to obtain from -Roncesvalles an account of the property in London and Charing Cross -belonging to the Priory: “Las pertenecientes á la capilla y encomienda -de Roncesvalles situada junto á Caringrasso de Inglaterra,” and a -warrant to collect the income and charitable contributions and send them -to Roncesvalles for the maintenance of the clergy and the poor. There is -also a statement on the authority of a “military personage in the City -of London,” that there existed in London a large house which had -belonged to Roncesvalles, as shown by the crosses of the special form -used by the Order still to be seen on the stones, and that this house -had been converted into a seminary of the Anglican Church. - -It will be observed that much of the information in the Huarte MS. is -traditional and cannot be accepted without careful collation with the -more complete and authentic information contained in the English -records. It is, however, of much interest to know that a document -perpetuating the memory of the Hospital of Roncevall in London still -exists in the parent House. - - - THE ILLUSTRATIONS. - -FIG. 1.—The Chapel of St. Mary Roncevall on the bank of the Thames -previous to 1544. The chapel is of the middle of the thirteenth century, -in two storeys, with later additions, probably of the Tudor period, to -the south of the church and at the north-east angle. The tower and -belfry are at the north-east end of the church. The chapel is built on a -terrace, faced by a high wall, pierced by a door giving access by steps -to the river. The sketch gives indications of portions of the conventual -buildings, some of which may be identified by referring to the inventory -contained in the grant to Sir Thomas Cawarden; for instance, the -gardens, the churchyard, wharf, the almshouse. The Cross at Charing, St -Martin’s Church of that period, other features in the village of -Charing, and St. Giles’s in the Fields, may be identified. - -FIG. 2.—A chart of the Western Pyrenees, showing the roads through the -passes, and the position of Roncesvalles and Ibañeta. - -FIGS. 3 and 4.—The effigy of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke (_ob._ -1219), in the Temple Church. - -FIGS. 5, 6, and 7.—The effigy of William Marshall, Earl of Pembroke, son -of the preceding (_ob._ 1231). These figures of the Marshalls are from -Edward Richardson’s “Monumental Effigies of the Temple Church.” -Longmans, 1843. William Marshall, sen., the regent, and his son were -closely associated with the Knights Templars, and benefactors of the -Order. It will be noted that the effigy of the father shows the figure -in a straight position, whereas the effigy of the son is in the -cross-legged attitude. The question is naturally raised as to the -significance of the cross-legged position. There is no doubt that -William Marshall the elder did go to the Holy Land in fulfilment of the -dying request of Henry, the eldest son of Henry II, in the years -1185-87. In the case of the son there is no evidence of a journey to -Palestine, though it is possible that he may have taken part in -campaigns against the Moors in Spain. - -FIG. 8.—A copy of an ancient drawing lately in the possession of Mr. E. -Gardner, now in the collection of Sir Edward F. Coates, Bart. The -drawing is supposed to be contemporary and to have been the work of an -early Italian artist resident in England. It was purchased at the -Strawberry Hill sale by Dr. Wellesley for the Gardner collection; and -the Marquis of Salisbury is stated to have several drawings by the same -early Italian artist. The sketch shows part of the north-westerly aspect -of the Chapel of St. Mary Roncevall, with some of the later Tudor -additions. The battlements were probably added when additions were -built, perhaps in the time of Henry IV, or later. The Tudor chimneys -appearing over the battlements are reminiscent of the work of Cardinal -Wolsey at Hampton Court and would have been constructed in brick. The -building on the extreme left of the sketch is probably the corner of a -north porch. The sketch also shows the gardens of the Convent of which -very special note is made in Cawarden’s inventory, and in the distance -the buildings of Whitehall and of Westminster. - -FIG. 9.—Copy of an official stamp now used in the Priory, showing the -Cross of Roncesvalles. - -FIGS. 10 and 11.—The common seal of the Fraternity and Guild of St. Mary -Roncevall. The seal appears to be of the fifteenth century and was no -doubt the seal specially mentioned as being given to the Fraternity by -Edward IV. The seal is round, the engraved part being 2-1/4 in. in -diameter. Unfortunately the impression is imperfect. - -Fig. 10 is from a cast taken by Doubleday in the middle of the last -century. - -Fig. 11 is from a cast taken by Mr. Ready from the impression still -attached to the Deed of Surrender. It will be noted on careful -examination that there are certain interesting differences in the state -of preservation of these two casts. The seal on the Deed of Surrender -has been backed and strengthened, but this repair does not altogether -account for the differences noticed in the impressions. It is possible -that another impression may have existed when Doubleday made his cast. -The seal represents “the assumption of the Virgin, who is standing on a -crescent upheld by an angel and surrounded by radiance. At each side -three flying angels issuing from clouds. Overhead in clouds the Trinity. -The legend reads:— - - ‘SIGILLU(M COĒ FRATER)NITATIS BĒ MARIE DE ROUNCIVA(LL).’” - - (Birch’s Catalogue of Seals.) - -The author cannot conclude this account of the Convent and Hospital -without expressing his cordial thanks to those from whom he has sought -assistance and criticisms. He desires especially to acknowledge his -obligations to Mr. E. Salisbury and other officials of the Public Record -Office for their courteous and patient guidance; to Mr. E. Gardner for -his kind permission to see the valuable collection of material -illustrating the history of London formerly in his possession, and to -reproduce one of the drawings in this paper; to Mr. Herbert Wigglesworth -and his assistant, Mr. L. H. Glencross, for drawings of the Chapel of -St. Mary, and for important criticisms respecting its structure and -architectural features; and to Don José Urrutia, the Abbot-Prior, and -Don Ignacio Ibarbia Fernandez de Guevara, Canon of Roncesvalles, for -much information respecting the present state of the Convent, and for -their sympathetic interest in the history of one of the ancient “cells” -of the Real Colegiata. - - - CALENDAR OF THE HOSPITAL OF ST. MARY RONCEVALL, CHARING CROSS. - - -[Sidenote: ANNO 1229.] - -Letters of Protection to the Brethren of St. Mary Roncesvalles. - -_De Protectione._ Fratres hospitalis Sancti Marie Roscidi Vallis habent -literas de protectione sine termino cum hac clausula:— - -“Rogamus vos quatinus cum nuncii ejusdem hospitalis ad vos venerint -elemosinas petituri,” &c. - - Calendar Patent Rolls, 13 Henry III, p. 265. - - -[Sidenote: 1232.] - -Record of the grant to St. Mary and the Hospital of Roncevaux (Roscida -Vallis) of the gift which William Marshall, sometime Earl of Pembroke, -made to them of all his houses at Cherring, and the houses and -curtilages adjoining them, formerly belonging to William Briwere, and of -100_s._ at Suthanton, payable from the houses of the said Earl there, of -13_l._ of land in the Moor of Magor and of a carucate of land in -Assendon which he bought from Robert de Rochford. 11th August; Wenlock. - - Calend. Charter Rolls, 16 Henry III, p. 168. - - -[Sidenote: 1240.] - -Grant by the King to the Brethren of “Roscida Valle” of 32 acres which -they have sown in Pevensey, of land which William Marshall, Earl of -Pembroke, gave to them. 26th July; Quicfeld. - - Calend. Close Rolls, 24 Henry III, m. 8. - - -[Sidenote: 1242.] - -Grant of pasturage by King Henry III beyond the water called “Lador” -(Adour) to the Prior and Brethren of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevaux. -La Sauve Majeure. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 26-27 Henry III, p. 334. - - -[Sidenote: 1242.] - -Bond by the King for payment of 90 pounds of Morlaas to Dominic -Paschalis, Provost of Roncevaux. La Sauve Majeure. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 27 Henry III, p. 349. - - -[Sidenote: 1253.] - -Simple protection, without term, for the prior and brethren of the -Hospital of St. Mary, Rouncevall. 11th February; Windsor. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37 Henry III, m. 17. - - -[Sidenote: 1253.] - -Protection for one year for the Master and brethren of Roscidevalle, -with this clause, that all their beasts may feed throughout the King’s -land of Gascony, as they have been accustomed to do. 1st October: -Benauge. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37-38 Henry III, m. 20. - - -[Sidenote: 1254.] - -Protection for four years, as above. 26th August; Bordeaux. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 37-38 Henry III, m. 8. - - -[Sidenote: 1278.] - -Henry, son of William of Smalebrok, nominated Attorney for 2 years for -the Prior of the Hospital of Roncevaux. Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 6 Ed. I, p. 283. - - -[Sidenote: 1279.] - -The sum of 16_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ charged on the pedage of “Maramande” -(Myramand), to be paid to the hospital of Roncevaux (Rossidevall). -Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 7 Ed. I, p. 7. - - -[Sidenote: 1280.] - -Henry, son of William of Smalebrok, nominated Attorney for 2 years for -the Prior of the Hospital of Roncedevall. Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 8 Ed. I, p. 382. - - -[Sidenote: 1281.] - -Note in a Record of Accounts that the King’s lands granted to Eleanor -his mother, of the town of Myramand, are charged with 20_l._ Arvaldenses -equivalent to 16_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ of Tours to the hospital of -Rossedevall. Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 9 Ed. I, p. 447. - - -[Sidenote: 1283.] - -Protection for Brother Lupus, Priest, Envoy, and Preceptor of the Houses -in England and Ireland of the Prior and Convent of the Hospital of St. -Mary Roncevaux, coming from the Pope with indulgences for the remission -of sins. Macclesfield. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 11 Ed. I, p. 75. - - -[Sidenote: 1290.] - -G. Prior and the Hospital of Roncevaux (Roscida Vallis) to Edward I, -praying the King to be attentive to what shall be told him by certain -Brethren of the Hospital who are bearing the present letter to England -and to grant their request. 2 Id. July. - - Ancient Correspondence, vol. xx, No. 44. - - -[Sidenote: 1291.] - -_Emendæ._ Item, fratre Lupo procuratori Hospitali Runcivallis dampnis -fratrum dicti Hospitalis adjudicatis coram auditoribus querelarum pro -domibus suis Suthamtonæ xiiij _li_, ij _s._ xiiij _li_, ij _s._ - - 19 Ed. I. Extract. Liberationes factæ per - Executores Dominæ Alienoræ Consortis Edwardi - Regis Angliæ Primi: Rot. primus. - - (_Vide_ Manners and Household expenses of England: p. - 105, Roxburghe Club; edited by T. Hudson Turner, - presented by Beriah Botfield: 1841 (London, William - Nicol, Shakespeare Press). - - -[Sidenote: 1292.] - -William de Cestre, and Peter Arnaldi de Sancto Michaele nominated -attorneys for 5 years for the Prior of Roncyvall staying beyond seas. -Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ed. I, p. 476. - - -[Sidenote: 1293.] - -Lupus de Canone, preceptor of the Houses of Ronceval in Bordeaux, and -Arnaldus de Sancto Johanne, a lay person, nominated attorneys for the -Prior of Ronceval (Roscidevall), staying beyond seas for three years. -12th May; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 21 Ed. I, p. 14. - - -[Sidenote: 1293-94.] - -The Prior of the Hospital of Rosci de Vall seeks against Adam, son of -Walter the Scot, one toft with appurtenances as the right of the said -Hospital, by writ of entry. A predecessor of the Prior is admitted to -have held this toft and tenements 15 years previously (in 1279). - - Assize Rolls, No. 544, 22 Ed. I, m. 21. - - -[Sidenote: Probably late Ed. I, or Ed. II.] - -A petition from the Prior of the Convent and Hospital of Roncevall to -restore to them property consisting of a site before the Cross at -Charing, and also certain other small rents and three acres of land -which John of Lincoln, Burgess of London, had held for a period of ten -years, and which on his death, on account of the default of the Attorney -of the said Prior and Convent and Hospital, were taken into the hand of -the King. The petition requests the restoration of this property to the -Prior and Convent to hold them as they had been in the custom of doing -“come les gentz dil pais le sauont bien et toute la veisinetee.” -Undated. - - Ancient Petitions, 9635. - - -[Sidenote: 1310.] - -Evidence of property held in Norwich by the House of Roncevaux, in a -licence for alienation in mortmain by William But of Norwich, to the -Friars Preachers of that place. 30th March; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 3 Ed. II, p. 222. - - -[Sidenote: 1321.] - -William Roberti, Canon of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall, appointed -Proctor in England for the recovery of their lands and rents. Their late -Proctor, John de Rouncevall, having died, and not being aware of his -death, they did not appoint a new Proctor, wars and other impediments -hindering them, so that their lands and rents were taken by divers men. -24th August; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. II, p. 23. - - -[Sidenote: 1321.] - -Protection granted to the messengers sent to England by William Roberti, -Canon of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevall, and Proctor-General in -England of the Prior and Convent of that place, in consideration of the -benefits constantly given in that hospital to poor pilgrims visiting the -shrine of Santiago. 25th August; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. II, p. 15. - -F. (?) Prior and the Hospital of Roncevaux to Edward II, on behalf of -the citizens of Bayonne, greatly impoverished by the late wars. - - Ancient Correspondence, xxxiv, No. 167. - - -[Sidenote: 1335.] - -An account of the abandonment of the 10 acres of land known as -“Ronsevalcroft,” in Kensyngton, by the brethren of the Hospital of -Roncevaux; how the land was taken by Simon de Kensyngton without the -King’s licence, escheated to the Crown, and finally restored to the -Convent. 12th July; Carlisle. - - Calend. Close Rolls, 9 Ed. III, p. 423. - - -[Sidenote: 1348-49.] - -THE BLACK DEATH. - - -[Sidenote: 1379.] - -The chapel and lands of St. Mary Rounceval seized into the King’s hands -in accordance with a statute, dated at Gloucester, for the forfeiture of -the lands of schismatic aliens. 2 Ric. II. - - Cf. Close Rolls, 10 Henry IV, m. 7. 1409, _vide infra_. - - -[Sidenote: 1382.] - -Nicholas Slake,[17] Master of the Hospital of St. Mary Roncevalles. - -Footnote 17: - - Hennessy: “Nov. Repert. Ecclesiast. Paroch. Londin.” Nicholas Slake, - Prebendary of Wenlakesbarn; of Erdington in Briggenorth; of Shirecote - in Tamworth; Rector of St. Mary Abchurch; and Dean of St. Stephen’s - Chapel Royal, Westminster (1396). - -The King grants a writ of aid for Ralph Archer, Proctor of Nicholas -Slake, to arrest and bring before the King and Council all persons whom -he shall prove to have collected alms in the realm as proctor of the -Hospital, and converted the same to their own use. 18th July. -Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 6 Ric. II, p. 195. - - -[Sidenote: 1383.] - -Inquisition into the foundation of the Hospital of Rouncevall, before -the King’s Court at Westminster. - -Plac. coram Rege apud West. de term. Mich. 7 Ric. II, Rot. 21 Middx.; -also Chancery Miscellanea, 68/466. - -It appears that the Crown had resumed possession of the Hospital and -land and all its possessions after the forfeiture of 1379, and that a -cleric, Nicholas Slake, had obtained the Wardenship of the Hospital and -Chapel of “Rounsyvale.” On inquisition, however, it was shown that the -Hospital and Chapel and its property pertained to the Prior of the -Hospital of the Blessed Mary of Rounsyvall, and was accordingly -restored. 23rd April. - - Cf. Dugdale, Monasticon Anglicanum, edit. 1820, vi, pt. 2, p. 677. - - -[Sidenote: 1389.] - -Garcias, Canon of Roncivale, ratified as Warden of the Chapel of -Roncivall by Charyncroix, at the supplication of the King’s kinsman, -Charles of Navarre. 16th November; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 13 Ric. II, p. 152. - - -[Sidenote: 1390.] - -John Hadham, the King’s clerk, Warden of the Hospital of St. Mary of -Ronsyvale at Charryng by Westminster. 18th February; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 13 Ric. II, p. 205. - - -[Sidenote: 1396.] - -Grant for life to John Newerk of the Wardenship of the Hospital of St. -Mary Rouncyvall by Charryng Crouch. 20th October; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ric. II, p. 30, pt. 1, m. 15. - - -[Sidenote: 1396.] - -Grant to John Newerk of the Hospital of St. Mary Rouncyvall. 5th -October; Calais. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 20 Ric. II, p. 44, pt. 1, m. 6. - - -[Sidenote: 1399.] - -Ratification of the estate of John Newerk, Warden of the Hospital of St. -Mary Rouncyvale by Charing Crouch. 28th October; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 1 Henry IV, p. 25, pt. 1, m. 16. - - -[Sidenote: 1409.] - -Exemplification at the request of John Newerk, of:— - - (1) Letters patent dated 5th October, 20 Richard II - (1396), granting to him the hospital of St. Mary - Rouncyvall. - - (2) Letters patent dated 20th October, 20 Richard II, - granting to him for life the wardenship of the hospital - of St. Mary Rouncyvall by Charryngcrouch. 5th February; - Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 10 Henry IV, pt. 1, m. 10. - - -[Sidenote: 1409.] - -Francis, Prior of the Hospital of St. Mary de Rouncyvall of the diocese -of Pampeluna and Warden of St. Mary of Rouncyvall by Charyng Crosse, -impleaded John Newerk, clerk, for having broken into a close and houses -of the said Prior in the parish of St. Martin’s in the Fields, and taken -away a sealed chest worth 20_s._, containing charters, writings, bulls, -apostolic instruments and other muniments, and committed other offences -to the damage of £200 in the reign of Richard II. John Newerk alleges -that the said chapel and all its property had been seized in the King’s -hands according to the statute dated at Gloucester, 2 Ric. II, and that -afterwards the Wardenship of the said chapel was granted to the said -John by letters patent, dated 20th October, 20 Ric. II, and that he is -not answerable for the above property, etc., to the said Prior without -consulting the King, and whereas the suit has been long delayed the King -orders the Justices to proceed therein, but not to give judgment without -consulting him. Westminster. - - Close Roll, 10 Henry IV, m. 7 (see also m. 11). - - -[Sidenote: 1409.] - -Record of the above-mentioned plea between Francis, Prior of St. Mary de -Rouncyvall, and John Newerk, Clerk, returned on a writ _de causis -certiorari_, dated 1st September, 5 Henry V, 1417. - -Placita coram rege, Hilary Term. 10 Henry IV, 1409. - -This document recites the conditions of the trespass of John Newerk on -the Monday after the Feast of All Saints, 21 Ric. II, when with force -and arms he broke into the close and houses of the said Prior in the -town of Westminster, mentioning the sealed chest and charters and the -amount of damage done to the Prior. It continues to recite John Newerk’s -defence and especially that he, John Newerk, had been granted the -custody of the said Chapel. - -_Judgment:_ That at the time of the trespass the close and houses were -the sole and free tenement of the said Prior—damages for the said Prior -100 marks. As to the said chest and writings the said Newerk is found -“not guilty.” - - Chancery Miscellanea, 68/466. - - -[Sidenote: 1411.] - -Pardon to John Newerk, Clerk, for his outlawry in the County of -Middlesex for not appearing before the King to satisfy the Prior of St. -Mary Rouncivall ... of 100 marks which the Prior recovered against him -on account of a trespass in the time of Richard II, he having -surrendered to the Marshalsea Prison and satisfied the Prior. 5th May; -Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 12 Henry IV, m. 12. - - -[Sidenote: 1417.] - -Confirmation to Walter Shiryngton,[18] Prebendary of Goderynghill, in -the Collegiate Church of Westbury, of the free chapel of Rouncevale, in -the diocese of London, of his estate and possession to the said prebend -and chapel. Westminster. - - Pat. Roll, 5 Henry V, m. 10. (By Privy seal.) - -Footnote 18: - - Hennessy: Loc. cit. Walter Shiryngton, Prebendary of Gevendale oin - York; of Offley; of Mora, &c.; Chancellor of Duchy of Lancaster; _ob._ - 1448. Buried in St. Paul’s Cathedral. - - -[Sidenote: 1418.] - -Recorda 5 Henry V, pt. 1. “Recordum et processus inter Prior Hosp. beate -Mar. ibidem et Custodem Capelle ibidem ubi fit mentio de primata -fundatione.” - -The reference of this note has not been found in the Memoranda Rolls of -the reign of Henry V. - -[Sidenote: 1432.] - -Royal licence to “our chaplain,” Roger Westwode,[19] Master of the -Chapel or Hospital of St. Marie de Roncidevall by Charyngcroix in the -diocese of London, his successors or their proctors, to receive bulls -and other letters of indulgence for the profit of the said Chapel, from -the Prior and Convent of Rouncidevall in Navarre, in the diocese of -Pamploma, and to remit alms for the poor and other moneys to the Priory -in Navarre, because the said Priory is outside our allegiance, to last -so long as there is no war between us and the King of Navarre. -Westminster. - - Pat. Roll, 11 Henry VI, pt. 1, m. 16. - -Footnote 19: - - Hennessy: Loc. cit. Roger Westrode, Prebendary of St. Stephen’s Royal - Chapel, Westminster, 1422; _ob._ 1433. - - -[Sidenote: 1440.] - -Grant to John Gourney of a parcel of land, late of the King of Scotland, -lying between a plot of the Archbishop of York towards the south, and -the chapel of St. Mary Rouncevale towards the north (etc.). 1st April; -Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 18 Henry VI, pt. 3, m. 12. - - -[Sidenote: 1440.] - -Grant of the alien Priories in England and Wales to Henry, Archbishop of -Canterbury, and others. - - Rymer’s Fœdera. 12th September, 19 Henry VI. - - -[Sidenote: 1475.] - -Foundation of a fraternity or perpetual gild of a Master, and two -Wardens, and the Brethren and Sisters who may wish to be of the same in -the Chapel of St. Mary Rounsidevall by Charyng Crosse in the suburbs of -London: “They shall form one body, and shall have perpetual succession -and a Common Seal”; and of a perpetual Chantry of one Chaplain to -celebrate divine service daily at the High Altar in the said Chapel, for -the good estate of the King and his Consort Elizabeth, Queen of England, -and his firstborn son Edward, and the Brethren and Sisters of the -fraternity, and for their souls after death. 28th October; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 15 Ed. IV, pt. 2, m. 10, p. 542. - - -[Sidenote: 1478.] - -Grant in mortmain to the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters of the -fraternity or gild in the Chapel of St. Mary de Rouncidevale, by Charing -Crosse, of the said Chapel or Hospital, and of its property, oblations, -and other privileges, for the sustenance of three chaplains celebrating -divine service, and of the poor people flocking to the Hospital; -provided that they grant for life to Elizabeth Berde, widow, 6 marks -yearly for her sustenance, and a fair house for her by the said Chapel -or Hospital. 9th March; Westminster. - - Calend. Pat. Rolls, 18 Ed. IV, pt. 2, m. 34, p. 114. - - -[Sidenote: 1494-95.] - -A suit brought against the Warden of the Chapel of St. Marie de -Rounsewal as to half an acre of land. There follows a long legal -argument respecting the patronage of the Chapel, and other matters. - - Year Book. 10 Henry VII, Easter Term (No. 5). - - -[Sidenote: 1495-96.] - -Argument as to whether the Hospital can plead under the name of the -Master and Wardens only, or under the full title of Master, Wardens, -Brethren and Sisters of Rounceval. - -Licence to plead in the former designation appears to have been granted -in their patent of incorporation. - - Year Book. 11 Henry VII, Trinity Term (No. 12). - - -[Sidenote: 1509-10.] - -Laurence Long, Master, Robert Day and William Goodwyn, Wardens of the -Fraternity or Gild in the Chapel of Saint Mary Rounceval juxta Charing -Cross, pay 20_s._ into the Hanaper for the confirmation of various -letters granted to the Fraternity by the King and certain of his -progenitors. - - L.T.R. Originalia Roll. 1 Henry VIII, Rot. 139. - - -[Sidenote: 1539-44.] - -A statement by the Treasurer of the Court of Augmentations of payments -made by the King’s warrant in 1542-43 includes two payments of 40_li._ -and 44_s._ on the 28th April and 1st May, 1542, respectively, to William -Jenyns, Master of the Fraternity of Roncevalle, for the use of the -Wardens there, made by virtue of a deed of exchange bearing the date -13th March, 1542 (33 Henry VIII), between His Majesty and the Master and -Wardens, leaving a balance still due from the King of 43_li._ 4_s._ - -The Account of Edward North, Lord Treasurer of the Court of -Augmentations (31 and 35 Henry VIII). - - Roll 2 B., pt. 1, m. 80. - - -[Sidenote: 1542.] - -Will. Jenyns,[20] Master, and John Ap Hoell and Ric. More, Wardens of -the fraternity or gild of St. Mary Rouncedevall by Charing Crosse, near -London, grant in exchange for three messuages and one wharf in the -parish of Saint Margaret, certain rents to be paid from the messuage or -tenement called the “Shippe” and a field of land called “Cuppefeld,” -adjoining a field called “Conninggarfeld of Lyncolnes Inne,” in the -parish of St. Clement Danes without Temple Barre, Midd.; which belonged -to St. John’s of Jerusalem. 12th April; Greenwich. - - Pat. Roll, 33 Henry VIII, pt. 6, m. 11. Calend. of State Papers - Domestic, Henry VIII, vol. xvii, p. 162. - -Footnote 20: - - Hennessy; Loc. cit. A William Jenyns was Rector of St. Mary Staining, - 1583-84. - - -[Sidenote: 1544.] - -The Deed of Surrender, whereby the Master, Wardens, Brethren and Sisters -of the Fraternity or Gild of the Chapel of Saint Mary of Rounsidevall by -Charinge-crosse, in the suburbs of London, concede to the King in -perpetuity all rights and ownership in the said Chapel and Church of -Saint Mary of Rounsidevall, the Belfry and Cemetery adjacent to the -Chapel, likewise all messuages, houses, buildings, lands, tenements, -meadows, grazing-lands, pastures, rents, reversions, services, and other -hereditaments whatsoever. (11th November.) - - Deed of Surrender. No. 138, Augmentation Office. - - -_The impression of the Common Seal of the Fraternity is attached._ - - -[Sidenote: 1550.] - -(Abstract.) Grant to Sir Thomas Cawarden, knight, one of the gentlemen -of the Privy Chamber (in completion and performance of a grant of the -same premises made to him by Henry VIII before his journey into France -in the 35th year of his reign, the letters patent for which were never -made and sealed), of the following premises: All that Chapel of the late -Hospital of St. Mary de Rowncevall, in the parish of St. Martin’s, late -called the parish of St. Margaret’s, with the churchyard thereto -belonging containing about 1-1/2 roods; also the messuage called the -almeshouse, 80 feet north and south by 23 feet east and west; also “le -wharff,” a stable, and all cellars and land called “le bakeside”; one -garden 108 feet by 104 feet; 2 other gardens, 150 feet by 50 feet, and -120 feet by 45 feet respectively; another garden 126 feet by 84 feet, -abutting on the south on a piece of vacant ground called Scotland and on -the east on the water flowing in “le barge-house” and on the west upon -“le comon Sewer”; another garden 102 feet by 84 feet; a messuage; a shop -called “le longe shoppe” (the above are in the respective tenures of -John Rede, Richard Attsell, Hugh Haward, John Yonge, and Richard -Harryson), all which premises are of the clear yearly value of £12 6s. -8d.; to have and to hold to the said Sir Thomas Cawarden, his heirs and -assigns for ever, in socage as of the honour of Westminster by fealty -only and not in chief; paying yearly to the Court of Augmentations for -the chapel and churchyard, 12d.; for the almeshouse, 4s. 8d., and 19s. -for the other premises (the rents are given separately for each). 21st -January; Westminster. - - Pat. Roll, 3 Ed. VI, pt. 10. - - - AUGMENTATION OFFICE. MISCELLANEOUS BOOKS. NO. 259. - - _Book of payments from 20th March, 4 Edward VI, to 20th March, 5 Edward - VI._ - - -[Sidenote: 1551-52.] - -“Pencions out of Monasteries” - -f. 16 d. ROUNDESIVALL. - -Alloc’. Gardiani ibidem per annum vj li. xiij s. iiij d.[21] ex^r. - -Footnote 21: - - The above sum is written below _viij_ _li_, crossed out. - -Paide to them the xij of Aprill for theire quarters pencion due at - Christenmas laste paste xxxiij s. iiij d. - -Paide to him the xij of Aprill for theire quarters pencion due at Th - annunciacion last past xxxiij s. iiij d. - -Paide to them the xxij of Novembre for her quarters pencion due at - Midsomer last past xxxiij s. iiij d. - -Paide to them the xxij of Novembre for her quarters pencion due at - Mighelmas last past xxxiij s. iiij d. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - ELEANOR OF CASTILE - - - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 12. - The Effigy of Queen Eleanor in Westminster Abbey; made by William - Torel (anno 1291): from the drawing by Basire; Gough, “Sepulchral - Monuments of Great Britain,” i, part i, plate xxiii. -] - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - ELEANOR OF CASTILE, - - QUEEN OF ENGLAND - AND THE - MONUMENTS ERECTED IN HER MEMORY. - - ------- - - -TRADITION for over six hundred years has conferred the title of the -“Good Queen Eleanor” on the Consort of Edward I, and does not fail to -repeat the tale of one of the most beautiful episodes in the domestic -annals of the mediæval English court; but the force of this tradition -has, without doubt, been greatly strengthened by the existence of the -remarkable series of monuments erected by King Edward to perpetuate the -memory of the Queen. - -The story of the “Regina bonæ memoriæ” may be of interest to those who -read these pages, not only because the Cross erected at Charing was the -finest of the memorial crosses, but because the artistic conception and -much of the excellent craftsmanship lavished on these beautiful -monuments had their origin in the district of London specially -associated with the work of Charing Cross Hospital. - -It will first of all be needful to recall something of the life and -character of a Queen who made so powerful an impression on her people. -That her influence must have been remarkable is sufficiently indicated -by the fact that the crosses partook of the nature of shrines. They were -built on consecrated ground and were intended to claim the prayers of -the wayfarer. This great demand on the devotion of her people, which -might readily have given the impression of being forced or exaggerated, -was clearly held to be entirely fitting. - - - THE COMING OF ELEANOR TO ENGLAND. - -The omens at the commencement of Eleanor’s career in England were by no -means favourable, and little indicated the event. At the age of about -nine, Eleanor, a princess of Castile, was married to Edward, the heir to -the English Crown, who had reached the mature age of fifteen years. The -marriage took place in the year 1254, in the ancient city of Burgos, and -was celebrated with the utmost pomp; but the magnificence of the -occasion fails to conceal the features of the hard diplomatic bargain -driven between Henry III, the father of the bridegroom, and Alfonso X of -Leon and Castile, Eleanor’s half-brother. As a condition of this treaty -Alfonso merged all his claims and rights in Guienne and the South of -France in the English Crown; and the marriage, arranged after much -difficulty, placed the seal on this compact, terminating a long period -of petty warfare and intrigue, during which Alfonso had sought to -encourage the Gascons and other Gallic subjects of Henry against their -liege lord. - -This Spanish marriage was by no means a popular one amongst the English; -and although in the following year, 1255, when Eleanor came to London, -her reception was marked with much circumstance and great official -cordiality, it is clear that the Londoners had no great love for the -Spaniards. Henry had given sufficient reason for the people’s jealousy -of foreigners; his prodigality and many acts of favouritism already -shown to foreign relations of the royal house and their retainers gave -good earnest that a similar outburst of extravagance on the part of the -King would result from this Spanish invasion. Preceding the arrival of -Eleanor, an embassy led by her brother, Don Sancho, the young Archbishop -of Toledo, had arrived to make certain preliminary arrangements. They -had been greeted with only a modified degree of favour by the London -populace. Their manners were considered to be anything but up to the -London standard. Under an aspect of richness and profusion their habits -were considered to be sordid and mean; one of the complaints made by the -grumbling Londoners was that the Spaniards, not content with hanging the -walls of their lodging with tapestry, must also use tapestry for -covering the floors! The unfortunate young Prelate himself on riding -through the streets of London had ventured to confer his benediction on -the populace with upraised hand—an act which was interpreted with but -little generosity. The hapless ten years old Princess and wife presents -a pathetic picture, for in the midst of all this political intrigue even -the little maiden herself did not escape the animadversions of her -future people. Special notice is taken of the fact that though landing -with a great retinue at Dover, and with much bravery of outward attire, -she had but a very scanty wardrobe (_minus bene munita hernesio_). One -of the first disbursements on the part of Henry for his daughter-in-law -was to remedy this grave defect.[22] - -Footnote 22: - - Rot. Lit. Claus., 39 Henry III, m. 2. (No. 69). - -The young Prince, her husband, appears to have been a headstrong and -undisciplined young man; though nominally in possession of great estates -in France and England, his actual income in money was small, and he and -his friends and retainers seem to have lived on the land as if they were -a band of foreign robbers. Edward’s thoughtlessness and the harshness -and cruelty of those around him are unfavourably commented on at this -time. The hard discipline, which the young Prince received in the years -immediately following, was very necessary to render him the great king -of England which he subsequently became, and many years also were -required before the little Princess acquired the gracious firmness of -character which is recognized in the “Regina bonæ memoriæ” of English -history. - - - THE EARLY INFLUENCES AFFECTING ELEANOR’S CHARACTER. - -The young Princess did not stay long in England at this time. She -returned to the Continent, no doubt to continue her education under the -influence of her royal relatives in Spain and France. Her half-brother, -Alfonso, was a man of much ability and high culture. His astronomical -researches are known to this day, and he is distinguished by the title -of “El Sabio” among the early Kings of Spain. Eleanor’s education was, -therefore, carried on under conditions more favourable than might be -expected in such a troubled age. The influences thus exerted on her -developing character left their mark throughout her life, and more than -once her love of beautiful things and the encouragement she gave to -learning appear in the fragmentary records of her history. - -Edward, on the other hand, probably gained little in the way of -discipline or of military or political training from his father. It was -in the merciless school of rebellion and civil strife that he was to -receive his first hard lessons, the results of which may be traced -throughout his career. His early association with Simon de Montfort, a -leader of much genius, afforded him his first training in warfare. This -training never stood him in better stead than when, after his final -rupture with this great leader, the battle of Evesham gave him the -opportunity of putting in practice what he had learned against his old -master. At the same time his experience of the meaner side of the -miserable politics of this period produced the distortion of Edward’s -character which marred many of his great actions in the future. - -It was not till the Barons’ Wars were approaching their termination that -Eleanor definitely took up her residence in England. The domestic life -of the young Prince and Princess may be reckoned as commencing about the -year 1264, ten years after their marriage, when their eldest child, -named after her mother, was born. Eleanor seems to have lived a very -domesticated life,[23] principally at Windsor and in her Castle at -Guildford, and there is evidence that her gracious character and many -acts of kindness to the neighbouring people soon began to have their -inevitable effect. She showed early the desire to accompany her husband -on his travels, one of the most characteristic features of her later -life. Edward, on the other hand, was still under the shadow of his -father. The state of English politics was exceedingly perturbed, and the -King’s eldest son was much involved in the intrigues of the time. The -strength of Edward’s character frequently showed itself by courage and -enterprise in the field of battle, by political insight and evidences of -good statesmanship; but his impetuosity and his lack of consideration -led to frequent acts of harshness which must have alienated many who -would otherwise have been supporters of the royal house, and his conduct -in private must have frequently been a cause of anxiety and mental -distress to his young Princess. - -Footnote 23: - - Eleanor did not escape experience of the alarms of war, even at this - early age, as may be inferred from the sudden orders for the - retirement of the Princess and her household from Windsor to - Westminster after the battle of Lewes. (Foedera i, part ii, p. 563.) - - - ELEANOR JOURNEYS TO THE HOLY LAND WITH EDWARD. - -There must have been, therefore, a great sense of relief to many within -the land when, in the year 1270, Edward, having taken the Cross, -entrusted his children and all his possessions to his uncle Richard and -departed to join the French King on crusade to the Holy Land. The -dangers from pestilence and sword besetting such expeditions to the East -were perfectly well understood—repeated and painful experience had -brought them home to all, both of high and of low degree. With this full -knowledge Eleanor made the momentous decision to accompany her husband -and to share the trials and dangers of the crusade. - -Before they had actually left France on their journey to the East, -intelligence was received of the death of Louis of France, the leader of -this crusade, in Tunis, and although it must have been clear to Edward -that the chance of a successful issue of the crusade was much -diminished, nevertheless, accompanied by his comparatively small English -force, he went on towards Palestine. - -The next two years were spent in the East. The crusade ended in failure, -scarcely relieved by the exploits of Edward in raising the siege of -Acre, at the battle of Nazareth, and in one or two smaller engagements. -From among the incidents of the crusade, the attempted assassination of -Edward by an emissary of one of the Sultan’s emirs stands out most -clearly. During the struggle Edward was badly wounded in his arm. The -wound suppurated, the arm swelled, and threatened to become gangrenous. -At this juncture the physician in the household of the Master of the -Temple was called in to advise, and stated his opinion that the only -chance of recovery was by means of free incision of the affected arm. -Edward decided that this should be done. On hearing the decision of her -husband, the Princess, worn out with anxiety, broke down completely, and -had to be conveyed from the tent in charge of her brother-in-law, -Edmund, and John De Vescy.[24] The operation was then performed, and -Edward made a satisfactory recovery. During his convalescence, he must -have owed much to the devoted care of his wife and to the skill of his -medical attendants. It was during these three years of close -association, while Edward had to bear the trial of repeated -disappointments in addition to the severe hardships and imminent perils -of foreign warfare, that a bond of firm comradeship was formed between -the future King and Queen. - -Footnote 24: - - Hemingford, Walter: Historiae Angliae Scriptores. Gale; ii, p. 591, - Oxford, 1687. Hemingburgh, Walterus de: Hamilton, H. C., Eng. Hist. - Soc., ii, p. 335. - -Eleanor had three children before leaving England, and during her years -of travel in the East and in France, two, if not three, more had been -born; of these, Joan of Acre, of romantic memory, and a son Alphonso, -for some years heir to the English crown, survived. It can hardly be a -matter of doubt that the number of her children added to the hardships -of her long journeys, and the almost certain incidence of disease had an -adverse influence on the health of the future Queen. - - - THE RETURN TO ENGLAND. - -On their return journey, while resting in Sicily, the Prince and -Princess received the intelligence of the deaths first of their eldest -son John, and then of King Henry. Their homeward journey was, however, -still greatly delayed; Edward running the fantastic risks of a -knight-errant in Burgundy, and becoming embroiled in bouts of partisan -warfare in the South of France, while the Queen visited her royal -relatives in Spain, and rested for some time at Bayonne, where her son -Alphonso was born. - -It was not till late in the following year that they returned to -England, when both Edward and Eleanor were hallowed and crowned at -Westminster amidst surroundings of the greatest magnificence, and with -the promise of a fortunate reign, especially in their relationship with -the King of Scotland (19th August, 1273). - -One of the first great designs of Edward’s statesmanship was to secure -the more complete subjection of Wales to the English crown. Eleanor’s -influence appears to have been exerted to moderate the impetuosity and -harshness of her husband, and to add the occasional touch of -graciousness which became notably absent when her guiding hand was -removed. Llewelyn II, the Prince of Wales, had been in close terms of -intimacy with the de Montfort family, and was betrothed to Eleanor, the -King’s cousin and only daughter of the great Earl Simon. On her way to -Wales from France in 1276, the ship conveying this lady was captured by -Bristol sailors. The distinguished captive was promptly sent to Edward -at Windsor. Eleanor de Montfort was too valuable a counter in the game -of Edward’s politics to be given up easily, and she was accordingly kept -in captivity in order to influence the negotiations with the Welsh -Prince. The rigour of her captivity, however, was much alleviated by the -action of the Queen, whose kindness and consideration stands out in -pleasant relief to the unremitting harshness of Edward’s dealings with -Llewelyn. The unfortunate Princess, Eleanor de Montfort, died soon after -her marriage, after giving birth to a daughter, and happily did not -witness the savage outburst signalising Edward’s final triumph over -Llewelyn. Accompanied by the Queen, Edward gradually established himself -in Wales. In 1284, Eleanor’s son, Edward, was born at Carnarvon, and the -Welsh once more received a native-born Prince, but the episode of -Eleanor’s kindness to the de Montfort Princess and her presence with -Edward during the later stages of the occupation of Wales, were no doubt -factors of great assistance to Edward in bringing his Welsh policy to a -successful conclusion. - -The following years of Eleanor’s life seem to have passed in much -contentment in the midst of her numerous family. She still retained her -custom of accompanying her husband on his travels, and undertook in his -company another long voyage to France and probably to Spain. The memory -of her domestic happiness is recalled by the traditions which still -remain of the gaiety which distinguished the “Maiden Hall” at -Westminster. - -The Queen, however, did not entirely escape trial and mental anxiety -even in her relationship with her daughters. She keenly felt Edward’s -decision that her daughter, Princess Mary, a girl aged 6, should take -the veil and enter the great Benedictine nunnery of Amesbury. Edward -seems to have been forced to this harsh decision by the masterful -influence of the Queen Mother, Eleanor of Provence, who was living in -retirement in this convent. The Princess Mary survived to the year 1332, -and saw much of the trouble which subsequently befell the Royal House. - -Records remain which show that Edward allowed himself to relax from the -severity of the warrior and the statesman in the domestic circle. His -domestic relaxation seems to have been often of a boisterous character. -There is, for instance, the story of the King being held in bed by seven -of the Queen’s ladies and damosels on the morning of Easter Monday, -1290, till he paid them the fine of £14 expected on that day.[25] On -another occasion, in the same year, Matilda of Waltham, stated to be the -King’s laundress, wins a wager from the King by venturing to ride his -horse, when he had gone hunting in Essex. The King recovered his steed -by paying a fine of 40s. to the bold Matilda.[26] - -Footnote 25: - - Wardrobe Account 18 Edw. I, fol. 45b. Chancery Miscellanea 4/5. - -Footnote 26: - - Wardrobe Account 18 Edw. I, fol. 47b. Chancery Miscellanea 4/5. - - - THE LAST YEAR OF THE QUEEN’S LIFE. - -The year 1290, however, was to be distinguished by events of far more -serious import than the records of domestic happiness. Edward, secure in -England, had reached, perhaps, the culminating point of a successful -career. His judgment was appealed to and his advice followed in foreign -lands; and the great political design of bringing about the union of the -Scottish and English crowns, so often the dream of his predecessors, now -appeared to promise a successful issue by the betrothal of Prince Edward -to his cousin, Margaret of Norway,[27] the grand-daughter of Alexander -III, and heiress to the Scottish throne. Eleanor’s influence must have -been willingly exerted to bring about so happy a solution of the long -drawn out Anglo-Scottish dispute. - -Footnote 27: - - The “Maid of Norway” was King Edward’s grand-niece, and first cousin - “once-removed” to the Prince. - -Earlier events of importance in 1290 in Eleanor’s domestic life were the -marriages of her two daughters, Joan of Acre and Margaret. The -celebrations which distinguished the latter event were of so striking a -character that their record remains to this day as an example of the -extreme of mediæval magnificence. - -Already, however, the tragic events which closed this year were throwing -their shadows over the land. The Queen’s health was not as it should -be,[28] and a rumour rapidly gained credence that Margaret was dead in -Orkney, where she had rested on her voyage from Norway to Scotland. The -question of the succession to the Scottish Crown, with all its dangerous -consequences, was immediately opened up, and it is clear that Edward -promptly came to the conclusion that he must be in a position to bring -about a result favourable to the English interest. - -Footnote 28: - - There is some evidence that a daughter was added to the Queen’s - already large family early in this year. - - - THE JOURNEY TO HARBY AND THE QUEEN’S FATAL ILLNESS. - -The summer session of Parliament in Westminster was adjourned, but -re-assembled during the autumn, and Edward left London on 21st July, -travelling northwards accompanied as usual by the Queen. By slow stages -they reached Harby[29] near Lincoln, where the Queen remained at the -house of Richard de Weston, who was no doubt a relative of Sir John de -Weston, a confidential member of her own household. It is clear that the -Queen was unable to bear the fatigues of travelling, and as the autumn -session of Parliament was summoned to meet at King’s Clipstone, a royal -residence in Sherwood Forest, Edward was anxious that Eleanor should be -sufficiently close at hand for him to have full knowledge of her health. -During the month of September he made short journeys in the districts of -the Peak and Sherwood Forest, and paid a visit to Harby on 11th -September. The Clipstone Parliament occupied his attention during most -of October and the early part of November. - -Footnote 29: - - Previously written “Hardeby,” “Hardby,” &c. - -During the whole of this period the Queen was steadily declining in -health. It is interesting to note one or two indications of the nature -of her long illness. It is on record that a certain Henry de -Montepessulano[30] received on 18th October the sum of 13s. 4d. on -account of syrups and other medicines purchased for the Queen at -Lincoln.[31] The Queen’s physician was a certain Magister Leopardus, who -is specially mentioned in the Queen’s will as receiving a legacy of 20 -marks. In addition to the physician attached to her household she seems -to have been attended by some of her own countrymen—the physician to the -King of Aragon is especially mentioned. To him the Queen presented a -silver goblet, worth 12-1/2 marks, and Sir Garcia de Ispannia, who was -evidently of the King and Queen’s household, received a certain sum for -a cross given to the Queen. - -Footnote 30: - - The presence of a member of the ancient Medical School of Montpellier - in the Queen’s Household is of much interest. - -Footnote 31: - - Wardrobe Account 18 Edw. I, fol. 13, Chancery Miscellanea 4/5. - -The character of the illness is described by a contemporary annalist as -being of a lingering character, associated with low fever.[32] In spite -of all skill and care the Queen steadily became worse, till at length -the illness must have been recognized as fatal. Another annalist speaks -of the Queen as being stricken with a serious illness.[33] - -Footnote 32: - - Wykes, Thomas. Ann. de Oseneia. Annales monastici: Rolls series, iv, - p. 326, “_Modicæ febris igniculo contabescens_.” - -Footnote 33: - - Walsingham, Thomas of, quoting William Rishanger, a contemporary - writer: “_Regina consors grave infirmatate correpta quarto idus - decembris ex hac vita migravit in villa de Hardeby_.” Historia - Anglicana, Rolls edition; anno 1291, pp. 32, 33. - -At the close of the Clipstone Parliament, Edward travelled slowly -towards Harby, arriving there on the 20th November. The gravity of the -Queen’s illness seems scarcely to have been appreciated by the King. He -spent six days on his journey from Clipstone to Harby—a distance of -little more than 20 miles. On his arrival the hopelessness of the -Queen’s condition must have been apparent to him. She died on the -evening of the 28th November. - -Evidence of the King’s grief and depression is given not only by the -contemporary writers, but by Edward’s actions at the time of the death -of Eleanor and during the subsequent months. The gracious character of -the Queen’s influence on her consort, and the affection she inspired in -her people, is amply testified by the contemporary annalists. -Walsingham, once more quoting his predecessors such as Rishanger, -describes her shortly in the following sentence: “She was in very truth -a woman of pious, gracious, and compassionate disposition, the friend of -all English folk, and as a pillar of the whole realm.”[34] The important -point of this description is the emphasis laid on the fact that Eleanor -was the friend of her English subjects. This had not been the -characteristic of her predecessors. In the time of Henry III, the -foreign relatives of both the Queen and the King swarmed into England, -and memories of the unjust favours showered upon them still rankled in -the minds of the people. An echo of this can still be heard on listening -to the tale of the annalist at Dunstable. He writes from the English -point of view, and is chiefly concerned with describing the benefits -received by his Convent from the King and Queen.[35] - -Footnote 34: - - “Fuerat nempe mulier pia, modesta, misericors, Anglicorum amatrix - omnium, et velut columna regni totius. Cujus temporibus alienigenæ - Angliam non gravabant, incolæ nullatenus per regales opprimebantur, si - ad aures ejus vel minima querela oppressionis aliqualiter pervenisset. - Tristes ubique, prout dignitatem suæ permittebat, consolabatur, et - discordes ad concordium, quantum potuit, reducebat.” - -Footnote 35: - - Ann. de Dunstaplia: Annales monastici. Rolls series, iii, p. 362. Of - Eleanor this annalist drily remarks: “Hyspana genere quæ plura et - optima maneria adquisivit.” - -Edward’s letter conveying information of the Queen’s death to the Abbot -of Cluny still remains, and gives pathetic evidence of his own sorrow: -“Whom while living we cherished dearly, and being dead we shall not -cease to love.”[36] - -Footnote 36: - - Close Roll, 19 Ed. I, m. 11 d. A.D. 1291: Foedera, i, part ii, p. 743: - “De Orando pro Regina.” “Cum itaque, dictam Consortem nostram _quam - vivam care dileximus, mortuam non desinamus amare_, ac opus sanctum et - salubre, juxta divinæ scripturæ sententiam, censeatur pro defunctis, - ut a peccatorum solvantur nexibus, exorare.” - -After the obsequies at Westminster were concluded, the King went into -retirement in the religious house of the “Bons Hommes” at Ashridge, -issuing to pay a visit to his mother and daughter in the Convent at -Amesbury. - -The Queen’s death marks the crisis of Edward’s career. His kingly manner -and appearance, his renown as a warrior, and his success as a statesman, -combined to make him one of the most prominent personages in Europe. The -political problems of the future might well have been solved by his -firmness and skill had not the distortion of his character, which dates -back to his early years, become more pronounced. Especially in the -management of the Scottish difficulty, his firmness of purpose contrasts -curiously with the meanness and shiftiness of his administration. These -base qualities more than anything else brought to so unhappy a -termination his statesmanlike plans for the union of England and -Scotland. This great political scheme ended with Edward’s life in the -dark scene at Burgh-on-the-Sands, marked by the desire for savage -revenge[37] only too characteristic of Edward’s worse nature. At no -period of his career did Edward miss the moderating influence of Eleanor -of Castile more than during his quarrel with Scotland. - -Footnote 37: - - This phase of Edward’s character brings to mind the “demon blood” of - his Angevin ancestry. _Cf._ Norgate, Kate: “England under Angevin - Kings,” i, pp. 143-144; ii, p. 207. - - - KING EDWARD’S PLAN FOR THE COMMEMORATION OF QUEEN ELEANOR. - -It is quite clear that Edward must have carefully considered the most -fitting means for the perpetuation of the memory of his consort during -the anxious weeks of Eleanor’s last illness. It would have been -otherwise impossible to put into immediate operation the details of his -great design. - -The plan which commended itself to the King was that after the body had -been embalmed a funeral procession should be formed, led by himself and -accompanied by the important officers of State, and should pass through -England from Lincoln to London. The itinerary was so arranged that at -the close of each day’s march the cortège should rest for the night near -some important town, or at a religious house of note. The route thus -determined was not the most direct. - -He spent Advent Sunday, December 2, 1290, in Lincoln, the body resting -at the Priory of St. Catherine, on the southern outskirt of the city, -while the King chose the situation for the first of the tombs under the -great eastern window of Lincoln Minster, and attended the memorial -services in that great Church. - -Leaving Lincoln on 3rd December, the procession passed through Grantham, -Stamford and Geddington, reaching Northampton on the 9th December; then, -by way of Stony Stratford, through Woburn and Dunstable to St. Albans, -which was reached on the 13th December. The King went thence direct to -London, to make due preparation for the ceremonial entry into the City, -while the procession conveying the remains of Eleanor passed on to -Waltham Abbey, in order later to pass through the length of the City. -The procession through the City of London was of the most solemn -character, being led by the King, accompanied by the important nobles, -the officials of the Court, the prelates and the higher clergy. - -The night following the departure from Waltham, the body rested at the -western end of Chepe (Cheapside), or perhaps actually in St. Paul’s, the -next night, in the village of Charing, on the confines of Westminster, -and the entombment in the Abbey Church of St. Peter’s took place on the -17th December. - -Three tombs were to be erected in memory of the Queen—one in the -Cathedral Church of Lincoln, where the viscera were buried; one in the -Church of the Dominican Friars in London, a religious fraternity which -had early gained the sympathy of the King and Queen. In this beautiful -Church of the Black Friars, built mainly by the munificence of Edward -and his consort, the heart of the Queen was to be enshrined at her own -request. The third tomb was erected in the Chapel of St. Edward the -Confessor, where the body is interred. The King determined that at every -station on this route where the Queen’s body rested for the night a -memorial cross should be erected in the most sumptuous manner possible. - -The ceremonies which took place at these various stations were solemnly -conducted with the full rites of the Church, and we still have evidence -of what took place at Dunstable and St. Albans. The Dunstable annalist -states that the body rested one night there—probably in the choir of the -Priory Church—and the bier remained in this place while the Chancellor -and the other magnates of the Court selected a suitable place for the -erection of the Cross. The Prior of the Convent was present at the -ceremony, and consecrated the spot by sprinkling holy water. The Priory -received two valuable pieces of embroidery and more than 40 lb. of -wax.[38] - -Footnote 38: - - This was not the first time that Edward presented gifts to the Priory - at Dunstable, including the valuable embroideries on cloth of gold of - Eastern origin, “_scilicet Baudekyns_,” _i.e._, cloth of Bagdad, where - this gorgeous fabric was originally made. - -At St. Albans, as was to be expected of the greater house, the -ceremonies must have been conducted with even greater magnificence. The -procession was met as it approached St. Albans by the whole Convent, -“_solemniter revestitus in albis et capis_,” at the Church of St. -Michael, near the entrance of the town. The body was then conducted to -the Abbey Church and placed before the High Altar. The whole of that -night the Convent was engaged in its divine offices and holy vigils. -There can be no doubt that this progress passing through so much of the -land, accompanied by the King and the great magnates of the Court, -honoured by the most ceremonious rites of Holy Church, and ending with -the great celebration at Westminster, was one of the most remarkable -spectacles ever witnessed in England. - -The idea of this impressive ceremonial was no doubt suggested to the -mind of Edward by the funeral of his old leader on crusade—Louis IX of -France. After the death of Louis in Tunis, his body was conveyed to -France for entombment. It was carried on men’s shoulders from Paris to -St. Denis, and at the places where the bearers rested on their journey a -cross was subsequently built. It is well known that Edward held the -memory of Louis in great veneration, and was well aware of these -circumstances; no doubt he had seen the crosses in memory of St. Louis -while in France and accompanied by the Queen. - -Besides arranging for the construction of the tombs and crosses, Edward -made very ample provision for the religious celebrations to be made in -memory of his wife. These were conducted in many places throughout the -land, but the most elaborate was that held annually up to the time of -Henry VIII in Westminster Abbey, on the eve of St. Andrew’s Day, the -29th November. - - - THE BUILDERS OF THE QUEEN’S MONUMENTS. - -Edward was well aware that he had both the men and the materials for the -accomplishment of this great design. Although the King was unable to -devote much of his time to artistic matters, he could not have been the -son of his father without having a cultivated taste and a competent -knowledge of the arts and crafts of the time. His father, Henry III, -however much he failed as a ruler in an age when the power of the King -was the main factor of good government, was an enthusiastic lover of art -and a patron of artists. It was during the reign of Henry, and largely -owing to his influence, that perhaps the most remarkable development of -Early English architecture took place. His principal work, to which he -gave himself with the utmost devotion, and, indeed, with little -consideration of other and more important duties, was the rebuilding and -decorating of the Abbey Church at Westminster. For the carrying out of -his designs he had gradually fostered a school of architects, sculptors, -painters, and other artists in Westminster unrivalled in England. This -Westminster School of Art not only produced a great part of the -magnificent edifice of the Abbey Church, but was directly engaged in the -construction of many other great churches and buildings. Its influence, -however, was still wider. From it trained and skilled men travelled -throughout Britain, imparting the knowledge of structure and artistic -design, while artists and students came to learn the Westminster methods -from the ends of the land. - -There is, however, a good deal of evidence to show that Edward inherited -the collecting proclivities of his father, and was encouraged in this -amiable failing by Eleanor. He spent very large sums of money in buying -gold and silver plate, jewellery, carvings and embroideries. Records -remain not only of his own possessions, but of the lavish way in which -he and the Queen presented such works of art to religious houses which -they visited from time to time, and in which they took special interest. -An example may be found in the accounts of the Queen’s executors, where -we find that a certain Brother Nicholas received the sum of £10 for -bringing jewels, and, apparently, other works of art, from Acre to -England for the Queen’s service.[39] - -Footnote 39: - - _Cf._ “Liberationes factae per Executores,” &c., _Item_, fratri - Nicholao de Acon, pro cariagio diversarum rerum et jocalium, ad opus - Reginae de Acon usque in Angliam, x li. - -In the year 1290 and for some time before, the King’s master mason at -Westminster was a certain Master Richard Crundale, or, as he was usually -called in the Rolls containing the accounts of Queen Eleanor’s -executors, “Magister Ricardus de Crundale, Cimentarius.” Richard -Crundale was the direct successor of such great architects and builders -as Master Henry of Westminster, Master John of Gloucester, and Master -Robert of Beverley, who had been successively the King’s architects, and -to whom we owe the beautiful designs and the excellent workmanship of -Westminster Abbey. Crundale succeeded Robert of Beverley, and had -apparently been in charge of the work at the Abbey for about ten years -at this date. To him the King entrusted the building of the cross at -Charing, and also the construction of the beautiful tomb in the Abbey -Church, but it can hardly be doubted that it is to him we owe the -suggestion of designs for many of the other crosses, and it is at any -rate clear that the influence of the Westminster School is shown both in -their planning and in the selection of the architects and builders who -carried out the work. - -The accounts of the executors show that, in addition to the work for the -cross at Charing and the tomb in the Abbey, the statues of the Queen -which found places in all the crosses, and much of the decorative stone -carving, were made at Westminster under the eye of Richard Crundale. - -In association with Crundale, there were at work in Westminster two -sculptors (“Imaginatores”) of renown, namely—Alexander of Abingdon, and -William of Ireland; these were the men who carved the statues. Ralph of -Chichester carved much of the decorative stone work. The painter who -decorated the tombs had also a high reputation in his time—Master Walter -of Durham. Master William Torel, a citizen of London and goldsmith, had -the good fortune to be chosen to mould and cast the metal effigies of -the Queen, which found their places on the tombs at Westminster and -Lincoln. His work was carried out in material of more durable character, -and his reputation as an accomplished craftsman in metal rests firmly on -the evidence of one of the most perfect remaining examples of mediæval -art. Another worker in metal, Master Thomas de Leighton, has left -evidence of his skill in the fine iron grille over the Queen’s tomb. The -executry accounts tell us also of the men employed by Crundale to bring -the stone and Purbeck marble from Corfe, Caen, and other places, and the -names of others associated with the works at Westminster are still -preserved. - -The actual cost of the erection of the Cross at Charing is difficult to -tell. The accounts show that large sums were received by Richard -Crundale, amounting to some £700, but this sum no doubt represents work -for other memorials to the Queen, and not alone for those at -Westminster. It is also evident that the executry accounts were not -complete, so that an exact calculation of the cost is no longer -possible.[40] Unfortunately Richard Crundale died before the completion -of the Queen’s memorials, and was succeeded in 1293 by Roger Crundale, -under whose care the work was completed. - -Footnote 40: - - To obtain some idea of the cost of the memorials, money at the end of - the thirteenth century may be considered to have possessed thirteen - times its present purchasing value. - -The cross in the City of London at the west end of Chepe was entrusted -to Michael of Canterbury, a member of the Westminster School, and -subsequently the successor of the Crundales as the King’s master mason -in Westminster. This distinguished architect was engaged in rebuilding -the Chapel of St. Stephen’s at Westminster while working on the cross at -Chepe. Of the exact plan of the “Cheapside” Cross little or nothing is -known, but there can be little doubt that it conformed in essential -details to the plan determined on by Richard Crundale. We know, however, -that Michael of Canterbury undertook the construction of Chepe Cross for -the sum of £300, and the executry accounts show payments to the extent -of £226 13s. 4d. This gives us the closest indication we can now obtain -of the actual money spent in building the crosses. It is generally -recognized that the cross at Charing was the finest and most elaborate -of the series, but Chepe Cross, situated as it was in the City of -London, must have also been a noble example of artistic work; probably -the crosses in country places were on less magnificent a scale. - -The cross at Waltham was constructed by Roger Crundale and a certain -Dyminge de Legeri, sometimes called de Reyns. Roger Crundale was -obviously a member of the Westminster School, and there is little doubt -that he was Richard Crundale’s brother. Dyminge de Legeri may have been -a foreigner, but his work was held in high appreciation, for he not only -helped in the construction of Waltham Cross, but was employed in making -the sculptured tomb at Lincoln. - -The building of the five Midland Eleanor Crosses—namely, at St. Albans, -Dunstable, Woburn, Stony Stratford and Northampton—is of special -interest, inasmuch as the work was entrusted to what seems to have been -the mediæval representative of a firm of architects and builders in -Northampton. The most prominent member of the firm was a certain -Johannes de Bello, or de la Bataille, in whose name most of the payments -are made out, but with him was one scarcely less important, namely, -Simon de Pabeham (Pabenham). These two builders were also of the -Westminster School, and appear later in connection with works at -Westminster itself. At this time, however, they were working at -Northampton as their centre. Nearly £400 was noted as being paid to John -Battle, but we can form little opinion as to how the money was -distributed. The cross at Northampton, a beautiful example of Battle’s -handiwork, still exists. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 13. - The Cross at Geddington in the eighteenth century. Published by the - Society of Antiquaries: drawn by Schnebbelie, engraved by Basire: - _Vetusta Monumenta_, iii, plate xiv, 1791. -] - -We know nothing of the architects or builders of the crosses at -Geddington, Stamford, or Grantham. The cross at Geddington remains the -most perfectly preserved example of the whole series. This cross is -remarkable, as it shows a completely different plan from those already -mentioned. Indeed its scheme of construction differs to such an extent -from the others that it is not probable that Crundale had any part in -its design. It is also noteworthy that no mention is made of these three -crosses in the executry accounts. If arrangements for building them had -been made at Westminster, we should have had evidence of it in the -executry rolls. It is probable, therefore, that in the Geddington Cross, -the only one of the three remaining, we see the work of some other -master. The influence of the builders of Lincoln Cathedral may have made -itself felt so far as Geddington, on the border of John Battle’s -territory. It is, however, very tempting to make the suggestion that the -cross at Geddington—possibly also those, long since destroyed, at -Stamford and Grantham—owe their origin to foreign artists. Those places -we may regard as having been in the Queen’s own country. On her marriage -it is specially mentioned that she received in dowry important -possessions in Grantham, Stamford, Tickhill, and the Peak. At the time -of her death we know that there were Spaniards in her household, and it -may be that the very unusual and striking design of Geddington Cross -owes its origin to a Spanish rather than to an English artist. - -At Lincoln, the rebuilding of the Cathedral had given rise to a local -school of art, influenced no doubt by, but independent of, the greater -school at Westminster. The master builder of this school at the time was -Richard de Stowe, sometimes called “de Gaynisburgh,” evidently a man of -local birth and training, whose tombstone is still to be seen in the -cloisters of Lincoln Minster. To him was entrusted the erection of the -cross at Lincoln, but some finer decorative work was done by the -Westminster artists. William of Ireland furnished the statues and the -ornaments so frequently mentioned in the accounts as the “virgæ, capita -et annuli,” and special mention is made of payments to him for their -carriage to Lincoln. - -The construction of the tomb over the remains of Eleanor in the -Cathedral was entrusted to Dyminge de Legeri, with whom was especially -associated Alexander of Abingdon. This tomb for long supported a replica -of Torel’s effigy of the Queen at Westminster made by that artist’s own -hands. - -The monument constructed to contain the heart of the Queen in the Church -of the Black Friars in London, must have been elaborately beautiful. -Walter of Durham expended his utmost art in its decoration, and in -addition special effigies of the Queen were placed on this monument, -which were made by Alexander of Abingdon, Dyminge de Legeri, and William -of Suffolk. - -Richard Crundale’s design for the Memorial Cross consisted of a solid -pillar, surmounted by a cross, following in principle the more ancient -crosses existing throughout the land; but with his greater skill in -construction and more developed artistic feeling the simple column was -surrounded with new architectural features. - -The area on which the cross stood was covered with stone pavement, on -this pavement a smaller platform, attained by a varying number of steps, -was built, from this platform arose the cross proper. The architectural -decorations surrounding the column were arranged in three stages. The -first stage presented three, six, or eight faces, arranged in panels; in -these panels were carved shields, emblazoned with the Queen’s heraldic -bearings, giving the coats of England, Castile and Leon, and -Ponthieu.[41] The second stage consisted of a platform for displaying -the statues of the Queen, the number of statues corresponding to the -faces of the cross—three, four, or more, as the case might be. -Protecting the statues was arranged an elaborate system of -“tabernacles,” giving to the passer-by the impression of a shrine. The -third stage showed the continuation of the solid column, probably in -most cases surmounted by a cross. The whole of the monument was -ornamented with the decorations characteristic of Early English -decorated architecture. The work was done at the best period of this -school, and shows how beautifully the artistic ideas of the time could -be utilised for monumental purposes. - -Footnote 41: - - For England, three lions passant, guardant; Castile and Leon, - quarterly; for Ponthieu, three bendlets within a bordure. - - - - - THE ELEANOR MEMORIALS AND THEIR FATE. - - - LINCOLN. - -The cross at Lincoln was built by Richard de Stowe, who at the time was -the master mason in charge of the work at Lincoln Cathedral. Stowe -received sums on account of his work during the years 1291 to 1293 -amounting to £106 13s. 4d. - -Of Stowe’s design for the cross we have no record, but the presumption -is that it agreed in its main features with the other crosses, for some -of the finer decorative work and statues were sent to the cross from -Westminster. They were entrusted to William of Ireland, the -“Imaginator.” The accounts of this sculptor are specially noted. He -received in all the sum of £23 6s. 8d. for making the statues of the -Queen, the “virgæ, capita et annuli,” and for their carriage from -Westminster to Lincoln. We know that he received the sum of five -marks—£3 6s. 8d.—for each statue. The cross stood on Swine Green, -opposite the Gilbertine Priory of St. Catherine, where the Queen’s body -rested. The last traces of the cross at Lincoln have long since -disappeared. - -The tomb in Lincoln Cathedral was erected by Dyminge de Legeri and -Alexander of Abingdon who was under the immediate influence of -Westminster. Note is made of their receiving £18 6s. 8d. on account of -their work at Lincoln, a sum, however, which includes a small amount to -Alexander of Abingdon on account of making statues for the tomb at -Blackfriars. Roger de Crundale was evidently associated with the work, -as he is mentioned as receiving £1 16s. 8d. for marble supplied and work -done at the tomb of the Queen. The most important feature of the Queen’s -tomb, however, was the metal effigy made by William Torel, which was an -exact replica of the effigy on the tomb in Westminster. The tombs at -Westminster and Lincoln were probably similar in design. The Queen’s -tomb occupied a position under the great east window of the cathedral, -but now no relic of it survives. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 14. - The Cross at Geddington, from a photograph by the Author, 1908. -] - - -In 1901 a monument in memory of the Queen, copying the original tomb, -was placed on the southern side of the retro-choir by the late Mr. -Joseph Ruston. Sufficient information was obtained from drawings of the -original monument by Dugdale and Bishop Sanderson, now in the possession -of the Earl of Winchilsea, to permit of this being done. This monument, -however, could not be placed in the original position on the north side -of the “Angel Choir” as the site had been used for a recent interment, -and the Bishop’s Chair had been erected close to the site.[42] No -fragments of the original tomb were discovered when this work was being -done. - -Footnote 42: - - From information kindly given by Mrs. J. M. H. MacLeod. - - - GRANTHAM. - -No information is obtainable of the design, nor of the builder, of the -cross at Grantham. Edmund Torner, writing in 1806, makes the following -note:— - - “On St. Peter’s Hill near the south entrance into the town stood - the elegant cross erected by Edward I in memory of Eleanor, his - Queen.”[43] - -Footnote 43: - - Torner, Edmund, 1806. Collections for the History of the Town and Soke - of Grantham. - -A note in Camden is as follows:— - - “Queen Eleanor’s Cross stood before Mr. Hacket’s house, called - Peter Church Hill, where stood a Church dedicated to St. Peter, - now demolished.”[44] - -Footnote 44: - - Britannia. Camden-Gough, ii, p. 360. - -The fragments of the cross which survived were destroyed by Cromwellian -soldiery during the Civil War. - - - STAMFORD. - -There is no information as to the builder and designer of the cross at -Stamford. Richard Butcher, some time Town Clerk of Stamford, in a work -published in 1717, states as follows:— - - “Not far from hence upon the North side of the Town near unto - York Highway, and about twelve score from the Town Gate, which - is called Clement Gate, stands an ancient cross of Free Stone of - a very curious Fabrick, having many ancient scutchions of arms - insculpted in the stone about it, as the Arms of Castile Leon - quartered, being the paternal coat of the King of Spain, and - divers other hatchments belonging to that Crown, which envious - Time hath so defaced, that only the Ruins appear to my eye, and - therefore not to be described by my Pen.”[45] - -Footnote 45: - - Butcher, Richard. London, 1717. “Survey and Antiquity of the Town of - Stamford.” - -In Camden’s “Britannia” there is the note:— - - “Not far from the Town without Clement Gate, stood a fine cross, - erected by Edward I, in memory of his Queen Eleanor, but pulled - down by the soldiers in the Civil War.”[46] - -Footnote 46: - - Britannia. Camden-Gough, ii, p. 351. - - - GEDDINGTON. - -The cross at Geddington has withstood the ravages of time and has been -disturbed less by restoration than the others. Its design differs -greatly from that of the other remaining crosses, but it is so elegant -in spite of its unusual structure, that it is very unfortunate that we -have now no knowledge of its builders. No mention is made of Geddington -Cross, nor of Stamford, nor Grantham in the Queen’s executry accounts. -These Rolls, however, are not extant later than the year 1294. It is -possible, therefore, that these three crosses were built a year or two -later than the others. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 15. - The Cross at Northampton in the eighteenth century, subsequent to an - unhappy “restoration,” which resulted in a wooden cross being - erected on the summit. Published by the Society of Antiquaries: - drawn by Schnebbelie, engraved by Basire: _Vetusta Monumenta_, iii, - plate xii, 1791. -] - -The cross stands in the middle of the village, where the main road from -Stamford to Northampton turns in a southerly direction to pass over the -old bridge across the small river Ise. There is here a widening of the -road caused by the junction of a road from the east, allowing of a clear -space, so that the cross is well seen from all sides. The cross itself -rises from a platform led up to by a series of eight steps, arranged in -hexagonal form. It is exceptional in being triangular in section. The -first story consists of three faces, each face being divided by firm -mouldings into four panels. These panels show a beautiful example of -stone carving in various diaper designs. Even now the effect is rich, -but before the outlines had faded, the diaper work must have shown great -firmness and strength. The upper panels of the lower story present the -shields bearing alternately the arms of England, Castile and Leon -quarterly, and Ponthieu, as in the case of the other crosses. The second -story also gives the effect of a triangular outline, the angles -corresponding with the middle of each side of the lower story. At each -angle rises a beautifully moulded pillar which, with similar pillars -from the other sides, support the series of canopies sheltering the -three statues of the Queen. These tabernacles are richly ornamented in -the characteristic style of decoration of the period. The third story -continues the main column of the cross upwards, and consists of a -cluster of pillars ending in decorated finials, repeating the designs of -the tabernacle work below. The column may have been originally -surmounted by a cross. Fortunately no attempt has yet been made to -replace the terminal feature. The triangular design of the cross gives a -very curious effect when it is looked at from certain directions. It -will be evident that when seen from a line parallel to one of the faces -of the second story, the whole of the cross presents a lop-sided aspect. -Its symmetry of outline becomes obvious on changing the point of view a -little to one side or the other. - -Geddington Cross, like the others, suffered not only by exposure to the -elements, but perhaps even more by neglect and wilful damage. It is -mentioned that in ancient times, during the rough sports which were held -on Easter Monday, it was the custom to catch squirrels in the -neighbouring woods and turn them loose in the neighbourhood of the -cross. The little animals naturally took refuge in its crevices and -corners, whereupon the mob attempted to destroy the squirrels by stoning -them, and many a decorated finial and beautiful piece of foliage must -have been shattered on those days. - -On the south side of the steps leading to the cross is a spring of water -evidently used from time immemorial by the inhabitants. It is now -covered in by a small square-headed stone cistern. This cross -fortunately escaped the ruin which befell so many of the other memorial -crosses during the Civil War. It was restored in 1868, and repairs were -judiciously carried out in 1890.[47] - -Footnote 47: - - _Cf._ “The Stone Crosses of the County of Northampton.” Christopher A. - Markham. Northampton: Joseph Tebbutt, 1901. - - - NORTHAMPTON. - -The cross at Northampton is the only one remaining of the five built by -John Battle and his partners. It occupies a site on the east of the main -road leading south, at a distance of about a mile from the town, in the -parish of Hardingston. The road rises slightly as it leaves the flat -land of the Nene Valley, and on this little elevation the cross was -erected. It was the proximity of the religious house of Cluniac nuns (S. -Maria de Pratis), now Delapré Abbey, which determined the spot where the -funeral procession stopped for the night. This cross stands quite in the -open country, and its fine proportions can be easily seen. Unfortunately -it has suffered much, both at the hands of time, but especially from the -restorer, and much of the original decorative work has disappeared. Its -strong, beautiful outlines give the observer a high idea of John -Battle’s skill as a designer. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 16. - The Cross at Northampton, from a photograph by the Author, 1908. -] - -The cross is situated on a platform surrounded on all sides by an ascent -of nine steps. From this the cross, which is of octagonal outline, -rises. The lowest story is supported by buttresses at the angles, and -the faces thus formed are divided into two panels by a perpendicular -moulding. Surmounting the panels is a series of decorated gables. The -panels show alternately shields with the arms of England, Castile and -Leon quarterly, and Ponthieu. In addition, every alternate face is -ornamented with an open book. - -The second story is arranged also to give an octagonal outline, but -consists really of the quadrilateral solid column of the cross, on each -face of which stands the statue of the Queen, about 6 ft. in height, -facing north, south, east and west. Attached to this solid column is a -series of eight open tabernacles, elaborately and beautifully decorated. - -Above this tabernacle story rises the solid four-sided column of the -cross, panelled and adorned with pointed tabernacle work, reproducing -the designs of the story below. The column originally terminated, in all -probability, in a cross-shaped finial. This no longer exists, the feeble -effort to replace the terminal cross during the restoration of 1713 -being happily removed. - -The first restoration of the cross of which we have particulars was in -1713. It was carried out very badly, and certainly in bad taste. Further -repairs were undertaken in 1762, during which the benefactions of the -restorers were duly and pompously notified on the cross itself. Careful -repairs were carried out in 1884, and now the care of the cross is -vested absolutely in the Northampton County Council. In spite of the -destruction due to early restorations, the Northampton cross remains a -remarkable tribute to the skill of the architects and builders of the -period, and a fine example of English decorated work. - -It is difficult to obtain an idea of the cost of the crosses erected by -Battle. The executry accounts give evidence of a sum of nearly £400 paid -to Battle and his partners, but this money was on account of the five -Midland crosses. We know that the accounts are incomplete, so that the -amount spent was no doubt larger than this sum; possibly also a larger -amount may have been spent upon the cross in such an important position -as at Northampton than in certain other places. - -In addition to the money which passed into the hands of Battle, -considerable sums were paid to William of Ireland and Ralph of -Chichester, who were entrusted with the sculpture of the statues of the -Queen, and the finer ornamental work represented by the constantly -recurring item, the “virgæ, capita et annuli.” - -The building of the cross involved another very important piece of work -at Northampton. The roadway from the town to the Queen’s cross passes -over the flat marshes of the River Nene. Robert Harrison (Robertus -filius Henrici) received £80 for the construction of a causeway across -the marshy land, and certain sums were also expended in laying the -pavement. The necessity for such a “rood-way” is obvious to anyone who -has visited the spot, and the building of the causeway would have been -regarded at the time as a work of piety. - - - STONY STRATFORD. - -The cross at Stony Stratford was one of those built by John Battle and -his partners. Ralph of Chichester was the sculptor employed to do the -ornamental work. He is noted as supplying “virgis, capitibus et -annulis.” - -Dr. Lipscomb, writing in 1847, says:— - - “The cross here was demolished about 1646, but an old - inhabitant, William Hartley, told Mr. Cole that he remembered - part of it remaining at the western extremity of the town.”[48] - -Footnote 48: - - Lipscomb, George, M.D. “History and Antiquities of the County of - Bucks.” London: T. and W. Robins. 1847, p. 366. - - - WOBURN. - -The cross was erected by John Battle and his partners, Ralph of -Chichester being employed to make some of the ornamental carving. The -puzzling détour of the procession from Watling Street to Woburn was no -doubt due to the desire of the King to have the advantage of the -religious services of the important Cistercian Abbey at this place. - - - DUNSTABLE. - -The cross at Dunstable was built by Battle of Northampton and his -partners, part of the sculpture being supplied by Ralph of Chichester. -It stood in the main street of Dunstable, where Watling Street crosses -the Icknield Way. The Church and remains of the Augustinian Priory of -Dunstable are situated a very short distance to the east, along the -Icknield Way. Mention has already been made of the description given by -the Dunstable annalist of the arrival of the funeral procession, and the -ceremony of consecration of the site where the “lofty cross” was -subsequently erected. The cross is said to have been demolished by -troops under the Earl of Essex, in 1643. Parts of the foundation of the -cross have been met with during recent alterations in the roadway. - - - ST. ALBANS. - -The cross was erected in what became the Market Place of St. Albans by -John Battle and his partners, some of the sculpture being supplied by -Ralph of Chichester. The visit of the procession to St. Albans is -especially noteworthy on account of the record remaining of the -elaborate religious services in the Church of the great Benedictine -Abbey during the night the procession rested there. In 1596 the cross is -described as “verie stately.” There can be no doubt, however, that -already the cross had suffered much damage by the lapse of time, as well -as by neglect. At any rate, scant ceremony was shown to the cross in -later years. It is stated to have been partly destroyed by order of -Parliament in 1643; fragments, however, stood in the market place till -the year 1702. In 1703 an octagonal market house was built on its site; -in 1765 this became a pump house, and in 1872 the present drinking -fountain in the centre of St. Albans was built on the consecrated site -of the “verie stately cross.” - - - WALTHAM. - -The cross at Waltham was constructed by Dyminge de Legeri (de Reyns) and -Roger Crundale. Crundale was a near relative, probably the brother, of -Richard Crundale, the master mason at Westminster, and was obviously in -close touch with the Westminster School. Dyminge de Legeri, of whom we -have little knowledge—his name suggests a foreign origin—must have been -a builder of recognized skill. It is possible that he may have been -specially associated with Waltham Abbey. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 17. - The Cross at Waltham, showing its ruinous condition during the - eighteenth century. Published by the Society of Antiquaries; drawn - by Schnebbelie, engraved by Basire; _Vetusta Monumenta_, iii, plate - xvi, 1791. -] - -The cross occupies a position on the main road at Waltham, where a side -road branched off leading to the important Augustinian house of Waltham -Abbey. The platform from which the cross arose seems originally to have -had ten steps. As the result of restorations this number has been -diminished to four. From this platform the cross, which is hexagonal in -design, arises. Each side of the lower story is divided into two panels, -which show alternately the shields charged with the arms of England, -Castile and Leon quarterly, and Ponthieu. The panels are surmounted by -pointed three-cusped arches supporting a quatre-foil decoration, and -finally a gable-like ornament. The whole panel is richly decorated, the -upper part with diaper work. The second story, which is separated from -the first by a perforated battlement, consists of a series of open -tabernacles in pairs, sheltering three statues of the Queen. The -tabernacles terminated in profusely decorated triangular gables. The -third story, still hexagonal in shape, is ornamented with tabernacle -work, reproducing the designs of the story below. From this arose the -shaft of the cross, which has been replaced during a recent restoration. -Considering the ruinous state into which Waltham Cross had been allowed -to pass in the beginning of the eighteenth century, it is almost a -wonder that so much of the original structure still remains. The lowest -story still gives a good representation of the original work. The -Queen’s statues remain after having suffered many indignities. Most of -the rest of the cross gives evidence of restoration. - -In 1720 Dr. Stukeley remarked on its ruinous state, and prevailed upon -the Society of Antiquaries to take steps for its preservation, and Lord -Monson surrounded and strengthened the base of the cross with new -brickwork in 1757. In early days the Four Swan Inn, at the junction of -the road from Waltham Abbey, was the only house of any importance near, -but other houses gradually arose. The cross and its site apparently -belonged to no one, so the houses crowded on the cross, till at length -they actually abutted on its eastern side, destroying much of its -beautiful work and even endangering the solidity of the whole structure. -The prints of the cross in the eighteenth century show the ruinous -condition into which it had fallen. - -In the beginning of last century a local committee undertook its -restoration, £1,200 being expended at this time. This work was finished -in 1834. In 1893 more complete restoration was carried out, nearly -£1,200 being again expended on the cross.[49] The Falcon Inn, which had -encroached on the cross so as actually to be in contact, was set back, -and now the roadway surrounds the cross on all sides, allowing its -proportions to be seen, and aiding in its preservation. It is -interesting to compare the sums expended on restoration with the amount -noted as being paid to the original builders. The sum of a little over -£90 can be traced into the hands of Dyminge de Legeri and Roger de -Crundale. Alexander the Imaginator aided a little in its construction, -and a good deal of the stone, especially the Caen stone, so much in use -at the time, was conveyed directly from the works at Charing. - -Footnote 49: - - Vide _Weekly Telegraph for Waltham Abbey, Cheshunt and District_, - Friday, 6th January, 1893. - - - CHEPE. - -The cross in the City of London stood at the west end of Cheapside, -opposite Wood Street. The construction of this cross was entrusted -entirely to a distinguished architect Michael of Canterbury, who at the -same time was engaged in building the Chapel of St. Stephen’s at -Westminster. There is unfortunately no relic of the original design. In -the Guildhall Museum, however, are two broken stone panels, which formed -almost certainly a portion of the Eleanor Cross in Chepe. These panels -show the characteristic heraldic shields emblazoned with the arms of -England and of Leon and Castile. Portions of ornamental mouldings are -also preserved on these panels. It is possible that these may be relics -of the work of Michael of Canterbury, but it is more probable that they -are of later date. In the case of Chepe Cross, we may gain the best idea -of the amount of money spent on individual crosses. Michael of -Canterbury evidently agreed to erect the cross for £300, and the Queen’s -executry accounts give evidence of his receiving £226 13s. 4d. - -By the year 1441, the cross “being by length of time decayed,” John -Hatherley, Mayor of London, procured licence of King Henry VI to “edifie -the same in more beautifull manner for the honor of the citie.” This -restoration probably followed the main lines of the original structure, -and was very slow in progress. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 18. - The Cross at Waltham, from a photograph by the Author, 1908. -] - -In the course of time the citizens of London seem to have lost interest -in the cross and its significance, and it is only necessary to refer to -the pages of John Stow, published in 1603, to sympathize with this -worthy’s indignation at the desecration which the cross had suffered -even in his time. It had been partly restored on several occasions -subsequent to the time of John Hatherley, including various re-gildings -and re-burnishings in honour of various important royal functions, but -in the year 1581 “diuers Juries” of the citizens having considered that -it stood in the “highway to the let of carriages,” so much prejudice was -aroused that on the night of 21st June a band of roughs destroyed the -lowest images round the cross. These, however, were images totally -different from those originally on the cross, and included one of the -Virgin Mary. In the year 1595, according to Stow, this image “was againe -fastened and repaired, and the yeare next following a new misshapen son -born out of time all naked was laid in her arms.” - -Later the cross was further desecrated by the addition of an alabaster -image of Diana, which served the noble purpose of a water conduit for -the benefit of the citizens. Attempts were made by certain members of -Queen Elizabeth’s court to bring home to the Mayor and citizens the -desecration of the cross which had been permitted. But shortly after -Christmas, 1600, “the image of Our Lady was again defaced by plucking -off her crown and almost her head, taking from her her naked child and -stabbing her in the breast, &c.”[50] - -Footnote 50: - - Stow, John. “A Survey of London,” Edition of C. L. Kingsford, 1908. - -The cross by this time could only have presented a remote resemblance to -the original work. The new statues which found a resting place on it had -no reference to its original purpose. During the religious and political -turmoils which followed, the crosses both at Chepe and Charing formed -the subject of numerous political lampoons, which are interesting as -giving some idea of the frenzy of destruction which possessed the -extreme political sects. It can hardly, therefore, have been considered -a matter of regret when the last scene of all was enacted. - -The cross, mutilated and desecrated beyond recognition, was completely -destroyed on 2nd May, 1643. The Parliament deputed a certain Robert -Harlowe to do this work, who went with a troop of horse and two -companies of foot, and carried it out completely. “At the fall of the -top cross drums beat, trumpets blew, and multitudes of caps were thrown -into the air, and a great shout of people with joy”; so runs a -contemporary account.[51] - -Footnote 51: - - Walford. “Old and New London,” i, p. 334. - -The history of the cross in Chepe is important as giving an indication -of the gradual process of decay which seriously damaged the crosses, -long before the desecrating hands of political fanatics mutilated and -finally destroyed the remaining fragments. - - - CHARING. - -The cross at Charing was the work of Richard de Crundale. He was -responsible for the design of this cross, but his design no doubt -influenced the ideas of the other builders, for we know that much of the -finer work of the other crosses was executed under his observation. Most -of the statues of the Queen were carved near Charing, and many of the -ornaments so frequently referred to as the “virgæ, capita et annuli,” -were also made by the Westminster artists. The cross was built -approximately on the plot of ground now occupied by the statue of -Charles I, facing the great thoroughfare now known as “Charing Cross.” - -Richard Crundale himself died in 1293, and Roger Crundale came from -Waltham to carry on his work. Nearly £700 can be traced as being paid to -the Crundales for their work at Charing, but this sum obviously includes -work done and materials supplied for other crosses. The finer materials -used in the construction of the crosses, such as Caen stone, Purbeck -stone and marble, seem to have been distributed to the other crosses by -way of Charing. Considerable additional sums of money are mentioned as -being paid to merchants of stone, such as William Canon, Robert Blunt, -and others who brought the stone from Corfe, and Henry Mauger who -supplied stone from Caen. Alexander of Abingdon, the “Imaginator,” -carved the statues of the Queen for Charing; William of Ireland, also -working at Charing, carved the statues of the Queen which found their -way to the crosses built by John Battle and Richard Stowe; while Ralph -of Chichester carved much of the fine stonework for the crosses. - -Unfortunately no adequate idea can now be obtained of Charing Cross. It -is admitted, however, to have been the finest of the series; but it must -have been subject to the same vicissitudes as its neighbour in Chepe, -and the sketches which exist, purporting to be Charing Cross, can only -have been obtained from the mutilated structure which survived to the -middle of the seventeenth century. The drawing in the Crowle Collection -of the British Museum, which has been reproduced by Wilkinson, is one of -these. The suggestion of the cross in van den Wyngaerde’s view of London -gives, perhaps, a better idea of its probable appearance.[52] John -Norden’s account is that of an eye witness, and tells of its condition -about the year 1590. He speaks of it as “an old weather-beaten monument -erected about 1290 by Edward I. Amongst all the crosses which the King -caused to be built ... Charing Cross was most stately, though now -defaced by antiquity.”[53] - -Footnote 52: - - _Vide_ fig. 1. - -Footnote 53: - - John Norden. MS. Harl. 570 (_circ._ 1593), quoted by Lethaby; cf. - “Speculum Britanniæ, the first parte,” 1593, p. 45, and the maps of - London. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 19. - The fragments of two panels of the Cross in Chepe, City of London, now - in the Guildhall Museum. The panels show the heraldic bearings of - England, and of Castile and Leon, with portions of moulding. These - relics are probably portions of the Cross as restored by John - Hatherley in the fifteenth century. From a drawing by Mr. J. C. - Hallinan. -] - -Charing Cross suffered many indignities in the Parliamentary period. -After many years of neglect, it was sentenced by Parliament to be taken -down in 1643. An old rhyme mentions the event:— - - “The Parliament to vote it down - Conceived it very fitting, - For fear it should fall and kill them all - In the house as they were sitting. - They were told God wot, it had a plot, - It made them so hard-hearted, - To give command it should not stand, - But be taken down and carted.” - -Lilly,[54] writing in 1715, says that part of the stones were employed -in paving the front of Whitehall, whilst some other stones were made -into knife hafts and other articles which, when polished, looked like -marble. - -Footnote 54: - - Lilly, “Observations on the Life of King Charles I.” _cf._ Edward - Walford, “Old and New London,” iii, pp. 123 _et seq._ - -The cross in the forecourt of the South Eastern Railway station at -Charing Cross was erected from the designs of the late Mr. Edward -Middleton Barry in 1864-1865, and is the result of his own desire to -have the opportunity of reproducing the Eleanor memorial at Charing. Mr. -Barry was a learned as well as a distinguished architect, and visited -Northampton and Waltham Crosses many times before deciding on the design -of the monument he proposed to erect. It is well worthy of careful study -as expressing the ideas formed by a conscientious artist and student of -the appearance of the old cross; especially it shows the desire to give -the idea of the original builders, and to avoid the travesties of -construction which have not infrequently been erected purporting to be -after the fashion of an Eleanor Cross. Unhappily the motive which -renders the crosses at Geddington, Northampton and Waltham so entirely -appropriate, and which adds so much to their interest, cannot be -transferred to the new site.[55] - -Footnote 55: - - The author is indebted for information respecting Mr. Barry’s cross to - Mr. T. Harrison Myres, of Preston, who was one of Mr. Barry’s pupils - in 1864, and afterwards his confidential clerk. - - - BLACKFRIARS, LONDON. - -It was a custom of the time for devout persons to desire that the heart -should be removed after death, and taken to some peculiarly holy place. -Queen Eleanor had taken special interest in the community of the Black -Friars, and especially in the Church which they had just built in -London. By her own special request her heart was to be taken to this -church, and Edward took special pains that a tomb should be erected -worthy of containing this relic. - -There is little knowledge of the design for this monument. A certain -John le Convers seems to have been a clerk dealing with the payments, -while Adam, a well-known goldsmith of the time, and much in the -confidence of the King and Queen, was asked to make an angel to support -the casket containing the heart. In addition to this figure, which was -of metal and gilt as were Torel’s great effigies, statues ornamented the -tomb. These were no doubt of the same design as those erected in other -places. They were the work of Alexander the “Imaginator” and Dyminge de -Legeri, and very probably of the same character as those at Lincoln. -Alexander also constructed certain iron work around this monument. -William de Suffolk made three small images in metal for the Blackfriars -tomb. - -One of the most interesting features of the monument were the paintings -by Walter of Durham. This artist received the large sum of £46 13s. 4d., -according to the Queen’s accounts, for his work at Blackfriars. Part of -the stonework, consisting of a _crista_, perhaps an ornamented stone -canopy, was built by William de Hoo. - -All traces of the tomb disappeared at the time of the dissolution of the -monasteries. The responsibility for the final act of destruction seems -to rest on the shoulders of the same Sir Thomas Cawarden into whose -clutches there also fell the Church and possessions of St. Mary -Roncevall. - - - WESTMINSTER. - -On the tomb at Westminster a special amount of care was devoted by the -artists and workmen employed by Edward. The design was that of a large -chest formed by slabs of Purbeck marble, in which was placed the body, -and the top of the chest was arranged to support the bronze-gilt effigy -of the Queen. - -The tomb itself seems to have been designed by Richard Crundale, and the -work was completed by himself and his brother Roger. Under their -supervision the stone chest was ornamented with the characteristic -decorated carving of the period, and with the shields bearing the arms -which are so prominent on all the Eleanor memorials. Walter of Durham -was employed to decorate the tomb with paintings, while Thomas de -Leighton, a skilful worker in metal, made the iron grille protecting the -effigy. The perishable part of the stonework is unfortunately fast -disappearing, and faint shadows only of the paintings may be observed. - -[Illustration: - - FIG. 20. - The public or “Great” Seal of Queen Eleanor. - Size 3-5/8 in. x 2-3/8 in. - From the impression in the British Museum. -] - - Legend:— - _Obverse_, ALIANORA DEI GRACIA REGINA ANGLI(E) - _Reverse_, (ALI)ANORA DEI GRA DNA HYBERNIE DUCISSA ACQUI(T)ANNIE - - -The chief glory, however, of the tomb still remains, namely, the great -bronze effigy of the Queen, the work of William Torel, goldsmith and -citizen of London. Torel designed and cast not only the effigy at -Westminster, but the replica which reposed on the tomb at Lincoln. -Records remain of enormous quantities of wax and of metal supplied to -Torel for this purpose. The effigies appear to have been cast in one -mould, and the work must have been difficult to execute. After their -completion the bronze castings were gilt, and special reference is made -to the purchase of gold florins for this purpose. These coins appear to -have come from abroad, and were obtained from the merchants of “Luka” -and others. The figure shown is of so noble a design that the wish -arises that it might be regarded as a portrait of the Queen. The -evidence, however, seems to be complete that the effigy represents -Torel’s ideal of a queen’s statue; nevertheless it remains to this day -perhaps the most remarkable example of a statue in metal dating from the -early “decorated” period of English art (fig. 12). Special financial -provision was made for the purpose of the religious services at Queen -Eleanor’s tomb, including gifts of land and money to the Abbey, the -proper employment of which was subsequently the source of much -discussion in the chapter.[56] - -Footnote 56: - - History of Westminster Abbey, by John Flete: edited by J. Armitage - Robinson, D.D., Cambridge, 1909. - -The anniversary service in memory of the Queen took place on November -29, the eve of St. Andrew’s Day, and was continued up to the time of the -dissolution of the Benedictine community. - -To obtain an idea of the appearance of this monument, it must be -recollected that not only was the tomb itself formed of finely decorated -stonework, but was surrounded with elaborate paintings, while the great -gilt effigy of the Queen was studded with the jewellery and enamels -which Edward gathered from the East and abroad. These he lavished with -the utmost profusion in decorating this, perhaps the principal, monument -to his wife.[57] - -Footnote 57: - - This tomb, and its ancient glory have been so well described that it - is not necessary to enter into greater detail in this place. The - reader is advised to go and study so much of it as remains. In - addition to the references given it will be of interest to read the - accounts given by Mrs. Murray Smith, “Westminster Abbey, its Story and - Associations, 1906,” and Dean Stanley’s “Historical Memorials of - Westminster Abbey,” 1869. - -During the history of the next three hundred years, references are made -to the magnificence of the tomb and of the religious celebrations in -memory of the Queen. A distinguished foreign visitor to the Church in -the fourteenth century describes how “the radiant lights like the glory -of the starry sky exhilarated the souls of the beholders with -joyousness.” - - - ------------------------------------ - - - BIBLIOGRAPHY. - -Information respecting Eleanor of Castile and her Memorials is widely -scattered. Examination of the references will give an excellent -introduction to the study of the social history of an interesting -period. The attempt to do this cannot be made in this place, but the -following references will indicate the sources from which these notes -are derived, and afford the writer an opportunity of expressing his -great obligation to the work of others on the subject. - -(1) THE EARLY CHRONICLES, especially— - - _Rishanger, William of_, at St. Albans; Rolls Series, by H. T. - Riley. - - _Wykes, Thomas_, Monk of Osney; Rolls Series, by Luard. - - _Hemingburgh, Walter of_; English Historical Society. H. C. - Hamilton. - - _Dunstable, Annals of_; Rolls Series, by Luard. - - _Walsingham, Thomas of_, a St. Albans Monk, writing in the - fifteenth century, quotes the earlier Chronicles in the - _Historia Anglicana_; Rolls Series, by Riley. - -(2) General historical information may be referred to in:— - - _Rymer_, “Fœdera,” Record Edition. - - _Gough, Henry_, “Itinerary of King Edward I.” - - _Ramsey, Sir J. H._, “Dawn of the Constitution,” a careful - detailed account of the period. - -(3) SPECIAL REFERENCES:— - - “Liberationes factæ per Executores Dominæ Alianoræ Consortis - Edwardis Regis Angliæ primi.” - - These Rolls have the following reference numbers in the Record - Office;— - - “King’s Exchequer Accounts, 352/27, 353/1, 353/9, 353/19”, and - have been transcribed with a most useful introduction in the - volume entitled “Manners and Household Expenses of England,” - presented to the Roxburghe Club by Beriah Botfield, 1841, edited - by T. Hudson Turner. A photograph showing a specimen of these - Rolls may be seen in the Souvenir of the St. Albans Pageant, - 1907. - -“Vetusta Monumenta.” Plates vii, xii, xiii, xiv, xv, xvi, xvii, and -corresponding letterpress. - - _Hunter, Rev. Joseph_, “On the Death of Eleanor of Castile,” - “Archæologia,” vol. xxix, page 167, 1842. - - _Abel, John_, “Memorials of Queen Eleanor,” published by the - author, 1864. - - _Scott, George Gilbert_, “Gleanings from Westminster Abbey,” - Oxford and London, 1863. - - _Lethaby, W. R._, “Westminster Abbey and the King’s Craftsmen,” - London, 1906, gives much original and suggestive information. - - ------------------------------------------------------------------------- - - - - - ● Transcriber’s Notes: - ○ Missing or obscured punctuation was silently corrected. - ○ Typographical errors were silently corrected. - ○ Inconsistent spelling and hyphenation were made consistent only - when a predominant form was found in this book. - ○ Text that: - was in italics is enclosed by underscores (_italics_); - was in bold by is enclosed by “equal” signs (=bold=). - ○ The use of a caret (^) before a letter, or letters, shows that the - following letter or letters was intended to be a superscript, as - in S^t Bartholomew or 10^{th} Century. - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF OLD -CHARING. THE HOSPITAL AND CHAPEL OF SAINT MARY RONCEVALL. 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