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diff --git a/old/68987-h/68987-h.htm b/old/68987-h/68987-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 6cdb7cf..0000000 --- a/old/68987-h/68987-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,5447 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> -<head> - <meta charset="UTF-8" /> - <title> - On the Manner of Negotiating With Princes, by François de Callières—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover" /> - <style> /* <![CDATA[ */ - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; -} - -.ph {text-align: center; - font-weight: bold;} - -.p150 {font-size: 1.5em;} -.p140 {font-size: 1.4em;} -.p130 {font-size: 1.3em;} -.p120 {font-size: 1.2em;} -.p110 {font-size:1.10em;} - -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} - -.mr5 {margin-right: 5%;} -.mr10 {margin-right: 10%;} -.mr15 {margin-right: 15%;} - -.ml10 {margin-left: 10%;} -.ml15 {margin-left: 15%;} - -.mb2 {margin-bottom: 2em;} - -.break {page-break-before: always;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 45%; margin-left: 27.5%; margin-right: 27.5%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } -hr.full {width: 95%; margin-left: 2.5%; margin-right: 2.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; -} /* page numbers */ - - - -.sidenote { - width: 20%; - padding-bottom: .5em; - padding-top: .5em; - padding-left: .5em; - padding-right: .5em; - margin-left: 1em; - float: right; - clear: right; - /* margin-top: 1em; */ - /* font-size: smaller; */ - color: black; - - /* border: 1px dashed; */ -} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.right {text-align: right;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} - -/* Images */ - -img { - max-width: 100%; - height: auto; -} -img.w100 {width: 100%;} - - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 100%; -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -em, cite, .italic {font-style: italic;} - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowe5 {width: 5em;} - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of On the manner of negotiating with princes, by François de Callières</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: On the manner of negotiating with princes</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>On the uses of diplomacy; the choice of ministers and envoys; and the personal qualities necessary for success in missions abroad</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: François de Callières</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Translator: A. F. Whyte</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: September 15, 2022 [eBook #68987]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: MWS, Thomas Frost and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE MANNER OF NEGOTIATING WITH PRINCES ***</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iii">[Pg iii]</span></p> - - - - -<h1>ON THE MANNER OF<br /> -NEGOTIATING WITH<br /> -PRINCES;</h1> - -<p class="center p140 ml10 mr10">on the Uses of Diplomacy; the -Choice of Ministers and Envoys; -and the Personal Qualities necessary -for Success in Missions abroad; by</p> - -<p class="center p150 ml15 mr15">MONSIEUR DE CALLIÈRES</p> - -<p class="center ml15 mr15">Councillor-in-Ordinary to the King in Council, Private -Secretary to His Majesty, formerly Ambassador Extraordinary -and Plenipotentiary of His late Majesty -entrusted with the Treaties of Peace concluded at -Ryswick, one of the Forty of the French Academy.</p> - -<p class="center p110 ml15 mr15">Published at Paris by <span class="smcap">Michel Brunet</span> at the <span class="italic">Mercure -Galant</span>, 1716; under Royal Privilege and Approval.</p> - -<p class="center p120 ml15 mr15">Translated from the French by</p> - -<p class="center p130 ml15 mr15">A. F. WHYTE</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowe5" id="image_1"> - <img class="w100" src="images/image_1.jpg" alt="" /> -</div> - -<p class="center p2 p120 ml15 mr15">Boston and New York</p> - -<p class="center p130 ml15 mr15">HOUGHTON MIFFLIN CO.</p> - -<p class="center p120">1919</p> - - -<hr class="full x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_iv">[Pg iv]</span></p> -<p class="center break">Edinburgh: T. and A. <span class="smcap">Constable</span>, -Printers to His Majesty</p> - - -<hr class="full x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[Pg v]</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -</div> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Diplomacy</span> is one of the highest of -the political arts. In a well-ordered -commonwealth it would be held in the -esteem due to a great public service in whose hands -the safety of the people largely lies; and it would -thus attract to its ranks its full share of national -ability and energy which for the most part to-day -passes into other professions. But the diplomatic -service, at all times, and in almost all countries, -has suffered from lack of public appreciation: -though perhaps at no time has it had so many detractors -as to-day. Its almost unparalleled unpopularity -is due to a variety of causes, some of -which are temporary and removable, while others -must be permanent in human affairs, for they were -found to operate in the days when the author of this -little book shone in French diplomacy. The major -cause is public neglect; but it is also due, in no -small measure, to the prevalent confusion between<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[Pg vi]</span> -policy, which is the substance, and diplomacy -proper, which is the process by which it is carried -out. This confusion exists not only in the popular -mind, but even in the writings of historians who -might be expected to practise a better discernment. -Policy is the concern of governments. Responsibility -therefore belongs to the Secretary of State -who directs policy and appoints the agents of it. -But the constitutional doctrine of ministerial responsibility -is not an unvarying reality. No one -will maintain that Lord Cromer’s success in Egypt -was due to the wisdom of Whitehall, or to anything -but his own sterling qualities. Nor can a just -judgment of our recent Balkan diplomacy fail to -assign a heavy share of the blame to the incompetence -of more than one ‘man on the spot.’ -The truth is, that the whole system, of which, in -their different measure, Downing Street and the -embassies abroad are <em>both</em> responsible parts, is not -abreast of the needs of the time, and will not be -until Callières’s excellent maxims become the -common practice of the service.</p> - -<p>These maxims are to be found in the little book -of which a free translation is here presented. -François de Callières treats diplomacy as the art<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vii">[Pg vii]</span> -practised by the <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">négotiateur</i>—a most apt name for -the diplomatist—in carrying out the instructions -of statesmen and princes. The very choice of the -word <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">manière</i> in his title shows that he conceives of -diplomacy as the servant, not the author, of policy; -and indeed his argument is not many pages old -before he is heard insisting that it is ‘the agent of -high policy.’ Observance of this distinction is the -first condition of fruitful criticism. It is therefore -worth while, at the outset, to clear away the -obscurity and confusion which surround the subject, -and thus, in some measure, to relieve both diplomacy -in general and the individual diplomatist in particular -from the burden of irrelevant and unjust -criticism.</p> - -<p>‘Secret diplomacy’ has played so large a part in -recent public discussion that the confusion between -foreign policy and diplomacy proper has only been -worse confounded. And even where the critics of -diplomacy have restricted the range of their attack -to the question of the efficiency of our representation -abroad, the nature of their criticism leaves -it to be supposed that diplomacy is the dazzling -and perilous craft which figures in the pages of -Mr. Le Queux. The picture of brilliant youths and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_viii">[Pg viii]</span> -cunning greybeards sedulously lying abroad for the -good of their country continues to fill the popular -imagination, though a reading of any one of the -excellent memoirs of the great diplomatists of the -past would suffice to prove that Sir Henry Wotton’s -famous witticism far outran the truth. For every -occasion on which deceit has been practised, there -are a dozen on which the negotiation has followed -the obvious course of a practical discussion in which -‘the application of intelligence and tact’ led to an -agreement. In substance, therefore, diplomacy -demands the same qualities as any other form of -negotiation. Its true method bears a close resemblance -to a business transaction. The one essential -difference between a high commercial negotiation -and a diplomatic transaction is that in the former -the contracting parties are constrained to observe -certain rules, and are bound not only by certain -strict conventions but by enforceable laws; in the -latter case the parties recognise no bounds to their -claims and ambitions except those laid down by a -concern for their own convenience, or by the limits -of their own military forces. Hence the diplomatist -gains an altogether fictitious eminence -among his fellow-men and assumes an excessive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_ix">[Pg ix]</span> -pride of office because he represents a sovereign -state which recognises no master.</p> - -<p>Now a discussion of the problems raised by the -unrestricted sovereignty claimed by each nation -in foreign affairs would carry this argument far -beyond the limits of diplomacy proper and must -be left to those who are now trying to find a firm -basis for a League of Nations. But since this claim -is the parent cause of all armed conflict, it cannot -be entirely ignored; for as long as it persists it -will exercise a profound influence on the character -of diplomacy itself, and has a direct bearing on the -question of the efficiency of the diplomatist. The -action of our representatives abroad carries with -it the constant alternative of peace and war. ‘The -art of negotiating with princes,’ says Callières, ‘is -so important that the fate of the greatest states -often depends upon the good or bad conduct of -negotiations, and upon the degree of capacity in the -negotiators employed.’ The consciousness that -the negotiator is performing one of the functions -of sovereignty must give him a deep sense of responsibility -and a constant concern for his own -efficiency. And the Home Government has the -prior obligation, in Callières’s words once more, to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_x">[Pg x]</span> -‘examine with the greatest care the natural or -acquired qualities of those citizens whom they -despatch on missions to Foreign States.’</p> - -<p>The epigram which tells us that nations have -the governments they deserve has a close bearing -on this aspect of diplomacy. The main question -is the efficiency of the service, which has received -but little public attention owing to the popularity -of the campaign against the secrecy of diplomatic -action. The secrecy of diplomacy is commonly -held to be the accomplice of European militarism; -and many of those who yearn for a better world -after the war hope that by letting in light upon -the manœuvres of the Great Powers their evil -designs may be checked before they create those -recurring crises of animosity with which we were -so familiar before the war. There is so much -obvious truth in this view that even <cite>The Times</cite> -acknowledged it thus: ‘Who, then, makes war? -The answer is to be found in the Chancelleries of -Europe, among the men who have too long played -with human lives as pawns in a game of chess, who -have become so enmeshed in formulas and the -jargon of diplomacy that they have ceased to be -conscious of the poignant realities with which they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xi">[Pg xi]</span> -trifle. And thus war will continue to be made -until the great masses who are the sport of professional -schemers say the word which shall bring, -not eternal peace, for that is impossible, but a -determination that wars shall be fought only in a -just and righteous and vital cause’ (<cite>The Times</cite>, -23rd November 1912). The justification of the -growing demand for popular control of foreign -policy could not be more succinctly put.</p> - -<p>In the customary argument against diplomatic -secrecy, however, there is some confusion of thought. -It is against secret <em>policies</em>, in which the national -liability may be unlimited, that the only genuine -protest can be raised; for such policies are the very -negation of democracy, and the denial of the most -fundamental of all popular rights, namely, that the -citizen shall know on what terms his country may -ask him to lay down his life. But this justification -of popular control does not presuppose the publication -of diplomatic negotiations. On the contrary, -it rests on the assumption that the People -and Parliament will know where to draw the line -between necessary control in matters of principle -and the equally necessary discretionary freedom of -the expert in negotiation. It follows, therefore,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xii">[Pg xii]</span> -that the case for reform is only weakened by those -who make indiscriminate attacks against the whole -Diplomatic Service—how richly deserved in some -cases, how flagrantly unjust in others—and especially -by those who profess to believe that the -machinery of diplomacy could be made to run more -smoothly by publicity. The modern Press is not -so happy a commentator as all that; and we may -here recall Napoleon’s apposite reflection: ‘<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Le -canon a tué la féodalité: l’encre tuera la société -moderne</i>.’ If it is necessary for the public welfare -that foreign policy should be known and intelligently -discussed by the people whom it so closely -concerns, it is just as necessary that the people -should not meddle with the actual process of -diplomacy, but, having made sure of getting the -best of their public servants in their Foreign -Service, should confidently leave such transactions -undisturbed in the hands of the expert. In all -the activities of government that is clearly the proper -division of labour between the common people and -the expert adviser; and in no department should -it be more scrupulously observed than in foreign -affairs.</p> - -<p>Readers of this little book—which Sir Ernest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_xiii">[Pg xiii]</span> -Satow recently called ‘a mine of political wisdom’—will -quickly realise how much this introductory -review of modern diplomacy owes to the suggestive -maxims of François de Callières. And if they -receive as much stimulus and pleasure from the -following pages as the translator has enjoyed in -preparing them, Louis Fourteenth’s plenipotentiary -should gain a host of new friends.</p> - -<p class="right mr5"> -A. F. WHYTE. -</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="To_His_Royal_Highness_Monseigneur_le"><span class="italic">To His Royal Highness, Monseigneur le -Duc d’Orléans, Regent of the Kingdom.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p><span class="smcap">Monseigneur</span>,—This work, which I have the -honour to present to your Royal Highness, has for -its aim: to give an idea of the personal qualities -and general knowledge necessary in all good negotiators; -to indicate to them the paths which -they should follow and the rocks which they should -avoid; and to exhort those who destine themselves -to the foreign service of their country, to render -themselves capable of discharging worthily that -high, important, and difficult office before entering -upon it.</p> - -<p>The honour which the late King did me in charging -me with his commands and his full powers for -foreign negotiation, and particularly for those which -led to the Treaty of Ryswick, has redoubled the -attention which I have ever paid since my youngest -years to my own instruction in the power, the -rights, and the ambitions of each of the principal -monarchies and states of Europe, in their divergent -interests and the forms of their government, in -the causes of their understandings and misunderstandings,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span> -and finally in the treaties which they -have made one with another; in order to employ -this knowledge to the best advantage whenever -occasion offered in the service of my King and -Country. After the loss which France has just -suffered of that great King, whose reign was so full -of glory and triumph, she did indeed need that -the Hand of God, which has always upheld her in -her necessities, should continue to guide her. We -had indeed to look for Divine Help to support us -during the minority of his present Majesty, so that -we might hope that the All-Powerful Hand should -mould a prince of like blood and spirit to him who -has gone. The Regency needed an intelligence of -the highest order, a capacity without limit, a clear -insight into the character of persons and events, and -an indefatigable activity which would increase at -every new demand made by the interests of state—all -these united in the person of a prince at once -just, lovable, beneficent, whose character might -earn for him the title of a veritable father of his -country. These are the traits so strongly and so -profoundly marked in you, Monseigneur, which -have brought all France on its knees in homage -before you, with full confidence and happiness, -and a glorious prestige which shall pass undimmed -to our remotest descendants as a worthy symbol of -your great rule.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p> - -<p>I am, with profound respect, and with a zealous -and affectionate attachment to your Person, Monseigneur,</p> - -<p>Your Royal Highness’s most humble, obedient, -and faithful servant,</p> - -<p class="right mr5"> -<span class="smcap">De</span> CALLIÈRES.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote break"><span class="italic">The Art of -Negotiation.</span></div> -</div> - -<p><span class="smcap">The</span> art of negotiation with princes is so -important that the fate of the greatest -states often depends upon the good or -bad conduct of negotiations and upon the degree -of capacity in the negotiators employed. Thus -monarchs and their ministers of state cannot -examine with too great care the natural or acquired -qualities of those citizens whom they despatch on -missions to foreign states to entertain there good -relations with their masters, to make treaties of -peace, of alliance, of commerce or of other kinds, -or to hinder other Powers from concluding such -treaties to the prejudice of their own master; and -generally, to take charge of those interests which -may be affected by the diverse conjunctures of -events. Every Christian prince must take as his -chief maxim not to employ arms to support or vindicate -his rights until he has employed and exhausted -the way of reason and of persuasion. It is -to his interest also, to add to reason and persuasion -the influence of benefits conferred, which indeed is -one of the surest ways to make his own power secure, -and to increase it. But above all he must employ<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span> -good labourers in his service, such indeed as know -how to employ all these methods for the best, and -how to gain the hearts and wills of men, for it is -in this that the science of negotiation principally -consists.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">French Neglect -of Diplomacy.</span></div> - -<p>Our nation is so warlike that we can hardly -conceive of any other kind of glory or of honour -than those won in the profession of arms. Hence -it is that the greater number of Frenchmen of good -birth apply themselves with zeal to the profession -of arms in order that they may gain advancement -therein, but they neglect the study of the various -interests which divide Europe and which are a -source of frequent wars. This inclination and -natural application in our people result in a rich -supply of good general officers, and we need have -no surprise that it is considered that no gentleman -of quality can receive a high command in the armies -of the King who has not already passed through all -these stages by which a soldier may equip himself -for war.</p> - -<p>But, alas, it is not the same with our negotiators. -They are indeed rare among us because there has -been in general no discipline nor fixed rules of the -foreign service of his Majesty by which good -citizens destined to become negotiators might instruct -themselves in the knowledge necessary for -this kind of employment. And indeed we find<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span> -that instead of gradual promotion by degrees and -by the evidence of proved capacity and experience, -as is the case in the usages of war, one may see often -men who have never left their own country, who -have never applied themselves to the study of -public affairs, being of meagre intelligence, appointed -so to speak over-night to important embassies -in countries of which they know neither the -interests, the laws, the customs, the language, nor -even the geographical situation. And yet I may -hazard a guess that there is perhaps no employment -in all his Majesty’s service more difficult to discharge -than that of negotiation. It demands all -the penetration, all the dexterity, all the suppleness -which a man can well possess. It requires a widespread -understanding and knowledge, and above all -a correct and piercing discernment.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy an -Expert Craft.</span></div> - -<p>It causes me no surprise that men who have embarked -on this career for the sake of titles and -emoluments, having not the least idea of the real -duties of their post, have occasioned grave harm -to the public interest during their apprenticeship to -this service. These novices in negotiation become -easily intoxicated with honours done in their -person to the dignity of their royal master. They -are like the ass in the fable who received for himself -all the incense burned before the statue of the -goddess which he bore on his back. This happens<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span> -above all to those who are employed by a great -monarch on missions to princes of a lower order, -for they are apt to place in their addresses the most -odious comparisons, as well as veiled threats, which -are really only a mark of weakness. Such ambassadors -do not fail to bring upon themselves the -aversion of the court to which they are accredited, -and they resemble heralds of arms rather than ambassadors -whose principal aim is ever to maintain -a good correspondence between their master and -the princes to whom they are accredited. In all -cases they should represent the power of their -own sovereign as a means of maintaining and increasing -that of the foreign court, instead of using -it as an odious comparison designed to humiliate -and contemn. These misfortunes and many others, -which are the result of the lack of capacity and -of the foolish conduct of many citizens employed -by princes to deal with public affairs abroad, occasioned -in me the belief that it is by no means -impertinent to set down some observations on the -manner of negotiating with sovereigns and with -their ministers, on the qualities necessary for those -who mean to adopt the profession of diplomacy, -and on the means which wise princes will take to -secure a good choice of men well adapted at once -to the profession of negotiation and to the different -countries where they may be sent. But before I<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span> -take my subject in detail it is perhaps well that I -should explain the use and the necessity for princes -to maintain continual negotiation in the form of -permanent embassies to all great states, both in -neighbouring countries and in those more distant, -in war as well as in peace.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Usefulness -of Negotiation.</span></div> - -<p>To understand the permanent use of diplomacy -and the necessity for continual negotiations, we -must think of the states of which Europe is composed -as being joined together by all kinds of necessary -commerce, in such a way that they may be -regarded as members of one Republic and that no -considerable change can take place in any one of -them without affecting the condition, or disturbing -the peace, of all the others. The blunder of the -smallest of sovereigns may indeed cast an apple of -discord among all the greatest Powers, because there -is no state so great which does not find it useful -to have relations with the lesser states and to seek -friends among the different parties of which even the -smallest state is composed. History teems with the -results of these conflicts which often have their beginnings -in small events, easy to control or suppress -at their birth, but which when grown in magnitude -became the causes of long and bloody wars which -have ravaged the principal states of Christendom. -Now these actions and reactions between one -state and another oblige the sagacious monarch<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span> -and his ministers to maintain a continual process -of diplomacy in all such states for the purpose of -recording events as they occur and of reading their -true meaning with diligence and exactitude. One -may say that knowledge of this kind is one of the -most important and necessary features of good -government, because indeed the domestic peace of -the state depends largely upon appropriate measures -taken in its foreign service to make friends among -well-disposed states, and by timely action to resist -those who cherish hostile designs. There is indeed -no prince so powerful that he can afford to neglect -the assistance offered by a good alliance, in resisting -the forces of hostile powers which are prompted -by jealousy of his property to unite in a hostile -coalition.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Diplomat: -An Agent of -High Policy.</span></div> - -<p>Now, the enlightened and assiduous negotiator -serves not only to discover all projects and cabals -by which coalitions may arise against his prince in -the country where he is sent to negotiate, but also -to dissipate their very beginnings by giving timely -advice. It is easy to destroy even the greatest -enterprises at their birth; and as they often require -several springs to give them motion, it can hardly -be possible for a hostile intrigue to ripen without -knowledge of it coming to the ears of an attentive -negotiator living in the place where it is being -hatched. The able negotiator will know how to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span> -profit by the various dispositions and changes -which arise in the country where he lives, not merely -in order to frustrate designs hostile to the interests -of his master, but also for the positive and fruitful -purpose of bringing to an apt result those other -designs which may work to his advantage. By his -industry and application he may himself produce -changes of opinion favourable to the office which -he has to discharge; indeed, if he do but once in an -apt moment catch the tide at the flood he may confer -a benefit on his prince a hundredfold greater -than any expense in treasure or personal effort -which he may have put forth. Now if a monarch -should wait, before sending his envoys to countries -near and far, until important events occur—as for -instance, until it is a question of hindering the conclusion -of some treaty which confers advantage -on an enemy Power, or a declaration of war against -an ally which would deprive the monarch himself -of the assistance of that very ally for other purposes—it -will be found that the negotiators, sent thus -at the eleventh hour on urgent occasions, have no -time to explore the terrain or to study the habits -of mind of the foreign court or to create the -necessary liaisons or to change the course of -events already in full flood, unless indeed they -bring with them enormous sums whose disbursement -must weigh heavily on the treasury of their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> -master, and which run the risk, in truth, of being -paid too late.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Cardinal -Richelieu.</span></div> - -<p>Cardinal Richelieu, whom I set before me as the -model for all statesmen, to whom France owes a very -great debt, maintained a system of unbroken diplomacy -in all manner of countries, and beyond question -he thus drew enormous advantage for his -master. He bears witness to this truth in his own -political testament, speaking thus:—</p> - -<p>‘The states of Europe enjoy all the advantages -of continual negotiation in the measure in which -they are conducted with prudence. No one could -believe how great these advantages are who has not -had experience of them. I confess that it was not -till I had had five or six years’ experience of the -management of high affairs that I realised this -truth, but I am now so firmly persuaded of it that -I will boldly say that the service which a regular -and unbroken system of diplomacy, conducted both -in public and in secret in all countries, even where -no immediate fruit can be gathered, is one of the -first necessities for the health and welfare of the -state. I can say with truth that in my time I -have seen the face of affairs in France and in -Christendom completely changed because under the -authority of his Majesty I have been enabled to -practise this principle which till my time had been -absolutely neglected by the ministers of this kingdom.’<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> -The Cardinal says further: ‘The light of -nature teaches each of us in his private life to maintain -relations with his neighbours because as their -near presence enables them to injure so it also -enables them to do us service, just as the surroundings -of a city either hinder or facilitate the approach -to it.’ And he adds: ‘The meaner sort of men -confine their outlook within the cities where they -were born. But those to whom God has given a -greater light will neglect no means of improvement -whether it come from near or from far.’ The -evidence of this great genius demands all the greater -consideration because the high services which he -rendered to his King by means of negotiation convincingly -prove that he speaks the truth. No -considerable event occurred in Europe during his -ministry in which he did not play a great part, and -he was often the principal agent in the great movements -of his time. He it was who designed the -revolution in Portugal in 1640, by which the legitimate -heir to the Crown resumed the throne. He -profited by the discontent of the Catalans who -rose in revolt in that same year. He did not hesitate -to encourage negotiations even with the -African Moors. Previously he brought his labours -to success in the north by persuading Gustavus -Adolphus, King of Sweden, to invade Germany, and -thus to deliver her from slavery to the House of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span> -Austria which then reigned despotically, dethroning -her princes and disposing of their states and their -titles to its own court minions. Rumour even -attributes the revolution in Bohemia to the action -of Cardinal Richelieu. He formed and maintained -several leagues; he won for France many great -allies who contributed to the success of his high -designs, in which the abasement of the prodigious -power of the House of Austria was always the chief; -and throughout all these designs we can trace the -unbroken thread of a well-maintained system of -diplomacy, acting as the obedient and capable agent -of the great minister himself, whose profound -capacity and vast genius thus found a favourable -field of action.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Value of -Diplomacy.</span></div> - -<p>It is not necessary to turn far back into the past -in order to understand what can be achieved by -negotiation. We see daily around us its definite -effects in sudden revolutions favourable to this -great design of state or that, in the use of sedition -in fermenting the hatreds between nations, in -causing jealous rivals to arm against one another so -that the <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">tertius gaudens</i> may profit, in the formation -of leagues and other treaties of various kinds -between monarchs whose interests might otherwise -clash, in the dissolution by crafty means of the -closest unions between states: in a word, one may -say that the art of negotiation, according as its conduct<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> -is good or evil, gives form to great affairs -and may turn a host of lesser events into a useful -influence upon the course of the greater. Indeed, -we can see in diplomacy thus conducted a greater -influence in many ways upon the conduct and fortunes -of mankind than even in the laws which they -themselves have designed, for the reason that, -however scrupulous private man may be in obedience -to the law, misunderstandings and conflicts -of ambition easily arise between nations, and cannot -be settled by a process of law but only by a convention -between the contending parties. It is -on the occasion of such conventions that diplomacy -plays a decisive part.</p> - -<p>It is thus easy to conclude that a small number -of well-chosen negotiators posted in the different -states in Europe may render to their sovereign and -their state the greatest services; that a single word -or act may do more than the invasion of whole -armies because the crafty negotiator will know -how to set in motion various forces native to the -country in which he is negotiating, and thus may -spare his master the vast expense of a campaign. -Nothing can be more useful than a timely diversion -thus set on foot.</p> - -<p>It is also of high interest to all great princes that -their negotiators should be of such character and -standing as to act appropriately as mediators in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span> -disputes between other sovereigns and to produce -peace by the authority of their intervention. -Nothing can contribute more to the reputation, -the power, and the universal respect of a monarch, -than to be served by those who themselves inspire -respect and confidence. A powerful prince who -maintains a constant system of diplomacy served -by wise and instructed negotiators in the different -states of Europe, and who thus cultivates well-chosen -friendships and maintains useful sources of -information, is in a position to influence the destiny -of neighbouring foreign states, to maintain peace -between all states, or to pursue war where it is -favourable to his design. In all these concerns the -prosperity of his plans and the greatness of his -name depend first and last on the conduct and -qualities of the negotiators to whom he entrusts -his services. So now we examine in detail the -qualities necessary for a good negotiator.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Personal -Qualities of -the Good -Negotiator.</span></div> - -<p>God having endowed men with diverse talents, -the best advice that one can give is to take counsel -with themselves before choosing their profession. -Thus he who would enter the profession of diplomacy -must examine himself to see whether he was -born with the qualities necessary for success. -These qualities are an observant mind, a spirit of -application which refuses to be distracted by -pleasures or frivolous amusements, a sound judgment<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> -which takes the measure of things as they -are, and which goes straight to its goal by the -shortest and most natural paths without wandering -into useless refinements and subtleties which as a -rule only succeed in repelling those with whom one -is dealing. The negotiator must further possess -that penetration which enables him to discover the -thoughts of men and to know by the least movement -of their countenances what passions are -stirring within, for such movements are often -betrayed even by the most practised negotiator. -He must also have a mind so fertile in expedients -as easily to smooth away the difficulties which he -meets in the course of his duty; he must have -presence of mind to find a quick and pregnant reply -even to unforeseen surprises, and by such judicious -replies he must be able to recover himself when his -foot has slipped. An equable humour, a tranquil -and patient nature, always ready to listen with -attention to those whom he meets; an address -always open, genial, civil, agreeable, with easy and -ingratiating manners which assist largely in making -a favourable impression upon those around him—these -things are the indispensable adjuncts to the -negotiator’s profession. Their opposite, the grave -and cold air, a melancholy or rough exterior, may -create a first impression which is not easily removed. -Above all the good negotiator must have sufficient<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> -control over himself to resist the longing to speak -before he has really thought what he shall say. He -should not endeavour to gain the reputation of being -able to reply immediately and without premeditation -to every proposition which is made, and he -should take a special care not to fall into the error -of one famous foreign ambassador of our time who -so loved an argument that each time he warmed -up in controversy he revealed important secrets in -order to support his opinion.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Air of -Mystery.</span></div> - -<p>But indeed there is another fault of which the -negotiator must beware: he must not fall into the -error of supposing that an air of mystery, in which -secrets are made out of nothing and in which the -merest bagatelle is exalted into a great matter -of state, is anything but a mark of smallness of -mind and betokens an incapacity to take the true -measure either of men or of things. Indeed, the -more the negotiator clothes himself in mystery, the -less he will have means of discovering what is -happening and of acquiring the confidence of those -with whom he deals. A continual reserve is like -the lock on a door which is never turned and -becomes so rusty that in the end no man can open -it. The able negotiator will of course not permit -his secret to be drawn from him except at his own -time, and he should be able to disguise from his -competitor the fact that he has any secret to reveal;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span> -but in all other matters he must remember that -open dealing is the foundation of confidence and -that everything which he is not compelled by duty -to withhold ought to be freely shared with those -around him. He will thus gradually establish -terms of confidence with his neighbours, from -which he may draw immense profit, for it may not -infrequently happen that in exchange for some -trivial information given by himself, the negotiator -may, as it were by accident, receive important news -from his colleague in another embassy. The -practised negotiator will know how to employ the -circumstances of his life and of the lives of those -around him in such a manner as to lead them naturally -and without restraint to talk of the conditions -and affairs of their own country, and the more extended -his view and the wider his knowledge the -more surely will he thus gather important news -every day of his life.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Dignity.</span></div> - -<p>Let it not be supposed, however, that the good -negotiator requires only the light of a high intellect, -dexterity, and other fine qualities of the mind. -He must show that the ordinary sentiments of the -human heart move in him, for there is no kind of -employment in which at the same time elevation -and nobility of spirit and a kindly courtesy in little -things are more necessary. An ambassador indeed -resembles in a certain sense the actor placed before<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span> -the eyes of the public in order that he may play a -great part, for his profession raises him above the -ordinary condition of mankind and makes him in -some sort the equal of the masters of the earth by -that right of representation which attaches to his -service, and by the special relations which his office -gives him with the mighty ones of the earth. He -must therefore be able to simulate a dignity even -if he possess it not; but this obligation is the rock -upon which many an astute negotiator has perished -because he did not know in what dignity consisted. -No negotiation was ever assisted by open or veiled -menaces merely for their own sake, and negotiators -too often confuse a proud and arrogant bearing -with that careful dignity which ought to clothe -their office. To advance pretensions or to demand -excessive privileges is merely the sign of pride and -of a desire to extract from the privileged position -of an ambassador a personal and unworthy advantage, -in the doing of which an ambitious negotiator -may easily and utterly compromise the whole -authority of his master. No man who enters diplomacy -in a spirit of avarice or with a desire to seek -interests other than those of his service, or merely -with the desire to earn the applause of the crowd, -or to attract esteem and recompense from his -master, will ever make success in negotiation. -And even if some important duty may be well discharged<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> -in his hands, it is only to be attributed -to some happy conjuncture of events which in itself -smoothed away all difficulties.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Influence of -Women.</span></div> - -<p>To maintain the dignity of diplomacy the negotiator -must clothe himself in liberality and -generosity of heart, even in magnificence, but all -with care and a frugality of design so that the trappings -of his office do not by their display outshine -the sterling merits of his own character and person. -Let clean linen and appointments and delicacy -reign at his table. Let him frequently give banquets -and diversions in honour of the principal -persons of the court in which he lives, and even -in the honour of the prince himself, if he so cares -to take part. Let him also enter into the spirit -of the same diversions offered by others, but always -in a light, unconstrained, and agreeable manner, -and always with an open, good-natured, straightforward -air, and with a continual desire to give -pleasure to others. If the custom of the country -in which he serves permits freedom of conversation -with the ladies of the court, he must on no account -neglect any opportunity of placing himself and his -master in a favourable light in the eyes of these -ladies, for it is well known that the power of feminine -charm often extends to cover the weightiest resolutions -of state. The greatest events have sometimes -followed the toss of a fan or the nod of a head.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> -But let him beware! Let him do all things in his -power, by the magnificence of his display, by the -polish, attraction, and gallantry of his person, to -engage their pleasure, but let him beware lest he -engage his own heart. He must never forget that -Love’s companions are Indiscretion and Imprudence, -and that the moment he becomes pledged -to the whim of a favoured woman, no matter how -wise he may be, he runs a grave risk of being no -longer master of his own secrets. We have often -seen terrible results follow from this kind of weakness -into which even the greatest ministers are liable to -fall, and we need go no further than our own time -for remarkable examples and warnings.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Power of the -Purse.</span></div> - -<p>Now, as the surest way of gaining the good-will -of a prince is to gain the good graces of those who -have most influence upon his mind, a good negotiator -must reinforce his own good manners, his -insight of character, and attraction of person by -certain expenses which will largely assist in opening -his road before him. But these expenses must be -laid out in the proper measure. They must be -made by a careful design; and wherever large gifts -are offered, the giver must take care beforehand to -know that they will be received in the right spirit -and above all that they will not be refused. I do -not mean that there are not countries where no -great art is needed in the matter of giving gifts.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> -In such a country they are no longer gifts but -bribes; but it is always to be remembered that -there is a certain delicacy to be observed in all -commerce of this kind, and that a gift presented in -the right spirit, at the right moment, by the right -person, may act with tenfold power upon him who -receives it. There are various established customs -in different countries by which occasion arises for -making small presents. This kind of expense, -though it occasions but a small outlay of money, -may contribute largely to the esteem in which an -ambassador is held and acquire for him friends at -the court to which he is accredited. And, indeed, -the manner in which this little custom is carried -out may have an important bearing upon high -policy. And, of course, in such a matter the -practised negotiator will soon be aware that at every -court there are certain persons of greater wit than -fortune who will not refuse a small gratification -or secret subsidy which may bring in large results, -for the wit of these persons enables them to maintain -a confidential position at court without that -personal splendour which the rich nobleman can -display. Such persons I say may be of great use -to the clever negotiator. Among amusements, -for instance, the dancers, who by the fact of -their profession have an <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entrée</i> less formal and -in some degree more intimate with the prince than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> -any ambassador can perhaps possess, are often to -be found valuable agents in negotiation. Or -again, it happens that a monarch has around him -certain officers of low rank entrusted with duties -which bring them in close contact both with -their master and with his minister’s mind, and -a timely present aptly given may reveal important -secrets. And finally, even great ministers of state -themselves may not be inaccessible by the same -means.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Secret Service.</span></div> - -<p>It frequently happens in negotiation as in war -that well-chosen spies contribute more than any -other agency to the success of great plans, and indeed -it is clear that there is nothing so well adapted -to upset the best design as the sudden and premature -revelation of an important secret upon -which it depends. And as there is no expense -better designed nor more necessary than that which -is laid out upon a secret service, it would be inexcusable -for a minister of state to neglect it. The -general will say with truth that he would sooner -have one regiment the less than a poorly equipped -system of espionage, and that he would perhaps -even forgo reinforcements if he could be accurately -informed of the disposition and numbers of the -enemy armies. Similarly let an ambassador -retrench all superfluous expense in order that he -may have the funds at his disposal to maintain a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> -secret service which will inform him of all that -happens in the foreign country of his service. Yet -despite the universal acknowledged truth of what -I say, most negotiators will more readily spend vast -sums on a great show of horses and carriages, on -rows of useless flunkeys, than on the payment of a -few well-chosen agents who could keep them supplied -with news. In this matter we should learn -a lesson from the Spaniards, who never neglect -their secret agents—a fact which I am sure has -contributed largely to the success of their ministers -in many important negotiations. It is doubtless -the success of Spanish agents which has led to the -establishment of the wise custom of the Spanish -Court to give Spanish ambassadors an extraordinary -fund called <i lang="es" xml:lang="es">Gastos Secretos</i>.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Honourable -Spy.</span></div> - -<p>The ambassador has sometimes been called an -honourable spy because one of his principal occupations -is to discover great secrets; and he fails in -the discharge of his duty if he does not know how -to lay out the necessary sums for this purpose. -Therefore an ambassador should be a man born -with a liberal hand ready to undertake willingly -large expenses of this kind; and he must be even -prepared to do it at his own charges when the -emoluments of his master are insufficient. For as -his principal aim must be to succeed, that interest -should eclipse all others in any man truly devoted to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span> -his profession and capable of succeeding in it. -But, on the other hand, the sagacious prince will -not neglect the equipment of his negotiators with -every possible means for acquiring friends and -secret agents in all countries where his interests are -at stake, for these expenses well laid out bring back -a large return with usury to the prince who makes -them, and do much to smooth away the difficulties -which lie in the path of his designs. And he will -soon be aware that if he does not employ this expedient -his ministers can indeed make but little -progress in their negotiations. He will win no -new allies but risk losing old ones.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Courage.</span></div> - -<p>Courage is a most necessary quality in a negotiator; -for, though the law of nations should give -him ample security, there are many occasions in -which he will find himself in danger, where he will -have to rely upon his own courage and resource to -escape from a perilous position without compromising -the negotiation on which he is engaged. -Thus no timid man can hope to conduct secret -designs to success: unforeseen accidents will shake -his faith, and in a moment of fear he may too easily -give away his secrets even by the passing expression -of his countenance and by the manner of his speech. -And indeed a too great concern for his personal -safety may lead him to take measures highly prejudicial -to the duties he has to discharge. And at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> -times when the honour of his master is attacked -his timidity may prevent him from maintaining -with the necessary vigour the dignity of his office -and the prestige of his King. A prelate who was -an ambassador at Rome from King Francis <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> -brought disgrace on his master because he failed -to defend him in the Consistory, where the Emperor, -Charles <span class="allsmcap">V.</span>, attempted to cast upon the French -King the whole responsibility for the continuation -of the war, boasting falsely that he had offered to -end it by a single combat with François himself, -and that the French King had refused. The King -was so furious that he gave the Emperor the lie in -public, and made known to the world his displeasure -with his own ambassador for failing to uphold the -dignity of France. François there and then took -the resolution never to employ any man as French -ambassador who was not a practised swordsman, -and thus he hoped to uphold the honour of his -house.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Firmness in -Dispute.</span></div> - -<p>A good negotiator must not only be courageous -in danger but firm in debate. There are many -men who are naturally brave, but cannot maintain -an opinion in dispute. The kind of firmness that -is needed is that which, having carefully and fully -examined the matter, consents to no compromise -but pursues with constancy a resolution once -adopted till it is carried into effect. Compromise<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> -is the easy refuge of the irresolute spirit. The lack -of firmness of which I speak here is a common fault -of those who have a lively imagination for every -kind of accident which may befall, and hinders them -from determining with vigour and despatch the -means by which action should be taken. They -will look at a matter on so many sides that they -forget in which direction they are travelling. This -irresolution is most prejudicial to the conduct of -great affairs which demand a decisive spirit, acting -upon a careful balance of advantage and disadvantage, -and pursuing the main purpose without -abatement. It is said that Cardinal Richelieu, who -perhaps took wider views than any man of his time, -was somewhat irresolute when he came to action, -and that Father Joseph, the Capuchin, a much -narrower intelligence than the Cardinal, was of -the greatest value to him because, once a decision -was taken, he pursued it tenaciously, and often -assisted the Cardinal in dismissing designs of -compromise by which crafty persons hoped to -destroy the original plan.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Genius no -Substitute for -Good -Manners.</span></div> - -<p>There are some geniuses born with such an -elevation of character and superiority of mind that -they have a natural ascendancy over all whom -they meet. But a negotiator of this kind must -take good care not to rely too much on his own -judgment in order to voice that superiority which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span> -he has over other men, for it may earn for him a -reputation for arrogance and hardness; and just -on account of his very elevation above the level of -common humanity, events may escape him, and he -may be the dupe of his own self-confidence. He -must sometimes consent to meet smaller men on -their own ground.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Value of Good -Faith.</span></div> - -<p>The good negotiator, moreover, will never found -the success of his mission on promises which he -cannot redeem or on bad faith. It is a capital error, -which prevails widely, that a clever negotiator must -be a master of the art of deceit. Deceit indeed is -but a measure of the smallness of mind of him who -employs it, and simply shows that his intelligence -is too meagrely equipped to enable him to arrive -at his ends by just and reasonable methods. No -doubt the art of lying has been practised with -success in diplomacy; but unlike that honesty -which here as elsewhere is the best policy, a lie -always leaves a drop of poison behind, and even -the most dazzling diplomatic success gained by -dishonesty stands on an insecure foundation, for it -awakes in the defeated party a sense of aggravation, -a desire for vengeance, and a hatred which must -always be a menace to his foe. Even if deceit were -not as despicable to every right-minded man as it is, -the negotiator will perhaps bear in mind that he -will be engaged throughout life upon the affairs of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span> -diplomacy, and that it is therefore his interest to -establish a reputation for plain and fair dealing so -that men may know that they can rely upon him; -for one negotiation successfully carried through by -the honesty and high intelligence of a diplomatist -will give him a great advantage in other enterprises -on which he embarks in the future. In every -country where he goes he will be received with -esteem and pleasure, and men will say of him and -of his master that their cause is too good to be -served by evil means. For if the negotiator is -obliged to observe with faithfulness all the promises -which he has made, it will be at once seen that both -he himself and the prince whom he serves are -to be relied on.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Perils of -Deceit.</span></div> - -<p>This is surely a well-known truth and so indispensable -a duty that it would appear superfluous -to recommend it. At the same time many negotiators -have been so corrupted by converse -usages that they have forgotten the uses of truth—upon -which I shall make but one observation, which -is, that the prince or minister who has been deceived -by his own negotiator probably began by teaching -that negotiator the lesson of deception; or, if he -did not, he suffers because he has made the choice -of a bad servant. It is not enough to choose a -clever and well-instructed man for the discharge of -high political duties. The agent in such affairs<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> -must be a man of probity and one who loves truth, -for otherwise there can be no confidence in him. -It is true that this probity is not often found joined -to that capacity for taking wide views which is so -necessary to a diplomatist, nor is it always found -in a man well stored with all the necessary knowledge -which we have already described as the equipment -of a good negotiator. I may be reminded -that a prince is often obliged to use diverse instruments -in order to accomplish his ends, and that -there have been men of little virtue who proved -themselves great negotiators and in whose hands -high affairs of state have prospered, and that men -of this type being restrained by no scruples have -more often succeeded in delicate negotiations than -have the right men who have employed none but -honest means.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Monsieur de -Faber rebukes -Cardinal -Mazarin.</span></div> - -<p>But let it be remarked that the prince who entrusts -his negotiations to this type of diplomatist -cannot count upon their good services except as -long as he himself is prosperous. In difficult times, -or at moments when disgrace seems to have fallen -upon him, these master-rogues will be the first to -betray him and to take service on the side of the -strong. Here then we find the final recommendation -of the necessity of employing honest men. -I am reminded of the fine reply of Monsieur de -Faber, who was Marshal of France, to Cardinal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span> -Mazarin when this great minister wished to bring -over a man of substance, who shall be nameless, to -his own party. He entrusted the delicate duty -to Monsieur de Faber, charging him to offer great -promises which he admitted he was not in a position -to redeem. Monsieur de Faber refused the commission -in these words: ‘Monseigneur, you will -find many men ready to carry false messages; but -you have some need of honest men to speak the -truth. I beg of you to retain me for the latter -service.’</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Loose Livers -make Bad -Negotiators.</span></div> - -<p>Finally, it is in a high degree dangerous to entrust -an important negotiation to a man of irregular life -whose domestic and personal habits are disorderly. -How can one expect of such a man a greater degree -of order and of decency in public affairs than that -which he shows in his own private concerns, which -ought indeed to be the constant gauge of his -capacity. If he is too fond of the gaming-table, of -the wine-glass, and of frivolous amusements, he is -not to be entrusted with the discharge of high -diplomatic duty, for he will be so unreliable that -at moments when he seeks the satisfaction of his -ill-regulated desires he will be prepared to sell the -highest secrets of his master.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Cool -Head.</span></div> - -<p>A man who is naturally violent and easily carried -away is ill fitted for the conduct of negotiations; -it is almost impossible for him to be master of himself<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> -at those critical moments and unforeseen -occasions when the command of one’s temper is -of importance, especially at the acute moments of -diplomatic controversy when a choleric word may -poison the minds of those with whom negotiations -are in progress. It is also difficult for any man who -is easily irritated to remain master of his own -secret; for, when his anger is aroused, he will -allow words to escape him from which an adroit -hearer will easily divine the essence of his thought, -and thus lead to the ruin of his plans.</p> - -<p>Before his elevation to the cardinalate, Cardinal -Mazarin was sent on an important mission to the -Duke of Feria, Governor of Milan. He was charged -to discover the true feelings of the Duke on a certain -matter, and he had the cunning to inflame the -Duke’s anger and thus to discover what he would -never have known if the Duke himself had maintained -a wise hold over his feelings. The Cardinal -indeed had made himself absolute master of all the -outward effects which passion usually produces, -so much so that neither in his speech nor by the -least change in his countenance could one discover -his real thought; and this quality which he possessed -in so high a degree contributed largely to -make him one of the greatest negotiators of his time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Spanish and -Italian -Characters.</span></div> - -<p>A man who is master of himself and always acts -with <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang-froid</i> has a great advantage over him who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> -is of a lively and easily inflamed nature. One may -say indeed that they do not fight with equal arms; -for in order to succeed in this kind of work, one -must rather listen than speak; and the phlegmatic -temper, self-restraint, a faultless discretion and -a patience which no trial can break down—these -are the servants of success. Indeed the last of -these qualities, namely patience, is one of the advantages -which the Spanish nation has over our -own; for we are naturally lively, and have hardly -embarked on one affair before we desire the end -in order to embark on another, thus betraying a -restlessness which continually seeks new aims. -Whereas it has been remarked that a Spanish -diplomatist never acts with haste, that he never -thinks of bringing a negotiation to an end simply -from <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">ennui</i>, but to finish it with advantage and to -profit from all the favourable conjunctures which -present themselves, amongst which our impatience -is his advantage. Italy has also produced a large -number of excellent negotiators who have contributed -much to the high prestige and temporal -power of the Court of Rome, even to the point at -which we now see it. And we ourselves have the -same superiority in the art of negotiation over -other northern nations which the Spaniards and -Italians have over us, from which it might appear -that the degree of intelligence varies in Europe<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span> -with the degree of warmth of its different climates. -Now from all this it follows that a man who by -nature is strange, inconstant, and ruled by his own -humours and passions, should not enter the profession -of diplomacy, but should go to the wars. -For as war destroys a great number of those who -engage in it, she is not so delicate in the choice of -her subjects; she resembles those good stomachs -which can digest and assimilate with equal ease -every kind of nourishment that is given them—not -indeed that a man must not have high and excellent -qualities before he can become a good general, but -because there are so many degrees of capacity in the -army that he who has not sufficient intelligence to -arrive at the highest remains half-way and may -become a good subaltern or other officer whose -service is useful in his own sphere. But it is not -the same with a negotiator—if he is not adapted -to his function he will often ruin everything that -is put under his charge and stain the good name of -his master with irreparable prejudice.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Adaptability.</span></div> - -<p>Not only must the negotiator be free from wayward -humours and fantasies, but he must know how -to suffer fools gladly, how to accommodate himself -to the changing humours of others. He must -indeed be like Proteus of the fable, always ready -to take a different figure and posture according to -occasion and need. Let him be gay and agreeable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> -with young princes still in the full enjoyment of -daily pleasures; let him be sage and full of counsel -with those of more serious years, and in everything -let all his attention and care, all his zeal and even -his enjoyments and diversions, tend to the one sole -aim, which is to bring to success the great business -in his charge. Thus it will not always be enough -that he should execute the exact letter of his instruction; -his zeal and intelligence should combine -how he may profit from all favoured conjunctures -that present themselves, and even should be able -to create such favourable moments by which the -advantage of his prince may be served. There -are even pressing and important occasions where -he is compelled to make a decision on the spot, to -undertake certain <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">démarches</i> without waiting for -the orders of his master which could not arrive in -time. But then he must have sufficient penetration -to foresee all the results of his own action, -and it were well also if he had acquired beforehand -that degree of confidence from his own prince -which is commonly founded on a proved capacity -of good services. He may thus assure himself in -moments of sudden decision that he retains the -confidence of his prince and that his past success -will plead in favour of his present actions. In the -absence of such conditions he would be a bold -negotiator indeed who entered into engagements<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span> -in his master’s name without express order on his -master’s part. But on a pressing occasion he can -hold such a thing as eventually to be concluded -with advantage to his prince, or at least he may -be able to prevent the matter in question from -turning to his disadvantage until he shall have -received orders from him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Wealth, Birth -and Breeding.</span></div> - -<p>It is well that with all these qualities a negotiator, -and especially one who bears the title of ambassador, -should be rich in order to be able to maintain -the necessary expenses of his office; but a wise -prince will not fall into the fault common to many -princes, namely that of regarding wealth as the -first and most necessary quality in an ambassador. -Indeed he will serve his own interests much better -by choosing an able negotiator of mediocre fortune -than one endowed with all the wealth of the Indies -but possessing a small intelligence, for it is obvious -that the rich man may not know the true use of -riches, whereas the able man will assuredly know -how to employ his own ability. And the prince -should further remember that it is within his -power to equip the able man with all the necessary -means, but that it is not in his power to endow -with intelligence one who does not possess it.</p> - -<p>It is also desirable that an ambassador should be -a man of birth and breeding, especially if he is employed -in any of the principal courts of Europe,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> -and it is by no means a negligible factor that he -should have a noble presence and a handsome face, -which undoubtedly are among the means which -easily please mankind. An evil-looking person, as -General Philopoemen said, will receive many insults -and suffer much trouble, like the man who -was made to hew wood and draw water because he -looked like a slave. There are of course missions -sent on special occasions where nothing is needed -but a great name and the prestige of high birth—as, -for instance, in the ceremonial occasions of a marriage, -or baptism, or the offer of good wishes on the -accession of a sovereign to the throne; but when -the negotiation concerns important affairs it must -be entrusted to a man, not to a gaudy image, unless -indeed the image be a puppet in the hands of some -crafty colleague who, while possessing the whole -secret of negotiation and keeping in his hands all -the threads of its designs, leaves the actual public -appearance to the ignorant but high-born gentleman -whose sole trouble is to maintain a fine table and -a magnificent equipage.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Knowledge -Necessary -to a -Negotiator.</span></div> - -<p>A man born to diplomacy and feeling himself -called to the practice of negotiation must commence -his studies by a careful examination of the position -of various European states, of the principal interests -which govern their action, which divide them from -one another, of the diverse forms of government<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span> -which prevail in different parts, and of the character -of those princes, soldiers, and ministers who -stand in positions of authority. In order to master -the detail of such knowledge he must have an -understanding of the material power, the revenues, -and the whole dominion of each prince or each -republic. He must understand the limits of territorial -sovereignty; he must inform himself of the -manner in which the government was originally -established; of the claims which each sovereign -makes upon parts which he does not possess; for -these ambitions are the very material of negotiation -on those occasions when a favourable turn of events -prompts the ambitious sovereign to hope that a -long-cherished desire may be realised; and, finally, -the negotiator must be able to make a clear distinction -between the rights and claims which are -founded on treaty obligation and those which rest -upon pure force alone. For his own instruction -he must read with the most attentive care all public -treaties, both general and particular, which have -been made between the princes and states of -Europe and in our time; he should consider the -treaties concluded between France and the House -of Austria as those which offer the principal form -and model for the conduct of all the public affairs -of Christendom on account of the network of liaisons -with other sovereigns which surrounds these two<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span> -great Powers. And since their disputes took their -origin in the relations and treaties existing between -the King Louis <span class="allsmcap">XI.</span> and Charles, the last Duke of -Burgundy, from whom the House of Austria -descends, it is vital that the negotiator of our time -should be well acquainted with all the treaties -made at that period and since; but especially all -those which have been concluded between the -principal Powers of Europe beginning with the -Treaty of Westphalia right up to the present time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Europe is his -Province.</span></div> - -<p>Let him also study with understanding and open -eye the modern history of Europe. Let him read -the memoirs of great men, the instructions and -despatches of all our ablest negotiators, both those -which are printed in public books and those which -are stored in manuscripts in our Office of Public -Records, for these documents treat of great affairs, -and the reading of them will convey not only facts -which are important for the making of history, but -also a sense of the true atmosphere of negotiation, -and will thus help to form the mind of him who -reads them and give him some clue to guide him in -similar occasions on his own career. One of the -most profitable readings that I know for this purpose -is the despatch of Cardinal d’Ossat, of whose letters -I make bold to say, for a man entering upon negotiation, -what Horace said to the poets of his time -regarding the works of Homer: That he should<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> -have them in his hands night and day if he desires -perfection in his own art. In a simple and modest -manner the despatches of this Cardinal reveal the -force and the address which were his great merit, -and which, in spite of the antiquity of his style, -still give keen pleasure to those who have a taste -for good diplomatic writing. One may see thus -how by his ability alone, without the assistance of -noble birth, title, or other character than that of -agent of his queen, Louise de Vaudemont, widow -of King Henry <span class="allsmcap">III.</span>, he was able gradually to conduct -the high enterprise of reconciling King Henry the -Great with the Holy See after the most famous -ambassadors of the time had failed in it; with -what dexterity he escaped all the pitfalls laid for -him by the Roman Court, and all the traps which the -House of Austria, then at the height of its power, -devised for his undoing. The reader will marvel, -as he turns each page, how nothing escaped his -penetrating eye. He will find even the least movements -of Pope Clement <span class="allsmcap">VIII.</span> and his nephew the -Cardinal recorded with care. He will see how -Monseigneur d’Ossat profited by everything, how -he is firm as a rock when necessity demands, supple -as a willow at another moment, and how he possessed -the supreme art of making every man offer -him as a gift that which it was his chief design to -secure.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Study of -Famous -Despatches.</span></div> - -<p>Then again in the collection of manuscript -despatches regarding the negotiations of Münster, -as well as in the memoirs of Cardinal Mazarin, we -may read the instructions to the French plenipotentiary, -which are indeed masterpieces of their -kind, for in them the Cardinal examines the interests -of each European Power. He suggests overtures -and expedients for adjusting their differences with -a capacity and a clearness of view which is altogether -surprising, and that in a language which was not -his own. His despatches on the Peace of the -Pyrenees, by means of which he conveyed to the -King the results of his conferences with Don Louis -Dharo, Prime Minister of Spain, have also a beauty -of their own. We recognise in them also the -superiority of his genius and the easy ascendancy -which he had gained over the spirit of the Spanish -minister with whom he was dealing. There are -also other manuscript despatches which deserve recognition. -They are to be found in great numbers -in the Royal Library and in other collections of -books, as, for instance, those of De Noailles, Bishop -of Acs, and of Montluc, Bishop of Valence, -in which one may also read the authentic account -of two noble and able men. We have, too, the -letters of President Jeannin, a man of great common -sense and solid judgment, who contributed largely -to the consolidation of the young Republic of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> -United Provinces by the twelve years’ truce which -he prepared, and by the wise counsels which he -gave touching all matters of government in that -Republic. The reading of such letters as his is -well designed to form the judgment of him who -will consent to read with intelligent care.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Dynastic -Liaisons.</span></div> - -<p>In order to understand the principal interest of -European princes, the negotiator must add to the -knowledge which we have just been describing -that of dynastic genealogies, so that he may know -all the connections and alliances, by marriage and -otherwise, between different princes, for these -liaisons are often found to be the principal causes -of conflict and even of war. He must also know -the laws and established customs of the different -countries, especially in all matters relating to the -succession to the throne and the prevailing habits -of the court. The study of the form of government -existing in each country is very necessary to -the diplomatist, and he should not wait until his -arrival in a foreign country to study these questions; -he should prepare himself beforehand, for, unless he -is equipped with a certain measure of this knowledge, -he will be like a man at sea without a compass. -Our own negotiators, who have never travelled -before taking up some foreign post and who therefore -know nothing of these questions, are usually -so saturated in our own national customs and habits<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> -as to think that those of all other nations must resemble -them; the truth being that the authority -which one king has within his kingdom in no way -resembles that of the neighbouring monarch, -although the superficial likeness between royalty in -every country is obvious to every eye.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">England and -Poland.</span></div> - -<p>There are, for instance, countries where it is -not enough to be in agreement with the prince and -his ministers, because there are other parties who -share the national sovereignty with him and who -have the power to resist his decisions or to make -him change them. Of this state of affairs we have -an excellent example in England, where the authority -of Parliament frequently obliges the King to make -peace or war against his own wish; or again in -Poland, where the general Diets have an even more -extended power, in which one single vote in the -Diet may bring to nought the all but unanimous -resolution of the assembly itself, and thus not only -defeat the deliberations of that assembly but bring -to nought the policy of the King and of the Senate. -Therefore the good negotiator in such a country -will know where to find the balance of domestic -power in order to profit by it when occasion offers.</p> - -<p>Besides the general public interests of the state -there are private and personal interests and ruling -passions in princes and in their ministers or -favourites, which often play a determining part in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span> -the direction of public policy. It is therefore necessary -for the negotiator to inform himself of the -nature of these private interests and passions influencing -the spirits of those with whom he has to -negotiate, in order that he may guide his action by -this knowledge either in flattering their passions, -which is the easiest way, or by somehow finding -means to deflect such personages from their original -intentions and engagements and cause them to -adopt a new line of policy. Such an enterprise -carried to success would indeed be a masterpiece of -negotiation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Testimony of -the Duc de -Rohan.</span></div> - -<p>That great man, the Duc de Rohan, tells us in -the treatise which he wrote upon the interests of -European sovereigns, that the sovereigns rule the -people and that interest rules the sovereign; but -we may add that the passions of princes and of -their ministers often overrule their interests. We -have seen many cases in which monarchs have -entered engagements most prejudicial to themselves -and their state under the influence of passion. -There need be no surprise on this account, for the -nations themselves are not free from this error, -and are prepared to ruin themselves in order to -satisfy hatred, vengeance, and jealousy, the satisfaction -of which is often antagonistic to their veritable -interests. Without recourse to ancient history -it would be easy to prove by modern examples<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> -that men do not act upon firm and stable maxims -of conduct; that as a rule they are governed by -passion and temperament more than by reason. -The bearing of this knowledge upon diplomacy is -that since the passion and caprice of men in authority -so largely influence the destiny of their subjects, it -is the duty of the able negotiator to inform himself -as accurately as possible regarding the inclination, -state of mind, and the plans of men in authority in -order that this information may be placed at the -service of his master’s interests. And we may be -sure that a negotiator who has not laboured to -acquire a fund of this general and particular information -will reason falsely regarding events, affairs -of state, and men, and is liable to make false estimates -and give dangerous advice to the prince who -employs him. Such knowledge is not to be found -in books alone; it is more easily to be gathered -by personal communication with those engaged in -public service and by foreign travel, for, however -profoundly one may have studied the customs, the -policy, or the passions of those who govern in -foreign states, everything will appear differently -when examined close at hand, and it is impossible -to form a just notion of the true character of things -except by first-hand acquaintance.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Importance of -Foreign -Travel.</span></div> - -<p>It is therefore desirable that before entering the -profession of diplomacy the young man should<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span> -have travelled to the principal courts of Europe, not -merely like those young persons who on leaving the -academy or college go to Rome to see the beautiful -palaces and the ancient ruins, or to Venice to enjoy -the opera and the courtesans; he should indeed -embark on his travels at a somewhat riper age -when he is more capable of reflection and of -appreciating the form and spirit of government in -each country, and of studying the merits and -faults of princes and ministers—doing all this with -the deliberate design of returning to these countries -at a future day with profit to himself and his master. -Travel conducted on these lines obliges the traveller -to keep a vigilant eye upon everything that comes -under his notice. It would be well that in certain -cases they should accompany the King’s ambassadors -or envoys as travelling companions after -the manner of the Spaniards and the Italians, who -regard it as an honour to accompany the ministers -of the Crown on their diplomatic journeys. There -is nothing better calculated for instruction upon -the manner of events in foreign countries or for the -training of a young man to represent his own -country abroad.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Foreign -Languages -Indispensable.</span></div> - -<p>It is highly desirable that such novices in diplomacy -should learn foreign languages, for thus they -will be protected from the bad faith or the ignorance -of interpreters, and from the grave embarrassment<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> -of having to use them for the purpose of -audiences with the sovereign. It is obvious, too, -that an interpreter may be a betrayer of secrets. -<em>Every one</em> who enters the profession of diplomacy -should know the German, Italian, and Spanish -languages as well as the Latin, ignorance of which -would be a disgrace and a shame to any public man, -for it is the common language of all Christian nations. -It is also very useful and fitting for the diplomat, -on whom grave national responsibility rests, to have -such a general knowledge of science as may tend -to the development of his understanding, but he -must be master of his scientific knowledge and -must not be consumed by it. He must give -science the place which it deserves, and must not -merely consider it as a reason for pride or for contempt -of those who do not possess it. While devoting -himself to this study with care and attention he -must not become engrossed in it, for he who enters -the public service of his King must consider that -he is destined for action and not for academic study -in his closet; and his principal care must be to -instruct himself regarding all that may affect the -lives of living men rather than the study of the dead. -His professional aim is to penetrate the secrets and -hearts of men; to learn the art of handling them -in such a manner as to make them serve the great -ends of his royal master.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">A Rule for the -Diplomatic -Service.</span></div> - -<p>If one could establish a rule in France that no -one should be employed in negotiation until he -had passed some such apprenticeship as this, and -had shown his capacity to profit by study and travel -in rendering a good account of the countries which -he had seen; and, further, if one could also establish -the rule in the same manner that no high -command in the army can be entrusted to an officer -who has not made many campaigns, we should be -more confident that the King would be well served -in his negotiations, and that by these means he -would be able to raise up around him a large -number of reliable negotiators. This is a most -desirable end, for as we have seen there are many -actions in which the perfect practice of the art of -negotiation is not less useful than that of war, and -that in France at the present time the art of war -stands far above that of diplomacy in public esteem.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Rewards for -Service.</span></div> - -<p>But as men are not yet perfect enough to serve -without hope of reward, it is desirable that there -should be in France a higher degree of honour and -fortune for those who have deserved well of their -country in diplomacy, as indeed there are in many -other courts in Europe where the King’s subjects -have gained high distinction in that branch of the -public service. There are indeed countries in -which the distinguished diplomatist may hope to -reach the highest place and most exalted dignities<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span> -in the realm, by which means we in France may -learn to raise the profession of diplomacy to that -degree of public recognition which it deserves, -and from which the service of the King and the -greatness of the kingdom must certainly profit.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On the Choice -of Diplomatists.</span></div> - -<p>The right choice of negotiators depends upon -their personal quality, their training, and to some -extent their fortune, and as the endowments of mankind -vary in a wide degree, so it is found that one -kind will fit better into the office of diplomacy -than another. At the same time there are men -of such wide capacity that they can be safely -employed in very different enterprises, and even -in very different countries. Such men by their -adaptability, by the receptiveness of their nature, -and the pliancy of their character are well fitted for -the province of diplomacy, and quickly accommodate -themselves to new surroundings. It should be -the aim of all governments to develop a whole race -of such men from whose ranks they may draw their -diplomatic agents. It is true that in any one -generation there will only be a few geniuses of the -first order, and that the rank and file of the diplomatic -service will be composed of persons of a more -limited type, in which case it is all the more incumbent -upon the Minister for Foreign Affairs to -exercise the greatest care in assigning ambassadors -to foreign posts. He must therefore be well<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span> -acquainted with the whole service in order to know -where to lay his hand upon the appropriate person -for any given enterprise.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Three -Professions.</span></div> - -<p>There are, broadly speaking, three principal human -professions. The first is the Ecclesiastical; the -second is that of the Gentlemen of the Sword, -which besides those actually serving in the army -includes courtiers and squires and other ranks of -gentlemen in his Majesty’s service; and the third -is the profession of the Law, whose devotees in -France are called ‘Gentlemen of the Cloth.’ -There are not many countries where ecclesiastics -can be employed in diplomacy, for one cannot properly -send them to heretical or infidel countries. -At Rome, which appears to be their home, their -attachment to the Pope, and their desire to receive -honours from him as well as other benefits which -depend upon service at his Court, undoubtedly -places them under the suspicion of following too -closely the Jesuitical maxims which rule papal -policy, and often operate to the prejudice of the -temporal power of other kings.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Example -of Venice.</span></div> - -<p>The Republic of Venice has shown much wisdom -in this matter, for she is so convinced of the -partiality of Venetian prelates towards the Holy -See that not only does she exclude them from all -diplomatic offices in connection with the Court of -Rome, but she actually excludes them from all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span> -discussion of the political relation between Venice -and Rome. It is obvious indeed to all that a dignitary -of the Church owes a divided allegiance, and -it seems probable that where his loyalty to the -Church conflicts with his loyalty to his sovereign, -the former is likely to prevail. Indeed, the more -closely one examines the proper duties of a bishop, -for instance, the more firmly convinced does one -become that these duties are not compatible with -those of an ambassador; for on the one hand it is -not fitting that a minister of religion should run -about the world and thus neglect those duties -which should have first claim upon him, and on the -other, as we have seen, political and ecclesiastical -allegiance may come into collision with disastrous -results. And surely a state must be poorly endowed -with men if it can find nowhere but in the -Church a sufficiency of adept diplomatists. I am -the last to dispute the great services which certain -prelates have rendered to the French state in the -past, but I consider it useful to be guided as a -general rule by the foregoing considerations.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Ambassador -a Man -of Peace.</span></div> - -<p>The best diplomatist will usually be found to be -a man of good birth, sometimes a knight trained -to the profession of arms, and it has occasionally -been found that a good general officer has served -with success as an ambassador, especially at a time -when the military affairs of either state were prominent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span> -subjects of negotiation. But diplomacy is -not to be regarded as linked with war, for, although -war arises out of policy, it is to be regarded as -nothing more than a means to an end in itself. -Therefore the ambassador should be a man of -peace; for in most cases, and certainly wherever -the foreign court is inclined towards peace, it is -best to send a diplomatist who works by persuasion -and is an adept in winning the good graces of those -around him. In either case it will be observed that -the public interests will be best served by appointing -a professional diplomatist who by long experience -has acquired a high aptitude for the peculiar -office of diplomacy. Neither the soldier nor the -courtier can hope to discharge the duties of diplomacy -with success unless they have taken pains to -instruct themselves in public policy, and in all that -region of knowledge which I have already described -as necessary for the negotiator.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Lawyer -Diplomats.</span></div> - -<p>It is true that sometimes a lawyer diplomat has -made a great success of negotiation, especially in -countries where the final responsibility for public -policy lay with public assemblies which could be -moved by adroit speech, but in general the training -of a lawyer breeds habits and dispositions of mind -which are not favourable to the practice of diplomacy. -And though it be true that success in the -law-courts depends largely upon a knowledge of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span> -human nature and an ability to exploit it—both of -which are factors in diplomacy—it is none the less -true that the occupation of the lawyer, which is -to split hairs about nothing, is not a good preparation -for the treatment of grave public affairs -in the region of diplomacy. If this be true of the -advocate or barrister, it is still more true of the -magistrate and judge. The habit of mind engendered -by presiding over a court of law, in which -the judge himself is supreme, tends to exclude -those faculties of suppleness and adaptability which -are necessary in diplomacy, and the almost ludicrous -assumption of dignity by a judge would certainly -appear as arrogance in diplomatic circles. I do -not say that there have not been great lawyers and -great judges who were endowed with high diplomatic -qualities, but again I place these considerations -before my readers in the belief that the -more closely they are observed the more surely -will they lead to efficiency in the diplomatic -profession.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy -demands -Professional -Training.</span></div> - -<p>Let me further emphasise my conviction, which, -alas, is not yet shared even by ministers of state in -France, that diplomacy is a profession by itself -which deserves the same preparation and assiduity of -attention that men give to other recognised professions. -The qualities of a diplomatist and the -knowledge necessary to him cannot, indeed, all be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span> -acquired. The diplomatic genius is born, not -made. But there are many qualities which may -be developed with practice, and the greater part -of the necessary knowledge can only be acquired -by constant application to the subject. In this -sense diplomacy is certainly a profession itself -capable of occupying a man’s whole career, and those -who think to embark upon a diplomatic mission as -a pleasant diversion from their common task only -prepare disappointment for themselves and disaster -for the cause which they serve. The veriest fool -would not entrust the command of an army to a -man whose sole badge of merit was his successful -eloquence in a court of law or his adroit practice -of the courtier’s art in the palace. All are agreed -that military command must be earned by long -service in the army. In the same manner it should -be regarded as folly to entrust the conduct of -negotiations to an untrained amateur unless he -has conspicuously shown in some other walk of life -the qualities and knowledge necessary for the -practice of diplomacy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Fatality of -Bad Appointments.</span></div> - -<p>It often happens that there are men in public life -who have won a reputation for themselves without -earning it. That is possible in the political world, -which has many camp followers and hangers-on of -all kinds, and there is always a risk that a minister -in search of an ambassador for a foreign post will<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span> -use the occasion to pay an old debt to some powerful -patrician family or to some blackmailer behind the -scenes. Those who take the responsibility of -appointing to high diplomatic offices persons of this -character are responsible before God and man for -all the injuries which may thereby accrue to the -public interest. It cannot be too plainly stated -that, while in many cases where trouble has arisen -the negotiator himself is to blame, the true responsibility -must rest with the minister at home, -who not only devises the policy itself but chooses -the instruments of it. It is therefore one of the -highest maxims of good government that the public -interest must be supreme, and that therefore both -the prince himself and his ministers must steel -themselves to resist the pressure of friends and -relations who seek employment for unworthy -persons. In diplomacy, above all things, since -peace and war and the welfare of nations depend -upon it, the best minds, the most sagacious and -instructed of public servants should be appointed -to the principal foreign posts regardless of the personal -affairs of the prince himself or the party -attachments of the chosen ambassadors.</p> - -<div class="sidenote">‘<span class="italic">We have -fools in Florence, -but we -do not export -them.</span>’</div> - -<p>Nothing should stand in the way of the creation -of a vigilant, sagacious, and high-minded diplomatic -service. Men of small minds should content themselves -with employment at home, where their errors<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span> -may easily be repaired, for errors committed abroad -are too often irreparable. The late Duke of -Tuscany, who was a remarkably wise and enlightened -prince, once complained to the Venetian -ambassador, who stayed over-night with him on -his journey to Rome, that the Republic of Venice -had sent as resident at his court a person of no -value, possessing neither judgment nor knowledge, -nor even any attractive personal quality. ‘I am -not surprised,’ said the ambassador in reply; ‘we -have many fools in Venice.’ Whereupon the -Grand Duke retorted: ‘We also have fools in -Florence, but we take care not to export them.’</p> - -<p>The Duke’s remarks show how important it is in -every respect to choose the right man for the -diplomatic service, and, in order to give the Foreign -Minister an adequate freedom of choice, his diplomatic -service should contain men of different characters -and a wide variety of accomplishments. -Thus he will not be compelled to send an unsuitable -man merely because he was the only one available. -He should have most careful regard in this choice -to the type of government and the religion which -prevails in the foreign country in question. There -used to be a jest current in Paris on this very subject. -The French King had sent a bishop to -Constantinople and an heretic to Rome, and it -was said that the one had gone to convert the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span> -Grand Turk and the other to be converted by -the Pope!</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Persona -Ingrata.</span></div> - -<p>Apart from any higher consideration, it is a mere -measure of prudence to avoid sending an envoy -who may be presumed to be a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">persona ingrata</i> at -the foreign court, for he will certainly, whether he -will or not, create a prejudice against his own -country and will be quite unable to meet his competitors -in diplomacy on equal terms, for he will -start with the handicap of unpopularity. The -Foreign Minister, therefore, should not wait until -matters go wrong at a foreign capital, but should -be in a position, when each appointment is made, -to know the character of the new ambassador, and -thus to veto a bad appointment. This, alas, is not -by any means always the case. I do not need to -enter upon a minute examination of the faults to -avoid and the virtues to encourage in the complete -diplomat. I have already said enough to show -where my opinion lies in a general way. I will only -add one or two further considerations. I said a -few moments ago that loose living is a great handicap -in diplomacy; but, since there is no rule which -has not some exception, let me point out that a too -abstemious negotiator will miss many opportunities -of finding out what is going on. Especially in the -northern countries the diplomat who loves a glass -will quickly make friends among ministers, though,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span> -to be sure, he should drink in such a manner as not -to lose control of his own faculties while endeavouring -to loosen the self-control of others.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Nation -judged by its -Servants.</span></div> - -<p>In diplomacy a nation is judged by its ministers, -and its whole reputation may rest upon the popularity -or unpopularity of an ambassador. In this -respect the personal conduct of the ambassador -and his staff is almost as important as the policy -with which he is charged, for the success of the -policy will depend largely upon the actual relations -which exist between the two nations. The ambassador -is, as it were, the very embodiment of -these relations, and if a proper adept in his profession -will know how to turn every occasion to -advantage. I need not repeat my tale of the -qualities and practices by which such advantage -may be drawn from the current of events, but I -may perhaps point out that obviously men of birth -and breeding are better able to discharge the kind of -function which I have described. Their rank will -command a certain respect, and the qualities usually -inherited by those of good birth should stand them -in good stead at a foreign court. At the same time -such qualities must not be regarded as more than -a foundation. They cannot in themselves equip -a diplomatist for his office. He must by assiduous -application acquire the other necessary qualities, -for there is no man more liable to suspicion than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span> -he who plumes himself on an experience which he -does not possess. Further, it is usually unwise to -entrust important negotiations to young men, who -are commonly presumptuous and vain as well as -indiscreet. Old age is equally inappropriate. The -best time of life is its prime, in which you find -experience, discretion, and moderation, combined -with vigour.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Men of -Letters.</span></div> - -<p>Other things being equal, I prefer a man of letters -before one who has not made a habit of study, for -his reading will give him a certain equipment which -he might otherwise lack. It will adorn his conversation -and supply him with the necessary historic -setting in which to place his own negotiations; -whereas an ignorant man will be able to quote -nothing but the will of his master, and will thus -present his argument in a naked and unattractive -form. It must be obvious that the knowledge -gained in a lifetime of reading is an important -adjunct in diplomacy, and above all, the reading of -history is to be preferred, for without it the negotiator -will be unable to understand the meaning -of historical allusions made by other diplomatists, -and may thus miss the whole point at some important -turn in negotiations. And since it is not -enough to think aright, the diplomatist must be -able to translate his thoughts into the right language, -and conversely he must be able to pierce behind<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[Pg 63]</span> -the language of others to their true thoughts. It -may often happen that an historical allusion will -reveal the purpose of a minister’s mind far better -than any direct argument. Herein lies the importance -of culture in diplomacy. The name of orator -has sometimes been given to ambassadors because -in certain past times they have been in the habit of -delivering their instructions in the form of an -eloquent address; but diplomatic eloquence is a -very different thing from that of Parliament or the -Bar. An ambassador’s speeches should contain -more sense than words, and he should studiously -avoid every affectation. His aim should be to -arouse the minds of his hearers by a sympathetic -touch, after which it will be easy to deliver his -message in an appropriate way. He should therefore -at the outset think rather of what is in their -minds than of immediately expressing what is in -his own. It is in this that true eloquence consists, -and indeed the words I have just used are the beginning -and end of all diplomacy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Fitting -Mode of -Address.</span></div> - -<p>In general his mode of address, whether he speak -to the sovereign or to his ministers, should be -moderate and reserved. He should not raise his -voice but should maintain the ordinary conversational -tone, at once simple and dignified, revealing -an innate respect both for his own high office -and for the person whom he is addressing. He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[Pg 64]</span> -should, above all things, avoid the prolix, pompous -approach which is natural to princes who attach -more importance to ceremonial than to the essence -of any matter. But if the ambassador be called -upon to deliver his message to a Senate or a Parliament, -he will bear in mind that the means for gaining -the good graces of an individual and of an -assembly are by no means the same. In such -public speech he may permit himself a certain -freedom of rhetoric, but even here he must beware -of prolonging his speech beyond a tolerable limit. -The reply of the Spartans to ambassadors from -the Isle of Samos stands as a warning for all times -against prolixity: ‘We have forgotten the beginning -of your harangue; we paid no heed to the -middle of it, and nothing has given us pleasure in it -except the end.’ God forbid that any French -negotiator should receive so damning a rebuff!</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Well-Stored -Mind.</span></div> - -<p>Even at the best of times a man of good sense -will not rely entirely on his native wit. He will -find that knowledge of historical precedents will -often act as a lever with which to remove obstacles -from his path. Such knowledge of history, and -particularly the true aptitude in applying it to current -events, cannot be learned except by long experience. -Even in those cases where success has -attended the efforts of an amateur diplomatist, the -example must be regarded as an exception, for it is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[Pg 65]</span> -a commonplace of human experience that skilled -work requires a skilled workman. The more important -the business on hand, the more vital it is -that ministers of state should ensure for themselves -the services of trained men. I am well aware that -even the greatest courts sometimes neglect this -vital precaution, and fill their embassies with improper -persons, mainly because the minister or the -prince had not sufficient strength of mind to resist -appeals made on illegitimate grounds such as that -of family influence. It will usually be found that -the real expert does not push himself or his claims, -and that the superior minds in diplomacy, as in other -walks of life, are not found crying their wares at every -street corner, but must be sought out with care in -their own closets. It is also to be observed that in -previous times the profession of diplomacy stood -too low in public esteem to attract the services of -first-class men—partly because higher emoluments -were to be earned elsewhere, and partly on account -of the prolonged absence from home which diplomatic -service entails.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy an -Honourable -Exile.</span></div> - -<p>If diplomacy be a labour in exile, the state should -see to it that it is at least an honourable exile. To -counteract this drawback, the home government -should so reform the system of diplomacy that it -may offer attractions to the most ambitious as well -as to the most refined spirits. There is no reason<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[Pg 66]</span> -why not merely honour but adequate daily recompense -for his services should not be offered to the -diplomatists from the very beginning of their career. -Having regard to the expenses which fall upon the -diplomatists of all ranks in their service abroad, and -in maintaining the honour of their own profession -and their country, the prince will be well advised -to pay good salaries and in other ways to mark his -esteem of the diplomatic profession. Thus and -thus alone can a prince gather round him a diplomatic -bodyguard worthy of the name. If he -follows this advice, his diplomatic service will -quickly outstrip all others and a deeper mutual -confidence will arise between himself and his -diplomatic agents upon which the success of all his -negotiations will rest secure. No diplomatist is less -to be envied than he who finds himself at a foreign -court bereft of the confidence of his own.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Value of a -Well-Equipped -Service.</span></div> - -<p>Now the equipment of the state in diplomacy will -be incomplete unless the diplomatic service contains -within its ranks so large a number of practised -and seasoned diplomatists that the King may be able -to retain several of them at his side as special advisers -in foreign affairs. In every campaign the -true commander will take as much trouble for his -reserves as for his first line of attack, and similarly -the position of reserves in diplomacy has a great -importance, for it means not only that the Minister<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[Pg 67]</span> -for Foreign Affairs will have at his elbow a number -of skilled diplomatists to assist him in a moment of -crisis, but also that when one of the embassies -abroad suddenly falls vacant his choice of a successor -will not be too narrowly restricted. He thus -will be able to avoid the fatal practice, which has -prevailed too often in recent French history, of -having to choose an ambassador haphazard at the -last moment from among the courtiers and hangers-on -at the palace.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Right -Man in the -Right Place.</span></div> - -<p>The nature of the business on hand must largely -govern the choice of the ambassador who is appointed -to carry it out, and if the diplomatic service -be large enough and varied enough it will certainly -contain within its ranks many different characters -showing a wide variety of aptitude. Thus in all -those secret negotiations which are so necessary in -order to prepare the ground for treaties it is often -found that the ambassador himself is not the best -person to employ. It may be highly embarrassing -for him to attempt to combine such secret negotiations -with the ordinary duties of his office, and -therefore a clever man who is not yet clothed with -the prestige of high office is a more proper agent -for this kind of secret traffic. The very fact that -the high public position of an ambassador is apt -to make the court and the general public familiar -with his person and his face is certainly a drawback<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[Pg 68]</span> -to his employment on more secret affairs, and -though it is true, as we have said, that part of the -business of an ambassador is that of an honourable -spy, he should beware of doing any of the spying -himself. Most of the great events in recent diplomatic -history have been prepared by ministers sent -in secret. The Peace of Münster, one of the most -intricate negotiations I have ever known, was not -really the work of that vast concourse of ambassadors -and envoys which met there and appended their -signatures to the document. The essential clauses -of that treaty were discussed and drawn up by a -secret agent of Duke Maximilian of Bavaria sitting -at a table in Paris with Cardinal Mazarin. In a -similar fashion the Peace of the Pyrenees was concluded -as the result of secret negotiations at Lyons -between Cardinal Mazarin and Pimentel, the -secret envoy of the Spanish King; and finally, the -Peace of Ryswick, to which I was a party throughout -the negotiation, was devised by the same secret -diplomacy before its public ratification in Holland -in the year 1697.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Each Embassy -a Miniature -of the Whole -Service.</span></div> - -<p>Now the bearing of these considerations upon -the organisation of diplomacy is fairly clear. If it is -only a question of maintaining good relations -between one state and another and of rendering a -more or less correct account of all that happens at -a foreign court, a diplomatist with a couple of secretaries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[Pg 69]</span> -will suffice, and indeed in ordinary times it is -undoubtedly better not to have more than one -diplomatist of the same rank at any foreign court. -But it is equally obvious that there are occasions -when it is of the highest advantage to maintain a -more elaborately equipped mission at a foreign court, -and even to send two or three diplomatists of higher -rank to assist in the conduct of negotiations and in -the other activities of diplomacy. This is of course -true whenever a peace conference is about to meet, -for negotiations of that character require great -preparation beforehand, and it would be impossible -for a single diplomatist to overtake all the work -which is necessary in such circumstances together -with the manifold duties of his own office. In a -certain sense the embassy itself should be a reproduction -in miniature of the whole diplomatic -service.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Variety of -Talent.</span></div> - -<p>There is undoubtedly room in all the larger embassies -for a great variety of talent, which will find -an appropriate field of action if the head of the -mission is wise enough to give the younger men their -chance. For instance, it sometimes happens that -an embassy will find it is in a country distracted by -civil war, and then the best practice of the ambassador -will be severely tested. If he has encouraged -his juniors to form relationships of various -kinds with different parties in the country for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[Pg 70]</span> -purpose of acquiring information, he will find that -on the outbreak even of so distracting a commotion -as civil war he has the means within his own embassy -of keeping touch with both sides in the dispute. -Naturally he will find it a difficult and delicate task -not to be embroiled with either side; but he will -certainly find all his previous trouble amply repaid -by the fulness of the information which he receives -from both sides. On no account should he allow -prejudice regarding social rank or political opinion -to stand in the way of the formation of useful -relations between members of his staff and different -parties in the country. He himself is debarred -from such action, and indeed if he were alone with -nothing but one or two secretaries to assist him, -it would be quite impossible for him to know what -was passing in either camp, and he would have to -rely on second-hand information which he was not -in a position to test. Still worse would be his case -if, having become the personal friend of the chief of -one of the parties, he should find the other party -coming into power, and thereafter treating him as -an enemy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Merit the only -Standard.</span></div> - -<p>Such considerations must ever be borne in mind -by the Minister for Foreign Affairs. But least of -all men should he be influenced by regard for rank, -social station, or political opinion in his choice of -attachés and other persons in any rank in diplomacy.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[Pg 71]</span> -Especially where he is about to despatch -an embassy to a state under popular government, -he will remember that the ambassador will require -many agents to keep him in touch with all the -different parties. It is therefore to be observed -that those embassies which are sent to popularly -governed states must be chosen with greater care -and equipped with a more varied staff than those -despatched to a foreign court where the government -rests entirely in the hands of the King.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Diplomatic -Hierarchy: -Ambassadors.</span></div> - -<p>Before discussing in detail the duties of negotiators, -I shall describe the different titles which -they receive, and the functions and privileges attached -to their office. Negotiators are of two -kinds: of the first and second order. Those of the -first order are Ambassadors Extraordinary and -Ambassadors Ordinary. Those of the second are -Envoys Extraordinary and Residents. Ambassadors -extraordinary receive certain honours and -distinctions not accorded to ambassadors ordinary. -The ambassadors extraordinary of crowned -heads are lodged and entertained in France for -three days, by order of the King, in residences set -aside for them, while ambassadors ordinary are -not so entertained by the King, though in other -respects they enjoy the same honour and privileges -as the former. These privileges consist in the -enjoyment under international law of immunity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[Pg 72]</span> -and security, in the right to remain covered before -the King in public audiences because they represent -their masters, in the privilege of being borne in the -King’s coach, and of driving their own coaches into -the inner court of the Louvre. They have still -their own dais in the audience-chamber, while their -wives have a seat by the Queen; and they are permitted -to drape the driving seat of their coaches -with a special saddle cloth. In France the ambassadors -of the Dukes of Savoy enjoyed the same -honours as those of the crowned heads of Europe. -Abroad the King’s ambassadors enjoy different -ceremonial rights according to the customs established -in different courts. The French ambassador -in Rome, for instance, gives his hand to the -ambassadors of certain crowned heads and of -Venice, but there are certain ambassadors of other -sovereigns who do not receive this courtesy, -though at other courts it is accorded to them by -the French ambassador. The French ambassador -takes first rank in all ceremonies in Rome after the -ambassador of the Emperor. These two ambassadors -receive the same salary, and are treated -otherwise on a footing of equality. There are -several courts at which the French ambassadors -give their hand to certain princes of equality in the -country: in Spain, for instance, we find the -Grandees; in London, the Peers of the Realm;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[Pg 73]</span> -in Sweden and in Poland the Senators and Grand -Officers; but to the negotiators of the rank of -envoy this courtesy is not accorded. The King -does not send an ambassador to the Electorates of -Germany, but conducts his negotiation with them -merely by means of envoys.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Envoys Extraordinary.</span></div> - -<p>Envoys extraordinary are public ministers who -do not possess the right of presentation which -attaches alone to the title of ambassador, but they -enjoy the same security and immunity under the -law of nations. They do not make a state entry -into a foreign capital in the manner of ambassadors, -but are presented in audiences to the King by the -diplomatic usher, who fetches them from their -private residence in one of the King’s coaches; -they speak to his Majesty standing and uncovered, -the King himself being seated and covered. The -Emperor on the other hand receives the envoys -of the King standing and covered, and remains in -this condition throughout the entire audience, -the envoy alone of all those present standing -uncovered.... The title of plenipotentiary is -sometimes given to envoys as well as to ambassadors -according to the occasion. For instance, -the ministers whom the King maintains at the -Diet of Ratisbon receive the title of plenipotentiary -although they are not ambassadors. Residents -are also public ministers, but this title has been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[Pg 74]</span> -somewhat degraded since the distinction was -drawn both at the French Court and at the Court -of the Emperor between them and envoys, with -the result that nearly all foreign negotiators in -France who bore the title of resident have relinquished -it by order of their masters, and have -assumed that of envoy extraordinary. None the -less the title is still found in Rome and in other -courts and republics where the residents are -treated as envoys.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Secret Envoys.</span></div> - -<p>There are certain secret envoys who are only -received in private audiences but enjoy the same -immunity as public envoys, and from the moment -in which they present their credentials are recognised -as public ministers. There are also secretaries -and agents attached to the court for various -forms of public business, but they are not received -in audience by the King in France; they do all -their business with the Secretary of State or the -Minister for Foreign Affairs, and though themselves -not recorded as ministers have also enjoyed -the protection and immunity under international -law which is accorded to foreign ambassadors. -No subject of the King can be received as minister -or representative of a foreign prince, nor can they -conduct his affairs in France except as agents of -the Secretary of State, the only exception being -the ambassador from Malta, who is usually a French<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[Pg 75]</span> -Member of the Order, and to whom the King -accords the right to remain covered in public -audience as representative of the Grand Master -of the Order, who himself is recognised as possessing -sovereign rights.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Agents of -Small States.</span></div> - -<p>Only princes and sovereign states have the right -to clothe their messengers with the character of -ambassador, envoy, or resident. The agents of -small states or of the free states are called deputies; -they are not public ministers, and they are subject -to the jurisdiction of the country like any private -citizen; they do not enjoy immunity under -the law of nations, though by custom deputies -from provinces and from free cities are accorded -immunity and security in practice during their deputation -as a proof of the good faith of the prince -in negotiation. In the same manner private -citizens provided with passports may travel free -from molestation. There are certain states in -Italy which, though neither sovereign Powers nor -subject to another sovereign, have yet conserved -the right to send deputies with the title of ambassador -to the sovereign under whose sway they -live. These are the cities of Bologna and Ferrara, -which send diplomatic deputations to the Pope in -this manner, and the city of Messina, which retained -the right of sending ambassadors to the King of -Spain before the last rising. There are similarly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[Pg 76]</span> -several Spanish cities which do not now retain this -right. These ambassadors of states or subject -provinces resemble in some manner those whom -the Roman people used to receive from their own -free provinces, from the cities and colonies subject -to Roman rule, to whom the name of <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Legati</i> was -given, a name which still occurs in all Latin diplomatic -documents. There are certain free cities, -such as Hamburg and Lübeck, which send commissaries -to certain princes; but as a rule they are -merely commercial agents engaged upon such -matters of business as the purchase and sale of merchandise -and the conditions of letters of exchange.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Precedence.</span></div> - -<p>Now although the position of an ambassador -extraordinary is something more honourable than -that of the ambassador ordinary they are practically -treated alike if there is an equality between -the princes whom they represent. The title of -extraordinary gives no other superiority over the -ambassador ordinary except in pure matters of -precedence. Envoys extraordinary and residents -stand in somewhat of the same relation, that is to -say, that the resident of a prince of higher rank -takes precedence over an envoy extraordinary of a -prince of lesser rank. It is not, however, the same -between ambassadors and envoys. The envoy of a -crowned head must yield the place of honour to the -ambassador of a lesser sovereign as in the following<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[Pg 77]</span> -example. An envoy of the Emperor at the French -Court some years ago took his seat at a public -entertainment in the place which was reserved for -the ambassador ordinary of the Duke of Savoy, and -asserted his right to it on the ground of the difference -in rank between their respective masters; but -the dispute was decided in favour of the ambassador -as holding superior rank without regard -to the difference in the rank of their respective -princes; and the envoy of the Emperor was obliged -to leave the position which he had taken and yield -it to the ambassador of Savoy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Title of -Excellency.</span></div> - -<p>The title of excellency has been given to ambassadors -extraordinary and ordinary, but it is not -accorded to envoys unless they claim it on some -other ground, as, for instance, that they are ministers -of state or senators, or other high officers at a royal -court. This title of excellency is not in common -use at the French Court, as it is in Spain, Italy, -and Germany, and the kingdoms of the north, and -you will only find foreigners in France addressing -the King’s ministers or other officers of the court -with that title. But foreign negotiators of all kinds -are addressed by that title as a mark of courtesy -to the rank which they hold.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Legates, -Nuncios, and -Internuncios.</span></div> - -<p>The Court of Rome has three different degrees of -titles by which to mark the rank of her ministers in -foreign courts. The first is that of <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">Legato a latere</i>,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[Pg 78]</span> -the second is that of Ordinary or Extraordinary -Nuncio, and the third is the Internuncio. The -first of these is always a cardinal, to whom as a rule -the Pope gives very wide powers both for the affairs -of papal diplomacy and for the administration of -dispensations and other privileges of the Holy See. -They are received at all Catholic Courts with extraordinary -honours: in France at their presentation -they are attended by the princes of the blood; they -remain seated and covered in audience with the -King, whereas both ambassadors and even papal -nuncios speak to him standing. These legates -have a further honour accorded neither to nuncios -nor ambassadors in France, namely the right to -eat at the King’s table at the banquet of reception -given by his Majesty in their honour. The Cross -is carried before them to mark their ecclesiastical -jurisdiction, which, however, is strictly limited in -France, and is recognised in certain specified cases -for the verification of Papal Bulls at the Parliament -of Paris, to which they must present them before -attempting to put them into force. Nuncios both -ordinary and extraordinary are usually prelates of -the rank of archbishop or bishop. They are received -and presented by a prince of the royal blood at their -first and final audiences with the King, no difference -being made between the nuncio extraordinary and -the nuncio ordinary except that the former takes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[Pg 79]</span> -precedence of the latter if there are two present -in the same Chamber. None the less the prelates -of the Court of Rome prefer the title of nuncio -ordinary at the Courts of France, Spain, and of the -Emperor, because it is a shorter and a surer road -to the cardinal’s hat, which is the goal of their -aspirations. As regards their appointment, when -the Pope desires to send a nuncio ordinary to the -French Court, he presents the French ambassador -in Rome with a list of several dignitaries of the -Church, from which the King may exclude those -who are not agreeable to him. The papal nuncios -in France give their hand to the Secretary of State -for Foreign Affairs, but not to bishops or archbishops -received on ceremonial visits. They have -no ecclesiastical jurisdiction in France in the sense -in which they possess it in Vienna, in Spain, in -Portugal, in Poland, and in many other Catholic -states, where they are recognised as valid judges in -various cases, and have the power of dispensation -in the same way as the archbishops or the diocesan -bishop. In France they are only entitled to receive -the confession of faith of those whom the King has -nominated to bishoprics and to inquire regarding -their life and habits.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomatic -Privileges.</span></div> - -<p>Ambassadors, envoys, and residents all possess -the right to exercise freely the religion of their -King, and to admit to such ordinances their own<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[Pg 80]</span> -nationals living in the foreign country. In matters -of law diplomatists of rank are not subject to the -jurisdiction of the judges of that foreign country -where they reside, and both they and their household -enjoy what is called extra-territoriality, their embassy -being regarded as it were the house of the -King himself, and as being an asylum for his -nationals. But this privilege carries its corresponding -duty. No blame can be too severe for -those ministers abroad who abuse this right of -asylum in sheltering under their roof evilly disposed -persons, either those condemned to death for crime, -or those who are engaged upon any business which -renders them unworthy of the protection of the -King. The sagacious diplomat will not compromise -the authority of his master for any such odious -reason as the attempt to confer immunity upon a -criminal. It must suffice for him that his own -right of asylum is kept inviolate, and he must never -employ it except on extraordinary occasions in his -master’s service, and never indeed for his own -private profit. On the other hand, the King must -expressly forbid his judges, bailiffs, or private -citizens to violate the law of nations in the person -of a foreign envoy, who is always recognised as under -the protection of international law. And wherever -insult is offered to a foreign envoy, the prince -himself must repair it without fail in the same<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[Pg 81]</span> -manner in which he would expect return for a like -insult to his own minister abroad.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Abuse of -Immunity.</span></div> - -<p>It sometimes occurs that ministers abuse the right -of free passage, which they possess for their own -provisions and the equipment necessary for their -establishment, to carry on a clandestine trade from -which they draw large profits by lending their -name to fraud. This kind of profit is utterly -unworthy of the public minister, and makes his -name stink in the nostrils of the King to whom he -is sent as well as to his own prince. A wise minister -may be well content to enjoy the large privileges -to which he is entitled in every foreign country -without attempting to abuse them for his own -private profit, or by countenancing any fraud which -is committed under the protection of his name. -The Spanish Government was obliged a few years -ago severely to regulate these privileges for all -foreign envoys residing in Madrid, and the Republic -of Genoa found it necessary to adopt the same -somewhat humiliating precautions in order to -prevent diplomatists from engaging in illicit traffic. -The privileges conferred by the law of nations -upon envoys abroad permit full freedom in their -proper duty of labouring to discover all that passes -in the council-chamber of his Majesty, and to take -steps to form close relations with those best able to -supply this information, but they are not to be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[Pg 82]</span> -interpreted as covering any attempt to form a -conspiracy against the public peace; for the same -international right which covers the person of a -diplomatist must also be held to cover the peace -and security of the kingdom to which he is accredited. -Therefore the diplomatist will be on his guard -against any action which may seem to lend the -authority of his name or office to revolutionary -plots or to other hostile acts against the peace of -the realm. Should he neglect this precaution, he -may find himself treated as an enemy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Henry IV. and -the Duke of -Savoy.</span></div> - -<p>Charles Emanuel the first Duke of Savoy maintained -certain connections in France with some of -the principal peers at the Court of Henry <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span>, and -engaged with them in plots and cabals. He attended -the French Court under the pretext of -paying his respects to the King, but in reality with -the intention of spreading his own influence and -fortifying his own designs, which were to prevent -Henry <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> from forcing him to restore the Marquisate -of Saluse which he had usurped. The -King discovered the Duke’s intrigue, and held a -cabinet meeting on the matter. The Council was -of opinion that the Duke had come under a false -show of friendship in order to disturb the peace of -the realm, that the King was therefore fully within -his rights in laying hands upon him as upon an -enemy, that in consequence of his own acts the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[Pg 83]</span> -Duke could claim no immunity, and that therefore -the King would be justified in preventing him from -leaving France until he had restored the marquisate -in question. But the King did not agree with his -ministers, but said: ‘The Duke came to visit me -on my parole. If he has failed in his duty I do not -wish to imitate so evil an example, and I have so -fine a precedent in my own house that I am compelled -to follow it rather than to follow the Duke.’ -In this he spoke of Francis <span class="allsmcap">I.</span>, who in a similar case -gave the Emperor Charles <span class="allsmcap">V.</span> a free passage through -France without insisting that he should relinquish -the Duchy of Milan; and although several of the -King’s counsellors at that time were of opinion -that he should profit by the opportunity to compel -the Emperor to restore the duchy, which indeed -he had several times promised to do, Francis <span class="allsmcap">I.</span> -preferred to maintain his own honour above every -other interest. Henry <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> acted on the same -principle; he permitted the Duke of Savoy to -depart unmolested after heaping honours and entertainments -upon him, but the moment the Duke -had returned to his own Court the King demanded -the restitution of the Marquisate of Saluse according -to his promise. The Duke refused, whereupon -the King invaded Savoy, occupied the whole duchy, -and compelled him to keep his word, not only to the -extent of the marquisate but of several other parts<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[Pg 84]</span> -which he was compelled to cede to the King by a -treaty concluded at Lyons, on the 17th January -1601.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Reparation -for Abuse of -Immunity.</span></div> - -<p>Those who think that one may lay forcible hands -upon a sovereign who has broken his word will easily -persuade themselves that in a similar case no international -law can protect the person of a mere -minister; but those who are really well instructed -in the law of nations and in the question of sovereign -rights are of opinion that a foreign envoy -being subject to the laws of the country where he -lives it is not possible to put into motion against -him the machinery of domestic justice, that the only -redress for wrongs done by him is an appeal to his -master, and that if his master refuses reparation -the responsibility must lie with him and not on his -minister abroad who merely executes his order. -This privilege, be it remembered, extends not -merely to the ambassadors themselves but often to -their servants, as is illustrated in the following -example.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Merargue -Conspiracy.</span></div> - -<p>King Henry <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span>, whom one may take as a model for -princes, was warned by the Duke de Guise of -the Merargue Conspiracy in which a Provençal -squire named Merargue had entered into an arrangement -with Dom Balthazar de Zuniga, the Spanish -ambassador, to hand over the city of Marseilles to -the Spaniards at a moment of profound peace. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[Pg 85]</span> -King arrested not only Merargue, but also the -private secretary to the Spanish ambassador, a -man named Bruneau. Both were convicted of -conspiracy. Merargue was executed, and the King -handed over the private secretary to his own ambassador, -saying that he would be glad to see -Bruneau sent across the frontier, though he himself -reserved the right to demand satisfaction from the -Spanish King for Bruneau’s misdemeanour.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Immunity a -Function of -Sovereignty.</span></div> - -<p>Now if princes had the right to proceed against -foreign envoys at their courts, the latter would -never feel themselves secure, because then it would -be easy to get rid of any of them on flimsy pretexts, -and the precedent once set up in a good case would -surely be followed in many cases where nothing but -idle suspicion could be brought against the envoy -in question. This indeed would be the end of all -diplomacy. Of course it is true that a minister -who breaks faith cannot expect others to keep faith -with him, especially if he is engaged upon conspiracies -or any of those practices against the prince -and safety of the realm of which I have spoken. -But even in such a case the wise prince will not -break the law of nations, which should always be -respected. He will rather use his good offices at -the court whence the erring envoy came in order -to have him withdrawn. At the same time it is -always permissible to place a watch upon a faithless<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[Pg 86]</span> -ambassador, in order to hinder him in practices -which would otherwise do harm to the state, and -of course on the other part a wise ambassador -will certainly avoid falling into such intrigues, for -the very protection which he enjoys under the -law of nations is a guarantee of his person and -of his good behaviour. Benefits under it are reciprocal, -and the reciprocal duties which it imposes -should be scrupulously observed. If they are not, -no law of nations can guarantee an intriguing -ambassador for ever against the fury of the populace -once they are aroused by suspicion.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Its Abuse -undermines -True -Diplomacy.</span></div> - -<p>On all these grounds the minister is to be pitied -who receives commands from his master to form -cabals in a foreign state, and he will need all his skill -and courage to carry out such commands without -being trapped in the process. It has been truly -said that there is no service which a prince may not -expect from good subjects and faithful ministers, -but such obedience cannot be held to cover any -action against the laws of God or of justice, which -do not countenance for one moment attempts on -the life of a prince, or against the security of the -state, or any other unfriendly act committed under -cover of the protecting title of ambassador. A -good ambassador will always discourage plans of -this kind, and if his master persists in them he may -and should demand his recall, and retire into obscurity,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[Pg 87]</span> -jealously guarding his sovereign’s evil secret. -In justice to most reigning sovereigns it must be -said that few of them engage in designs of this kind. -The vast majority of intrigues and cabals are -made in their name in foreign states, or are suggested -to them by their ministers or by astute -diplomatists, who undertake to carry them out, -and through them to confer great benefits upon the -prince himself. But these diplomatists are often -the first to fall into traps set by their own hand, and -are then objects of pity to no man. Numerous -examples of this kind can be quoted, and I think -no one will challenge the truth of my observation -when I say that in nine cases out of ten diplomatists -who give such advice are actuated more by -personal ambition or petty spite than by the true -interests of the nation they serve.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Secret Service -No Abuse of -Immunity.</span></div> - -<p>But let me not be misunderstood, there is all the -difference between the attempt to debauch the -subjects of a sovereign prince in order to ensnare -them in conspiracy against him, and the legitimate -endeavour to use every opportunity for acquiring -information. The latter practice has always been -permissible, and indeed is a necessary part of -diplomacy. No criticism can fall upon a foreign -envoy who successfully adopts the practice; the only -culprit in such a case is the citizen of a foreign -state who from corrupt motives sells information<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[Pg 88]</span> -abroad. Apart from considerations of international -law the interest of the public peace -demands the preservation of the privileges of -foreign envoys, for otherwise wars would be even -more frequent than they are, because no prince -would permit insults to his ministers to go unavenged. -They are rightly resented, and the prince -may pay heavily in his own peace of mind and the -repose of his subjects for a moment of passion. -He need do no more, however, than demand satisfaction -for the bad conduct of any foreign envoy, -and if he has just cause of complaint he will probably -receive it. In any case the dismissal or recall -of an ambassador will be read as a pointed lesson to -all his colleagues in diplomacy, who will then understand -that the price of evil conduct is the humiliation -of dismissal.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Credentials -of an -Ambassador.</span></div> - -<p>When an ambassador is sent to a foreign court, his -master gives him a letter addressed to the foreign -prince requesting him to give the same credence -to the bearer of the letter as to its writer. This -despatch is called a letter of credence, which thus -establishes the identity of its bearer and stands as -the hall-mark of his office. In France there are -two sorts of letters of credence: one called <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lettre -de Cachet</i>, which is despatched and countersigned -by the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and -sometimes also called <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">Lettre de la Chancellerie</i>. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[Pg 89]</span> -other is written by the hand of one of the royal -private secretaries, and signed by the King himself; -it is countersigned by any minister, and is usually -handed direct in private audience to the foreign -prince to whom it is addressed. The former type -of letter is presented in ceremonial public audience. -When a negotiator is appointed by his prince to a -free state or an assembly, which for this purpose is -treated as though it were a court, he does not receive -letters of credence, but his character and identity -are fully established in his full powers, which he -must exchange with ministers on arriving. The -document known as full powers is an authorisation -by the prince to his representative abroad to undertake -all kinds of public business, the results of which -the sovereign himself agrees to accept by the proxy -of his minister; but as a rule in such full powers -the particular matter under discussion is carefully -specified, and the authority to act is confined -to it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Full Powers.</span></div> - -<p>There are two kinds of full powers: one deriving -directly from the sovereign and the other from his -deputies, that is to say, his ministers of state who -have sufficient authority to nominate plenipotentiaries -in his absence. Such powers are particularly -desirable where the states lie far apart from one -another. In such negotiations as those between -the Court of Madrid and the Low Countries, or the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[Pg 90]</span> -different Italian states, the advantage of this procedure -is obvious.... Passports are of course -merely letters which establish the identity and -good faith of the person as distinct from the representative -of state, and they are given even in time -of war in order to secure a safe passage between -countries at war for ministers engaged upon negotiation -which may lead to peace....</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Instructions.</span></div> - -<p>The instruction is a written document containing -a statement of the principal intentions of the -prince or the state; it is to be regarded as a general -aid to memory and a general guide to conduct. -It is secret and must be retained under the control -of him who receives it, though of course there are -occasions on which he will receive the command to -communicate specific portions of it to a foreign -minister or a foreign prince. Such communication -is regarded as a rule as a mark of special confidence, -but on the other hand it often happens that two -instructions are given, one the ostensible, that is -to say it is drawn up in such terms that it can be -shown to other princes, and the other secret, which -contains the true and final intentions of the prince -himself. But even the latter type of instruction is -subject to alteration by the daily despatches which -the negotiator receives from home, and which ought -to be read as so many new instructions drawn up -in accordance with the reports which he has transmitted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[Pg 91]</span> -to his own court. It follows therefore that -the manner of reports which a negotiator despatches -to his home government will have a large influence -upon the type of instruction which he receives from -time to time.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Oral -Instructions.</span></div> - -<p>The Minister of Foreign Affairs may prefer not -to put the instructions and intentions of his royal -master into writing but to deliver them orally, -because then he has a greater freedom of interpretation -according to circumstances as they arise, -than he would have if he were bound by the written -word. There is further a danger that such instructions -when committed to paper may be wittingly -or unwittingly left in the hands of some -foreign diplomatist belonging to the opposite party. -The risks thus incurred are too obvious to need -any emphasis of mine. Whereas if the instructions -be left in oral form, they can at least be repudiated -if a dangerous situation were to arise from their -being made known to an enemy prince. There are -of course occasions where it is impossible not to -commit to writing instructions given to a plenipotentiary, -but it is a good rule in all negotiation -to delay the issue of formal and binding instructions -to as late a date in the negotiations as possible, so -that the general lines upon which it is likely to proceed -may be present to the mind of the minister who -draws them up for the guidance of the ambassador.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[Pg 92]</span></p> - -<p>It is not permissible without a serious violation -of the law of nations to compel a minister to show -his instructions in order to prove his good faith, -nor is it permissible for a minister to communicate -it in any form without an express command from -his master, for he can fully rely on his letter of -credence to establish both his identity and his good -faith; besides which he is equipped with full -powers in which the business of his negotiation is -always fully described.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Discretionary -Freedom.</span></div> - -<p>Now such instructions may be as judicious and -astute as can be imagined, but their use will lie in -the wise interpretation by the diplomatist himself; -and, as I have pointed out, the really able negotiator -will always know how best to execute -his master’s commands so that the instructions -received from him may be drawn up on information -which is both up-to-date and adequate. -Thus it is that while the final responsibility for all -success or failure in diplomacy would seem to rest -upon the King and his ministers at home, it is none -the less true that since these ministers can only act -upon information from abroad, the influence which -an enlightened diplomatist can exercise upon the -actions and designs of the home government is very -large. Incapable men acting abroad will make -nothing even of the most brilliant instructions; -capable men by the accuracy and sagacity of their<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[Pg 93]</span> -reports and suggestions can do much to improve -even the most mediocre instructions, and therefore -the responsibility for diplomatic action is in reality -shared in about equal degree between the home -government and its servants abroad. The home -government cannot know when the opportunity for -appropriate action will arise, and therefore the -reports on foreign situations which are transmitted -in despatches from diplomats abroad ought to be -so designed as to present as far as possible an -intelligent description of events.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Value of the -Trained Mind.</span></div> - -<p>What an astonishing diversity and inequality -there is in the conduct of men. No one, not even -a minister of state, would think of building a house -without the assistance of the best architect and the -best workmen whom he could find; but it is the -commonest occurrence to find that those who are -charged with the transaction of very important -state business, upon which the weal or woe of the -whole realm depends, never think of entrusting it -to trained minds, but give it to the first comer, -whether he be a cunning architect or a mere hewer -of stone. Therefore ministers and other persons in -authority are culpable in a high degree if they do -not secure for the foreign service of the state the -most capable and sagacious men. For the errors -in diplomacy sometimes bring more calamitous -results than mistakes in other walks of life, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[Pg 94]</span> -unless the negotiator can intelligently discern the -coming event, he may plunge himself, his master, -and his native land in irretrievable disaster.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Incompetence -the Parent of -Disaster.</span></div> - -<p>It is a crime against the public safety not to uproot -incapacity wherever it is discovered, or to -allow an incompetent diplomatist to remain one -moment longer than necessary in a place where -competency is sorely needed. Faults in domestic -policy are often more easily remedied than mistakes -in foreign policy. There are many factors in -foreign affairs which lie beyond the control of the -ministers of any given state, and all foreign action -requires greater circumspection, greater knowledge, -and far greater sagacity than is demanded in -home affairs. Therefore the government cannot -exercise too great a care in its choice of men -to serve abroad. In making such a choice the -Foreign Minister must set his face like a flint against -all family influence and private pressure, for nepotism -is the damnation of diplomacy. He is in some -sense the guarantor to his Majesty of those whom -he presents as diplomatists. Their good success -will do him honour, their failure will fall with -redoubled force upon his head, and may require -herculean efforts by him in order to repair the -damage it has caused. Hence it is of the first -interest, both for the Foreign Minister himself and -for the well-being of the state, to see that the high<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[Pg 95]</span> -public offices of diplomacy are not filled by the -intrigues and personal cabals which reign at every -court, and which often place in the King’s hands -unworthy instruments of his policy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Diplomatist -prepares -Himself for -a Foreign -Mission.</span></div> - -<p>Now when a diplomatist has been appointed to -a foreign post his first care should be to ask for the -despatches of his predecessor in order that he may -inform himself exactly of the state of affairs with -which he will have to deal. He will thus be able -to pick up the thread and to make use both of the -knowledge and of the different personal relationships -which have gathered round the embassy -during his predecessor’s term of office. And as all -public affairs are like a great network, one linked -with another, it is of the first importance that a -diplomatist proceeding to a foreign post should be a -complete master of recent history both in regard to -his own state and in regard to the relations which -exist between the country of his new service and -all neighbouring countries. Therefore, when the -newly appointed diplomatist has read with care the -despatches of his predecessor, he should make -notes upon them, endeavouring to foresee the -difficulties which he will meet both in such trivial -matters as a novel ceremonial, or in the more -weighty business of state, so that he may be able -to discuss them with his own Foreign Minister, and -thus receive what enlightenment he can.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[Pg 96]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">He must study -his own -Foreign Office.</span></div> - -<p>Now, no matter how far-seeing a minister may -be, it is impossible for him to foresee everything or -to give such ample and at the same time precise -instructions to his negotiators as to guide them in -all circumstances which may arise. It is therefore -of the first importance that the newly appointed -diplomatist travelling to a far country should devote -all his time before his departure to the discovery -of the real intentions and designs of his own Foreign -Office. In a word, he should saturate his mind with -the thoughts of his master. He should not only -consult those who have discharged diplomatic duties -at the foreign court to which he is about to proceed, -but should make it his especial care to keep touch -with those who have lived in the country in any -quality whatsoever, and to acquire from them all -the knowledge which they may possess. Even the -humblest of such persons may be able to give him -information which will help him to regulate his -conduct abroad. And before his departure he -should certainly strike up an acquaintance with -the ambassador representing the country to which -he is about to proceed, in order that he may get from -him private letters of recommendation, and further, -in order that he may persuade him of his own -earnest desire to do all in his power to establish -good relations between the two states. He should -let it be known to the foreign ambassador in question<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[Pg 97]</span> -that he will lose no opportunity of bearing -witness to the success of his mission and to the -esteem which he has won at home. In so doing -he will be able rapidly to acquire new and powerful -friends in his new sphere of labour. For it is a -commonplace of human experience that men will -do as they are done by: reciprocity is the surest -foundation of friendship.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Choice of a -Staff.</span></div> - -<p>The careful diplomatist will pay the same attention -to the choice of his domestics as to more important -subjects. Those about him must do him -credit. A well-ordered household served by reliable -and well-mannered persons is a good advertisement, -both of the ambassador and of the country whence -he comes, and in order that they may have no -excuse for ill-regulated conduct, he should set a -high example before them in his own person. His -choice of a private secretary is perhaps the most -important of all, for if he be light-headed, frivolous -or indiscreet, he may do his master irreparable -harm; and if he be a person liable to get into debt, -his embarrassment may be the cause of very serious -trouble. Some years ago the private secretary -of a French ambassador sold the private cipher of -the embassy for a large sum in order to wipe out -his debts. Thus the ambassador’s despatches were -intercepted and read, with very grave results upon -the relations between the two countries, in spite of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[Pg 98]</span> -the fact that the obvious interest of both lay in the -same direction. The necessity for having faithful -and able men as secretaries has given rise to the belief -that it would be very useful to establish them -in rank as a part of the public service of the King, -and thus to restore a custom which was abolished -some time ago in France. It would be a desirable -practice, for thereby a large body of men might -be trained in the diplomatic service of the Crown -from whom ambassadors and envoys could be -drawn. This is the practice in several foreign -countries, and there is no doubt that it leads to -the improvement of the whole diplomatic service. -For if the secretaries and attachés are selected and -paid by the King’s government they will tend to -acquire a careful efficiency and <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">esprit de corps</i> which -will be the best protection for his secrets. And it -is obvious that as long as the choice of such persons -is left to the personal decision of the ambassador -alone there is always a risk that he will not be able -to offer a sufficient sum to command the services of -good men. Thus the adequate payment and proper -official recognition of such junior diplomatists is -a necessary part of any true reform of the foreign -service, and it would certainly be a great relief to -most ambassadors to take the responsibility of choice -off their shoulders as well as the burden of paying -secretaries for their services. The state will certainly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[Pg 99]</span> -be well repaid if such a policy as I suggest -be adopted, for diplomacy will then become the -school in which good workmen will rapidly learn -the use of their tools.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">First Steps at -the Foreign -Court.</span></div> - -<p>On arrival at a foreign court a negotiator should -make himself and his mission known to the proper -authorities at the earliest possible moment, and -request a private audience with the prince in order -that he may establish contact immediately, and -thus prepare the way for good relations between -his master and the foreign sovereign. When he -has taken the necessary steps for this purpose -he should be in no hurry to embark upon any -important steps but should rather study the -<em>terrain</em>. For this purpose he should remain a -watchful, silent observer of the habits of the court -and of the government, and if he be in a -country where the prince is really the ruler, he -should study with the greatest assiduity the whole -life and habits of the latter; for policy is not merely -a matter of high impersonal design, it is a vast complexity -in which the inclinations, the judgments, -the virtues and the vices of the prince himself will -play a large part. Occasions will constantly arise -in which the adroit negotiator who has equipped -himself with this knowledge will be able to use it -with the highest possible effect. And he should -test his own conclusions by comparing notes discreetly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[Pg 100]</span> -with other foreign negotiators of the same -court, especially if they have had a long residence -there. Up to a certain point co-operation between -foreign ambassadors is not only permissible but -desirable and necessary. And since no prince, not -even the most autocratic, discharges the duties of -government entirely by himself without confiding -in one or more favoured ministers, the negotiator -should make it his business to know much of the -ministers and confidants surrounding the King who -have his fullest confidence, for in the same manner -as described above personal qualities, opinions, -passions, likes, and dislikes are all relevant subjects -of study, and should be carefully observed by every -negotiator who means business.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Relations with -Colleagues.</span></div> - -<p>When a foreign envoy arrives at a court and has -been received by the prince, he should inform all -the other members of the Corps Diplomatique -either by a squire of his suite or by a secretary. -They will then pay him their first visit, but he will -receive no visits until he has gone through the formality -of announcing to each in turn his own arrival; -and at a court where there are ambassadors of -several kings, each on arrival should pay his respects -first of all to the French ambassador, who everywhere -takes first rank. The Spaniards, who adopted -every form of chicane for a whole century in order -to avoid the recognition of French precedence,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[Pg 101]</span> -which for that matter is an immemorial right of -the French King, finally recognised it by the public -declaration, made by Philip <span class="allsmcap">IV.</span> to his Majesty in -1662 by the Marquis de la Fuente, the Spanish -ambassador in Paris, which arose out of the violent -dispute in London between the Count d’Estrade -and the Baron de Vatville, after which no Spanish -ambassador would consent to be present at any -ceremony attended by the French ambassador. -Various other attempts have been made to dispute -French supremacy, but with no result....</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Report of First -Impressions.</span></div> - -<p>After he has fully informed himself of all such -matters and placed himself in such a position as to -know immediately whether the prince has changed -his mind or transferred his confidence from one -servant to another, he should set all these things -down faithfully in a despatch to his home government, -presenting a full picture of the court as he -sees it, and at the same time setting down the conclusions -which he has drawn from his observations. -He should not fail to indicate the methods by which -he proposes to act, or the means he proposes to use, -in order to carry out the commands which he has -received. At the same time he will not fail to keep -his own knowledge up to date, and to use it for -finding and keeping open every possible avenue of -approach to the prince to whom he is accredited, -or to his ministers and favourites. There is no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[Pg 102]</span> -doubt that the surest and best way in which the -negotiator can establish good relations is to prove -to both courts that their union is of great mutual -advantage. It is the essential design of diplomacy -to confer such a mutual advantage, and to carry -policy to success by securing the co-operation in it -of those who might otherwise be its opponents. -Success won by force or by fraud stands upon a weak -foundation. Diplomatic success, on the other -hand, won by methods which confer reciprocal -benefits on both parties, must be regarded not only -as firmly founded, but as the sure promise of other -successes to come. I am not so foolish as to suppose, -however, that this method can be applied -in every situation. There are times when it is -necessary for the negotiator to exploit the hatreds, -passions, and jealousies of those with whom he deals, -and therefore occasion will arise when it is easier -and more fruitful to appeal to prejudice rather than -to any estimate of the true and permanent interests -of those concerned. As we have observed above, -both kings and nations often plunge into reckless -courses of policy under the impulse of passion, and -as a rule throw overboard all consideration of their -veritable interests.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Character and -Whims of the -Foreign -Prince.</span></div> - -<p>The high elevation of crowned heads does not -prevent them from being human; and indeed in -some ways it lays them open to certain weaknesses<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[Pg 103]</span> -of which lesser men by reason of their position are -largely free. There is a certain pride of position, -a certain arrogant self-esteem, which is only to be -found in highly placed persons, and which is most -marked in kings and ministers. On this account, -and on account of the actual power their exalted -position puts into their hands, kings are open to -persuasion and flattery in a way in which men of -lower degree cannot be approached. This consideration -must ever be in the mind of the good -negotiator, who should therefore strive to divest -himself of his own feelings and prejudices, and place -himself in the position of the King so that he -may understand completely the desires and whims -which guide his actions. And when he has done -so he should say to himself: ‘Now, if I were in -the place of this prince, wielding his power, subject -to his passions and prejudices, what effect would -my mission and my arguments have upon me?’ -The more often he thus puts himself in the position -of others, the more subtle and effective will his -arguments be. And it is of course not only in -matters of opinion that this use of the imagination -is valuable, it is more particularly in all those -personal aspects where the power to give pleasure -by flattery or any other means is effective.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Use of -Compliments.</span></div> - -<p>No one will forget that crowned heads, and even -their ministers themselves, are accustomed from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[Pg 104]</span> -birth to the submission of those around them, to -receive their respect and praise. This unbroken -experience of the obedience of others is apt to make -them very sensitive to criticism, and unwilling to -listen to contradiction. There are few princes to -whom it is easy to speak the truth, and since it is -not part of the business of the negotiator except on -rare occasions to speak home truths at a foreign -court, he will avoid as far as possible everything -which may wound the royal pride which is the -natural result of the manner in which princes are -reared. On the other hand, he will never give -empty praise nor applaud a reprehensible act, and -where praise is given as it is deserved, the negotiator -must know how to clothe it in chaste and dignified -language. And since princes are accustomed to -hear their praise sung constantly, they become -connoisseurs in praise and good judges of a timely -compliment. It is the higher art of the subtle -courtier to know how to deliver a well-turned -compliment to his King, and above all, if the King -is endowed with real intelligence, never to praise -him for qualities which he does not possess. Any -fool can earn the esteem of a prince who is also a -fool by indiscriminate praise. Wise men will rely -on their own merits and on the good sense of the -King wherever they have the good fortune to serve -a monarch so endowed. To praise a King for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[Pg 105]</span> -those things which are inherent in his position, -such as riches, spacious mansions, and fine clothes, -is merely stupidity. A King who is worth praising -will only value your praise if it is given to qualities -which he knows to be praiseworthy. In this -matter the negotiator must be sufficiently worldly-wise -always to remember that the good favour of -the ladies of the court is to be won by different -means than that of his Majesty or the ministers. -And since, as I have pointed out elsewhere, the -approach to the King and his ministers may perhaps -be most easily made through feminine influence, -the negotiator will study carefully the character -and weaknesses of all the ladies at the court so as -to keep these useful and attractive avenues open -for his use.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Craft at the -Card-table.</span></div> - -<p>The methods of giving pleasure, as I say, must -vary. One of the most illustrious and sagacious -ambassadors of our time, a friend of my own, -neglected nothing, but he used to say that there -was no surer road to the good-will of a sovereign -than to allow him to win at the card-table, and that -many a great enterprise had been conducted to -success by the little pile of gold coins which passed -from him to his royal opponent at the gaming-table. -My friend used to say in jest that he had played -the fool at foreign card-tables in order to prove -that he was a wise man at home! His jest bore a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[Pg 106]</span> -truth within it which I hope every negotiator -will lay to heart....</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Common-sense -Pleas.</span></div> - -<p>The pleas which I have set out above are, I -believe, applicable in most situations, but of course -there are variations to be observed. It is not -always easy for a negotiator on leaving home to -remember how great a difference there is between -his own court and that to which he proceeds. For -whether the foreign country which is his new home -stands on equal terms with his own or whether it -be a Power of lower station in the world, the vast -differences in national outlook between them must -be fully understood before the negotiator can -make any progress. It is therefore his first business, -whatever be the magnitude and splendour of the -court to which he is accredited, to win the general -favour by showing a genuine and sincere interest -in the welfare of his new associates, and in all the -customs of the court and the habits of the people; -and on his arrival he should show himself ready to -share information both with his new colleagues in -the Corps Diplomatique, and with the ministers of -the King to whom he is sent. Let me lay some insistence -on this. It will be observed that if a -negotiator has the reputation of speaking freely on -many subjects, it is not improbable that those who -have secrets to reveal may speak the more freely -to him. A negotiator of my acquaintance to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[Pg 107]</span> -whom I look with high regard once said: ‘Diplomacy -is like a chain of ten links in which perhaps -only one is missing to make it complete: it is the -business of the diplomat to supply the tenth link.’ -This is true, and I believe that the diplomatist who -is least enwrapped in secrecy will most quickly and -surely discover it. It is therefore important that -the negotiator, being well equipped with all kinds -of information, should be guided by a sound judgment -in the use of it. He should realise that in all -information there are only one or two items which -are of the first importance, and that therefore the -freedom with which he uses the rest need not in -any way imperil his master’s plans. The more -freely he can share such information, and the more -carefully he bestows his praise upon individuals, -the more surely will men say of him that he is a -reliable person, and will turn to him in moments -of crisis.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Clockmaker’s -Patience.</span></div> - -<p>Every right-minded man desires to stand well in -the eyes of those with whom he transacts business, -and therefore he will give some trouble to all those -devices for securing the good-will of men to which -I have referred. If he finds in the course of his -work that the prince himself or any one of his -ministers is ill-disposed towards him or intractable -in discussion, he must not on that account allow -himself to imitate the fault, but must redouble his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[Pg 108]</span> -efforts in the contrary direction. Indeed he must -behave as a good watchmaker would when his clock -has gone out of order: he must labour to remove -the difficulty, or at all events to circumvent its -results. He must not be led aside by his own -feelings. Prejudice is a great misinterpreter’s -house in all public affairs.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">A High Ideal.</span></div> - -<p>It might seem that the ideal which I now set up -for the negotiator is one too high for any man to -reach. It is true that no man can ever carry out -his instructions without a fault, but unless he has -before him an ideal as a guide he will find himself -plunged in the midst of distracting affairs without -any rule for his own conduct. Therefore I place -before him these considerations: that despite all -disappointments and exasperations he must act -with <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">sang-froid</i>; he must work with patience to -remove all obstacles that lie in his path, whether -they are placed there by accident or act of God or -by the evil design of men; he must preserve -a calm and resolute mind when the conjunctures -of events seem to conspire against him; and finally, -he must remember that if once he permit his own -personal or outrageous feelings to guide his conduct -in negotiation he is on the sure and straight road -to disaster. In a word, when events and men are -unkind he must never despair of being able to -change them, nor again when they smile upon his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[Pg 109]</span> -efforts must he cherish the illusion that their good -favour will endure for ever.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Negotiator’s -Twofold -Function.</span></div> - -<p>The functions of a minister despatched on a -mission to a foreign country fall into two principal -categories: the first to conduct the business of -his master, and the second to discover the business -of others. The first of these concerns the prince -or his ministers of state, or at all events those -deputies to whom are entrusted the examination of -his proposals. In all these different kinds of negotiation -he must seek success principally by his -straightforward and honest procedure, for if he -attempts to succeed by subtlety or by a sense of -superiority over those with whom he is engaged -he may very likely deceive himself. There is no -prince or state which does not possess some shrewd -envoy to discern its real interests. And indeed, -even among people who seem to be the least refined, -there are often those who know their own interests -best, and follow them with the most constancy. -Therefore the negotiator, no matter how able he -may be, must not attempt to teach such persons -their own business, but he should exhaust all the -resources of his mind and wit to prove to them the -great advantage of the proposals which he has to -make.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy a -Commerce in -Benefits.</span></div> - -<p>An ancient philosopher once said that friendship -between men is nothing but a commerce in which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[Pg 110]</span> -each seeks his own interest. The same is true or even -truer of the liaisons and treaties which bind one -sovereign to another, for there is no durable treaty -which is not founded on reciprocal advantage, and -indeed a treaty which does not satisfy this condition -is no treaty at all, and is apt to contain the seeds -of its own dissolution. Thus the great secret of -negotiation is to bring out prominently the common -advantage to both parties of any proposal, and so -to link these advantages that they may appear -equally balanced to both parties. For this purpose -when negotiations are on foot between two sovereigns, -one the greater and the other the less, the -more powerful of these two should make the first -advance, and even undertake a large outlay of money -to bring about the union of interests with his lesser -neighbour, for his own self-interest will show him -that he has really the greater object and the larger -advantages in view, and that any benefits he may -confer or subsidies which he may grant to his -weaker ally will be readily repaid by the success -of his designs. Now, as we have said, the secret of -negotiation is to harmonise the interests of the -parties concerned. It is clear that if a negotiator -excludes the honest and straightforward method of -reason and persuasion, and adopts on the contrary -a haughty and menacing manner, then obviously he -must be followed by an army ready to invade the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[Pg 111]</span> -country in which he has put forth such provocative -claims. Without such a display of force his claims -will fall to the ground, even though by advantageous -arguments they might have prevailed with the prince -whom he addressed, and who might have accepted -them had they been proposed in a different -manner. When a prince or a state is powerful -enough to dictate to his neighbours the art of -negotiation loses its value, for then there is need for -nothing but a mere statement of the prince’s will; -but when there is a balance of force an independent -prince will only decide to favour one of the two -parties of a dispute if he discerns advantages to -himself and good results to the prosperity of his -realm.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Harmony the -Ideal State.</span></div> - -<p>A prince who has no powerful enemies can easily -impose tribute on all neighbouring Powers, but a -prince whose aim is self-aggrandisement and who -has powerful enemies must seek allies among the -lesser states in order to increase those friendly to -him; and if possible he should be able to prove -his power by the benefits which an alliance with -him can confer upon them. Therefore the principal -function of the negotiator is to bring about a harmonised -union between his master and the sovereign -to whom he is sent, or else to maintain and increase -existing alliances by every means in his power. -He must labour to remove misunderstandings, to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[Pg 112]</span> -prevent subjects of dispute from arising, and generally -to maintain in that foreign country the honour -and interests of his prince. This includes the protection -and patronage of his subjects, assistance to -their business enterprises, and the promotion of good -relations between them and the subjects of the -foreign prince to whose court he is accredited. -He must always assume that there is no prince nor -state in the world which does not desire to avoid a -condition of crisis, and that those princes who love -to fish in troubled waters will never lack the means to -stir them up, but that the storms which such men -conjure up are apt to overwhelm them, so that the -wise negotiator will do all he can to avoid giving -provocation, and will conduct himself in such a -manner that no one will be able to impute reckless -motives to him.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Search -for Information.</span></div> - -<p>His second function being the discovery of all -that is happening at court and in the cabinet, he -should first of all take steps to learn from his predecessor -all that he knows regarding the state of -affairs in the country to which he is about to proceed -and to acquire from him those hints and suggestions -which may be of use. He should take up -the friends and acquaintances left behind by his -predecessor, and should add to them by making new -ones. It would be no bad practice in this matter -to imitate the established rule of the Venetian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[Pg 113]</span> -Republic, which obliges an ambassador returning -from a foreign court to render a detailed account in -writing of the country, both for the information of -the public and for the instruction of his successor -at the embassy. The diplomatists of Venice have -drawn great advantage from this practice, and it -has been often remarked that there are no better -instructed negotiators in Europe than those of -Venice.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Freemasonry -of Diplomacy.</span></div> - -<p>The discovery of the course of events and the -trend of policy in a foreign country is most natural -when one knows both the personnel and the political -habits of the country, and a negotiator for the first -time in such a country must neglect no source of -information. In addition to those mentioned above, -he may very probably find that his colleagues in -the Corps Diplomatique will be of use to him, for -since the whole diplomatic body works for the same -end, namely to discover what is happening, there -may arise—there often indeed does arise—a freemasonry -of diplomacy by which one colleague informs -another of coming events which a lucky -chance has enabled him to discern. Such collaboration -is possible in all cases except those in which -their sovereigns are at variance. As regards the -information which can be drawn from the people -of the country itself, the surest and shortest method -is to make a confidant of some one already in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[Pg 114]</span> -counsels of the foreign prince, but this must be -done only by such means as will enable the negotiator -to keep a check upon his correspondent, and -thus prevent any damage to his master’s plans. -This action is very necessary, for in diplomacy as in -war there are such things as double spies paid by -both parties. The cleverest of these will begin by -giving true information and good advice in order -the more thoroughly to deceive the negotiator at a -later date. There have even been princes subtle -enough to see the advantage of permitting their -confidants to behave thus, and I know of cases -where the confidant of a sovereign, under the -appearance of a secret liaison with a foreign envoy, -gave the latter true and false information at the -same time, and thus effectively masked the designs -of his master. An ambassador must always be on -his guard against such deception.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Foolish -Dutchman.</span></div> - -<p>There was in England in 1671 a Dutch ambassador -who was so easily persuaded by certain privy counsellors -of King Charles <span class="allsmcap">II.</span> that their master had no -intention to go to war with the States General that -in his despatches home he gave the most explicit -assurance that there was nothing to fear from -England, treating with ridicule the opinion that -London had resolved to attack them; and we have -since learned that these English counsellors had been -deliberately detailed by the King to play upon the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[Pg 115]</span> -credulity of the Dutch ambassador. There have -been in our time ambassadors of other countries -who have done the same.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">All News must -be tested.</span></div> - -<p>Now the astute negotiator will not likely believe -everything he hears, nor accept advice which he -cannot test; he must examine the origin of information, -as well as the interest and the motives -of those who offer it him. He must attempt to -discover the means by which they themselves -have acquired it, and he must compare it with -other information to see whether it tallies with that -part which he knows to be true. There are many -signs by which a discerning and penetrating mind -will be able to read the truth by placing each link -of information in contact with another. For this -purpose no rules can be drawn up for the guidance -of a diplomat in such a matter, for unless a man -be born with such qualities he cannot acquire -them, and to those who do not possess them I -might as well speak to the deaf as write these -observations.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Flair for -Secrets.</span></div> - -<p>A negotiator can discover national secrets by -frequenting the company of those in authority, and -there is not a court in the world where ministers or -others are not open to various kinds of approach, -either because they are indiscreet and often say -more than they should, or because they are discontented -and ready to reveal secrets in order to satisfy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[Pg 116]</span> -their jealousy. And even the most practised and -reliable ministers are not always on their guard. I -have seen highly trained and well-proven statesmen -who none the less in the course of conversation, -and by other signs, allowed expressions to -escape them which gave important clues to their -policy. And there are courtiers at every court -who, though not members of the King’s Council, -know by long practice how to discover a secret, and -who are always prepared to reveal it in order to show -their own importance and their penetration. It -is almost impossible to conceal from an active, observant, -and enlightened negotiator any important -design of public policy, for no departure of state -can ever be made without great preparation which -entails the sharing of many secrets by many persons, -and this is a danger against which it is almost impossible -to guard even by those who take the -greatest precautions.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On the Transmission -of -Information.</span></div> - -<p>Now in the transmission of information of this -kind the negotiator must give an exact account of -all the circumstances surrounding it, that is to say, -how and by whom he acquired it; and he should -accompany it with his own comments and conjectures -in order that the prince may be fully -informed, and may be able to judge whether the -conclusions drawn from all the circumstances are -well or ill founded. There are certain things which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[Pg 117]</span> -a clever minister will discover for himself, and of -which he must give an exact account to his master, -for such knowledge is often a sure clue even to the -most secret designs. Thus he can by his own -observation discover the passions and ruling interests -of the prince to whose court he is sent: -whether he is ambitious, painstaking, or observant; -whether he is warlike or prefers peace; whether -he is the real ruler of the country, and if not -by whom he is ruled; and in general what are -the principal inclinations and the interests of those -who have most influence over him. He must also -inform himself exactly of the state of the military -forces both on land and sea, of the number and -strength of fortified places, whether they are always -kept in a high state of efficiency and well supplied -with ammunition, of the condition of the sea-ports, -of his vessels of war, and of his arsenals, of the -number of troops which he can put into the field -at once, both of cavalry and of infantry, without -stripping his fortresses bare of their garrisons. He -must know the state of public opinion, whether it is -well disposed or discontented; he must keep in his -hands the threads of every great intrigue, knowing -all the factions and parties into which opinion -is divided; he must know the leanings of ministers -and other persons in authority in such matters as -religion. He should not even neglect the observation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[Pg 118]</span> -of the King’s personal household, of the -manner in which his domestic affairs are conducted, -of his outlay, both on his household and on his -military establishments, of the time spent in them, -etc. He must know the alliances, both offensive -and defensive, concluded with other Powers, especially -those which appear hostile in design; he -must be able to describe at any moment the attitude -of all the principal states towards the court to -which he is accredited, and to give an account of -the diplomatic relations which exist between -them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Action Appropriate -to -Democratic -States.</span></div> - -<p>He must pay the prince assiduous attention, and -thus acquire a sufficient familiarity with him to be -able to see and speak to him frequently without -ceremony, so that he may be always in a position -to know what is going on, and to insinuate into the -prince’s mind what is favourable to his master’s -design. If he lives in a democratic state he must -attend the Diet and other popular assemblies. He -must keep open house and a well-garnished table to -attract the deputies, and thus both by his honesty -and by his presence gain the ear of the ablest and -most authoritative politicians, who may be able to -defeat a hostile design or support a favourable one. -If people of this kind have a freedom of <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">entrée</i> to -the ambassador, a good table will greatly assist in -the discovery of all that is going on, and the expense<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[Pg 119]</span> -laid out upon it is not merely honourable but -extraordinarily useful if only the negotiator himself -knows how to profit from it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Value of -Good Cheer.</span></div> - -<p>Indeed it is in the nature of things that good -cheer is a great conciliator, that it fosters familiarity, -and promotes a freedom of exchange between the -guests, while the warmth of wine will often lead -to the discovery of important secrets. There are -several other functions for the employment of -public ministers, as for instance that of informing -a prince of good or evil tidings regarding his own -master, or that of conveying compliments or condolences -in a similar case to the prince himself. -A negotiator who knows his business will not neglect -even the least of such opportunities, and he will -perform his function in such a manner as to show -that his master is truly interested in all that passes -at the foreign court. Indeed the best negotiator -is he who forestalls even the orders of his own -master, and shows himself so apt a negotiator of his -intentions that he is able to act in advance of each -event of the kind, and thus present his master’s -sentiments in appropriate language before any -other foreign diplomatist has even begun to consider -the matter. And when he actually receives his -master’s orders on the subject, should they turn -out to be of a somewhat different character than -the expressions he has already used, his own adroitness<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[Pg 120]</span> -will enable him to bridge the apparent difference. -The diplomatist’s functions cease automatically -on the death of his master or on the death -of the prince to whom he is accredited, and are not -revived until new letters of credence are received. -They also come to an end on his withdrawal or -upon a declaration of war, but it should be noted -that the privileges attached to the office of ambassador -under the law of nations continue unbroken, -notwithstanding any declaration of war or -other interpretation of his functions, and these -privileges remain in force until he reaches his own -national territory.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Conduct of -Negotiations.</span></div> - -<p>Diplomacy is a matter for orally conducted and -for written communications. The first is the -common method where one is dealing with a royal -court, the second is usual in republics and those -states in which assemblies, such as the Diet of the -Empire of Switzerland, are the repositories of -power. It is always the custom where states are -assembled in France to exchange statements of -policy in writing. But it is always more advantageous -for the practised diplomatist to negotiate -face to face, because by that means he can discover -the true intentions of those with whom he is dealing. -His own skill will then enable him both to act and -to speak in an appropriate and apt fashion. Most -men in handling public affairs pay more attention<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[Pg 121]</span> -to what they themselves say than to what is said to -them. Their minds are so full of their own notions -that they can think of nothing but of obtaining -the ears of others for them, and will hardly be prevailed -on to listen to the statements of other people. -This fault is peculiar to those lively and impatient -nations like ours, who find it difficult to bridle -impetuous temperaments. It has often been -noticed that in ordinary conversation Frenchmen -speak all at one time, and interrupt one another -incessantly, without attempting to hear what each -has to say.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Apt -Listener.</span></div> - -<p>One of the most necessary qualities in a good -negotiator is to be an apt listener; to find a skilful -yet trivial reply to all questions put to him, and to -be in no hurry to declare either his own policy, still -less his own feelings; and on opening negotiations -he should be careful not to reveal the full extent of -his design except in so far as it is necessary to -explore the ground; and he should govern his -own conduct as much by what he observes in -the faces of others as by what he hears from their -lips. One of the great secrets of diplomacy is to -sift the real from the trivial, and so to speak, to -distil drop by drop into the minds of your competitors -those causes and arguments which you -wish them to adopt. By this means your influence -will spread gradually through their minds almost<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[Pg 122]</span> -unawares. In acting thus the negotiator will bear -in mind that the majority of men will never enter -upon a vast undertaking, even though advantageous -to themselves, without they can see beforehand -the whole length of the journey upon which -they are asked to embark. Its magnitude will -deter them. But if they can be brought to take -successfully one step after another they will find -themselves at the end of the journey almost unawares. -Herein is to be found the importance of -not revealing vast designs except to a few chosen -spirits whose minds are properly attuned to them.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy a -Bowling -Green.</span></div> - -<p>A truth of this kind applies to friend and foe -alike. Thus in the approach to difficult negotiations -the true dexterity of diplomacy, like a good bowler -using the run of the green, consists in finding the -existing bias of the matter. As Epictetus, the -ancient philosopher, said in his manual: ‘There -are in every matter two handles, the one by which -it is easy to carry, the other difficult. Do not take -it by the difficult end, for if you do so you will -neither be able to lift it nor carry it. But if you take -it by the right side you will carry it without trouble.’ -Now the easiest way to find the right bias is to make -each proposition which you put forward appear -as a statement of the interests of those with whom -you are negotiating, for since diplomacy is the attempt -to find a basis of common action or agreement,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[Pg 123]</span> -it is obvious that the more the opposing -party can be brought to see your designs in their -own light and to accept them thus, the more surely -will their co-operation for any action be fruitful -alike to themselves and to you.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Bias of -Human -Nature.</span></div> - -<p>Now, of course there are few men who will entirely -divest themselves of their own sentiments in -favour of those of others, or who will confess that -they were wrong, especially if the matter be conducted -in an acrimonious discussion in which the -negotiator meets all arguments freely by contradiction. -But none the less the astute diplomatist -will know how to exploit human nature in such a -manner as to cause even the most stiff-necked opponents -gradually to relax their hold upon certain -opinions; and this may be most easily attained by -abandoning the approach which caused the original -dispute, and taking up the matter from another -aspect. Thus by flattery of his <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">amour-propre</i>, or -by some other device which may put him in a good -humour, the competitor in a negotiation may be -brought to consider the matter in a new light, and -to accept at the end of the negotiation that which -he repudiated with violence at its commencement. -And, however unreasonable the majority of mankind -is, it will always be observed that men retain -so much respect for reason that they will always -hope to be judged by the other man as acting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[Pg 124]</span> -upon reasonable grounds. The negotiator will -know how to exploit this subtle form of intellectual -pride. And especially where there is more than -one party to the negotiation the astute diplomatist -will be able to exploit the foibles of each of the -other two parties, and yet to flatter each in turn -for his reasonable and statesmanlike attitude.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Ce n’est que le -premier pas -qui coûte.</span></div> - -<p>Above all, at the commencement of a negotiation, -as I have said, it is necessary in any long and -complicated business to present the matter in hand -in its easiest and most advantageous light, and so to -speak to insinuate all parties into it so that they -may be well launched upon the whole enterprise -before they are aware of its magnitude. For this -purpose the negotiator must appear as an agreeable, -enlightened, and far-seeing person; he must beware -of trying to pass himself off too conspicuously as -a crafty or adroit manipulator. The essence of -skill lies in concealing it, and the negotiator must -ever strive to leave an impression upon his fellow -diplomatists of his sincerity and good faith. And -he should beware of attempting to force a decision, -or to ride roughshod over difficulties that are raised, -for if he behaves thus he will not fail to draw upon -himself the aversion of those with whom he is dealing, -and thus to bring prejudice upon his master’s -designs. It would be better for him to pass for -less enlightened than he really is, and he should<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[Pg 125]</span> -attempt to carry his own policy to success by good -and solid reasons rather than by pouring contempt -upon the policy of others. The opposite fault is -equally to be avoided. The negotiator must not -let himself pass under the influence of other men, -especially of those powerful personalities whose -wont it is to sway the minds of all whom they meet.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy -does not thrive -upon Menaces.</span></div> - -<p>The more powerful the prince, the more suave -should his diplomatist be, for since power of that -kind is likely to awaken jealousy in his neighbours, -the diplomat should let it speak for itself, and -rather use his own powers of persuasion by means -of moderation to support the just rights of his -prince than to vaunt his power or the extent of his -dominions. Menaces always do harm to negotiation, -and they frequently push one party to -extremities to which they would not have resorted -without provocation. It is well known that injured -vanity frequently drives men into courses which -a sober estimate of their own interests would lead -them to avoid. Of course when a prince has real -subjects of complaint against another, especially -against an inferior, in circumstances where it is -necessary to make an example of the delinquent, -the blow must fall immediately after the threat is -given, so that the delinquent cannot be in a position, -either by the delays of diplomacy or by any -other means, to shield himself from just punishment.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[Pg 126]</span> -The longer the delay is between the threat -and its fulfilment, the more likely it is that the -culprit will be able to form alliances with other -Powers, and thus avoid the just chastisement of -the prince whom he has wronged.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Good -Christian.</span></div> - -<p>The wise and enlightened negotiator must of -course be a good Christian, and he must let his -character appear in all his speeches, in his way of -living, and must forbid evil and loose-living persons -to cross his threshold. Justice and modesty should -govern all his actions; he should be respectful to -princes; affable and approachable with his equals; -considerate to his inferiors, and civil and honest with -everybody.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">At Home in -the Foreign -Country.</span></div> - -<p>He must fall into the ways and customs of the -country where he lives without showing repugnance -or expressing contempt for them, as is frequently -done by diplomatists who lose no opportunity -of praising their own country and decrying -all others. The diplomatist must bear in mind -once for all that he is not authorised to demand -that a whole nation shall conform to his way of -living, and that it is more reasonable, and in the -long run greatly to his own comfort, to accommodate -himself to foreign ways of living. He -should beware of criticising the form of government -or the personal conduct of the prince to whom -he is accredited. On the contrary he should always<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[Pg 127]</span> -praise that which is praiseworthy without affectation -and without flattery, and if he properly -understands his own function he will quickly discover -that there is no nation or state which has -not many good points, excellent laws, charming -customs as well as bad ones; and he will quickly -discover that it is easy to single out the good points, -and that there is no profit to be had in denouncing -the bad ones, for the very good reason that nothing -the diplomatist can say or do will alter the domestic -habits or laws of the country in which he lives. -He should take a pride in knowing the history of -the country, so that he may be able to give the -prince pleasure by praising the great feats of his -ancestors, as well as for his own benefit to interpret -current events in the light of the historical movements -of the past. When it becomes known that -the negotiator possesses such knowledge and uses -it aptly, his credit will certainly rise, and if he is -adroit enough to turn his conversations at court to -those subjects of which he is a master, he will find -that his diplomatic task is greatly assisted, and that -the pleasure he gives to those around him is amply -repaid to him in the smoothness of negotiation.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Secret of -Success.</span></div> - -<p>The diplomatist must, however, bear constantly -in mind both at work and at play the aims which -he is supposed to be serving in the foreign country, -and should subordinate his personal pleasure and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[Pg 128]</span> -all his occupations to their pursuit. In this matter -the two chief aims which the able negotiator places -before himself are, as I have said, to conduct the -affairs of his master to a prosperous issue, and to -spare no pains to discover the designs of others. -And since the means to be employed in both cases -are the same, namely by acquiring the esteem, -friendship, and confidence of the prince himself and -of those in authority around him, there is no surer -way of employing them than by becoming personally -agreeable. It is marvellous how a <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">persona grata</i> -may contrive to uproot even the deepest suspicions -and wipe out the memory of the gravest insults. -If the diplomatist be looked upon with disfavour -at the court he is not a true servant of his master’s -interests; for one who is out of favour will not be -in a position to know what is going on, and will -therefore be but a poor guide to his home government -in assisting them to frame their policy. The -responsibility for placing the wrong kind of diplomatist -in a good position rests of course with the -minister who appoints him, but there are many -cases in which an ill-fitting appointment has been -redeemed by the dauntless assiduity and unfailing -courtesy of the diplomatist himself; but since this -imposes an unnecessary strain upon the ambassador, -the Foreign Minister should ever have a care to -appoint suitable men to all foreign posts.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[Pg 129]</span></p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Support from -Home.</span></div> - -<p>I have already described those characteristics -which compose suitability; I will but add here that -no diplomatist can succeed in his foreign task unless -he is well supported by his own government and -given every opportunity to understand its policy. -By this means he will be in a position to exploit -every situation as far as may be to advantage, and -he will also be able to deny false rumours set afloat -by the enemy. This support from his home -government implies a complimentary application -on his part, for it is of the highest importance that -he should keep himself apprised of all contemporary -movements in his own country; that he -should know intimately the personal character both -of the sovereign and of his Foreign Minister, so that -in moments of doubt he may be able to guess -shrewdly what is in the mind of those who employ -him. Without such knowledge he will certainly -go astray, and without a constant contact with -his home government the conduct of diplomacy -cannot possibly prosper in his hands.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Good Faith the -Best Weapon.</span></div> - -<p>As regards the relations which the diplomatist -maintains in a foreign country, we must observe -that while his success will partly depend upon his -affability to all men, he must use the utmost discretion -in all his more intimate relationships, and, -above all, he should try to form professional friendships -on the basis of mutual advantage and respect.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[Pg 130]</span> -There is no permanence in a relationship begun by -promises which cannot be redeemed, and therefore, -as I have said before, the use of deceit in diplomacy -is of necessity restricted, for there is no curse which -comes quicker to roost than a lie which has been -found out. Beyond the fact that a lie is unworthy -of a great minister, it actually does more harm than -good to policy because, though it may confer -success to-day, it will create an atmosphere of suspicion -which will make success impossible to-morrow. -No doubt an ambassador will receive -a great deal of information which it is his duty to -transmit; but if he is not in a position to test it -he will merely pass it on without comment or -guarantee of its truth. In general it should be -the highest aim of the diplomatist to gain such -a reputation for good faith with his own government -and also abroad that they will place reliance -both upon his information and upon the advice -which he gives.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Value of -a Candid -Report.</span></div> - -<p>In this respect he should take good care in reporting -the course of negotiations to his master from -time to time not to hold out prospects of success -before success itself is in his grasp. It is much -better that he should depict the difficulties of the -case and the improbability of success even when -he is virtually sure in his own mind that he will -succeed. He will acquire vastly greater credit by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[Pg 131]</span> -success in an undertaking of which he himself -promises little than he will in one upon which he -has reported favourably throughout. It is always -good for the credit of a negotiator if good reports -of him arrive from different sources, for such independent -proof of the value of a diplomatist’s services -must be highly prized by every prince, and -will redound to the benefit of the diplomatist himself. -It is obvious that the more successful he is in -the relationships which he forms at a foreign court, -the more surely will the diplomatist receive such -independent testimony to his merit. But let him -not seek such testimony by unworthy means. For -this purpose he should neither bribe the servants -of others, nor take natives of a foreign court into his -own service. It is too obvious that they will probably -be spies.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On Accepting -Gifts.</span></div> - -<p>He himself ought never to consent to accept gifts -from a foreign court except with the express knowledge -and permission of his master, or in such cases -as are commonly permitted by the usage of the -court, such as those given on the arrival or departure -of an ambassador. He who receives gifts on any -other condition may be accused of selling himself, -and therefore of betraying the prince whom he -serves. Unless he preserves his independence he -cannot possibly represent his own master or maintain -the high dignity of his office. This dignity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[Pg 132]</span> -must be kept beyond suspicion. It is indispensable -to every ambassador, though it need not be carried -out at all times and at all places, for the diplomatist -will readily understand that at certain times he -can win the good grace of those around him by -living in an easy, affable, and familiar manner among -his friends. To wrap oneself in official dignity at -all times is mere preposterous arrogance, and the -diplomatist who behaves thus will repel rather than -attract.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">The Tale of -Don Estevan -de Gamarre.</span></div> - -<p>There are many important occasions when the -diplomatist will require all his wit and all his -prudence. It will often happen that he has to tell -bad news or give unpalatable advice to a prince -accustomed to be flattered by his ministers, who -for various private reasons usually conceal bad -news from him. Let me give an example of what -I mean: Don Estevan de Gamarre had served the -King of Spain for many years with zeal and fidelity -both in war and in diplomacy, particularly in the -Low Countries where he had been ambassador for -a long time. He had a relative in the King’s -Council fully disposed to put the ambassador’s services -in the best light, and yet he received no reward, -while late-comers of all kinds received advancement -to high offices both at home and abroad. He -resolved to go to Madrid to discover the cause of his -evil fortune. He complained to his relative the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[Pg 133]</span> -minister, giving a number of instances in which -important services which he had rendered had been -passed over and forgotten. The minister having -heard him, quietly replied that he had no one to -blame but himself, and that if he had been as good -a courtier as he was a brilliant diplomatist and faithful -subject, he would have received the same advancement -as those whose deserts were less, but -that his sincerity was an obstacle to his good -fortune, for his despatches were always full of -distasteful truths which set the King’s teeth on -edge. -<span class="italic sidenote">The King’s Teeth on Edge.</span> -For instance, when the French gained a -victory he told the story faithfully and without -regard for Spanish feelings in his despatches. Or -if they set siege to a town, he would predict its -certain fall unless help were sent. Or in another -case, where an ally had expressed displeasure because -the Spanish Court seemed likely not to keep -faith with it, he insisted that the King should keep -his word in language which was neither diplomatic nor -persuasive, and all the while other Spanish negotiators -in other parts of France, with better eye to their -own interests, were informing the King that the -French were decadent, that their armies were undisciplined -and quite incapable of effective campaigning, -and so on: to which the minister himself -added that the King in Council could not too -highly reward those who sent such good news, nor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[Pg 134]</span> -too readily forget a man like himself who never -wrote anything but the unpalatable truth.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Deceit in -Favour in -Madrid.</span></div> - -<p>Thereupon Don Estevan de Gamarre, in his surprise -at this picture of the Court of Spain drawn -for him by his relative, replied: ‘Apparently -fortune in Madrid favours the deceiver and the -favour of the Court may be won by mendacity. I -have no longer any qualms about my future.’ He -then returned to the Low Countries, where he profited -so easily by the advice of his relative, that, to -employ a Spanish term, he won several <i lang="es" xml:lang="es">mercedes</i>, -and he saw his own affairs prosper in the measure -in which he succeeded in inventing reasons why -the affairs of the enemy must come to nought. -From this one may conclude that the Court of -Spain wished to be deceived, and gave its ambassadors -a free rein to make their own fortunes at the -expense of the true interests of the monarchy. -There is a moral here both for ministers at home -and for ambassadors abroad, on which I need not -insist. The truth requires two agents, one to tell -and another to hear.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On Treaties -and their -Ratifications.</span></div> - -<p>Between sovereign states there are many kinds of -treaty, the principal of which are treaties of peace, -armistices, commercial treaties, and those which -regulate alliances or guarantee neutrality. There -are both public and secret treaties. There are even -contingent treaties, so called because their success<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[Pg 135]</span> -depends upon future events. When the ministers -of two equal Powers sign a treaty they make two -copies of it which are called a double instrument. -In each copy the ambassador who draws it up -places the name of his own prince at the head and -signs his in order at the foot, thereby indicating -that neither he nor his master relinquishes his -claim to the first place in Europe. And since all -new treaties are based upon the precedent of old -ones, and probably refer to measures taken under -previous treaties, they are always drawn up in the -same form, and often in the same number of articles. -Now in drawing up a treaty it is the duty of the -enlightened diplomat to see that the statement -of policy contained in the document in hand does -not conflict with or injure some other enterprise of -his government. He must also see that the conditions -are laid down so clearly that they cannot be -subject to diverse interpretations. It is obvious -from this that the negotiator must be master of the -language in which the negotiation is conducted, and -especially that in which the treaty itself is written, -otherwise he will find himself in endless difficulties -and complications. The meaning of a treaty may -easily turn on a single word, and unless the diplomatist -is thoroughly at home in the language in -question he will not be in a position to judge -whether the words proposed to be used are suitable.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[Pg 136]</span> -Ignorance of foreign languages indeed is perhaps -the most serious drawback with which diplomacy -can be afflicted. Now though princes and sovereign -states entrust negotiations to diplomatists armed -with full powers, none the less they never conclude -or sign treaties except upon their own explicit ratification -given with their own hand and sealed with -their own seal, and the treaties are never published -until they have been ratified, and cannot take effect -until they are published except in cases specially -provided for, where certain articles and sometimes -the whole treaty is deliberately kept secret.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On Writing -Despatches.</span></div> - -<p>While the art of handling a foreign court is the -principal part of diplomacy, it is no less important -that the diplomatist himself should be able to give -an exact and faithful account in writing of his own -court, both in respect of the negotiations in his -charge and in respect of all other business which -arises. The letters which a diplomatist writes -to his prince are called despatches, and should be -stripped of verbiage, preambles, and other vain and -useless ornaments. They should give a complete -account of his actions, beginning with his first -<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">démarche</i> on arrival at the foreign court, describing -in detail the manner in which he was received, and -thereafter proceeding to report step by step the -ways in which he proposes to arrive at an understanding -of all that goes on around him. Thus<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[Pg 137]</span> -the despatches of a really adept diplomatist will -present a picture of the foreign country, in which -he will describe not only the course of the negotiations -which he himself conducts, but a great -variety of other matters which form the essential -background and setting of his political action.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">A Portrait -Gallery.</span></div> - -<p>It will contain the portraits not only of the King -himself but of all his ministers, and indeed of all -those persons who have influence upon the course -of public affairs. Thus the able diplomatist can -place his master in command of all the material -necessary for a true judgment of the foreign country, -and the more successfully he carries out this part -of his duties, the more surely will he make his -master feel as though he himself had lived abroad -and watched the scenes which are described. In -present circumstances all French diplomatists, both -ambassadors and envoys, are permitted the honour -of communicating direct with the King in order to -give account of their stewardship abroad, whereas -in previous times they were only allowed to transmit -their reports through a Secretary of State for Foreign -Affairs. The latter procedure undoubtedly caused -them to be more circumspect both in the matter -and in the style of their despatches. This is to be -regretted, for there is nothing more important than -that the diplomatist living abroad should feel himself -able to write with candour, freedom, and force,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[Pg 138]</span> -in all his efforts to describe the land in which he -lives.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Qualities of a -Good -Despatch.</span></div> - -<p>The best despatches are those written in a clear -and concise manner, unadorned by useless epithets, -or by anything which may becloud the clarity of -the argument. Simplicity is the first essential, and -diplomatists should take the greatest care to avoid -all affectations such as a pretence of wit or the -learned overweight of scientific disquisitions. Facts -and events should be set down in their true order, -and in such a manner as to enable the proper deductions -to be made from them. They should be -placed in their right setting to indicate both the -circumstances and the motives which guide the -action of foreign courts. Indeed, a despatch which -merely recites facts, without discussing them in -the light of the motives and policy of persons in -authority, is nothing more than an empty court -chronicle. The right kind of despatch need not -be long, for even the fullest discussion of motive -and circumstance can be presented in a compact -form; and the more compact and clear it is, the -more certainly will it carry conviction to the reader.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">On Keeping a -Diary.</span></div> - -<p>This leads me to suggest that the diplomatist -will find it useful to make a daily note of the principal -points of which he must render an account, -and he should make a special practice of sitting -down at his desk immediately he comes from a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[Pg 139]</span> -royal audience, and writing out to the best of his -recollection exactly what was said, how it was said, -and how it was received. This diary, which is a -valuable part of diplomatic equipment, will greatly -assist him in composing his despatches, and will -give him a means of correcting his own memory -at any later date. He should draw up his despatches -in the form of separate short articles, each -to a single special point, for if he were to present -his despatch in one unwieldy, unbroken paragraph -it might never be read. A shrewd old negotiator -of my acquaintance said with truth that a despatch -written in an orderly fashion and in several short -clear paragraphs was like a palace lighted by many -windows so that there was not a dark corner in it.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Orderly -Archives.</span></div> - -<p>Besides his diary, the negotiator should keep an -exact minute of all the despatches which he writes, -and should preserve them in chronological order -for easy reference. He should do the same with -those which he receives. A properly organised -registry is a good thing for the negotiator. There -are certain negotiators who on sitting at their desks -at night write down everything which they have -learnt or guessed during the day, so that they may -always be ready to supply from this journal the raw -material, so to speak, of their judgments of events. -It is sometimes wise to follow the practice of the -Roman Court, and to devote separate letters,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[Pg 140]</span> -separately sealed, to each of the principal subjects -on which despatches are being sent. This is -especially the case where it is necessary to supply -an ambassador with instructions upon several different -points, for he may be required to produce his -instructions to the Foreign Minister, and it would -be well that he should be able to do so regarding -points at issue without revealing the instructions -he has received on other subjects.</p> - -<p>When important negotiations are on hand no -expense should be spared in keeping an efficient -service of couriers, though on the other hand the -young diplomatist should beware of sending anything -by special courier which is not of the very -first importance....</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Discretion in -Despatch -Writing.</span></div> - -<p>It is for the negotiator himself to make up his -mind how freely he may write regarding the persons -and events of a foreign country. It would be wise -for him to make up his mind to the extent to which -he can rely on the good faith either of his own King -or of his Foreign Minister, for it is conceivable that -the despatches which he writes may be shown to -the prince or the ministers described in them. In -this, as in many other matters, the diplomatist -must know the characters both of the personage -whom he describes and of the personages to whom -his despatches are addressed. As he sits at his -desk composing his despatch he should remember<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[Pg 141]</span> -how important a link he is between two great -nations; how much may turn upon the manner in -which he presents his reading of events to his own -government, and therefore how vital and far-reaching -are the interests confided to his hands. -Remembering this he will instruct his secretary -and the attachés of his embassy to act as the eyes -and ears of his diplomacy, and to imitate his example -by keeping a careful daily record of impressions, -events, and persons. By comparing notes with his -subordinates he will be able all the better to carry -out one of his principal duties, which is to distinguish -with care between doubtful and true -information.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">News in its -Proper Setting.</span></div> - -<p>It often happens that news is most uncertain at -the moment when it is most important. He should -therefore take care to transmit it in the proper -setting of all its attendant circumstances, so that -the prince may have some material by which to -judge whether the advice of his ambassador is well -founded. There is no doubt that in crises of this -kind the habit of private correspondence between -the Foreign Minister and the King and his ministers -abroad is of the utmost use, for it enables them to -discuss all questions with a freedom which is denied -to despatches of a more formal kind; and it will -often place the home government in possession of -knowledge which will be of the utmost value to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[Pg 142]</span> -them. And since a true judgment of events in one -country will often depend upon what is happening -in others, a diplomatist in foreign parts will ever -keep in touch with his colleagues in other foreign -countries, so that he may be informed of the course -of events elsewhere. This co-operation between -ambassadors abroad is one of the most useful -features in diplomacy.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Ciphers.</span></div> - -<p>As secrecy is the very soul of diplomacy, the art -of writing letters in cipher has been invented in -order to disguise the written message, but unless -the cipher is unusually clever the industry of men, -whose wits are sharpened by necessity and by self-interest, -will not fail to discover the key to it. -Indeed, to such a pitch has this been brought that -there are now men who are known as professional -decipherers, though in all probability, as I believe, -their reputation rests largely upon the ineptitude -of poor ciphers rather than upon their discovery of -a good cipher. For as a matter of fact experience -shows that a well-made and well-guarded cipher is -practically undiscoverable except by some betrayal, -that is to say, that the wits even of the cleverest -student of ciphers will fail to pierce its secret unless -aided by corruption. It is therefore the duty -of the ambassador, having satisfied himself that the -ciphers of his government are adroitly made, to take -all means for their due protection, and especially<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[Pg 143]</span> -to satisfy himself that the staff of his embassy understand -not only the use of the cipher itself, but the -extreme importance of guarding it from unauthorised -eyes. And certainly the ambassador ought not -to adopt the indolent practice, of which I have -known one or two cases, where the less important -part of a despatch was written <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en clair</i>, and the -ambassador himself added the vital part in cipher. -Action of that kind is a masterpiece of futility, for -it leads directly to the compromise of the cipher -itself. For if the letter fall into enemy hands it -will not be difficult for a clever spy to divine the -manner of the sentence in cipher from the context -written <i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">en clair</i>.</p> - -<p>In a word, the ambassador and his staff should -guard a cipher as they would the inmost secrets of -their own hearts. A really effective cipher is literally -worth far more than its weight in gold.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">General -Duties.</span></div> - -<p>It is the duty of ministers residing at foreign -courts to take steps to see that nothing is there -published contrary to the honour or reputation of -their sovereign, and to take all measures necessary -to prevent the circulation of stories and rumours -prejudicial to his interests. The ambassador must -take care to protect the interests of all his master’s -subjects, both in such matters as the free exercise -of their religion, in which he should even offer his -embassy as an asylum for those who are persecuted,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[Pg 144]</span> -and in other matters, acting as a mediator -between his fellow-countrymen on occasions of dispute. -At need he should be ready to assist them -and in all ways to live among them on terms of easy -yet dignified friendship. And, on the other hand, -persons of position on visiting a foreign country -should never neglect to pay their respects to their -own ambassador, and it is also the ambassador’s -duty to remind them of their duty towards the -foreign court itself. If they are persons of court -standing, they will be guilty of a gross breach of -etiquette unless they take the proper steps to make -themselves known to the sovereign. And on all -kinds of public festivity he should make it his -especial care to see that the members of his own -national colony take their proper share in them -and are accorded their due rights. The better his -relations are with his countrymen living abroad, -the more surely will he discover how large are the -reciprocal benefits to be gained thus, for it will -often happen that unofficial persons receive information -as it were by accident which may be of -the utmost importance to the ambassador in his -negotiations. Unless good relations exist between -him and them he may remain in ignorance of important -facts.</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">These Precepts -the Fruit of -Experience.</span></div> - -<p>In the foregoing observations I have done no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[Pg 145]</span> -more than give a sketch of the qualities and duties -of the diplomatist. Of necessity there is much that -is lacking in these fugitive notes; but I think I -may claim that all diplomatists of experience will -approve of the advice I have given, and will declare -that the more my precepts are observed in the -practice of diplomacy, the more surely will success -attend the policy of our nation. If I have laid -stress upon the essentials rather than upon the form -and circumstance of diplomatic work, if I have also -spoken with candour, both regarding the duties of -the minister at home and of his agents in foreign -parts, it is because I believe that a knowledge of -the truth is the necessary forerunner of fruitful -reform.</p> - -<div class="sidenote"><span class="italic">Diplomacy -Rich in -Opportunity.</span></div> - -<p>My final word to diplomatists, young and old, -is that in normal times they may reasonably expect -that where they have given proof of sterling merit -in negotiation, their services will be recognised and -honours conferred upon them, and in such matters -the higher honour is undoubtedly to find oneself -entrusted with ever more important affairs of -state. But if the diplomatist should lack such -recognition, he may find his own recompense in the -satisfaction of having faithfully and efficiently discharged -the duties laid upon him. It has often -been said that the public service is an ungrateful -task in which a man must find his chief recompense<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[Pg 146]</span> -within himself. If I am held to agree to this, I -cannot allow it to be used as a discouragement to -young men of good birth and ability from entering -my own profession. Disappointment awaits us in -all walks of life, but in no profession are disappointments -so amply outweighed by rich opportunities -as in the practice of diplomacy.</p> - -<hr /> - -<p class="center mb2">Printed by T. and <span class="smcap">A. Constable</span>, Printers to His Majesty -at the Edinburgh University Press</p> - -<div class="transnote break"> -<p class="ph">Transcriber’s Notes</p> - - -<p>In this file, text in _italics_ is indicated by underscores, and text -in SMALL CAPS is in uppercase.</p> - -<p>The following alterations were made to the text as printed:</p> - -<p>Page 79: “ceremonial vists” changed to “ceremonial visits”</p> - -<p>80: “whereever insult is offered” changed to “wherever insult is -offered”</p> - -<p>81: “illicit traffic The privileges” changed to “illicit traffic. The -privileges”</p> - -<p>101: “tranferred his confidence” changed to “transferred his confidence”</p> - -<p>105: “Craft at the Card Table” changed to “Craft at the Card-table”</p> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ON THE MANNER OF NEGOTIATING WITH PRINCES ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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