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diff --git a/old/69290-0.txt b/old/69290-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 90e6ed8..0000000 --- a/old/69290-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1334 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of American slavery, and the means of its -abolition, by Jonathan Ward - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: American slavery, and the means of its abolition - -Author: Jonathan Ward - -Release Date: November 3, 2022 [eBook #69290] - -Language: English - -Produced by: David E. Brown and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team - at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN SLAVERY, AND THE -MEANS OF ITS ABOLITION *** - - - - - - AMERICAN SLAVERY, - AND THE - MEANS OF ITS ABOLITION. - - BY REV. JONATHAN WARD. - - PUBLISHED BY REQUEST. - - BOSTON: - PRINTED BY PERKINS & MARVIN. - 1840. - - -The substance of the following Essay was delivered, in the form of an -Address, at Plymouth, N. H., May 5th, 1840; and is now published by the -particular request of those who heard it. - - - - -AMERICAN SLAVERY, &c. - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -More than forty years ago the writer of the following pages read -Wilberforce’s publications on the slave trade, in which were described -the various methods of procuring the slaves in Africa, the horrors of -the “middle passage,” and their cruel treatment in the West Indies. -In perusing these statements of that great philanthropist and friend -of the injured African race, his feelings became, in some measure, -enlisted in favor of the colored people of our land, and in opposition -to the slavery upheld by our nation. - -He was never sensible of feeling the prejudice against color, so often -manifested; but, in his intercourse with colored persons, treated them, -as he would others. And having them for many years as neighbors, and, -not unfrequently, as hired help, they were admitted to eat with the -family at the same table. - -In 1824 he was invited to attend a political celebration on the 4th of -July. In declining the invitation, he noticed the inconsistency of our -conduct in celebrating our liberty, founded upon the principle that -all men are created free and equal, and proclaiming this “self-evident -truth,” and yet holding hundreds of thousands of our fellow men in -degrading bondage. - -The next year, he was requested to preach on the 4th of July. The -sermon was, by request, printed. The following extract will show the -writer’s views respecting American slavery. “Our conduct in relation to -the Africans has been most inconsistent, absurd, and criminal. While -earnestly contending for the principle, that all men ought to be free -and equal, and risking every thing in opposing the claims of Great -Britain to _tax us_, we were, at the same time, holding in abject -slavery hundreds of thousands of our fellow beings, who, upon our own -principles, had an equal right with ourselves to enjoy the sweets -of liberty. How great guilt then has been contracted by enslaving, -and holding in bondage, and maltreating the poor negroes. And what -efforts ought to be made for their intellectual, moral and religious -improvement, and their emancipation, and their enjoyment of the rights -of freemen.” - -Such being the feelings of the writer, he rejoiced to see attention -turned to the subject of slavery, and combined efforts making for its -removal. And, though he deeply regretted the harshness and severity -with which opposers of abolition movements, and even those who did not -engage in them, were treated, yet he was willing to countenance the -cause of abolition, hoping that this, in his view, very exceptionable -manner, would be gradually corrected. But, as it respects many of the -Abolitionists, he is sorry to say, his hopes have been disappointed. - -Being, therefore, fully persuaded that the course alluded to is -injuring the cause both of religion and abolition, he ventures to point -out what he believes the word of God teaches to be “a more excellent -way.” And he will endeavor to do it kindly, and not needlessly to -wound the feelings of any, hoping to be guided by that wisdom which -is from above, and “is profitable to direct,” and which “is pure, -and peaceable, and gentle, and is without partiality, and without -hypocrisy,” and to present the subject as it will appear in the light -of the great day. And he requests the reader impartially to weigh what -is offered in “the balances of the sanctuary,” and to regard it so far -only as it corresponds with the teachings of the divine oracles. - - -THE CHARACTER OF AMERICAN SLAVERY. - -The subject of American slavery, if rightly considered, must be to -every Christian, and every true patriot, a deeply interesting and -painful subject. That our country--which solemnly declared before God -and the world, that it is “self-evident” that “all men are created -equal, and are endowed with certain inalienable rights, as life, -liberty and the pursuit of happiness,” and which claims to be the -freest on earth, and the asylum of the oppressed--should, nevertheless, -hold in abject bondage millions of its own people, is a deep stain on -our national character. The holding of these unoffending fellow beings -under the rod of oppression is a great political and moral evil. It is -a flagrant violation of our professed principles of equal rights, and -manifestly inconsistent with the principles of our holy religion. No -one would be willing to be a slave himself, and, therefore, if he loved -others as himself, or was willing to do to others as he would have -others do to him, he could not hold others in involuntary slavery. - -Slaves are held as _property_, at the disposal of their master, and -possess, strictly speaking, no legal rights, civil or religious, and, -if ever so much abused, can seek no redress in any court of justice. -They are in a great measure kept without the means of intellectual, -moral and spiritual improvement. And by sale and the removal of the -purchased slaves to a distant part of the country, the most endearing -ties are liable continually to be severed, and the nearest relatives, -husbands and wives, parents and children, and brothers and sisters, to -be torn from each other, and forever separated. - -But the greatest of the evils of American slavery is the depriving of -its victims of the Bible and of the means of religion. Some slaves -do indeed attend public worship, and receive oral instruction. Some -masters also impart to their slaves religious instruction. And a few -are able to read. But, if I am rightly informed, teaching them to -read is penal in all the slave States, except Kentucky, and those -who do it are liable to punishment by fine or imprisonment, or both. -Consequently, they are effectually prevented from reading “the Holy -Scriptures, which are able to make them wise unto salvation through -faith which is in Christ Jesus.” And many, according to the testimony -of the Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, “are in the condition of -heathen.” - -And though not much, comparatively, seems to be now said on this -subject by many advocates for emancipation, yet, what is the political -bondage, and all the other evils of slavery, compared with this? -What is all the temporal happiness, which can be enjoyed, compared -with the salvation of the soul, or eternal blessedness? And are all -the deprivations and misery, which can be endured in this short life, -comparable with eternal misery? “The sufferings of this present time,” -however great, “are not worthy to be compared with the glory which -shall be revealed” in saints, or with that “everlasting punishment” -which will be the portion of those who are “lost”. - -Those means, therefore, which are necessary to secure the salvation -of the soul, ought to be esteemed more highly, and sought with far -more earnestness for ourselves and others, than any mere temporal -privileges, advantages and blessings; and to deprive the slaves of -these means of salvation is the worst feature in the slave system, and -incurs the deepest guilt. And when such is the system, it requires no -arguments to prove, that it ought to be immediately abolished. - -Indeed many at the South have most explicitly condemned slavery, and -urged the necessity of its abolition. Mr. Jefferson, speaking of -slavery, said, “It destroys the morals of one part of the nation, and -the _amor patria_ (love of country) of the other. With the morals of -the people, their industry is also destroyed. And can the liberties of -a nation be secure, when we have removed their only basis--a conviction -in the minds of the people, that these liberties are the gift of God? -that they are not to be violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble -for my country, when I reflect that God is just; that his justice -cannot sleep for ever. The Almighty has no attribute which can take -sides with us in such a contest;” i. e. with the slaves. Patrick Henry -said, “It is as repugnant to humanity, as it is inconsistent with the -Bible, and destructive to liberty.” William Pinckney of Maryland said, -“Its continuance is as shameful as its origin.” - -In 1818, the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church _unanimously_ -adopted a report on slavery, in which they say, “We consider the -voluntary enslaving of one part of the human race by another, as a -gross violation of the most precious and sacred rights of human nature; -as utterly inconsistent with the law of God, which requires us to -love our neighbor as ourselves; and as totally irreconcilable with the -spirit and principles of the gospel, which enjoins, that all things -whatsoever we would that men should do to us, we should do even so -to them. Slavery creates a paradox in the moral system; it exhibits -rational, accountable and immortal beings in such circumstances, as -scarcely to leave them the power of moral action. It exhibits them as -dependent on the will of others, whether they shall receive religious -instruction; whether they shall enjoy the ordinances of the gospel; -whether they shall perform the duties and cherish the endearments -of husbands and wives, parents and children, neighbors and friends; -whether they shall preserve their chastity and purity, or regard the -dictates of justice and humanity. - -“Such are some of the consequences of slavery--consequences not -imaginary, but which connect themselves with its very existence.” - -And they say further, “It is manifestly the duty of all Christians, who -enjoy the light of the present day--when the inconsistency of slavery, -both with the dictates of humanity and religion, has been demonstrated, -and is generally seen and acknowledged--to use their honest, earnest -and unwearied endeavors, as speedily as possible, to efface this blot -on our holy religion, and to obtain the complete abolition of slavery -throughout Christendom, and, if possible, throughout the world.” - -Freedom is the right of the slave. And it is the duty of the master to -grant it, and to grant it immediately. - -And, that emancipation is safe, and would be for the interest of -slaveholders, might be easily shown, and is clearly proved by the -result of the experiment in the West Indies. Free labor is manifestly -more profitable than slave labor. The African race possess kind, and -generous and grateful feelings; and if treated with humanity and -kindness, would labor much more faithfully as freemen for wages, than -as slaves under the cruel stimulus of the whip. And if emancipated, -there would be no fear of insurrection, or of the slaughter of the -whites. And the States, now feeling the withering influence of slavery, -would be much better cultivated and far more prosperous. - -Though the result of the emancipation in the British West India Islands -has been, by some writers and papers, represented as unfavorable, yet, -according to the most authentic accounts, it has been successful. And -when difficulties have occurred, as has sometimes been the case, they -have been owing to the stupidity, or ill conduct of the planters. - -The Rev. John Scoble of London--who had spent the greater part of the -last three years in the British West Indies, as an agent of the British -Anti-Slavery Society--at a meeting held in Boston, August 22, 1839, -gave a most interesting exposition of the results of the emancipation -of the slaves in these colonies, in answer to questions proposed to -him. A few extracts from his statements will be given, taken from the -Essex Register. - -“From all which he had heard and seen, he was satisfied the experiment -of _complete emancipation_ had worked well for the owners of the -estates; and the prosperity of the colonies would be greatly increased -by it. Landed property, he said, had increased in value in Barbadoes -from 25 to 40 per cent. in some districts--and generally in the -colonies, from 5 to 25 per cent.” - -“There had,” he said, “been a great improvement in the domestic -condition of the laborers--they enjoyed more comforts--their huts, or -rather _hovels_, which they formerly occupied, were giving place to -more comfortable habitations--they were not willing to wear the poor -and cheap clothes which their masters formerly furnished for them--many -of the women, instead of toiling in the fields, were now devoted to -household duties; and many children, who formerly had been compelled to -work in the fields, were now sent to school. - -“Enquiries were made of Mr. Scoble, as to the willingness of the blacks -to labor for fair wages--as to the state of morals and religion among -them--how the aged and infirm poor were supported among them, &c.; -to all which Mr. S. gave the most satisfactory answers. In regard -to the state of _morals_, he said, crime had decreased since the -emancipation--and he stated many interesting facts in regard to the -number of persons confined in prisons in several colonies at his visits -in 1836, compared with the number in 1838. The number is now _only -about half as large_ as in former years, and most of the offences of -the negroes were misdemeanors, petty thefts,” &c. - -Similar testimony is furnished in a letter, published in the New York -Journal of Commerce, from Mr. Gurney, an English Quaker gentleman, who -has lately visited some of the Windward Islands. - -He says, “Landed property _has risen, and is still rising in -value_--being decidedly of greater value now than it was six years ago. -In Antigua it seems to be a clear point, that the property _without_ -the slaves, is now of equal value with the property _and_ the slaves, -six years ago, or before emancipation. - -“A similar remark applies with still greater force to St. Kitts. R. -Claxton, the Solicitor General there, told me that he would not take -£6,000 now for a property which cost him only £2,000 six years ago. -Indeed, many planters spoke of what they receive in the shape of -compensation, as quite a gratuity. - -“The unfavorable reports which have been spread of the working of -freedom, have generally arisen from persons who are anxious to lay hold -of landed property at a cheap rate. A clear proof that all is doing -well, is unintentionally given by a gentleman in Antigua, who cries -down the system, as having ruined the West Indies, while he strives to -purchase all the landed property he can. - -“The _comforts_ of the negroes are immensely increased. They are -providing themselves with good food and clothing. The evidence of -this fact is abundant in every island which we visited. No proof of -it can be stronger than the almost doubling of the imports within the -last two years. On the whole there cannot be the shadow of doubt that -the substantial property of the colonies which we visited is on the -increase.” - - -MEANS FOR ABOLISHING SLAVERY. - -I shall now inquire how slavery may be abolished in our land. This is -the most difficult part of the subject; and on which I imagine there -is, in reality, a great diversity of opinion, even among abolitionists. - -There are three ways, and three only, in which it is contemplated that -it can be removed; by insurrection--the action of Congress--or the -action of the slave States. Probably all would deprecate an attempt on -the part of the slaves to obtain their liberty by insurrection. This, -if ultimately successful, would be attended with much bloodshed and -misery, and a vast loss of life, both of the colored people and of the -whites. - -Some suppose, that Congress have power to abolish slavery in the slave -States. They have undoubtedly power to abolish it in the District of -Columbia, and in the Territories. And the constitution might be so -amended as to give Congress power to abolish slavery within the States -where it exists. But, as it now stands, it appears to me that it does -not give Congress any such power. Whatever may be said, and though the -constitution does not name slaves or slavery, it manifestly sanctions -it. - -Among other provisions, that respecting representation in Congress -is conclusive, where “_three-fifths of all other persons_,” besides -citizens--who are to be reckoned in apportioning the number of -representatives--can only mean slaves. And when the constitution went -into operation, while the framers were alive and among the leading -politicians of the day, the representatives were chosen in this -proportion in the slave States; and have always continued to be thus -chosen. - -And Congress were forbidden by the constitution to prohibit the foreign -_slave trade_ within twenty years. And when these twenty years were -expired, Congress immediately passed laws to put a stop to this trade. -But, how absurd to suppose that the constitution forbid Congress to -abolish the _slave trade_ within twenty years, and yet, gave that body -power to abolish _slavery itself_ immediately! - -But it is pleaded, that this power is given to Congress in the fifth -article of the amendments, where it is said, “No person shall be -deprived of life, liberty or property without due process of law.” And -does this refer to slaves? Manifestly not. Can persons be _deprived_ -of that which they do not possess? To deprive a person of something, -implies that he _possessed_ it. And do slaves possess liberty, or -property? And can they be deprived of property, when they have none? -And would an article have been adopted by Congress and the States, so -manifestly contrary to other parts of the constitution? But it is said, -that the most liberal construction ought to be given to the clause in -favor of liberty. True, when there can be any reasonable doubt as to -the real meaning of a constitution or law. But where the meaning is -_plain_, there is no room for _construction_. - -And when we have substantial and efficient weapons enough, it is not -good policy to seize those which are feeble, and which may be wrested -from us, and turned against us. - -But, if slavery must be abolished by the action of the slave States, -then it is an important question--How can they be brought to put forth -this action? This they will not do till they are convinced that their -duty, their interest, or their safety, _or all these_, demand the -emancipation of their slaves. It is evident then, that _arguments_ must -bring them to the adoption of this measure. These may be addressed to -their reason, their conscience, their interest and their fears; and -more especially, to the two former.[A] - -But by whom, and in what manner, must these arguments be addressed to -them? Are there those among themselves, who will do this work, and -labor effectually to convince the people of the slaveholding States, -that they ought immediately to “break every yoke?” - -As there is so much in those States from self-interest, education, long -cherished habits, and familiarity with slavery, to lessen the evil in -the public estimation, and counteract the efforts and influence of -those who might desire its abolition, an external force from the free -States is necessary to bear upon this fearful evil. And that this force -may be powerful and effectual, it must be _combined_ and general. It -must be a _united_ testimony against slavery. - -How then can this union in sentiment and action be secured? Those -who attempt to secure this object need to be “wise as serpents, and -harmless as doves.” Meekness, prudence and decision are all highly -necessary. The more difficult the object to be attained, the more -needful are wisdom, prudence and firmness. A fiery zeal not tempered -with meekness may do much injury, by irritating those whom we would -wish to gain, and exciting in them prejudice, and thus repelling them -instead of gaining them. And there is great danger of this. - -Abolitionists have dwelt so much upon the horrors of slavery, and seen -the sufferings of the slaves, and the cruelties inflicted upon them so -often depicted in lively colors, that their feelings have been deeply -enlisted in behalf of these degraded and suffering fellow beings. And -if others do not appear to feel for them as they do, they are in dancer -of indulging wrong feelings towards them, and condemning them with -great severity. And when their sympathy is so strongly excited, they -are liable to be swayed entirely by it, and not duly to regard the -sober dictates of reason, or the precepts of the Bible. - -Some seem to be so absorbed in this subject, as to regard every other -evil, and every other enterprise, of comparatively small concernment; -and appear to feel, that, if this evil be removed from our land, the -judgments of Heaven must be averted, and we shall enjoy prosperity; and -that all ought, therefore, to be mainly concerned for the removal of -this one great evil. Hence some of this class, who were professors of -religion, appear to have lost, in a great measure, their interest in -the cause of Christ. And I fear that many have, in this way, suffered -in their religious feelings. - -Some have said, that abolitionism is Christianity, and that -abolitionists are Christians. But this is setting up a standard of -Christian character, manifestly not warranted by the holy Scriptures, -and is crying peace to many, to whom God has said “there is no peace.” -Wicked men do not become good men by becoming abolitionists. And -it must be dangerous to their immortal interests, and provoking to -God, to flatter them that, because they are engaged in the abolition -enterprise, they are Christians, or are doing God an acceptable -service, while they are in heart his enemies, and are in rebellion -against him. And yet, some professing Christians appear to have a more -cordial union with such, than with others who are not united with them -in this enterprise, though engaged in other benevolent enterprises, and -in the cause of Christ, and appear to be devoted Christians. But is -this right? And will it meet the approbation of the God of heaven? If -they themselves neglect other benevolent enterprises, should they not -“cast the beam out of their own eye” before they attempt to “pull the -mote out of their brother’s eye?” - -We should, as far as possible, estimate every _cause_, and every -_interest_, as _God_ estimates them. And there are other very great -and crying sins in our land beside slaveholding. Sabbath breaking, -neglect and contempt of divine institutions and of the authority of -God, disregard of the divine oracles, infidelity, licentiousness, -intemperance, selfishness, supreme devotedness to the world, and our -treatment of the Indian tribes, are all crying sins of our land. And -should slavery be abolished, I should have no hope that the judgments -of Heaven would be averted without a general reformation: this all -ought to endeavor to promote, and to set themselves against _all_ these -evils, and to help remove them, so far as their influence can reach. - -All Christians should duly estimate, and engage in the support of every -benevolent enterprise. But some zealous abolitionists take little -interest in these enterprises, and especially in the missionary cause; -and not unfrequently have articles and observations been published, -which were calculated to discredit it in the minds of the community. - -But is not the cause of missions far more important than the cause of -abolition in our land? What is the emancipation of _three millions_, -compared with the civilization and christianizing of SIX HUNDRED -MILLIONS, multitudes of whom are equally or more degraded than the -slaves of the South? - -Let Christian abolitionists, therefore, especially, feel the importance -of meeting _all_ their responsibilities, as they must answer it -to God in the great day, and not withdraw their support from, or -throw obstacles in the way of any good cause, but afford it their -cordial countenance and coöperation. In this way they will recommend -their principles to others. And let them cultivate deep piety and -deep humility, and “in lowliness of mind esteem others better than -themselves.” And then they will not be so ready to condemn others with -severity, as has been a too common practice, and by which the cause has -been, I am fully persuaded, greatly injured and retarded. - -Denunciation, or heaping upon others opprobrious epithets, or bringing -against them charges which they believe to be unjust, is not the way -to convince or gain them. No person of any consideration would treat -a friend thus, whom he considered in fault, and whom he wished to -convince and reclaim. - -And are the public attacks, which are so often made upon ministers and -churches, calculated to subserve the cause of religion or of abolition? -And have those who make them, seriously inquired, and satisfied their -own minds, that such charges will meet the approbation of God? Though -the churches are not so pure, nor the ministers so devoted as they -ought to be; yet it may be doubted whether there are purer churches, -or more devoted ministers in any other country. In the time of Isaiah, -God’s ancient church was doubtless less pure than are our churches; and -yet God said to her, “He that toucheth you, toucheth the apple of mine -eye”--and “every tongue that shall rise against thee in judgment thou -shalt condemn.” - -Some abolitionists have appeared disposed to condemn all ministers and -professing Christians, who did not act with them, as “pro-slavery,” and -unworthy of confidence. Though I have no doubt many abolitionists have -disapproved of such a course, yet I have seen little disapproval of it -expressed. Perhaps they thought it would injure the cause to censure -those who were engaged in it, and would not be _expedient_. But that -“wisdom, which is without _partiality_,” will lead us to condemn what -is wrong in _friends_, as well as others. Such an impartial course is, -I believe, the way to secure the divine approbation and blessing. As I -am a professed abolitionist,[B] and, as remarks have been made, and -resolutions passed at abolition meetings, which will apply to ministers -much better than myself, representing them as unworthy of support, I -cannot feel it to be right to pass such things in silence. Whatever -be their design, they are calculated to destroy the influence of -ministers, and to _destroy souls_. For, let the impenitent hearers of -such ministers believe these representations, and their preaching will -do them no good. Probably when making these remarks, and passing these -resolutions, the authors thought they were doing right; but perhaps on -sober reflection, and in their _closets_, away from excitement, those -who are Christians will feel differently, and be convinced that a -more conciliatory course would be better. Hoping that this may be the -effect, I here set down a few of the things to which I have alluded. - -The editor of “The Liberator” published the following declaration: - - “Christianity indignantly rejects the sanctimonious pretensions of - the great mass of the clergy in this land. It is becoming more and - more apparent, that they are nothing better than hirelings, in the - bad sense of the term, that they are blind leaders of the blind, - spiritual popes, dumb dogs that cannot bark, that they love the - fleece better than the flock. Their overthrow is registered in the - scroll of destiny.” - -At the meeting of the Grafton County Anti-Slavery Society, holden at -Littleton, N. H. January 29th and 30th, 1840, the following resolutions -were passed, though not without opposition: - - “_Resolved_, That the slave system of this country derives its chief - and essential support from the nominally free States; and that the - citizens of New Hampshire are as deeply implicated in the guilt of - slaveholding as those of any other State in the Union. - - “_Resolved_, That the only way in which the citizens of New Hampshire - can exculpate themselves from the guilt of slaveholding, is to - countenance and support the Anti-slavery enterprise.” - -Here it is asserted, that the citizens of New Hampshire are as deeply -implicated in the guilt of slaveholding as those of any of the slave -States; and that the _only way_ in which they can exculpate themselves -from this guilt, “is to countenance and support the Anti-slavery -enterprise.” As the guilt of all sin must be removed in the same -way--and this is said to be the only way to remove this guilt--it -would seem, that all who “countenance and support the Anti-slavery -enterprise” are exculpated from the guilt of _all their sins_, as they -cannot be exculpated from the guilt of _one_ sin, and not of _all_ sin. - -I presume that those who adopted this resolution did not reflect, -that it would lead to such a conclusion. They probably thought, -that the citizens of New Hampshire could not give evidence of -sincere repentance, unless they should “countenance and support the -Anti-slavery enterprise.” But if this is their _only way_ to afford -such evidence, and to be exculpated from this guilt, do not all who -“countenance and support the Anti-slavery enterprise” afford such -evidence, and thus show that they are exculpated from the guilt of this -sin, and consequently, from the guilt of _all_ sin? - -At the annual meeting of the Merrimack County Anti-Slavery Society, -January 14th, 1840, the following resolutions were adopted: - - “_Resolved_, That the abolition enterprise is the cause of God, - and that those professed ministers of the gospel who treat it with - opposition or indifference, are recreant to their high trust as - ambassadors of Christ--hypocritical in their professions of love - to man, and are unworthy the confidence and support of a Christian - community. - - “_Resolved_, That all those who support professed ministers of - the gospel who refuse to wield their pulpit influence against the - diabolical system of American slavery, are guilty of supporting that - system.” - -At a meeting of “a number of the friends of the slave, from different -parts of the State,” at Concord, January 22d--the day after the meeting -of the Convention of Congregational and Presbyterian Ministers and -Churches--the following resolution, among others, was adopted: - - “_Resolved_, That at the present stage of the Anti-slavery - enterprise, those ministers professing to be the ministers of - Christ, who do not fearlessly and boldly advocate the immediate - and unconditional emancipation of the slaves of this country, are - unworthy the countenance or support of the Christian community.” - -These and similar resolutions which have been passed in other -places, doubtless refer to all ministers who do not openly join with -abolitionists, and thus “countenance and support the Anti-slavery -enterprise.” - -Are such attacks calculated to do ministers good, or to promote the -cause of Christ, or the cause of abolition? Though we are commanded -to “bless those that curse us,” yet even good men do not like to be -reproached, and will not be pleased with those who assail them with -opprobrious language. Especially, if instead of being treated according -to the direction of the Saviour in the 18th of Matthew they are -_publicly assailed_, they will be very liable to be irritated. And, if -by such attacks any cause them to sin, they will be guilty themselves. -And, if they duly considered what a dreadful thing even the least sin -is, as committed against an infinite and holy God, they would dread to -commit it themselves, or to lead others into it. - -Though David was a good man, the irritating language and conduct of -Nabal so provoked him, that, had it not been for the prudent and mild -conduct of Abigail, he would have destroyed the whole family. - -Rehoboam lost a great part of his kingdom by forsaking the counsel of -the old men who stood before Solomon his father, who advised him to -“speak good words to the people,” and following the counsel of the -young men, and “answering the people roughly.” - -Such conduct in abolitionists is inconsistent with their own professed -principles--with the spirit and precepts of the gospel--with the -counsel of wise and good men--and with the teachings of experience. - -The great principles upon which they rest their plea for the slave, -are--that we ought to love others as ourselves, and do to others as we -would have them do to us. But would _they_ be willing to have others -thus publicly assail _their_ character. When thus assailed, they show -plainly that they would not. If, therefore, they loved others as -themselves, they could not do thus. - -A man’s _character_ is dearer to him than _property_. “A good name is -rather to be chosen than great riches.” - - ----“Who steals my purse - Steals trash---- - But he who filches from me my good name, - Robs me of that which not enriches him, - But makes me poor indeed.” - -Should some persons injure the property, or cast filth upon the -clothes of one who was the object of their dislike, every one would -condemn such conduct as becoming only a mob. And yet it is a far -greater injury to have the character vilified and reproached. - -Some justify such language from the denunciations of the Saviour -against the Scribes and Pharisees, and his calling them hypocrites. But -when any can, like the Saviour, know the hearts of others, and know to -whom to apply such epithets, then they may use them. And they may take -the lash, and compel others to do what they think they ought to do, and -plead the example of Christ, who, with a scourge, drove the buyers and -sellers out of the temple. - -A good cause does not need such weapons to support it, and will only -be injured by their use. And when any resort to them, they will be -suspected of being conscious of the weakness of their cause, or of -being under the influence of a wrong spirit. When a person is conscious -that he is strong in _argument_, he will feel no need of such base -weapons, and will not use them, if he is in the exercise of a right -spirit.[C] For it is contrary to the spirit of the gospel, and to the -instructions of the Bible. The spirit of the gospel is a meek, kind, -benevolent spirit, and undissembled goodwill to all. And, if in full -exercise, men would love others as themselves; “and love worketh no -ill to his neighbor.” But to pursue a course which directly tends to -injure the character, and to destroy the peace and usefulness of a -good man, is working the greatest evil to him, and is contrary to the -instructions of the Bible, and the way there pointed out to convince -and gain others: “A soft tongue breaketh the bone.” This we are here -taught will have the greatest effect. “A soft answer turneth away -wrath, but grievous words stir up anger.” “The servant of the Lord -must not strive; but be gentle unto all men; in meekness instructing -those that oppose themselves; if God peradventure will give them -repentance to the acknowledging of the truth.” This is most explicit, -and teaches, that, if we would gain others, we must be gentle towards -_all_ men without any exception, in meekness instructing them. “Speak -not evil one of another, brethren. He that speaketh evil of his -brother, and judgeth his brother, speaketh evil of the law, and judgeth -the law,” by practically condemning the law for prohibiting such -evil-speaking. - -“Whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in danger of the -council; but whosoever shall say, Thou fool, shall be in danger of -hell-fire.” This is a most solemn declaration. “Judge not, and ye -shall not be judged: condemn not, and ye shall not be condemned.” “But -why dost thou judge thy brother? or why dost thou set at nought thy -brother? for we shall all stand before the judgment-seat of Christ.” -“Let us not, therefore, judge one another any more: but judge this -rather, that no man put a stumbling-block, or an occasion to fall, -in his brother’s way;” which he would do by harshly judging and -condemning, and thus irritating him. “I beseech you, that ye walk -worthy of the vocation wherewith ye are called, with all lowliness -and meekness, with long-suffering, forbearing one another in love, -endeavoring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.” “Let -all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamor, and evil-speaking, -be put away from you, with all malice: And be ye kind one to another, -tender-hearted, forgiving one another, even as God for Christ’s sake -hath forgiven you,” “Put them in mind to speak evil of no man, to be no -brawlers, but gentle, showing _all meekness unto all men_.” - -What a picture St. James gives of the terrible effects of an unbridled -tongue. And an unbridled _pen_ is more dangerous. “The tongue is an -unruly evil, full of deadly poison. The tongue is a fire, a world of -iniquity, and setteth on fire the course of nature; and it is set on -fire of hell.” “Wherefore, laying aside all malice, and all guile, -and hypocrisies, and envies, and all evil speakings--be pitiful, be -courteous; not rendering evil for evil, or railing for railing, but -contrariwise, blessing.” Jude says, that even “Michael the archangel, -when contending with the devil, durst not bring against him a railing -accusation, but said, The Lord rebuke thee.” - -It is therefore extremely manifest, that evil-speaking, or assailing -the character of brethren in the ministry, or in the church, or even -others--except by kind and faithful reproof, for evident faults--is -contrary to the instructions of the word of God, and is wrong. The -Bible allows us to reprove others plainly for their sins, with -meekness, and in love, but not with harshness, or opprobrious language. - -And this is agreeable to the counsel of the wisest and best of men. - -Mr. Adam, an eminently pious minister in England, who died in 1784, -in his “Thoughts on Religion,” says, “We should study only the good -of others, let them do what they will to us. If I aim at the real -spiritual improvement of those I converse with, I shall never say any -thing to irritate or vex them, but keep a constant guard on myself. -Speaking evil of others at all, unless it be to prevent mischief to -religion, or our neighbor, proceeds from pride. Say all the good you -can of all; but if you would have ill spoken of any, turn that office -to the devil.” - -Cudworth said, “_Truth_ and _love_ are two of the most powerful things -in the world, and when they both go together, they cannot easily be -withstood. The golden beams of truth, and the silken cords of love -twisted together, will draw men on with a sweet violence, whether they -will or no.” - -“Certainly,” says Bishop Hall, “God abides none but charitable -dissensions; those that are well grounded and well governed; grounded -upon just causes, and governed with Christian charity and wise -moderation; those whose beginning is equity, and end is peace. If -we must differ, let these be the conditions; let every one of God’s -ministers be ambitious of that praise which Gregory Nazianzen gave to -Athanasius; to be an adamant to them that strike him, and a loadstone -to them that dissent from him; the one not to be moved with wrong, -the other to draw those hearts which disagree. So the fruit of -righteousness shall be sown in peace of them that make peace. So the -God of peace shall have glory, the church of God rest, and our souls, -unspeakable joy and consolation in the day of the appearing of our Lord -Jesus.” - -“It is,” says a respectable writer, “impossible to entertain sentiments -of true friendship, towards those whom we are in the practice of -maligning every day.” Milner, in his Church History, says, “Satire and -invective are plants of rapid growth in the malignant soil of human -nature.” - -Rev. Mr. Jenkins, in his remarks on the Report submitted to the -Senate of the United States, on the petitions presented to Congress, -praying that the mails might not be transmitted through the country -on the Sabbath, says, “They who are honestly concerned to preserve -the sanctity of the Sabbath, can cherish no other than sentiments -of heart-felt kindness towards the author of this report. Their -disagreement with him on a subject of such vital and enduring interest, -would prove it the offspring of some of the very lowest principles -which govern human conduct, were it to lead them to return railing for -railing.” - -Some attempt to justify harsh language from the example of Luther. But -besides the change in the times and the style of controversy, it ought -to be recollected that Luther himself _condemned_ what they adduce -as a _justification_ for the use of such language. “In my books of a -polemical nature,” said he, “I avow, that I have been more violent and -bitter than suits my religion and my robe.” - -The distinguished Christian poet, Cowper, in a letter to Rev. John -Newton, said, “No man was ever scolded out of his sins. The heart, -corrupt as it is--and because it is so--grows angry if it be not -treated with some management and good manners, and scolds again. A -surly mastiff will perhaps bear to be poked, though he will growl -even under that operation, but if you touch him roughly, he will -bite. There is no grace that the spirit of self can counterfeit with -more success than a religious zeal. A man thinks he is fighting for -Christ, and he is fighting for his own notions. He thinks that he is -skilfully searching the hearts of others, when he is only gratifying -the malignity of his own; and charitably supposes his hearers destitute -of all grace, that he may shine the more in his own eyes by the -comparison. When he has performed this notable task, he wonders that -they are not convicted. He has given it to them soundly, and if they do -not tremble and confess that God is in them of a truth, he gives them -up as reprobate, incorrigible, and lost forever. But the man that loves -me, if he sees me in an error, will pity me, and endeavor calmly to -convince me of it, and persuade me to forsake it. If he has great and -good news to tell me, he will not do it angrily and in much heat and -discomposure of spirit. It is not therefore easy to conceive on what -ground a minister can justify a conduct which only proves that he does -not understand his errand. The absurdity of it would certainly strike -him, if he were not himself deluded.” - -Ministers undoubtedly sometimes greatly injure their usefulness by -their harshness of expression, and the want of a kind and conciliatory -address. The abolition enterprise is often said to be “the cause -of God,” and a “holy cause.” If so, it ought surely to be defended -and sustained by “spiritual,” and not “carnal weapons.” And some -of the advocates of the cause deeply feel this. William Ladd, the -distinguished Advocate of Peace, in a letter addressed some months -since to an Anti-slavery Meeting in Portsmouth, which he was invited -to attend, says, “If I were present among you, I should say--let -every thing be done in LOVE, not only to the poor down-trodden slave, -but to his oppressor, and to the slaves of prejudice, ‘forbearing -threatening.’ The chains of the slave may be melted off by the fire of -love, but they cannot be severed by the sledge hammer of violence.” - -Many abolitionists, instead of manifesting the meek, mild and -forbearing spirit of Him who, “when he was reviled not again,” have -too often displayed the spirit of party politicians. But even some of -the politicians of the day seem to be convinced of the impropriety of -treating opponents with rudeness. After the close of a four weeks’ -session of the Legislature of Rhode Island, in 1838, it was said, “Not -an angry or offensive personality has been uttered by any member.” - -At an editorial convention held last season at Columbus, Ohio, the -following resolutions were passed: - - _Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Convention, there is one - plain standard of editorial propriety from which no man ought to - depart, i. e. nothing should be esteemed justifiable in editorial - intercourse, which would be clearly condemned in the intercourse of - private gentlemen. And, therefore - - _Resolved_, That in the opinion of this Convention, in all editorial - discussions concerning politics and other subjects of public - disputation, all opprobrious epithets, offensive personal allusions, - and harsh attacks on private reputation, ought to be carefully - avoided. - -These testimonies are surely amply sufficient to show the impropriety -of the course which I have disapproved, in the estimation of -respectable, and wise, and good men. But I will add one more. - -Said an eminent missionary among the heathen, “Until a minister feels -as our Saviour did on his last return to Jerusalem, when he wept as he -said, ‘O that thou hadst known,’ &c., he is not in a fit state of mind -to repeat a single denunciation from his master’s lips.” - -Is not this the spirit which we all need? And were this spirit -generally possessed by professing Christians, and Christian ministers, -how much of that “wrath of man which worketh not the righteousness -of God,” and contention and unchristian feeling, and attacks on each -others’ reputation would be prevented; and how rapidly would the cause -of truth, of righteousness, and of benevolence advance. The weapons -of truth and love would then be wielded with mighty power, and with -astonishing success. - -Even slaveholders would hardly be able to resist such powerful weapons. -Mr. Chester, editor of the Christian Journal at New York, speaking -of Rev. John Rankin, a distinguished abolitionist, says, “He was -born, educated, and brought into the ministry in Tennessee, and has -been an abolitionist, I might perhaps say, from his birth. Twenty, -or twenty-five years ago he was a member of an Abolition Society in -that State. His abolition principles and feelings never lead him to -indulge in bitterness towards slaveholders, or opponents of any kind. -And such is his kindness, such the deep tone of his feeling, that few -slaveholders--though often pressed with the most earnest appeals--have -ever parted with him but with increased respect.” - -Last year there was published an account of the visit of a minister -of the Quaker denomination to a slave trader in Virginia, given by -the visiter himself, which strikingly illustrates the influence of -faithful, but kind remonstrance. Being accompanied to his house by -a friend, he says, “I found he was considered, independent of his -employment, of a ferocious disposition. His countenance looked fierce. -I offered him my hand, feeling nothing in my heart but love towards -him as a man. I endeavored in a tender, feeling, but decided manner -to open the subject that brought me to his house, telling him I came -in behalf of the poor colored people. I requested him to pause for -a moment, and endeavor as much as possible to place his own parents -and nearest relatives in the very situation of those poor slaves he -had at times purchased and sold again, thereby separating the nearest -connections far from each other. He appeared to hear me patiently, -and tried to justify his conduct, but with coolness and deliberation. -But in time he cast away all his weapons of defence. He gave it as -his opinion that before twenty years were passed away, slavery would -be brought to a final close, if the work was rightly gone about. He -assured us of his determination to quit his business, and acknowledged -the gratitude he felt for the visit; and took his leave of us in an -affectionate manner.” I have given only a very brief sketch of this -interesting visit, as published in the ‘Herald of Freedom.’ - -If this were the spirit generally displayed, and this the course -pursued even by professors of religion among abolitionists, how long -would it be before they would be joined by the great mass of the people -in the free States, and by many in the slave States? But so much of -a contrary spirit has been manifested, and such a different course -pursued, that it has produced irritation, and excited prejudice in the -minds of very many who would otherwise have cordially united in efforts -for the removal of slavery. - -It was stated in the ‘Herald of Freedom,’ that emancipation was -universally popular in New York in 1827. And the same feeling, I -presume, then pervaded New England generally. - -Though Wilberforce in his zealous, and untiring, and finally successful -efforts to abolish the slave trade, manifested the spirit which I have -here recommended, yet others who were engaged with him, manifested -a different spirit, and pursued a different course, which tended to -embarrass this great philanthropist, and to retard the progress of the -cause in which he was engaged. - -“The contest,” says his biographer, “in behalf of abolition, was -throughout conducted by Mr. Wilberforce in a spirit of conciliation -towards the supporters of the trade. Some amongst the West Indian body -were his personal friends, and of all ‘we should not forget,’ he writes -to Dr. Currie, ‘that Christian candor is due to those who carry it -on. There may be, I doubt not, amongst them, many men of enlarged and -humane minds. I trust that you have done me the justice to acquit me of -having adopted any such indiscriminate and false judgment as that you -oppose.’” - -His prospect of speedy success seemed to be encouraging. “The sympathy -of the country was too much aroused to be patient of delay. Public -meetings, and petitions numerously signed, multiplied both in England -and Scotland.” But the levelling principles of the French revolution -began to spread and were favored by many abolitionists, which excited -great prejudice against their cause. “You will see Clarkson,” writes -Mr. Wilberforce to Lord Muncaster; “caution him against talking of the -French revolution, it will be ruin to our cause.” “Clarkson,” writes -Dr. Milner, “will tell you that he had a long conversation with me. I -wish him better health, and better notions in politics; no government -can stand on such principles as he appeals to, and maintains. I am very -sorry for it, because I see plainly, advantage is taken of such cases -as his, in order to represent the friends of abolition as levellers. -This is not the only instance where the converse of a proposition does -not hold; levellers certainly are friends of abolition. Great mischief -had then already risen to the cause. ‘What business had your friend -Clarkson,’ asked Dundas ‘to attend the Crown and Anchor last Thursday? -He could not have done a more mischievous thing to the cause you have -taken in hand.’ - -“The seed which had been so freely scattered by the revolutionary -politics of some leading abolitionists had sprung up into a plentiful -harvest of suspicion. ‘People connect,’ writes Mr. Clark, ‘democratical -principles with the abolition of the slave trade, and will not hear it -mentioned.’” - -On this reverse, Mr. Wilberforce made the following reflections, -displaying a humility worthy the imitation of every abolitionist, -and of every Christian:--“Oh, may not this have been because one so -unworthy as I undertook this hallowed cause, (Uzzah and the ark,) and -carried it on with so little true humility, faith, self-abasement, and -confidence in God through Christ? No principles but the principles -of the gospel should be connected with the abolition of slavery. -And if we would expect the blessing of God upon this enterprise, it -must be conducted in the spirit of his gospel, and in conformity to -the precepts of his word. And without his blessing we shall labor in -vain.”[D] - -And is a dependence on God’s aid and blessing duly felt? If thus -felt, it will lead to the cultivation and exemplification of a right -spirit--the spirit not merely of humanity, or sympathy, or party zeal, -but of real vital piety, which will seek supremely the glory of God, -the honor and permanency of his institutions, the advancement of his -cause in the world, and the disenthralment and salvation of those -around us, who are slaves to sin, and in bondage to Satan; and the -conversion of the benighted heathen, as well as the emancipation and -elevation of the slaves of our own beloved country. And then the car of -liberty, and the chariot of the gospel will move on with majestic and -mighty power. - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[A] These were manifestly the views of those who formed the American -Anti-Slavery Society in 1833. For in the second article of the -constitution, they say of the Society, “It shall aim to convince all -our fellow citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and -consciences, that slavery is a heinous sin in the sight of God,” &c. - -[B] I am a member of the New Hampshire State Anti-Slavery Society. - -[C] Though we are commanded “earnestly to contend for the faith once -delivered to the saints,” yet the unkind and censorious spirit, and -harsh language often displayed in theological disputes, has excited -great prejudice, and led many to condemn _all_ religious controversy. - -[D] Life of Wilberforce, pp. 112, 113, 111, 110, 126, 130. - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES: - - - Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_. - - Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. - - Inconsistencies in hyphenation have been standardized. - - Archaic or variant spelling has been retained. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AMERICAN SLAVERY, AND THE MEANS -OF ITS ABOLITION *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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