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-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 68765 ***
-
-
-
-
- TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
- Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
-
- Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=.
-
- Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been
- placed at the end of the book after the Index.
-
- The 3-star inverted asterism symbol is denoted by ***.
-
- The tables in this book are best viewed using a monospace font.
-
- Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book.
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: (author, with signature)
-
- Yours truly,
- H. Le Caron]
-
-
-
-
- TWENTY-FIVE YEARS
-
- IN
-
- THE SECRET SERVICE
-
- _The Recollections of a Spy_
-
- BY
-
- MAJOR HENRI LE CARON
-
- With Portraits and Facsimiles
-
- “No citizen has a right to consider himself as belonging to himself;
- but all ought to regard themselves as belonging to the State, inasmuch
- as each is a part of the State; and care for the part naturally looks
- to care for the whole.”
- —ARISTOTLE.
-
- Third [Illustration: (colophon)] Edition
-
-
- LONDON
-
- WILLIAM HEINEMANN
-
- 1892
-
- [_All rights reserved_]
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION.
-
-
-It has seemed good in the sight of many people that I should place
-on record, in some permanent and acceptable form, the story of
-my eventful life. And so I am about to write a book. The task is
-a daring one—perhaps the most daring of the many strange and
-unlooked-for incidents which have marked my career of adventure. I
-approach it with no light heart, but rather with a keen appreciation
-of all its difficulties.
-
-To cater, and cater successfully, for the reading public of this _fin
-de siècle_ period is an undertaking which fairly taxes all the powers
-of resource and experience of the most brilliant writers of our time.
-And I am in no sense a practised writer, much less a professional
-_litterateur_. I have spent my life working at too high a pressure,
-and in too excited an atmosphere, to allow of my qualifying in any
-way for the rôle of author.
-
-Nor am I handicapped in this way alone. I am, unfortunately for my
-purpose, deprived of the most important of collaborators a writer
-ever called to his aid—the play of imagination. For me there is
-no such thing as romance to be indulged in here. The truth, the
-whole truth, and nothing but the truth is what I have set myself to
-tell regarding all those matters with which I shall deal. There are
-many things, of course, to which I may not refer; but with respect
-to those upon which I feel at liberty to touch, one unalterable
-characteristic will apply all through, and that will be the absolute
-truthfulness of the record.
-
-This may seem strange language coming from one who, for over a
-quarter of a century, has played a double part, and who to-day
-is not one whit ashamed of any single act done in that capacity.
-Men’s lives, however, are not to be judged by the outward show and
-the visible suggestion, but rather by the inward sentiments and
-promptings which accept conscience at once as the inspirer of action
-and arbiter of fate. It is hard, I know, to expect people in this
-cold prosaic age of ours to fully understand how a man like myself
-should, of his own free will, have entered upon a life such as I have
-led, with such pureness of motive and absence of selfish instinct
-as to entitle me to-day to claim acceptance at the bar of public
-opinion as an honest and a truthful man.
-
-Yet such is my claim. When years ago, as these subsequent pages will
-show, I was first brought into contact with Fenian affairs, no fell
-purpose, no material consideration prompted me to work against the
-revolutionary plotters. A young man, proud of his native land and
-full of patriotic loyalty to its traditions, I had no desire, no
-intention to do aught but frustrate the schemes of my country’s foes.
-When, later on, I took my place in the ranks of England’s defenders,
-the same condition of mind prevailed, though the conditions of
-service varied.
-
-And so the situation has remained all through. Forced by a variety
-of circumstances to play a part I never sought, but to which, for
-conscientious motives, I not unwillingly adapted myself, I can admit
-no shame and plead no regret. By my action lives have been saved,
-communities have been benefited, and right and justice allowed to
-triumph, to the confusion of law-breakers and would-be murderers. And
-in this recollection I have my consolation and my reward. Little else
-indeed is left me in the shape of either the one or the other. There
-is a popular fiction, I know, which associates with my work fabulous
-payments and frequent rewards. Would that it had been so. Then would
-the play of memory be all the sweeter for me. But, alas! the facts
-were all the other way. As I will show later, in the Secret Service
-of England there is ever present danger, and constantly recurring
-difficulty, but of recompense, a particularly scant supply.
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS.
-
-
- _PORTRAITS._
-
- MAJOR HENRI LE CARON _Frontispiece_
-
- ALEXANDER SULLIVAN _To face p._ 62
-
- PATRICK EGAN ” 160
-
- “NUMBER ONE”—P. J. TYNAN ” 168
-
- CHARLES STEWART PARNELL ” 178
-
-
-
- _FACSIMILES._
-
- THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 16
-
- A FENIAN TWENTY-DOLLAR BOND 27
-
- MY COMMISSION AS MAJOR IN THE ARMY OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC 54
-
- PATRICK EGAN’S LETTER OF INTRODUCTION 234
-
- ALEXANDER SULLIVAN’S CHEQUE FOR THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS 264
-
- ALEXANDER SULLIVAN’S LETTER _Appendix III._
-
-
-
-
-TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE SECRET SERVICE.
-
-
-
-
-I.
-
-
-Of my early youth little that is very interesting or exciting can be
-told. A faded entry in the aged records of the ancient borough of
-Colchester evidences the fact that a certain Thomas Beach, to wit
-myself, came into this world some fifty and one years ago, on the
-26th day of September 1841. My parents were English, as the American
-would phrase it, “from far away back,” my grandfather tracing his
-lineage through many generations in the county of Berkshire. The
-second son of a family of thirteen, I fear I proved a sore trial
-to a careful father and affectionate mother, by my erratic methods
-and the varied outbursts of my wild exuberant nature. My earliest
-recollection is of the teetotal principle on which we were all
-brought up, and the absence of strong drink from all our household
-feasts. The point is a trivial one, but not unworthy of note, as it
-supplies the key to some of my successes in later life, in keeping
-clear of danger through intoxication, when almost all of those with
-whom I dealt were victims to it. When others lost their heads, and
-their caution as well, I was enabled, through my distaste for drink,
-to benefit in every way.
-
-Living in a military town as I did, and coming into daily contact
-with all the pomp and circumstance of soldiering, it was but natural
-that the glory of the redcoat life should affect me, and that, like
-so many other foolish boys, I should feel drawn to the ranks. Of
-course I wanted to enlist, and what wonder that for me life held no
-nobler ambition and success, no grander figure than that clothed
-with the uniform of the bold drummer-boy. All my efforts, however,
-were naturally of no avail, and I found the path to glory blocked at
-every point. The fever, nevertheless, was upon me, and my want of
-success only made me the more determined to achieve my object in the
-long run. Home held no promise of success, and at home I decided I
-would no longer remain. So it came about that one fine morning, when
-little more than twelve years of age, I packed my marbles, toys,
-and trophies, and in the early light slipped quietly out on to the
-high-road _en route_ for that Mecca of all country boys—the great
-glorious city of London!
-
-I had run away from home in grim earnest. Not for very long,
-however. Fortunately for me—unfortunately as I thought in those
-young days—I committed a grave blunder in tactics. Meeting one of my
-school-fellows on the journey, I was foolish enough to inform him of
-my proceeding and intention, and in this way my anxious parents were
-soon put upon my track, and my interesting and exciting escapade was
-brought to an ignominious conclusion. I had, however, tasted of the
-sweets of adventure, and it was not very long before I made another
-attempt to rid myself of the trammels of home life. Here again I
-was fated to meet with defeat, but not before I had made a distinct
-advance upon my first effort, for two weeks were allowed to elapse
-before I was discovered on this occasion. The natural consequences
-attended these attempts of mine, and soon I was written down as the
-black sheep of the family, from whom no permanent good could ever be
-expected.
-
-The idea of keeping me longer at school was quite given up, and in
-order the better to tie me down, I was apprenticed for a period of
-seven years to Mr. Thomas Knight, a Quaker, and well-known draper in
-my native town. The arrangement suited me not at all. Nothing could
-be more uncongenial than a life worked out in the solemn atmosphere
-of a staid and strict Quaker’s home, where the efforts to curb my
-impulsive nature resulted in increasing bitterness of spirit on my
-part every day. In eleven months it was conceded on both sides that
-the continuation of the arrangement was distinctly undesirable, and
-so I was free once more. A short residence with my parents followed;
-but the old promptings to wander afar were too strong for me, and
-once more, for the third and last time, I broke away, and reached
-London at last, in the month of May 1857.
-
-Through the kindness of relatives, employment was secured for me in a
-leading business house; but my stay there was of short duration. With
-my usual facility for doing everything wrong at this period of my
-existence, I happened to accidentally set fire to the premises, and
-was politely told that after this my services could not be properly
-appreciated. I was not long out of employment, and strangely enough,
-through the agency of one of the gentlemen whose house had suffered
-through my carelessness, I was later on enabled to obtain a much
-better situation than I had held in their house.
-
-From London I subsequently made my way to Bath, and from Bath to
-Bristol, always in search of change, though everywhere doing well.
-When in Bristol, however, I was struck down with fever, and reduced
-to a penniless condition. Then came the idea of returning to London,
-which I duly carried out, walking all the way. My foolhardiness
-proved almost fatal, for ere I got to the metropolis, my illness came
-back upon me, and I was scarce able to crawl to St. Bartholomew’s
-Hospital in search of relief.
-
-My stay at St. Bartholomew’s was not a very long one. Horrified at
-the terrible death of a patient lying next to me, and fearful that,
-if I remained, something equally horrible might be my fate, I managed
-to obtain possession of my clothes and to leave the institution.
-Thoughts of home and mother decided my return to Colchester, and
-thither I immediately proceeded to make my way on foot. Again the
-fever attacked me, and once more I had to seek the friendly shelter
-of an hospital, this time taking refuge in the Colchester and East
-Essex Institution. Here I remained till I was permanently recovered,
-after which I entered the service of Mr. William Baber of the town.
-However, my efforts to lead a sober conventional life were all in
-vain. The wild longing for change came back in renewed strength, and
-in a little while I had left London altogether behind and journeyed
-to Paris _viâ_ Havre.
-
-
-
-
-II.
-
-
-I am amused as I look back now upon the utter recklessness and daring
-of this proceeding of mine. I knew not a soul in France; of the
-language, not a word was familiar; and yet somehow the longing to get
-away from England and to try my luck on a new soil was irresistible.
-One place was as good as another to me, and Paris seemed rather more
-familiar than the other few centres of activity with the names of
-which I was then acquainted. And so to Paris I went. It was my good
-fortune to hit upon an hotel kept by an Englishwoman in the Faubourg
-St. Honoré, and here I tarried for a time while my little stock of
-money lasted. This was not by any means a long period, and soon I
-found myself reduced once more to a condition of penury, having in
-the interval gained little but an acquaintance with the principal
-thoroughfares and their shops, and a slight knowledge of the
-language, to which latter I was helped in no inconsiderable degree by
-a wonderfully retentive memory.
-
-Things were at a very low ebb for me indeed, when help came from an
-entirely unexpected quarter. Happening one Sunday to pass by the
-English Church in the Rue d’Aguesseau, of which, by the way, the Rev.
-Dr. Forbes was at that time chaplain, I was attracted by the music
-of the service then proceeding, and entered the little unpretentious
-place of worship. Here I joined heartily in the service, with the
-order and details of which I was perfectly familiar, having already
-sung in the choir of my native town. My singing and generally strange
-appearance attracted the attention of a member of the church, with
-whom I formed an acquaintance. We left the church together—not
-however before I had promised my assistance in the choir—and at
-his request I breakfasted with my English friend at one of the
-_crêmeries_ in the Faubourg. Now, as then, a respected citizen of
-Paris, I am happy to number this countryman among the truest and most
-steadfast of my friends.
-
-We passed the day together, attending the remaining two services
-at the church, and in the hours we spent in each other’s company
-I told him my history and my needs. Warm-hearted and impulsive,
-he immediately suggested that I should vacate my room and share
-his lodging, even going the length of advancing me money to enable
-me to do so. Before a week had passed, he had capped his goodness
-by securing a situation for me; and I found myself at length
-comfortably installed in the house of Withers, _à la Suissesse_,
-52 Faubourg St. Honoré. Through his influence also I became a paid
-member of the church choir, and in a very short time I was the
-recipient of the friendship and confidence of Dr. Forbes and his
-wife, from both of whom I received very many kindnesses. Thanks to
-them, I was very soon enabled to better my position, and to change
-to the house of Arthur & Co., where matters improved for me in every
-way. There then succeeded some of the happiest days of my life.
-Freed from care and anxiety, with all the necessaries of life at
-my control, and a fund of boyish spirits and perfect health, I was
-without a trouble or a dark hour, happy and contented in my daily
-task.
-
-So the weeks and months came and went without discovering any change
-in my position, till an unlooked-for incident once more brought the
-wild mad thirst for change and excitement back to me, and sounded
-the death-knell of my quiet life. On the 9th April 1861, the shot
-was fired at Fort Sumpter which inaugurated the war of the Rebellion
-of the United States. That shot echoed all over the world, but in no
-place was the effect more keenly marked than in the American colony
-in Paris, which even in these early days was a very numerous one.
-
-Arthur’s, the place of business of which I speak, was one of the most
-favoured of the American resorts, and here the excitement raged at
-fever heat, as little by little the news came over the sea. Those
-were not the days of the cable, flashing the news of success or
-defeat simultaneously with its occurrence, and picturing in vivid
-phrase and description every incident and climax of warfare, till
-almost the figures move before us, and our eyes and ears are deadened
-by the smoke and sound of shot. The tidings came in snatches, and the
-absence of completeness and detail only served to give the greater
-impetus to discussion and imagination.
-
-There was no more excited student of the situation than myself; and
-very soon, of course, I was fired with the idea of playing a part
-in the scenes which I was following with such enthusiasm and zest.
-Friends and associates, many of them American, were leaving on every
-hand for the seat of war; and at last, throwing care and discretion
-to the winds, I took the plunge and embarked on the _Great Eastern_
-on her first voyage to New York.
-
-I reached that city in good time, and without delay enlisted in the
-Northern Army, in company with several of my American associates
-from Paris. In connection with my enlistment there occurred a
-circumstance, trivial in itself at the moment, yet fraught with the
-most important consequences in regard to my after-life. This was
-the taking to myself of a new name and a new nationality. I had
-no thought of remaining in America for any length of time—at the
-outset, indeed, I only enlisted for three months, the period for
-which recruits were sought—and, regarding the whole proceeding
-more in the light of a good joke than anything else, I came to
-the conclusion that I should not cause anxiety to my parents by
-disclosing my position, and decided to sustain the joke by playing
-the part of a Frenchman and calling myself Henri le Caron. So came
-into existence that name and character which, in after years, proved
-to be such a marvellous source of protection and success to me
-personally, and of such continued service to my native country, whose
-citizenship I had, by my proceeding, to resign.
-
-As subsequent events proved, however, I was not to carry out my
-original idea of returning. The three months came and went, and many
-more followed in their wake, till five years had passed and left me
-still in the United States’ service. The life suited me. I made many
-friends; soldiering was a pleasant experience; and I was particularly
-fortunate in escaping its many mishaps. I had no care for the
-morrow, and, happily for me, I found my morrows to bring little if
-any care to me. Only on one occasion was I seriously wounded. This
-was when, during an engagement near Woodbury, Tennessee, I had my
-horse killed under me by a shell, my companion killed at my side, and
-myself wounded by a splinter from the explosive, which laid me up for
-about a month.
-
-Interesting and animated as was my career as a soldier, I must not
-delay to deal with it too fully in detail, but must hurry on to that
-subsequent life of mine in America, which possesses the greatest
-interest for the public at large. I shall, however, before leaving
-it, run over very shortly the different stages of my soldiering
-experience. The facts may be interesting to the many people in this
-country and America who are familiar with the history of the American
-war of the Rebellion. I enlisted as a private soldier on August 7,
-1861, in the 8th Pennsylvanian Reserves, changing therefrom to the
-Anderson Cavalry, commanded by Colonel William J. Palmer. Here I
-remained for a year and ten months, serving through the Peninsula
-campaign of the army of the Potomac, including the battles of Four
-Oaks, South Mountain, Antietam, and Williamsport, all of which were
-fought under the command of General George B. MacClellan.
-
-In October 1862, I joined, with my regiment, the Western Army, under
-General William S. Rosencranz, and participated in the advance from
-Louisville, Nashville, and Murfreesboro’, including the engagements
-at Tullahoma and Winchester, and ending with the capture of
-Chattanooga and Chicamanga in September of the same year. The failure
-of Rosencranz at Chicamanga closed his career. He was succeeded by
-General George H. Thomas, who remained in command up to the end of
-my service in the army. By this time I had obtained a warrant as a
-noncommissioned officer, and was principally engaged in scouting
-duty. On the command in which I served being ordered to the relief of
-General Burnside at Knoxville, I left Chattanooga, then in a state of
-siege and semi-famine, and reaching Knoxville, I took part during the
-whole of the winter of 1863 in the East Tennessee campaign against
-the rebel General Longstreet, my engagements including Strawberry
-Plain, Mossy Creek, and Dandridge. I was fortunate enough to be
-recommended for a commission in 1864, and, after my examination
-before a military board, was gazetted Second Lieutenant in the
-United States Army in the month of July of that year. For the next
-twelve months I was exclusively employed in scouting duty, in charge
-of a mounted company, serving in this capacity under General Lovel
-L. Rousseau in West Tennessee. In December 1864, being attached
-to General Stedman’s division of the Army of the Cumberland, I
-was present at the battle of Nashville, and took part in all the
-engagements through Tennessee and Alabama, being promoted in the
-course of them to the rank of First Lieutenant.
-
-During 1865 I was appointed upon detached service of various
-descriptions, filling amongst other positions those of Acting
-Assistant-Adjutant-General and Regimental Adjutant. At the close
-of the war I joined the veteran organisations of the Army of the
-Cumberland, and the Grand Army of the Republic, and held the
-appointment therein of Vice-Commander and Post-Surgeon, ranking as
-Major.
-
-Long ere this I had, of course, given up all idea of returning to
-France, and had communicated my whereabouts and position to my
-parents, much to their anxiety and dismay.
-
-Tragedy and comedy blended together in strange fellowship in our
-experiences of those days; and, as I write, a couple of amusing
-examples of this occur to me. It was in 1865, when engaged on
-scouting duty in connection with the guerilla warfare carried on by
-irregular bands of Southerners, that I received the following order:—
-
- “HEAD-QUARTERS, THIRD SUB-DISTRICT, MIDDLE TENNESSEE,
- “ACTING ASSISTANT-ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S OFFICE,
- “KINGSTON SPRINGS, TENN., _May 17, 1865_.
-
- “SIR,—The following despatch has been received:—
-
- “NASHVILLE, _May 16, 1865_.
-
- “Brig.-Gen. Thompson.
-
- “In accordance with orders heretofore published of the Major-Gen.
- Commanding Dept. of Cumberland, Champ Fergusson and his gang of
- cut-throats having refused to surrender, are denounced as outlaws,
- and the military forces of this district will deal with and treat
- him accordingly.
-
- “By Command of Major-Gen. Rousseau,
- “(Signed) H. C. WHITLEMORE,
- “Capt. and A.A.A.G.”
-
-This, of course, meant sudden death to any of the band who might come
-within range of our rifles. The men, indeed, were nothing less than
-murderers and robbers, carrying on their devilish work under the plea
-of fighting for Southern independence. It was not long before an
-opportunity was afforded me of coming in contact with a specimen of
-the class, and it is on this meeting that one of my anecdotes will
-turn.
-
-A few days after, when riding ahead of my troop, in company with a
-couple of my men, in order to “prospect” the country, with a view to
-finding suitable accommodation for our wants, I came to a well-built
-farmhouse a few miles from the Duck River. As we approached the
-front, my attention was attracted by an armed man, in the well-known
-butter-nut grey uniform of the enemy, escaping from the back in a
-very hasty and suspicious manner. Reading his true character in a
-moment, I shouted to him to halt, at the same time directing my
-troopers to “head him off” right and left. Disregarding our cries,
-he started off in hot haste, while we pursued him in equally hurried
-fashion. The chase was a hard and a stern one, his flight being
-only broken for a moment to allow of his discharging his carbine at
-me. Not desiring to kill him, I saved my powder, and in the end ran
-him to earth, and stunned him with a blow from the butt-end of my
-revolver.
-
-When my companions arrived, we proceeded to examine our prisoner,
-and found, on stripping him of his grey covering, that underneath he
-wore the unmistakable blue coat of our own regiment, with the plain
-indication of a corporal’s stripes having been torn therefrom. As we
-had a few days previously discovered the stripped, bullet-riddled
-body of a brave corporal of ours, who had been murdered by some of
-these scoundrels, we at once concluded that this was one of his
-assassins, and my troop, coming up at this point, dealt him scant
-mercy, and filled his body with their bullets ere consciousness
-returned. A search of his pockets revealed his identity, his
-pocket-book containing some two hundred dollars in bills, and an oath
-of allegiance to the U.S. Government, which he had doubtless used
-many times to save his wretched life. The following is a _facsimile_
-of the original document, which I have kept through all these
-years—the stains being those of the man’s blood:—
-
-[Illustration: (Oath of Allegiance)]
-
-Making our way back to the house, we discovered two weeping women,
-and half-a-dozen small children. A single question elicited the fact
-that the elder of the two was the mother, while subsequent inquiries
-proved that the dead man was the notorious William M. Guin, a nephew
-of ex-U.S. Senator Guin, of California, and one of the leaders of as
-notorious a gang of cut-throats as ever operated in the South-West.
-Our custom was to burn the houses of any persons found harbouring
-these guerillas, but the heartrending entreaties of the wretched
-women and children caused me to leave them unmolested. Some time
-afterwards, when peace was finally declared, I was quartered at
-Waverley, in the same vicinity, and often met the unfortunate mother,
-who knew me as “the man who killed her boy,” though, as she told me,
-she never blamed me, having often warned her son that he would come
-to a bad end.
-
-And now for the other side of the picture. During these operations,
-my men were principally mounted on horses captured from the citizens,
-who were invariably rebels; and as our habit was to take every
-available animal when found, the methods adopted to hide them in
-caves, ravines, and swamps were sometimes very remarkable. Upon
-one of my expeditions at the time, in the direction of Vernon, on
-the Duck River, I came across a fine black horse, which I speedily
-confiscated to the use of “Uncle Sam.” My prize, however, did not
-long remain in my possession, for in a few days my quarters were
-invaded by a deputation of the fair sex, who presented me with the
-following amusing appeal:—
-
- I.
- “We write in good spirits to you,
- For our glad expectations we hope to find true,
- That you’ll act as a gentleman always should do,
- And with a request from the ladies comply
- Which a fame would attain you that never should die;
- While we’ll think of you ever with kindness sincere,
- And say of you what it would please you to hear,
- And wish for you always a life long and free
- From grief and visitation that sometimes will be.
-
- II.
- “Now, what must you do these good wishes to gain,
- And make us rejoice that we asked not in vain?
- Well, a something ’twill be a great boon to obtain
- To us who now ask—and a kindness most true
- And most earnestly wished for—but to you
- It will be what they tell us a victory is—
- Quite easy to “Grant,” and we hope you’ll grant this.
-
- III.
- “We once (not long since) had a favourite here,
- Obedient and gentle, deservedly dear;
- He was patient, obeying our will without force,
- And he seemed like a friend, though he was but a horse.
- How much we esteemed him we never can say,
- And Dixie we named him. You took him away!
- And sadly and truly we’ve missed him since then—
- Oh, captain, do give us poor Dixie again.
- If you have conquered _one_ Dixie, be generous here;
- Return us the other we all count so dear,
- And we’ll say Captain Le Caron (and hold it so too)
- Is the very best soldier that ever wore blue.
- Your country is famed both in prose and in song;
- To its sons truth and justice are said to belong—
- Good principle, honour, with bravery too;
- Prove now to us, captain, that this is quite true.
- Let us have our old friend—you have better by scores,
- But to us none so dear can e’er stand at our doors;
- None other can seem half so good or so wise,
- So worthy our care as he was in our eyes.
- You _must_ be enlightened, be generous too;
- Give us back our poor Dixie,
- Do, captain, please do.
- Just say we may have him, that welcome word say,
- And your petitioners will evermore pray.
-
- “MARY BARR.
- “CYNTHIA BARR.
- “POLLY HASSELL.
- “MARY L. G., _a sympathiser_.
-
- “VERNON, TENNESSEE,
- “_July 1865_.
-
- “To Captain Le Caron.”
-
-I naturally pursued the only course which a soldier could, and
-surrendered the horse. Strange to say, one of my lieutenants
-afterwards surrendered his affections and future happiness to one of
-these fair damsels, and still lives with her as his wife, surrounded
-by a charming family, away out in central Kansas.
-
-
-
-
-III.
-
-
-In the midst of all my soldiering, I wooed and won my wife. She is
-the principal legacy left me of those old campaigning days of mine,
-as bonny a wife and as sympathetic and valuable a helpmate as ever
-husband was blessed with in this world. Many years have gone by since
-we first met away in Tennessee, where she, a bright-eyed daring
-horsewoman, and I, a happy-go-lucky cavalry officer, scampered the
-plains together in pleasant company. Little thought either of us
-then what the future years held in store. Yet when these years came,
-and with them the anxious moments, the uncertain intervals, and the
-perilous hours, none was more brave, more sympathetic than she.
-Carrying the secret of my life close locked up in that courageous
-heart of hers, helping me when need be, silent when nought could be
-done, she proved as faithful an ally and as perfect a foil as ever
-man placed like me could have been given by Heaven. A look, a gasp,
-a frightened movement, an uncertain turn might have betrayed me, and
-all would have been lost; a jealous action, a curious impulse, and
-she might have wrecked my life; a letter misplaced, a drawer left
-open, a communication miscarried, and my end was certain. But those
-things were not to be. Brave, affectionate, and fearless, frequently
-beseeching me to end this terrible career in which each moment of the
-coming hours was charged with danger if not death, she tended her
-family lovingly, and faced the world with a countenance which gave
-no sign, but a caution which never slumbered.
-
-I had not to wait for these later years, however, to prove her
-readiness and resource. These had been shown me long ere marriage
-was dreamt of by either of us, and when, in one of the most exciting
-episodes of my military career, she gave me my freedom and my life.
-For our wooing was not without its romance. Our first meeting was
-quite a casual one. An officer in charge of a party of thirty,
-engaged in scouting duty, I stopped my little troop one night, in
-the winter of 1862, at a house some fifteen miles from Nashville,
-Tennessee, in order to rest our horses and prepare our supper. We
-selected the house, and stopped there without any prearrangement.
-This, however, was in no way extraordinary. It was quite the common
-practice to stop _en route_ and buy hospitality from the residents.
-The house was the property of my wife’s uncle, and here she lived.
-While our supper was being prepared, we chatted agreeably together,
-and the time swept pleasantly along, We were in fancied security, and
-gave no thought to immediate danger. In a moment, however, all was
-confusion. The house was suddenly surrounded by a band of irregular
-troops, calling themselves Confederates, but in reality nothing more
-or less than marauders, and soon the fortunes of war were turned
-against us.
-
-Half my little command, fortunately, escaped, owing to their being
-with the horses at the time of the enemy’s approach, and so enabled
-to take to flight. The other half, however, with myself, were not so
-fortunate. We were in the house, surprised, and immediately taken
-prisoners. A large log smoke-house was improvised for a prison, and
-in this my comrades and myself were placed, tortured with indignation
-and hunger, as the riotous sounds which followed proclaimed to
-us that our captors were partaking of the supper which had been
-originally intended for ourselves. Our position altogether was
-anything but a happy one. Death was very near. Irregular troops like
-those with whom we had to deal seldom gave quarter. If we escaped
-immediate death, it would be only to be brought within the Southern
-line to be condemned to a living death in prison.
-
-We sat and pondered; and as the probabilities of the future loomed
-heavily and darkly before us, the sounds of revelry in the adjoining
-house gradually died away. Our captors, filled with the good things
-provided for us, gradually dropped to sleep, and soon nothing
-was heard but the measured movement and breathing of the guard
-stationed at our door. In a little time, however, there was perfect
-silence, and our watchful ears detected the absence of our sentry’s
-person. Curious but silent we anxiously waited, and soon heard the
-withdrawal of the bolt by some unknown hand. Opening the door, we
-found the pathway clear. My brave Tennessee girl, finding the gang of
-irregulars all steeped in heavy slumber, had decoyed our guard away
-on pretence of his obtaining supper, and returning, had unbolted our
-prison-house, prepared to face the consequences when the sleeping
-ruffians awoke. Through her action our safety was assured, and after
-walking fifteen miles, we reached camp in the morning to join our
-comrades, who had given us up for lost.
-
-This happened on Christmas Eve 1862; and it was not until April
-1864—sixteen months afterwards—that I again met the girl who had
-done so much for me, and who was subsequently to become my wife.
-
-The house in which these exciting events had taken place had meantime
-been totally destroyed by the ravages of war, and she was now living
-with her aunt in Nashville itself. I was stationed in camp, there
-awaiting my examination before a board of officers for further
-promotion, and here occurred the most eventful engagement in which I
-ever took part, where, conquering yet conquered, I ignored all the
-articles of war and subscribed to those of marriage, entering into a
-treaty of peace freighted with the happiest of results.
-
-
-
-
-IV.
-
-
-The war was now over and done, a thing of the past. I was situated
-in Nashville with my wife and family, and with my savings, happy in
-the enjoyment of the moment, and the pleasant reminiscences of the
-past. Henri le Caron, the agent of the British Government in the
-camps of American Fenianism, did not exist, and I had not the shadow
-of a conception as to what the future held in store for me. The
-future indeed troubled me not one whit. Looking back, as I do now,
-upon all that has happened since then, I am filled with astonishment
-as great and sincere as that which affected the world when I first
-told my story in its disjointed way before the Special Commission.
-It may be that I am somewhat of a fatalist—I know not what I may be
-called—but my ideas, strengthened by the experience of my life, are
-very clear on one point. We may be free agents to a certain extent;
-but, nevertheless, for some wise purpose matters are arranged for
-us. We are impelled by some unknown force to carry out, not of our
-own volition or possible design, the work of this life, indicated
-by a combination of circumstances, to which unconsciously we adapt
-ourselves. In such a manner did I become connected with Fenianism
-and the Irish Party in America. For I never sought Fenianism;
-Fenianism rather came to me.
-
-I use the phrase Fenianism as one that is familiar, and requires no
-explanation from me. All the world must surely know by this that
-almost from time out of mind there has existed in America a body of
-discontented and rebellious Irish known as Fenians, who, working in
-harmony with so-called Nationalists in this country, seek the repeal
-of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland. It will, however, be
-necessary for me to say something about the position of Fenianism at
-this time—I speak, of course, of the year 1865—in order that what
-follows may be quite clearly understood.
-
-Fenianism at this period was in a rather bad way. Its adherents in
-America and Ireland were divided into two hostile camps, and its most
-recent effort had been of a very poor and depressing character. In
-fact, the division of forces had been brought about by the failure
-of this selfsame effort, an attempt at the emancipation of Ireland,
-which is known as “the ’65 movement.” It was organised by the Fenians
-in Ireland and America, under the direction of James Stephens; and
-for the purpose of its development very many officers and men crossed
-to Ireland from American soil. The attempted rising, however,
-proved, like almost all Fenian efforts, a fiasco. It was found that
-Stephens had wofully misrepresented the state of affairs at home,
-both as regards preparation and enthusiasm; and those who had come
-from America returned to their homes, disgusted and indignant at the
-way in which they had been sold.
-
-In the result disaffection quickly spread, and the organisation
-in America broke up into hostile camps, the majority, under the
-leadership of Colonel W. R. Roberts, revolting from the leadership
-of Stephens and Mahoney, and declaring their belief that “no direct
-invasion or armed insurrection in Ireland would ever be successful
-in establishing an Irish Republic upon Irish soil, and setting her
-once more in her proper place as a nation amongst the nations of the
-earth.” Not content, however, with the situation, the seceders met
-in convention in September 1865 in Cincinnati, and formed themselves
-into what was known for the next eventful five years of its existence
-as the Senate Wing of the Fenian Brotherhood. They scoffed at the
-idea of invading Ireland successfully, but by no means advocated
-a policy of inaction. They simply sought to change the base of
-operations. “The invasion of Canada” became their cry; and with this
-as their programme they succeeded in gaining the allegiance of some
-thousands of the disaffected Irish, whose support was attracted
-by the familiar device of a _de facto_ civil and military Irish
-Government upon paper, framed upon the model of the United States.
-A good deal of money was subscribed, and with funds so obtained
-ammunition was purchased and shipped along the Canadian border.
-
-[Illustration: (Twenty-dollar bond)]
-
-The methods of obtaining money were many and varied, but none was
-more successful than the issue of Fenian bonds. The following is a
-reproduction of a twenty-dollar bond in my possession. These bonds
-were given in exchange for ready money to the many simple souls who
-believed in the possibility of an Irish republic, and who were quite
-ready to part with their little all, in the belief that later on,
-when their country was “a nation once again,” they would be repaid
-with interest. Very many of the persons displaying this credulity
-were Irish girls in service in the States, and thus came into vogue
-the sneering reference to the agitation being financed by the
-servant-girls of New York.
-
-A curious feature of the intended invasion was the publicity given to
-the design, and, more remarkable still, the action, or rather want of
-action, of the United States Government in regard to it. This latter,
-indeed, was the subject of very angry comment at the time on the part
-of Englishmen resident in the States. It certainly seemed strange,
-and passing all comprehension, that the United States Government,
-although in full possession of the facts, and quite peaceful in its
-relations with England, could have permitted the organisation of a
-raid upon a portion of English possessions without movement or demur
-on their part of any kind whatever. Yet such is the deplorable fact.
-From the commencement of the preparations till five days after the
-Fenians had crossed at Black Rock, the government of President Andrew
-Johnson did nothing whatever to prevent this band of marauders from
-carrying out their much-talked-of invasion.
-
-Let it not be thought that I exaggerate or draw on my imagination. I
-do not. If evidence in support of my statement be needed, it is to be
-found in the speeches made from public platforms, in open meetings,
-fully reported throughout the country at the time.
-
-It was during this period that I was brought into close acquaintance
-with Fenianism and its workings. Strangely enough, it was my
-army associations which formed the medium. Through an old
-companion-in-arms, the man O’Neill mentioned above, by whose side I
-had served and fought, I learnt, at first casually, and in broken
-conversation, what was transpiring in the circles of the conspiracy.
-Indignant as I was at learning what was being done against the
-interest of my native country, I knew not how to circumvent the
-operations of the conspirators, and did nothing publicly in the
-matter. Without my own knowledge, however, I was to become one of the
-instruments for upsetting all these schemes. Writing as I regularly
-did to my father, I mentioned simply by way of startling news the
-facts I learned from O’Neill. My letters, written in the careless
-spirit of a wanderer’s notes, were destined to become political
-despatches of an important character. Without reference to me,
-my father made immediate and effective use of them. Startled and
-dismayed at the tidings I conveyed, he, true Briton that he was,
-could not keep the information to himself, but handed over my letters
-immediately to John Gurdon Rebow, the sitting member for Colchester.
-
-Mr. Rebow, fully concurring with my father as to the importance of
-my news, proposed that he should, without delay, communicate with
-the Government of the day, to which my father agreed. In this way my
-first connection with the Government was brought about. So keenly
-alive to the position of affairs did the Home Secretary show himself,
-that he, as I learnt subsequently, in the most earnest way requested
-my father to correspond with me on the subject, and to arrange for my
-transmitting through him to the Government every detail with which I
-could become acquainted. This I did, and continued so doing until the
-raid into Canada had been attempted, and attended with failure.
-
-
-
-
-V.
-
-
-Before proceeding further, I had perhaps better give some idea of
-what the raid was like. The details should prove of interest, if
-for no other purpose than that of contrast with those of the second
-attempted invasion, of which I shall have to speak more fully later
-on. This, which was the first invasion of Canada by the Fenian
-organisation, took place upon the morning of the 1st of June 1866.
-As I have already stated, the design had been flourished in the face
-of government and people for six months previously. All this time
-active preparations were proceeding, and thousands of stands of arms,
-together with millions of rounds of ammunition, had been purchased
-from the United States Government and located at different points
-along the Canadian border; while during the spring of the year,
-military companies, armed and uniformed as Irish Fenian soldiers,
-were drilled week by week in many of the large cities of the United
-States.
-
-No opposition was offered to the proceedings; indeed, John F.
-Finerty, the editor of the _Chicago Citizen_, in a public speech
-made by him at Chicago so late as February 5, 1886, declared with
-great glee that Andrew Johnson, the then President of the United
-States, openly encouraged the movement for the purpose of turning
-it to political account in the settlement of the Alabama claims. Be
-the blame whose it may, however, the result was not unsatisfactory.
-The attempt proved a complete failure. The Fenians were driven out
-of Canada, sixty of them killed and two hundred taken prisoners,
-with the loss of but six lives in the Canadian ranks. All the same,
-however, the unsatisfactory condition of things I speak of existed,
-while, to make matters worse, not a single one of the defeated
-invaders was called to account by the United States for the violation
-of the Neutrality Laws.
-
-The whole affair, viewed from any but an imaginative Fenian
-standpoint, was of a ludicrous character. The time for the operation
-was chosen by the Fenian Secretary for War, General T. W. Sweeny,
-then commanding the 16th United States Infantry stationed at
-Nashville, Tennessee. A particular route had been selected, but when
-the amount of funds came to be questioned, the original idea of
-carrying the men by steamer to Goodrich, Canada, had to be abandoned
-for the less romantic but more economical process of crossing the
-Niagara River in flat boats with a steam tug called into requisition.
-Under the command of General John O’Neill, and a number of other
-gentlemen of high-sounding ranks, and distinctly Irish patronymics,
-the raid actually came off on the morning of the 1st of June, when
-about 3 A.M. some 600 or 800 Irish patriots, full of whisky and
-thirsting for glory, were quietly towed across the Niagara River to a
-point on the Canadian side called Waterloo!
-
-At 4 A.M. the Irish flag was planted on British soil by Colonel Owen
-Starr, commanding the contingent from Kentucky, one of the first to
-land. Unfortunately no Canadian troops were in the vicinity, and
-O’Neill’s command, which had by the next day decreased to some 500,
-marched upon and captured Fort Erie, containing a small detachment of
-the Welland battery. Matters, however, were not long allowed to go in
-favour of the invaders. In a very little time the 22nd Battalion of
-Volunteers of Toronto—a splendid band of citizen-soldiers—appeared
-upon the scene, and at Ridgeway, a few miles inland, there occurred
-a fair stand-up fight, in which the Fenians in the end got the worst
-of the day’s work. Ridgeway has frequently since been claimed by the
-Fenian orators as a glorious victory, but without justification. It
-is true that at first, flushed with their almost bloodless victory at
-Fort Erie, the Fenians advanced fiercely upon their opponents, and
-for the moment repulsed them; but in the end the Canadians triumphed,
-and succeeded in putting the invaders to flight, driving them back
-to Fort Erie a frenzied, ungovernable mob, only too thankful to be
-taken as prisoners by the United States war steamer _Michigan_, and
-protected from total annihilation at the hands of the, by this time,
-thoroughly aroused and wrathful Canadian citizens.
-
-The following extracts from the official report made by General
-O’Neill to Colonel William R. Roberts, President of the Fenian
-Brotherhood, though very highly coloured, admits the defeat:—
-
- “Here truth compels me to make an admission I would fain have kept
- from the public. Some of the men who crossed over with us the night
- before (_i.e._, the morning of the 1st of June) managed to leave
- the command during the day, and re-crossed to Buffalo, while others
- remained in houses around the fort marauding. (Real Irish patriots
- these!) This I record to their lasting disgrace.
-
- “On account of this shameful desertion, and the fact that arms had
- been sent out for 800 men, I had to destroy 300 stand to prevent
- them from falling into the hands of the enemy....
-
- “At this time I could not depend upon more than 500 men, one-tenth
- of the reputed number of the enemy, which I knew was surrounding
- me—rather a critical position.
-
- “Thus situated, and not knowing what was going on elsewhere,
- I decided that the best course was to return to Fort Erie and
- ascertain if crossings had been made at other points; and, if so, I
- was content to sacrifice myself and my noble little command for the
- sake of leaving the way open.
-
- “I returned to the old fort (Erie), and about six o’clock sent word
- to Captain W. J. Hynes, and his friends at Buffalo, that the enemy
- would surround me with 5000 men before morning, fully provided
- with artillery; that my little command, which had by this time
- considerably decreased, could not hold out long; but that, if a
- movement was going on elsewhere, I was perfectly willing to make
- the old fort a slaughter-pen, which I knew would be the case the
- next day if I remained.
-
- “Previous to this time, some of the officers and men, realising the
- danger of their position, availed themselves of the small boats
- and re-crossed the river; but the greater portion of them—317,
- including officers—remained until 2 A.M., June 3rd, when all,
- except a few wounded men, went safely on board a large scow
- attached to a tug-boat, and were hauled into American waters.
-
- “Here they were hailed by the United States steamer, which fired
- across their bows and demanded their surrender. With this request
- we complied, not because we feared the twelve-pounders or the still
- more powerful guns of the _Michigan_, but because we respected the
- authority of the United States.”!!!
-
-Thus fought the Irish patriots of 1866. Thus ended the first Fenian
-raid upon Canada. Not a glorious achievement, by any means. Quite
-the reverse, in fact. Even the leader of the expedition himself has
-to subscribe to failure and defeat. And yet there have been, and are
-to-day, men who boast of all this as a glorious victory, and proudly
-vaunt the statement that they were present at and participated in it.
-
-Lucky it was that the movement was thus defeated at its very start.
-If it had not, the consequences might have been very different
-indeed. The news of the temporary victory at Fort Erie had a
-wonderful effect, and by the 7th of June not less than 30,000 men
-had assembled in and around Buffalo. The defeat of their comrades,
-however, and the tardy issue of Andrew Johnson’s proclamation
-enforcing the Neutrality Laws, left them no opening, and so the whole
-affair fizzled out in the most undignified manner. Undignified indeed
-it was for all parties concerned. The prisoners were, without a
-single exception, released on their own recognisances, and sent home
-by the United States authorities; while the arms seized by the United
-States Government, through General Meade, commanding in Buffalo, were
-returned to the Fenian organisation, only to be used for the same
-purpose some four years later.
-
-
-
-
-VI.
-
-
-Meantime the conditions of peace, in purely American matters, had set
-in, and the army was reduced to a nominal footing. I took advantage
-of the state of affairs to settle down to a civilian style of life.
-The first question that called for thought and care was my future
-vocation in life. The father of a family, it became necessary for
-me to look out for some means of obtaining a settled income. Acting
-under the advice of an old comrade, now a Senator of Illinois,
-I finally determined to study medicine, and set to work in this
-direction without delay.
-
-While so engaged, I paid my first visit to Europe in the autumn
-or “fall” of 1867, and once more met my father and mother in the
-flesh. My letters regarding Fenian matters were naturally a topic of
-interesting conversation between us, and my father with much pride
-showed me the written acknowledgments he had received for his action
-in the matter. Poor old father! Never was Briton prouder than he of
-the service he had been enabled to do his country—services unpaid
-and as purely patriotic as ever Englishman rendered. No payment was
-ever made—none was asked or expected—for whatever little good I had
-been enabled to accomplish up to this time. Matters, however, were
-now to develop in a new and unexpected way. Mr. Rebow expressed a
-desire to see me, and, accompanied by my father, I visited him at his
-seat, Wyvenhoe Park. He subsequently visited me on several occasions
-at my father’s house, and had many chats on the all-absorbing topic
-of Fenianism. Learning from me that the organisation was still
-prosperous and meant mischief—my friend O’Neill having succeeded
-Colonel Roberts as president—he gained my consent to enter into
-personal communication with the English Government. In a few days
-I received through him an official communication requesting me to
-attend at 50 Harley Street. To Harley Street I went, and there met
-two officials, by whom a proposition was made that I should become
-a paid agent of the Government, and that on my return to the United
-States I should ally myself to the Fenian organisation, in order to
-play the _rôle_ of spy in the rebel ranks. I knew that this proposal
-was coming. I had thought over the whole matter carefully, and I
-had come to the conclusion that I would consent, which I did. My
-adventurous nature prompted me to sympathy with the idea; my British
-instincts made me a willing worker from a sense of right, and my past
-success promised good things for the future.
-
-I returned, therefore, to the States in the Government service;
-and, taking advantage of an early meeting with O’Neill in New York,
-I proffered him my services as a military man in case of active
-warfare. O’Neill, delighted at the idea, promised me a position in
-the near future, and I returned to my home in the West, pledged to
-help the cause there meantime.[1]
-
-And now a few words as to O’Neill. Taking the prominent part he
-did in Fenian affairs at this time, he certainly proved a very
-interesting personality. General O’Neill, Irish by birth, was born
-on the 8th of March 1834, in the town of Drumgallon, parish of
-Clontifret, Co. Monaghan. He emigrated when young with his family to
-the United States, and settled at Elizabeth, New Jersey. Enlisting in
-the 2nd U.S. Cavalry as a private soldier in 1857, he was engaged
-in fighting Indians in the Far West for some three years. Upon
-the breaking out of the War of the Rebellion, he was commissioned
-as lieutenant in the 5th Indiana Cavalry. From this he received
-promotion in the 15th U.S. Coloured Infantry, with which regiment
-he continued to the end of the war. Resigning his command at the
-conclusion of hostilities, he commenced business as a United States
-Claim Agent in Nashville, Tennessee, where, it will be remembered, I
-was stationed with my regiment for a long time after the cessation of
-active operations.
-
-When freed from the discipline of his military service,
-O’Neill—ardent Fenian that he was—threw himself heart and soul
-into the Irish rebel movement in the States. He raised and commanded
-the Tennessee contingent in the movement upon Canada in 1866, taking
-command of the entire expedition by reason of his seniority of rank
-and his proved knowledge of military tactics. I have already quoted
-his report of the termination of this “invasion.”
-
-At the Cleveland Convention of September 1867, he was elected a
-senator of the Fenian Brotherhood; and on the 31st of December 1867,
-owing to the resignation of Colonel W. R. Roberts, he was elected
-President of the Brotherhood.
-
-In personal appearance O’Neill was a very fine-looking man. Nature
-had dealt kindly with him. Within a couple of inches of six feet in
-height, possessing a fine physique and a distinctive Celtic face, he
-combined an undoubted military bearing with a rich sonorous voice,
-which lent to his presence a certain persuasive charm. He had one
-fault, however—a fault which developed to the extremest point when
-he attained the presidency of the Fenian Brotherhood. This was his
-egotism. He was the most egotistical soul I ever met in the whole
-course of my life. In his belief, the Irish cause lived, moved, and
-had its being in John O’Neill; and this absurd self-love contributed
-to many disasters, which a more even-headed leader would never have
-brought about.
-
-
-
-
-VII.
-
-
-On my return to my Western home, I lost no time in commencing my
-double life. I organised a Fenian “circle” or camp in Lockport,
-Illinois, and took the position of “centre” or commander of it, thus
-becoming the medium for receiving all official reports and documents
-issued by O’Neill, the contents of which documents were, of course,
-communicated by me to the Home Government. I went to work with a
-will, and was soon in the very thick of the conspiracy, organised
-a military company for the Irish Republican Army, and eventually
-attended the Springfield Convention in the position of a delegate.
-
-While so engaged, I entered the Chicago Medical College, and
-commenced my medical studies in earnest. I was much assisted in
-this direction by the kindly help of an old friend, Dr. Bacon, who
-had been attached to my regiment in war times as surgeon. He was
-then surgeon to the Illinois State Penitentiary, and through him I
-obtained the position created at this time of Hospital Steward, or,
-in other words, Resident Medical Officer in that institution. There
-was a comfortable salary attached to the office, which I found to be
-in every sense a useful post. Although, as matters turned out, I was
-only to spend some few months there, I gained even in this short time
-a vast amount of experience in almost every branch of medical study.
-
-Life, indeed, in the Illinois Penitentiary gave me experience in many
-ways. It brought me for the first time into direct contact with many
-of the evils which then affected official administration. Things,
-of course, are different now, though it must be confessed still
-anything but perfect; but when compared with the usages of olden
-times, the shortcomings of the present system are of no account
-whatever. At the time of which I speak, money could accomplish
-everything, from the obtaining of luxuries in prison to the purchase
-of pardon and freedom itself. Everything connected with the prison
-administration was rotten to the core. Corruption was in every place.
-The penitentiary contained some fifteen hundred prisoners, and the
-whole management of affairs affecting these men was vested in three
-Commissioners, as they were styled, whose proceedings were of the
-most flagrant and jobbing character. So great did the scandals of
-their doings become at one period, that one of the three had to
-abscond; but so demoralised was the condition of affairs that no
-attempt was made to arrest and bring him back. These three men had
-no object save that of gaining money. They were the proprietors of a
-general shop inside the prison, from which the prisoners purchased
-luxuries at usurious rates; and the work of the prisoners themselves
-was let out to contractors, who paid heavily for the privilege of
-remaining undisturbed in their monopoly. Everything was turned to
-money. In one case I knew of a prisoner, failing to win his cause
-on appeal, and having thereby to undergo a period of seven years’
-imprisonment, being offered his release for a sum of 10,000 dollars,
-which offer he refused, stating in the most business-like way that
-he would only give 7000. This was not considered satisfactory, and so
-the negotiations fell through.
-
-No popular idea of prison life now indulged in at all fits in
-with the actual condition of affairs five-and-twenty years ago.
-Money was useful for the purpose of commerce in the Commissioners’
-interest, and therefore was allowed free circulation amongst those
-confined. Those who could afford it, and whose cases were not finally
-decided—appeals were constantly being heard—were allowed to board
-at the Governor’s table, to wear their own clothes, and in every
-way conduct themselves as if in a private house. In those days the
-prisoners were not shaved—they wore their hair and whiskers as they
-pleased. Those who could not afford to live the lives of gentlemen
-had the store to go to for petty luxuries; and so, no matter how
-matters turned, the Commissioners were the gainers. The Governor, or
-Warden, as he was called, was their nominee, dependent upon them for
-office; and everything was governed by their wishes and desires.
-
-In such a vast assembly of criminals there were many whose characters
-and careers formed subjects for very interesting study to me. I was
-fortunate in being connected with the prison at a time when some more
-than usually clever and facile scoundrels were temporarily resident
-there. Towering head and shoulders over the whole crowd was that king
-of forgers, Colonel Cross, perhaps the most daring, successful, and
-expert penman of our time. About forty years of age at this period,
-a man of fine commanding presence, splendid diction, and gentlemanly
-demeanour, Cross attracted me from the first day I was brought into
-contact with him. The son of one of the most prominent Episcopalian
-clergymen in the United States, he was possessed of a wide classical
-education, and discoursed with intelligence and wondrous fluency on
-theology, medicine, and every kind of science.
-
-He was no ordinary criminal. Even in prison he commanded admiration
-from his fellows, and I was often amazed to see how respectful were
-the salutations accorded him as he moved about. He boasted, I learned
-afterwards with truth, that he had never robbed a poor man; and,
-strange being that he was, he had borne almost all the cost of the
-education of his brother’s children. Indeed, at the time I met him,
-he was educating in the most expensive manner a poor little girl
-whom, in a moment of generous caprice, he had adopted as his daughter.
-
-When I was first brought into contact with him, Cross had his
-case before the courts on appeal, and, pending the decision, he
-was living in the most expensive way in prison, boarding at the
-Governor’s table, dressing in the most fashionable way, and smoking
-the best of cigars. Having no work to do, he interested himself in
-the affairs of his fellow-prisoners; and so clever and capable was
-he, and so great a knowledge of law did he possess, that he succeeded
-in preparing the cases of many of them for appeal in such a way as to
-allow of their regaining their liberty.
-
-I had not been in the prison very long before he appealed to me to
-take him as my assistant in the hospital; and attracted by the man
-as I was, I acceded to his request, to discover subsequently that I
-had a most valuable attendant, whose knowledge of medicine was both
-extensive and practical.
-
-
-
-
-VIII.
-
-
-The career of Cross would supply material for a most exciting
-novel. He always went in for “big things,” as he phrased it.
-Nothing troubled him more than the fact that he was then undergoing
-punishment for a small affair which he contemptuously referred to
-as being too paltry altogether for association with him. Perhaps
-the “biggest thing” he ever did was the forgery of a cheque for
-£80,000 in Liverpool, and his escape with the booty. Like many
-other talented criminals, if he had but turned his ability to
-proper account, he would undoubtedly have won a place and name in
-the foremost ranks of honest men to-day. He planned his enterprises
-with the most consummate care, and worked them out for months before
-reaching the final stage. An illustration of his method was very well
-afforded by his forgery on the Park National Bank of New York.
-
-Determining to commit a forgery on this bank, he set to work to
-obtain the needful introduction and guarantee for his accomplice,
-who should eventually present the forged cheque. He, by the way,
-never presented a forged cheque himself—this was always the work
-of an accomplice. In order, therefore, to obtain the introduction
-to the bank, he opened some business with a certain firm of brokers
-in Wall Street who happened to “deposit” at the particular bank in
-question. In this way he ran up an account for a respectable sum,
-to obtain the repayment for which he one day went to the office in
-Wall Street accompanied by one Simmons, the accomplice in the future
-forgery. The cheque—a draft for twelve hundred dollars—was duly
-drawn, when Cross asked his friend Simmons to go to the bank to cash
-it, requesting in a free-and-easy way that the broker might send one
-of his clerks with him to identify Simmons, he being a stranger.
-No suspicion was indulged in—there was no ground for such, and
-the request was willingly complied with. Simmons, coached by Cross
-beforehand, had a hundred-dollar bill in his pocket, the use for
-which will be apparent in a moment. When the clerk and he reached
-the bank, the necessary introduction took place; and in reply to
-the usual question how he wished the money, Simmons replied, “In
-hundred-dollar bills.” As the clerk counted the notes, Simmons drew
-his bill out of his pocket, and mixing all up as he stood aside
-to check his payment, he recalled the clerk’s attention by the
-announcement that he had given him thirteen instead of twelve bills.
-The clerk indignantly protested he had made no mistake. Simmons,
-playing the _rôle_ of honest man, became distressed, the manager was
-appealed to, one of the notes eventually received back, and Simmons
-retired, the recipient of most fulsome thanks, his character and
-reputation fully established in the minds of the banking officials.
-Of course the clerk was one hundred dollars to the good at the end
-of the day, but Simmons’ claim to honesty in no way suffered by the
-fact, as no one for a moment thought of a plot.
-
-Content to lose the hundred-dollar bill, in the promise of things
-to come, Cross continued his legitimate traffic with the brokers,
-Simmons, on the most friendly terms at the bank, cashing the cheques,
-which increased in amount as the time passed. Months had passed,
-and nothing of an illegal nature had been attempted, when at the
-end of the fifth month a genuine cheque for thirty dollars was by
-Cross changed to 30,000, and cashed by Simmons without the slightest
-hesitation or suspicion at the bank, both Cross and he escaping with
-the booty.
-
-Many and varied as were Cross’s tricks with his pen, none was more
-daring or successful than that which led to his escape from Sing-Sing
-Prison, that famous home of criminals in New York. Obtaining through
-outside agency a printed and properly headed sheet of note-paper
-and envelope from the Governor of the States’ Office at Albany, he
-actually forged the order for his own release, had it posted formally
-from Albany, and, on its receipt, obtained his freedom without
-provoking the slightest suspicion or inquiry.
-
-I am glad to say that Colonel Cross still lives, and is now working
-out an honest existence under another name in the north-west of
-America.
-
-My life at the Illinois Penitentiary was crowded with incidents,
-and little leisure was left me. Where real sickness did not exist,
-shamming and malingering in their most ingenious phases were
-resorted to. I was amazed at the talent brought to bear upon their
-attempts to escape work by those with whom I had to deal. Some of
-the methods adopted were simply marvellous in their conception and
-execution. A more quick-witted lot of men it has never been my fate
-to meet. Every twist and turn of daily life was subordinated to the
-needs of the trickster, and not one single daily incident seemed to
-be without its possibility of application, either to assist in the
-attempt to shirk work or to escape from imprisonment altogether.
-Nothing in this way impressed me more than the case of a man known as
-Joe Devine, an eminent hotel sneak thief, some two-and-thirty years
-of age, and of very distinguished appearance.
-
-It happened that one afternoon about five o’clock a negro prisoner
-died of consumption. It was the practice to bury the dead immediately
-the coffin was made ready; but, owing to the fact that the coffin in
-this case was not ready till after the prison gates had been locked
-for the night, the burial had to be postponed till the following
-morning.
-
-Under the circumstances, I arranged that the coffin with the body
-enclosed should remain for the night in the prison bath-room. This
-Joe Devine of whom I speak happened to be in charge of the bath-room
-at this period, and it therefore became his duty to see that proper
-arrangements were made for the disposal of the coffin for the night.
-Early the next morning, as was customary, Devine and some of his
-fellow-prisoners were allowed out of their cells some little time
-before the others, in order to prepare the bath-room and other places
-for their use. With assistance Devine unscrewed the coffin, took the
-dead negro out, and concealed himself in his place, not, however,
-before he had worn down the thread of the screws in the lid, so that
-they could be thrust out with a heavy push from the inside. The time
-for the funeral arrived in due course, and the coffin was removed
-in a little cart accompanied by two prisoners whose time was nearly
-expired, and who were therefore trusted outside the gates of the
-prison (being known by the name of “trusties”), together with the
-clergyman of the jail.
-
-Nothing happened till the grave was reached, when Devine, presumably
-concluding that it would be dangerous to remain longer where he was,
-burst the lid of the coffin and jumped out, immediately starting off
-at a run. The clergyman and “trusties” being too horrified to offer
-any resistance, he escaped without molestation. The first I heard of
-the matter was on the return of the clergyman and the “trusties” with
-the news that the man had come to life; but, as they explained in
-their horrified way, he was white, not a nigger! The roll was called,
-and Devine was missing; so we concluded he was the white man in
-question. We then set to work to find the corpse of the poor negro.
-For two hours the prisoners searched up and down without any result.
-Eventually, however, the body was discovered underneath a pile of
-towels in one of the box-seats of the bath-room, the corpse being
-doubled up in two, the head and feet meeting, in order to permit of
-its being concealed in its narrow hiding-place.
-
-Another escape equally effective, for the moment at least, was that
-of a man known as Bill Forester, a notorious bank robber, and one
-of the suspected murderers of Nathan the Jew, whose death in New
-York created a profound interest at the time. Forester, fortunately
-for himself, selected as his medium of exit one of the many boxes
-employed by Mack & Co., contractors for shoe-making, who employed
-some four hundred of the convicts. Surrounded and hedged in between
-boots and shoes, in one of the large boxes used for their transport,
-Forester passed through the prison gates in one of Mack’s vans,
-and not till he had got a distance of a mile and a half from the
-jail did he venture to emerge from his hiding-place. His liberty,
-however, proved to be only of a temporary character, for, caught
-in another State a little later, the enterprising burglar was again
-arrested, and carried back to the Penitentiary to complete his term
-of imprisonment.
-
-His method had many imitations. None was more novel or disastrous
-than that employed by a fellow-convict whose name I cannot at the
-moment recall. This poor fellow hit upon the ingenious idea of
-getting out of durance vile inside a load of horse-manure, and when
-the load was half-way packed, he lay at full length with a breathing
-space arranged, while the remainder of the loading was completed. His
-intention, of course, was to be freed from his uncomfortable position
-within an hour, when the manure would be discharged at the quay
-adjoining the prison. To his horror, however, he discovered, when the
-cart reached the quay, that a gang of fellow-convicts were engaged
-unloading a boat under the charge of armed wardens or sentries. To
-attempt escape meant instant death, and there he lay for hours with
-the heavy weight of the upper portion of the cart’s load pressing
-upon him. Six o’clock came and with it the return of the men and
-sentries to prison. Through the long weary hours of the night the
-poor fellow lay, unable now to move from the consequences of his
-continued prostration in the manure; and when the morning arrived he
-was found but too willing a captive. He was immediately placed under
-my charge, but his recovery proved by no means a rapid affair.
-
-
-
-
-IX.
-
-
-In the midst of all these exciting incidents of prison life, I
-received a telegram from O’Neill in New York, as follows: “Come
-at once, you are needed for work.” To comply was to surrender my
-pleasant and interesting position, and to lose for the moment all
-chance of pursuing my medical study. On the other hand, however, the
-opportunity of doing good service to my native land presented itself.
-I did not hesitate. Communicating immediately with the “Warden” or
-Governor, I resigned my position, much to his disgust. He sought an
-explanation. I could give none. He offered an increased salary. I was
-unable to explain why even this could not tempt me, and so I left in
-a way which was misunderstood, and under circumstances which, by the
-very reason for their existence, could not be appreciated.
-
-Hurrying to New York, I soon presented myself in person to O’Neill
-at the headquarters of the Fenian Brotherhood, then situated in the
-mansion at 10 West Fourth Street. Here I found the President of the
-Brotherhood, surrounded by his staff of officials, transacting the
-duties of their various positions with all the pomp and ceremony
-usually associated with the representatives of the greatest nations
-on earth. I was not long left in suspense as to what was required of
-me. Commissioned at the very outset as Major and Military Organiser
-of the Irish Republican Army (at a salary of sixty dollars per month,
-with seven dollars per day expenses), I was instructed to proceed
-to the Eastern States in company with a civil organiser, in order
-to visit and reorganise the different military bodies attached to
-the rebel society. To my unhappy amazement, I learned that I was,
-while engaged on this work, to address public meetings in support of
-the cause, and my miserable feelings were accentuated by O’Neill’s
-desire that I should accompany him, the very evening of my arrival,
-to a large demonstration being held at Williamsburg, a suburb of
-Brooklyn. I was in a regular mess, for if called on to speak—as I
-feared—I should be found absolutely ignorant of Irish affairs. There
-was nothing for it, however, but to keep a brave face, for I had
-undertaken my work, and in its lexicon there was no such word as fail.
-
-[Illustration: (Commission as Major)]
-
-The evening came, and with it our trip to Williamsburg. On arrival
-there, in the company of O’Neill and some brother officers, I found
-several thousands of persons assembled. We were greeted with the
-greatest enthusiasm, and given the seats of honour to the right and
-left of the chairman. My position was a very unhappy one. I was
-in a state of excessive excitement, for I greatly feared what was
-coming. Seated as I was next to O’Neill, I could hear him tell the
-chairman on whom to call, and how to describe the speakers; and,
-as each pause took place between the speeches, I hung with nervous
-dread on O’Neill’s words, fearing my name would be the next. The
-meeting proceeded apace; some four or five of my companions had
-already spoken, and I was beginning to think that, after all, the
-evil hour was postponed, and that for this night at least I was
-safe. Not so, however. All but O’Neill and myself had spoken, when,
-to my painful surprise, I heard the General call upon the chairman
-to announce Major Le Caron. The moment was fraught with danger; my
-pulses throbbed with maddening sensation; my heart seemed to stop its
-beating; my brain was on fire, and failure stared me in the face.
-With an almost superhuman effort I collected myself, and as the
-chairman announced me as Major M‘Caron, tickled by the error into
-which he had fallen, and the vast cheat I was playing upon the whole
-of them, I rose equal to the occasion, to be received with the most
-enthusiastic of plaudits.
-
-The hour was very late, and I took advantage of the circumstance.
-Proud and happy as I was at being with them that evening, and
-taking part in such a magnificent demonstration, they could not,
-I said, expect me to detain them long at so advanced an hour. All
-had been said that could be said upon the subject nearest and
-dearest to their hearts. (Applause.) If what I had experienced that
-night was indicative of the spirit of patriotism of the Irish in
-America—(tremendous cheering)—then indeed there could be no fears
-for the result. (Renewed plaudits.) And now I would sit down. They
-were all impatiently waiting, I knew, to hear the stirring words
-of the gallant hero of Ridgeway, General O’Neill—(thunders of
-applause)—and I would, in conclusion, simply beg of them as lovers
-of liberty and motherland—(excited cheering)—to place at the
-disposal of General O’Neill the means (cash) necessary to carry out
-the great work on which he was engaged. This work, I was confident,
-would result in the success of our holy cause, and the liberation of
-dear old Ireland from the thraldom of the tyrant’s rule, which had
-blighted and ruined her for seven hundred years.
-
-These last words worked my hearers up to the highest pitch of
-enthusiasm, and amidst their excited shouts and cheers I resumed my
-seat, with the comforting reflection that if it took so little as
-this to arouse the Irish people, I could play my _rôle_ with but
-little difficulty. And as time passed on, and my experience widened,
-the justice of the reflection was fully assured. With a little
-practice and scarce any labour, save that necessitated by the use
-of a pair of scissors and some paste, I succeeded in hoodwinking
-the poor and deluded, together with the unprincipled, blatant,
-professional Irish patriots.
-
-Before, however, starting on my travels as organiser, I had an
-experience which went far to justify all I had previously thought and
-heard as regards the part played by Andrew Johnson in connection
-with the first Canadian raid. I recall the incident as important,
-as showing to what extremes American political exigencies have
-carried men in catering for the Irish vote in America. About American
-politics generally I shall have something to say later on; but as
-this matter fits in chronologically here, I think it better to deal
-with it now. Johnson, it must be remembered, was not by any means
-a man above suspicion. In 1868, so great was the disaffection with
-his administration of the Presidency, that he was impeached, though
-unsuccessfully, by the Senate.
-
-[Illustration: ALEXANDER SULLIVAN]
-
-It was in this year—1868—that, at O’Neill’s request, I accompanied
-him to the White House to have an interview with Johnson. O’Neill
-and he had been personal friends from ’62, when Johnson had acted as
-Military Governor in Tennessee. The precise object of our visit was
-the securing of Johnson’s influence in the return of the arms to the
-Fenian Brotherhood, previously seized by the American Government. It
-will be remembered that I mentioned, some pages back, that every gun
-taken by the United States Government, after the first raid in 1866,
-was returned to the Fenian organisation by this government under a
-promise, only made to be broken, that they should not be used in
-any unlawful enterprise; and in consideration of certain worthless
-bonds.
-
-Our reception at the White House was a cordial one, O’Neill’s
-distinctly so. During the conversation the President used some
-remarkable words. So strange did they sound in my ears, that they
-impressed themselves upon my memory, and are even now fresh in my
-recollection.
-
-“General,” said Johnson, addressing O’Neill, “your people unfairly
-blame me a good deal for the part I took in stopping your first
-movement. Now I want you to understand that my sympathies are
-entirely with you, and anything which lies in my power I am willing
-to do to assist you. But you must remember that I gave you five full
-days before issuing any proclamation stopping you. What, in God’s
-name, more did you want? If you could not get there in five days,
-by God, you could never get there; and then, as President, I was
-compelled to enforce the Neutrality Laws, or be denounced on every
-side.”
-
-Such was the language used, such the position assumed, and such the
-apology tendered to the Fenian leader of 1868 by the President of the
-United States Government. Can any comment of mine point the moral and
-adorn the tale of all this better than the incident itself can do
-when left in its naked and startling significance? I think not.
-
-
-
-
-X.
-
-
-I entered with a will upon my duties as travelling organiser, and
-was alike successful in winning the confidence of almost every
-Fenian with whom I was brought into contact, and in obtaining the
-most important information and details for the Home Government.
-Matters had meantime proceeded apace, so that when the Philadelphia
-Convention of 1868 was held, O’Neill’s determination to invade Canada
-a second time was ratified without a dissentient voice. I was now
-promoted to the rank of Inspector-General, and was from time to time
-sent along the Canadian border to locate the arms and ammunition.
-The situation was becoming critical where British interests were
-concerned; and, in order to grapple with the pressure of the
-moment, I was placed in direct communication with Lord Monck, then
-Governor-General of Canada. I paid a visit to Ottawa, and when there,
-planned a system of daily communication with the Chief Commissioner
-of Police in Canada, Judge J. G. M‘Micken, with whom, from this date
-to the total disruption of the Fenian organisation in 1870, I acted
-in concert and in the most perfect harmony.
-
-I cannot speak too highly of the treatment I received at Judge
-M‘Micken’s hands. Comparatively young in years as I was then,
-distinctly youthful in Secret Service experience, I found him ever
-ready and willing to help me, meeting me at a moment’s notice,
-placing everything at my disposal, and watching over my safety and
-my interests with a fatherly care which I shall ever recall with
-thoughts of the keenest appreciation. Equally pleasant and agreeable
-was my connection with the Home Government. Many changes had taken
-place since my visit to England, and those with whom I had first
-had communication had disappeared from this work to give place to
-Mr. Anderson, with whom alone I had to deal from this time forward.
-I shall have a good deal to say about Mr. Anderson further on, and
-therefore I shall only delay here to repeat what I have said above,
-that with England as with Canada my connection was of the most
-satisfactory and pleasant character.
-
-
-
-
-XI.
-
-
-It was during the autumn of 1868 that, in the course of my travels
-on behalf of the organisation, I first met Alexander Sullivan.
-Alexander Sullivan is a well-known man to-day, but if by any chance
-his identity has to be marked, little else need be mentioned beyond
-the words, “The Cronin affair.” He was a young man then, but then as
-now he was the same Alexander Sullivan, clever, unscrupulous, careful
-only of himself, subordinating everything to his personal ambition,
-using Irish politics as a stepping-stone to advancement in American
-affairs, and reckless who or what suffered if but he did succeed.
-
-The “Arch Fiend” of Irish-American politics, as he has been dubbed,
-and the alleged chief conspirator in the brutal murder of Dr. Cronin,
-is no ordinary man; he is an individual with a history, and that not
-by any means a creditable one. The son of a British pensioner, born
-in Canada some forty-five years ago, he left that country under a
-cloud, and settled down in Detroit, where he started a boot-and-shoe
-store in the Bresler Block, Michigan Avenue. On the night of the 12th
-May 1868 a fire totally destroyed his shop and its contents. The
-occurrence had its suspicious features, and Sullivan was arrested
-on a charge of arson. Although the over-insurance of his goods and
-other questionable proceedings were proved at the trial, he gained
-his liberty through an alibi, sustained by the evidence of Margaret
-Buchanan, a teacher in the public school of Detroit, who afterwards
-became his wife. A man, as I have said, of stirring ambition, he had
-from the outset of his career in Detroit taken a prominent part in
-political affairs, and his status as an Irish leader (he was then a
-State “Centre” for Michigan) lent his position and views a certain
-importance. He took an active part in the then pending national
-campaign upon the side and in the interests of General Grant and
-Schyler Colfax, who in that year were nominated as the respective
-Republican candidates for President and Vice-President of the
-republic.
-
-It was at this time that Sullivan commenced his political tricks
-in the manipulation of the Irish vote in American party interests,
-and it was in consequence of his action in this respect that I was
-first brought into contact with him. Previous to this date, the Irish
-vote had been almost exclusively Democratic; but, from the loud and
-frequent complaints which reached headquarters, Sullivan was found to
-be using his influence in the organisation for political purposes,
-and seeking to bring about a change of policy in the organisation
-itself, which threatened a serious schism amongst our members.
-
-I was despatched by the President to Detroit in order to investigate
-the case, and if possible settle the difficulty. I found ample proof
-of Sullivan’s guilt of the charges alleged against him, and, after
-repeated interviews between us, he agreed that the best thing he
-could do would be to hand in his resignation as State “Centre” of
-the Brotherhood, which he accordingly did. My intercourse with him
-at this time left no doubt on my mind as to his great ability. His
-line of defence was an exceedingly clever one, and is well worth
-recording here, as showing how in these early days Sullivan had
-carefully mapped out his policy in regard to Irish affairs, and their
-connection with American matters. He contended that, in all he had
-done, he had had the best interests of Ireland at heart. He did not,
-he said, consider that the Irish people in America had ever occupied
-the position in the body politic to which they were fairly entitled.
-The Irish vote, argued he, had been hitherto solidly cast for the
-Democratic party. Only a division of that vote would cause them to be
-a potent power in politics. With that position and influence to which
-they were entitled assured to them, they could make terms with the
-American Government for the cause of Ireland.
-
-The history of the past twenty years shows how cleverly Sullivan
-worked out these views of his, and gained acceptance for them at the
-hands of his fellow-patriots. The pity of it is, however, that in
-the result Ireland has gained not at all, while Irish patriots like
-Sullivan and Egan have filled their pockets and reaped their harvests
-in Chili and elsewhere.
-
-Sullivan’s immediate reward was his appointment as United States
-Collector of Internal Revenue at Santa Fé, New Mexico. His
-resignation of his official position in the Brotherhood had come too
-late; his work bore fruit in the Presidential election, the vote was
-split, and so he earned his wage. It is worthy of note that this was
-the first time the Irish vote was split, and that Sullivan was the
-primary cause of it. Ever since the vote has so remained, to the
-advantage of the Irish leaders of both sides, who, in the scramble
-for office, barter the adhesion of their followers in the public
-market-place.
-
-Santa Fé, however, did not hold Sullivan long. His shady methods
-compelled him to make an inglorious exit; and so he was to be
-found in the year 1873 working with his wife, _née_ Buchanan, in a
-reporting capacity on Chicago newspapers.
-
-Here for the present, however, I must leave Sullivan. I have dealt
-thus fully with the man at this early stage, because of the strange
-influence he from this time forth wielded over Irish politics in
-America; and in order to properly represent his character, I have
-somewhat anticipated events in his life which are far ahead of the
-time with which I am at present dealing. I have done so advisedly,
-for Sullivan will play a large part in the chapters to which I must
-now proceed. Where his personality will not thrust itself upon the
-scene, his shadow will darken every act and incident. From this
-time onward, for a period of twenty years, I used the man as my
-dupe. Feeding his vanity, assisting his ambition, helping him in the
-hundred and odd ways in which it was possible for me to do, I gained
-his friendship and his confidence to such an extent, that no man in
-the whole course of my career in the Secret Service proved a more
-valuable, albeit an unconscious, ally than he.
-
-
-
-
-XII.
-
-
-Before continuing my narrative, I will stop to relate one of the
-few cases in which I was forced into a very narrow place, and faced
-with the near possibility of complete exposure. The incident is
-useful as illustrating the dangers by which I was surrounded, and
-the requirements of the position in which I was placed. At a council
-of war held in Troy House, Troy, New York, in the month of November
-1868, I came in contact with John Roche, well known as one of the
-shining lights of Irish nationality in that city. Roche was one
-of those hypercritical and over-suspicious individuals who were
-constantly recognising British detectives in every stranger whom they
-met. He had been, I discovered, originally a resident of Montreal,
-and as I had been instructed by O’Neill to visit and study the
-enemy’s country, I indicated to Roche my desire of ascertaining the
-names of a few reliable brothers whom I could visit. The truth was
-that the Canadian Government were at this time particularly anxious
-to find out the extent of the organisation which they knew existed
-in several of their large cities, notably Montreal, Kingstown, and
-Toronto; and I thought this a good opportunity of getting some useful
-hints.
-
-Roche furnished me with the names of several leading members.
-Unluckily for me, I foolishly wrote the particulars down in a
-note-book in his presence. The act, in his opinion, was a suspicious
-one. He watched me closely, and evidently conceived the idea that
-my patriotism was of a very incautious character, if not worse. On
-the eighth of the following month, at the Annual Convention held in
-the Masonic Hall, Philadelphia, to which he was a delegate, I found
-his suspicions solidified in the form of a set of charges against
-me, imputing carelessness, dangerous conduct, and suspicious acts.
-My friends, and they were legion, together with myself, indignantly
-denied the allegations, and virtuously demanded an inquiry, which
-was granted, and a committee was appointed to lay the charges.
-Roche was duly heard, injured innocence was largely _en evidence_
-on my part, and very quickly a unanimous verdict was reported back
-to the Convention, asserting that the charges were scandalous and
-without the slightest foundation, it being fully demonstrated by the
-following letter that I was authorised to visit and acquaint myself
-with the other side, as I represented to Roche:—
-
- “HEAD-QUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD,
- “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET,
- “NEW YORK, _October 23, 1868_.
-
- “P. O. BOX 5141.
- “HENRY LE CARON,
- “Care of Capt. T. O’Hagan,
- “Ogdensburg, N.Y.
-
- “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—Yours of the 20th and 21st came duly to
- hand and are perfectly satisfactory.
-
- “I think it better not to commence equalising goods just yet; I
- will write you again on the matter.
-
- “It would be highly beneficial to us for you to avail yourself of
- every opportunity to study the country on both sides of the line
- for future emergencies.
-
- “Everything here is going on satisfactorily.
-
- “Yours fraternally,
- “JOHN O’NEILL,
- “_Pres. F.B._”
-
-I did not, however, deem it prudent to let matters rest even here,
-feeling that my ultimate success in the interests of the Government
-depended upon absolute confidence on the part of the ruling powers.
-Accordingly I sat down and immediately wrote out my resignation as an
-officer of the Irish Republican Army, giving this want of confidence
-as my reason, and couching my letter in indignant terms. As I hoped
-and anticipated, my letter brought the following welcome response,
-which placed me on a surer footing than ever, and brought me into
-even more confidential relations with the head of the organisation
-than I had hitherto enjoyed:—
-
- “WAR DEPARTMENT, FENIAN BROTHERHOOD,
- “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET,
- “NEW YORK, _December 29, 1868_.
-
- “P. O. Box 5141,
- “Major H. LE CARON,
- “Box 1004,
- “Chicago, Ill.
-
- “MAJOR,—Your letter tendering your resignation as an officer of
- the I.R.A. came duly to hand, but I delayed answering until such
- time as I could submit it to the President, who was out of town,
- as without his instructions I could give you nothing definite in
- reply. He now directs me to say that it is his wish you should
- remain an officer of the organisation, and that if you require a
- leave of absence for a month or more, you can have it. He further
- says he hopes it will not be long before the opportunity you refer
- to may be granted. Your services have been thoroughly appreciated
- both by him and the officials of both Departments, civil and
- military, therefore you should not notice the inuendoes or taunts
- of parties who cannot value your services. If the officers of the
- organisation who have been vilified and calumniated were to resign
- on that account, some of its best officers would not now be at
- their post. The ‘Patriot’s meed is bitter;’ they must bear with
- much, even from those who should be the first to defend and sustain
- them.
-
- “Personally, I would advise you to act on the suggestions of the
- President, and hope you will.
-
- “The President will write you in a few days. Whatever course you
- may decide upon pursuing in this matter, you shall always carry
- with you the best wishes of
-
- “Your friend and brother,
- “J. WHITEHEAD BYRON,
- “_Col. & A.A.G., F.B._”
-
-I got thus safely out of my awkward position, and learnt one good
-lesson. I never kept a pocket-book again.
-
-
-
-
-XIII.
-
-
-The Annual Convention to which I have made reference in connection
-with the Roche incident took place in Philadelphia, “the city of
-brotherly love,” in the month of December 1868. It was made the
-occasion of an immense demonstration, no less than 6000 armed and
-uniformed Fenian soldiers parading the streets. The convention itself
-was numerically a large one, and was attended by over 400 properly
-qualified delegates. The proceedings were of the usual kind. Brag
-and bluster were the order of the day. The determination to invade
-Canada once more was still upheld by the vote of the assembly,
-and the position of O’Neill and his colleagues was as fixed and
-satisfactory as ever—that of myself, of course, being included in
-this reference.
-
-The report of the envoy to the sister organisation in Ireland—Daniel
-Sullivan, Secretary of Civil Affairs—was an interesting document,
-and contained full details of the Clerkenwell Explosion of the
-previous year. This was the attempt to blow up Clerkenwell
-Prison which Mr. Parnell subsequently described in reply to Mr.
-Gladstone—the old Mr. Gladstone, I mean, not the new one—as “a
-practical joke.” It was, however, as we in Philadelphia were to
-learn, anything but a practical joke. It was rather as cool and
-carefully planned a scheme as ever Fenianism indulged in to spite
-the British Government. If the attempt failed to accomplish all that
-was expected of it, it was yet very fruitful in drawing from Mr.
-Gladstone a confession about its effect being “to bring the Irish
-question within the range of practical politics,” which has ever
-since proved the most effective and popular argument advanced on
-behalf of dynamite in the United States.
-
-About this time, John Boyle O’Reilly, a very well-known Irishman,
-late editor of the _Boston Pilot_, a poet and novelist, and author
-of a delightfully written novel, “Moondyne,” the material for
-which was obtained during his confinement in Australia as a Fenian
-prisoner, first arrived in New York, having succeeded in making his
-escape from the convict settlement at Freemantle. With his appearance
-came the idea of rescuing his fellow-prisoners. The proposal, first
-mooted in uncertainty, was eventually taken up with the greatest
-enthusiasm, and carried to a most successful conclusion. For the
-purpose a whaler was chartered by the organisation and fitted out at
-New Bedford, Massachusetts, with the ostensible object of whaling
-in the South Seas, but, in reality, for bringing the convicts off
-from Australia. The boat was partially manned by trusted men of the
-organisation, though, to keep up the deception, a certain number
-of well-known whalers’ men went to make up the crew. On arrival
-at Australia, some of the most trusted Fenians were landed with
-instructions to open up communication with the convicts, while
-the vessel cruised about on the high seas. It was not anticipated
-that the task set the men left on shore would be a difficult one,
-because the convicts were hired out as labourers during the day,
-and communication with them was not by any means a trying matter.
-As affairs turned out, it was quite easy. The men from the whaler,
-however, had not been landed more than a day or two, when they found
-that they were not the only persons arranging the convicts’ rescue.
-Two men—M‘Carthy and Gray—were already at work in this direction,
-having been sent out by the Supreme Council of the Fenian Brotherhood
-in Ireland, at the instigation, as he claimed to me subsequently, of
-Patrick Egan. M‘Carthy and Gray had, it appeared, already established
-communications with the convicts; and so, in order to expedite
-matters, the two sections of rescuers joined forces. On a given day,
-the plot was carried to a successful termination, and the rescued men
-were placed on board the whaler, which immediately set out for the
-States. Although an armed cruiser was immediately despatched to stop
-it, and some firing took place, the whaler succeeded in getting out
-of Australian waters and on the high seas in safety.
-
-
-
-
-XIV.
-
-
-The year 1869 saw O’Neill still at the helm of Fenian affairs, and
-large sums of money rolling in to the coffers of the organisation;
-although, as always the case with Irish movements, dissensions
-reigned within the ranks. The Stephens section, now presided over
-by John Savage, who had succeeded John O’Mahony, was constantly
-attacking the Senate wing, and many and bitter were the feuds which
-raged. In my position as Inspector-General of the Irish Republican
-Army, I was fully engaged in my old work of inspecting the companies,
-and directing the location of arms along the Canadian country for
-coming active operations. In this way I distributed fifteen thousand
-stands of arms and almost three million rounds of ammunition in the
-care of the many trusted men stationed between Ogdensburg and St.
-Albans. Some thousands of these guns were breech-loaders, which had
-been re-modelled from United States Government “Springfields” at the
-arms factory, leased, and “run” by the organisation at Trenton, New
-Jersey. The depôt from which the bulk were packed and shipped was
-“Quinn and Nolan’s” of Albany. Quinn was a United States Congressman
-and Senator of the Fenian Brotherhood; and Nolan, that very Mayor
-Nolan so prominently mentioned by Mr. Parnell in his evidence as
-one of the eminently conservative (!) gentlemen who received him in
-America. Constantly the recipient of compliments for the admirable
-way in which I discharged my duty, I was now promoted to the office
-of Assistant Adjutant-General, with the rank of Colonel; and my new
-position enabled me not only to become possessed of the originals of
-every document, plan of proposed campaign, &c., but also specimens of
-the Fenian army commissions and uniforms of the time, which of course
-I conveyed to the officials of the Canadian Government.
-
-Successful as I was in evading detection through all this work,
-those assisting me in my Secret Service capacity were not always
-destined to share in my good luck. This was particularly the case
-on one occasion. I was at the time shipping arms at Malone, N.Y.,
-and attended, on behalf of the Canadian Government, by one of the
-staff of men placed at my disposal for the purposes of immediate
-communication and the transit of any documents requiring secrecy
-and despatch, as well as for personal protection, should such prove
-necessary. This man, John C. Rose, was one of the most faithful and
-trusted servants of the Canadian administration, and for months he
-followed me along the whole border. Though stopping at the same
-hotels, and in constant communication with me, no suspicion was
-aroused, until his identity was disclosed by a visitor from the seat
-of Government at Ottawa to G. J. Mannix, the head-centre of that
-Gibraltar of Fenianism, Malone. Men were immediately set to watch him
-without my knowledge, and the fact of his being found always in my
-wake on my visits to and return from several towns led to the belief
-that he was spying upon my actions. A few nights after this belief
-had been formed, poor Rose, on his return from sending a despatch
-from the post-office, was waylaid, robbed, and brutally beaten, and
-subsequently brought back to the hotel in as sorry a plight as I
-ever saw. I was immediately advised by my Fenian friends as to the
-dangerous character of this mutual enemy of ours, as he was termed;
-and though shocked and embittered by the treatment accorded to the
-poor devoted fellow, I had, for politic reasons, to applaud their
-cowardly assault, and to denounce my brave friend, who was bearing
-all his sufferings in silence and with a splendid spirit. For months
-poor Rose was quite prostrated, and through this act of my brother
-Fenians, I was deprived of the services and co-operation of as
-faithful and capable an ally as ever was given me.
-
-In the winter of 1869, the Fenian Senate announced the completion of
-the arrangements for the invasion; and in the month of December the
-Ninth Annual Convention was called in New York. In connection with
-this convention, I was called upon to perform a little act which
-served to more closely knit the bonds of friendship between O’Neill
-and myself, and, if possible, to obtain for me an even larger share
-of his confidence than I had hitherto enjoyed. O’Neill, as was
-customary in Irish revolutionary circles, had, in his capacity of
-leader, been making free with the funds of the organisation. In a
-word, he had been spending for personal purposes monies received from
-the circles or camps. Professor Brophy, the Treasurer, one of the
-few honest deluded Irish patriots of the time, refused to cook the
-accounts in order to cover the President’s delinquencies. The books
-had to be submitted to the Convention, and O’Neill was in a frightful
-difficulty. In his embarrassment he came to me, and, to my surprise,
-made a clean breast of the whole matter. The opportunity was too good
-a one to be lost. I advanced the money, and took his note of hand,
-thus saving his reputation before the Convention.
-
-Need I say that money was never repaid me. Surely not! The only
-memento which I have of my dollars is O’Neill’s note of hand, which,
-as a curiosity, I have preserved to this date. It is certainly an
-interesting document, so I give it here.
-
- “NEW YORK, _April 19, 1870_.
-
- “$364, 41/100.
-
- “Received from Colonel H. le Caron, three hundred and sixty-four
- dollars and 41/100, borrowed money, to be returned whenever
- demanded.
-
- “JOHN O’NEILL.
- “_Pres. F.B._”
-
-A council of war followed, and all was now activity. In view of
-active operations in Canada, all monies were called in, and orders
-were issued from head-quarters to have in readiness all the military
-organisations. The final order was issued in April as follows:—
-
- “HEAD-QUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD,
- “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET,
- “NEW YORK, _February 10, 1870_.
-
- “P.O. BOX 5141.
-
- “_To the Military Officers of the Fenian Brotherhood._
-
- “BROTHERS,—You have, no doubt, ere this received general orders
- No. 1 from General Michael Kerwin, Secretary of War, F.B.
- (head-quarters, No. 50 North 12th Street, Philadelphia, Penna).
- _A strict compliance with the requirements thereof is hereby
- imperatively demanded._ The success or failure of our holy cause
- now depends upon the prompt and energetic performance of the
- duties incumbent upon each and all of us, and upon none does the
- responsibility rest so heavily as upon the military officers of the
- F.B.
-
- “Brothers, if you be so situated that business or family duties
- will prevent you from getting your commands in readiness for
- _active and immediate service_, you will please forward your
- resignations to the Secretary of War _at once_, and at the same
- time send on the names of persons suitable to take your places. If
- you are thoroughly in earnest, you will not hesitate to give your
- assistance to those who may be appointed to fill the vacancies
- created by your voluntary withdrawal from the positions to which
- you have been commissioned.
-
- “Your duty, if circumstances permit, will be to get your men in
- readiness at the earliest practicable moment. If you should resign,
- this duty will devolve upon your successors. If there are any arms,
- ammunition, or military clothing within your knowledge which can
- be forwarded to certain points, to be named hereafter, so inform
- the Secretary of War, whom you will address in reply to this
- circular, and he will, on receipt of your communications, forward
- _private instructions_ with regard to your respective commands.
-
- “Pay no attention to what may appear upon the surface or in
- newspapers. We mean fight—speedy fight—_and nothing else, thigin
- thu_?[2]
-
- “Officers receiving copies of Military Oath with this circular will
- sign the same in presence of witness, and return to the Secretary
- of War.
-
- “Ascertain and report how many of your men can and will furnish
- their own transportation, and in the meantime try and persuade all
- of them to save enough for that purpose. Military men should not
- forget that the civic circles have supplied the means wherewith
- to provide breech-loaders, ammunition, &c. &c. Their liberality
- in these regards will, to a limited extent, relieve them from the
- responsibility of advancing the means of transportation. They will
- not, however, hesitate to co-operate with the military branch of
- the F.B. in this matter.
-
- “_Preserve the utmost secrecy with regard to this circular, and
- reply at once._ Delay, and you are guilty of neglect of duty!
-
- “Yours fraternally,
- “JOHN O’NEILL,
- “_President Fenian Brotherhood_.
-
-
- “HEAD-QUARTERS, WAR DEPARTMENT, F.B.,
- “DECKERTOWN, SUSSEX COUNTY, N.J.,
- “_April 28, 1870_.
-
- “General Orders.
- “No....
-
- “Commanding officers of regiments, companies, and detachments will
- hold their respective commands in readiness to move at a moment’s
- notice.
-
- “Officers of circles having no military organisations attached
- will immediately take the necessary steps to organise the military
- of their neighbourhoods, and forward to this office the names of
- officers selected, so that they may be commissioned.
-
- “Commanding officers of companies will get as many men as possible
- ready to move at once, leaving to the civic officers the task of
- collecting and forwarding—if possible within twenty-four hours
- thereafter—those who may not be able to move with the first
- detachments.
-
- “Officers and men must avoid the use of uniforms or any insignia
- that would distinguish them.
-
- “Officers must not be recognised by military titles, and officers
- or men must not speak of Fenian matters while _en route_.
-
- “Take no man who is a loafer or a habitual drunkard.
-
- “Take no man who has not seen service, or who has not sufficient
- character to ensure his good behaviour _en route_ and in presence
- of the enemy.
-
- “Any arms, uniforms, or war material remaining in the hands of
- circles _must be immediately_ packed and forwarded to the points
- designated in circular of February 19, 1870.
-
- “Hold no communications with any person not authorised from these
- head-quarters. All letters relating to military matters must be
- addressed to M. Kerwin, Deckertown, Sussex County, New Jersey.
-
- “Let no consideration prevent a prompt compliance with this order.
-
- “M. KERWIN,
- “_Brig.-Gen. and Sec. of War_.
-
- “Approved,
- “JOHN O’NEILL,
- “_President Fenian Brotherhood_.
-
- “H. le Caron,
- “_Col. and Adj.-General_.”
-
-
-
-
-XV.
-
-
-At this time I was out West, and receiving a telegram from O’Neill,
-directing me to meet him in Buffalo, I hurried thither without
-delay. I reached that city only to find that O’Neill had ordered
-an immediate movement on Canada, and that, as he phrased it, “no
-power on earth could stop it.” This condition of things startled and
-surprised me. His determination in the way of immediate action was
-opposed to the decision of the last council of war, and my chiefs in
-Canada would, I feared, be quite unprepared. I at once telegraphed
-the authorities at Ottawa, and was soon in personal communication
-with their trusted agents in Buffalo. Fortunately, as matters turned
-out, the plan of action was the same as decided upon at the last
-council of war, the full details of which the authorities possessed;
-and so the situation was not so complex as I had at first feared.
-
-The next few days were busy ones. All military commanders were
-ordered to report at given points with their commands; instructions
-were issued for the placement of arms by the following Tuesday, at
-rendezvous near the line at Franklin and Malone, and I was appointed
-Adjutant-General with the rank of Brigadier-General. We had quick
-promotion and brave ranks in the Fenian army!
-
-On Saturday, April 22, 1870, O’Neill and I left Buffalo for St.
-Albans, he full of enthusiasm and the belief that the Canadians
-would be taken entirely by surprise, I laughing to myself at his
-coming discomfiture. We arrived at Milton, Vermont, at daylight on
-the following morning, to find that everything was proceeding most
-satisfactorily. Prompt action had been taken by those in charge of
-the munitions of war, and by the following Tuesday morning sufficient
-war material for our army was ready at the appointed places.
-
-This second and last invasion of Canada differed in many respects
-from that of 1866. Then the raid was loudly advertised for months
-before it actually took place. This time everything was different.
-Secrecy (as it was supposed) covered every move and intention. Had
-not the Canadian authorities been fully advised, the results, under
-the circumstances, would have been undoubtedly serious. There was
-another important feature about this second raid, and that was its
-preparedness. Matters in connection with the first affair had been
-of a very happy-go-lucky character. Now the services of a number
-of ex-military men of undoubted ability had been secured, and war
-material for at least twelve thousand men was actually on the ground.
-
-O’Neill’s ideas may be set forth in very few words. The chief object
-he had in view was to obtain possession of Canada, not as the
-permanent seat of an Irish republic, but as the only vulnerable point
-of attack—the base for operations against England. His theory was
-that the Fenians needed the ports and shipyards of the Dominion from
-which they could despatch privateers to prey upon English shipping.
-By the possession of territory he anticipated they could claim and
-obtain the rights of belligerents from the United States. In this
-event he held the promise of many men, eminent on the side of both
-North and South during the War of Rebellion, to enroll themselves
-under the Irish banner, and to command expeditions which it was
-fondly hoped and expected would wrest Ireland from the hands of the
-oppressor.
-
-His plan was to get across the boundary line without delay, and then
-to intrench himself at a point where his small contingent would form
-the nucleus round which a large army and unlimited support would
-rally from the United States. Buffalo, Malone, and Franklin were
-the three points from which attacks were to be made. However, “the
-best laid schemes of mice and men gang aft aglee.” O’Neill expected
-1000 men to meet him at Franklin on the night of Tuesday, April 25,
-1870. The history of 1866 repeated itself. As was the case then,
-so now, only a quarter of the number presented themselves. By the
-following morning only 500 had mustered. Every hour’s delay added
-to the danger of failure and collapse; and so he feared to postpone
-the arrangements any longer. I viewed the situation with a good deal
-of equanimity, for on the previous night all my trusty messengers
-had departed, carrying full details as to the time, exact points of
-crossing, numbers, place of operations, &c., to the enemy’s lines.
-
-At eleven o’clock on Wednesday, O’Neill left the Franklin Hotel to
-place himself at the head of the Fenian army, not without hope and
-confidence, yet struggling with the disappointing fact that one-half
-his men had not arrived. His chief anxiety appeared to be that the
-Canadians would not give him a chance to fight. He misapprehended the
-situation on this score, however, as subsequent events showed.
-
-Hubbard’s Farm, the Fenian camp and rendezvous, was situated about
-half a mile from Franklin, and here all the available “invaders”
-were mustered. Arranging them in line, O’Neill addressed them as
-follows:—
-
-“Soldiers, this is the advance-guard of the Irish-American army for
-the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of the oppressor. For your
-own country you enter that of the enemy. The eyes of your countrymen
-are upon you. Forward. March.”
-
-And march they did, O’Neill, as he departed at their head,
-instructing me to bring to his support on their arrival a party of
-400 men then _en route_ from St. Albans.
-
-
-
-
-XVI.
-
-
-Careless of consequences, I waited to see what would happen. As I
-stood on the brow of the hill where our company was situated, the
-scene was indeed worthy of my study. Ludicrous as were many of the
-elements which went to make it up, the charm of nature was superior
-to them all, and commanded my tribute of respect and admiration.
-Right below me was a pretty valley, down the very centre of which
-flowed a little creek marking the boundary of Canadian territory, and
-dividing by its narrow course the Canadian from American soil. A soft
-pleasant sward sloped gracefully down from where I stood to its bank,
-while on the other side there rose in graceful outlines the monarchs
-of a Canadian forest, overtopped by a rocky cliff standing out in
-bold and picturesque relief. The soft sweet breezes of the spring
-morning played upon our faces, while the brilliant sunlight sent its
-rays flashing upon our bayonets, and dancing on the waters underneath.
-
-Nature was in her very best and sweetest mood, and yet little room
-for appreciation of her charms existed in the breasts of those who,
-sweeping down the valley’s side beneath me, were seeking, in their
-own foolish way, to make “Ireland a nation once again.” They were a
-funny crowd. All were armed, but few were uniformed. Here and there
-a Fenian coat, with its green and grey faced with gold, caught the
-eye, but only to stand out in contrast with the surrounding garments
-of more sombre hue and everyday appearance. The men marched with
-a certain amount of military precision, for all had received some
-degree of military training. At last they reached the little wooden
-bridge by which the water was crossed, and deploying as skirmishers
-in close order, they advanced with fixed bayonets, cheering wildly.
-Not a soul appeared in front. The dark Canadian trees hid from their
-view the ambushed Canadian volunteers; and, fixed in their belief
-that nothing was known of their coming, they advanced in a spirit of
-effervescent enthusiasm. But not very far, however.
-
-A few paces, and on their startled ears came the ringing ping, ping,
-of the ambushed rifles, as the Canadians poured a deadly volley
-straight into their ranks. Utterly taken aback, they stopped, broke
-rank, and fled as in 1866, an ungovernable mob, to return for a
-moment in order to pour a volley on their almost invisible enemy, and
-to finally retreat up the hill to where I stood, still under the fire
-of their adversaries, leaving their dead to be subsequently buried by
-the Canadians.
-
-On the slope of the hill was a large structure known as Richard’s
-Farm, to which the invaders retreated and continued their firing,
-ineffective as it was.
-
-Seeing that all was over here, for a time at least, I hurried off
-to the point where the St. Albans contingent had by now arrived,
-and were arming. The process took some time, and while engaged
-in superintending it, I was afforded practical evidence of the
-termination of O’Neill’s part in the fight. Standing in the middle
-of the public road where the men were forming into line—it was now
-half-past one, the “battle” which I have just described having taken
-place about 11.30—I was startled by the cry, “Clear the road, clear
-the road!” and almost knocked down by a furiously driven team of
-horses, to which was attached a covered carriage. As the conveyance
-flashed by me, I caught through the carriage window a hurried
-glimpse of the dejected face of O’Neill, who was seated between
-two men. I understood the situation in a moment, but said nothing.
-To have given the command to shoot the horses as they turned an
-adjacent corner would have been the work of an instant, but it was
-no part of my purpose to restore O’Neill to his command. I learned
-subsequently that O’Neill was in the custody of the United States
-marshal, General Foster, who, acting with that precision so peculiar
-to General Grant’s administration, when contrasted with that of
-Andrew Johnson’s, had, in consequence of the information furnished,
-arrived on the scene of the battle immediately after I left, and
-arrested O’Neill for a breach of the Neutrality Laws. O’Neill, who
-was in the company of his comrades, had at first refused submission,
-and threatened force, but on General Foster placing a revolver at his
-head, he gave in.
-
-When the news of O’Neill’s arrest reached us later on in the
-afternoon, a council of war was held, presided over by John Boyle
-O’Reilly, of whom I have already spoken, the council being held in
-a meadow, where we all stood in a circle. Contingents were hourly
-arriving, and a strong attempt was made to get Boyle O’Reilly to
-take command, and lead the attack at some other point, but in the end
-nothing was done.
-
-Next morning, General Spear, the Secretary of War of the Fenian
-Brotherhood, arrived at St. Albans, and sought to do something
-practical in the way of continuing the invasion. Through his
-_aide-de-camp_, Colonel Brown, and subsequently in person, he
-appealed to me to supply him with 400 or 500 stands of arms and
-ammunition within twenty-four hours. Of course, it would never have
-done for me to have allowed further operations, and so I pleaded
-it was impossible under the condition of affairs then developed.
-Thousands of Canadian troops had arrived on the border, and the arms
-being located in places difficult to get at, they were out of reach
-for the moment. Luckily for me, the appearance of United States
-troops in the vicinity put any further attempt at war operations
-out of the question, for in order to avoid arrest for breach of the
-Neutrality Laws, the Fenians had to disappear with alacrity. I left
-this point with the rest of them, and hurrying to Malone, another
-of the places where rendezvous had been arranged, I found a similar
-state of things prevailing here, although the arrest of O’Neill, and
-the unexpected appearance of the United States troops, filled the
-invaders with dismay, and utter demoralisation was the result.
-
-
-
-
-XVII.
-
-
-On Friday, April 27th, under the excuse that I was going to
-Burlington to see about O’Neill, I went round by way of Rouses Point
-to Montreal. I was elated with my success, and wanted to report
-myself at head-quarters without delay. It would not, however, have
-been safe for me to have gone direct to Ottawa, and so I travelled in
-a roundabout way. On the Friday night I stopped with Judge Coursel,
-the Commissioner of the Quebec police, and the following morning took
-train to Ottawa. Before my journey concluded, I found I had been
-altogether too premature in my self-congratulations. In fact, that
-journey brought me even closer to discovery than I had ever been
-before.
-
-Nothing unusual happened till we got to Cornwall, where there was the
-usual half-hour’s delay for dinner. Taking full advantage of it, I
-was enjoying a hearty meal, when both my meal and peace of mind were
-disturbed by an unlooked-for incident. Struck by an unusual commotion
-at the door of the dining-room, I looked round to find advancing
-towards me two men, one remarkable for his tall military appearance,
-and the other for his clerical attire. All eyes were turned upon
-them, and as I ceased eating for the moment to look up, I heard the
-clerical-looking person say, as he pointed his finger towards me,
-“That is the man.” Advancing, the tall man, who subsequently turned
-out to be the mayor of Cornwall, speaking with a Scotch accent, said,
-“You are my prisoner,” accompanying the words with a grasp of my
-shoulder. I imagined there was some mistake, and laughed as I turned
-to resume my dinner, asking at the same time what was the matter. Not
-a movement, however, disturbed the solidity of my Scotch friend’s
-face as he solemnly repeated the words, “You are my prisoner,”
-adding, “you must come with me at once.”
-
-As I learned subsequently, the priestly looking person was a
-wandering preacher, who had happened to be in the vicinity of Malone
-when I was locating arms there, and I had been pointed out to him
-then as the leading Fenian agent. His memory was a very good one, and
-he immediately recognised me when we met again.
-
-Matters were beginning to look serious; but still I could not
-comprehend what all this meant, and being still hungry I said,
-“But won’t you let me finish my dinner?” “No,” was the sharp
-reply; “come.” “For what reason?” quoth I, indignantly. “Why am I
-arrested?” “You are a Fenian,” came the reply, the words falling
-clearly and distinctly on the hushed room, where those present began
-to show signs of anger and indignation towards me. I hurried out with
-my captors, and was taken to a room adjoining the ticket-office,
-there to have demanded of me my luggage and my keys, with everything
-on my person. I had no luggage save a hand-bag, yet I had with me
-documents which would reveal everything, if made public. My position
-was dangerous—distinctly dangerous. The prospect before me was
-that of disclosure and imprisonment amongst a strange people, where
-I had no friend. Prompt action was called for, and so I asked the
-mayor for a few minutes’ private conversation. Suspicious, and yet
-curious, he brought me into the ticket-office, where we were left
-alone. Here I told him the exact situation. It was true, I said, that
-I was a Fenian, but also a Government agent. I was even then on my
-way to Ottawa to see Judge M‘Micken. To delay or expose me would mean
-serious difficulty for the Government. Let him send me on to Ottawa
-under guard, if he liked, and then he would prove my statements true.
-Did he want immediate proof, then here were my papers, and there a
-telegram to Judge M‘Micken, advising him of my coming, which he
-himself would despatch.
-
-My manner must have impressed him, for he decided to adopt my
-suggestion, and send me on by the same train in which I had been
-travelling (which had not yet gone, all this occupying but a few
-minutes), under the escort of a lieutenant who, with his Canadian
-regiment, was then returning from the scene of the invasion.
-The details of my arrest as a Fenian quickly spread amongst my
-fellow-passengers, and travelled before me on the route, and the
-reception I met with along my journey was most disagreeable. For
-safety’s sake, the lieutenant transferred me to the care of a
-sergeant and couple of soldiers, and the carriage in which we
-travelled was the sole point of attraction in the train. Crowding
-round this carriage, the infuriated Canadians would hiss and hoot
-me, while their cries of “Hang him,” “Lynch him,” gave me a very
-uncomfortable idea of what would happen to me if left alone amongst
-them. So careful were my guardians of me, that they would not even
-allow me to have the window raised, so that I might smoke, fearing
-that in some way I might take advantage of the open window to escape.
-This was really a serious grievance with me, for they could not
-possibly have inflicted a greater deprivation than that in the matter
-of smoking. All through my life, even down to the present time, I
-have been a great smoker, sometimes consuming as many as sixteen
-cigars in the day, a statement which will probably puzzle some people
-who hold that tobacco ruins the nerves.
-
-On reaching Prescott Junction, I found that the news of my
-capture—of course my name and rank never transpired—had created
-such a sensation that a special correspondent of the _Toronto Globe_
-had travelled to meet me, in order to find out who and what I was,
-and everything about me. He was doomed to be disappointed, however,
-for I could not be got to speak. When, eventually, we arrived at
-Ottawa, I found my telegram to Judge M‘Micken had brought his
-representative to the station, and by him, myself and my guards were
-immediately conveyed to the police-office, where the Commissioner was
-awaiting us. Pretty certain of my safety now, I was quite prepared
-to smile, and really did laugh when brought into the presence of my
-friend the judge. Not so he, however. With proverbial soberness and
-solemnity he heard the details of my capture, received possession
-of my person, and gave a formal receipt for my custody. Armed with
-this, my guardians left, and then the old man’s genial kindly nature
-asserted itself. By his instructions I remained in his office till
-nightfall, when, in a cab under cover of the darkness, I accompanied
-him to the club to take up my quarters there for the night.
-
-In the club the Fenian prisoner of a few hours previously was made
-a most welcome guest, and had an exceedingly good time. My identity
-being known to some of the officers who crowded the club-house after
-their return from Franklin, I found myself quite the hero of the
-hour, and had most interesting chats over the experiences of the
-raid on both sides of the fight. Amongst the pleasant people whose
-acquaintance I then made was Dr. Grant, the physician to Prince
-Arthur, who was in Ottawa at that time.
-
-With the following day came arrangements for my departure for home,
-and it was decided that, in order to avoid travelling over the
-same line again, I should be driven during the night to Ann Prior
-terminus—a distance of some forty miles from Ottawa—from which
-place I could take a branch line to my destination. Fortunate though
-I thought myself, my troubles were not at an end. This trip of mine
-to Ottawa was a chapter of misfortunes. As I was on the point of
-starting, I discovered that I had not sufficient money to bring me
-home. Accordingly, Judge M‘Micken had to supply me with the needful
-funds. This, however, did not prove by any means an easy thing to
-do. A cheque was duly drawn, but of course I could not cash it,
-and the judge had to have recourse to a friend. The amount was a
-large one—three hundred and fifty dollars—and it was beyond the
-resources of the club at the moment. The services of the club porter
-therefore had to be utilised for the purpose of obtaining the money.
-Here, unknown to us, seed was being sown which was to bear evil
-fruit. The porter knew, of course, that I was the Fenian prisoner,
-although nothing more; and, gossip that he was, he let out the
-secret a little later. It became public property; and the Canadian
-press published the fact that an important Fenian had been in Ottawa
-immediately after the raid, and received a very large sum of money
-from the Government official with whom he was in communication,
-adding that the Fenians must have been nicely duped all through. This
-was bringing danger very, very near to me again; yet, marvellous
-to relate, suspicion never rested upon me in connection with the
-paragraph. I drove from Ottawa in the night, got safely home, and was
-never troubled further by my eventful visit. But, for a long time, I
-treasured very unchristian-like feelings towards that porter.
-
-
-
-
-XVIII.
-
-
-With the fiasco at Pigeon Hill, and the equally inglorious
-termination of the musters at other points of the Canadian border,
-there died out altogether the idea of attacking and seizing any
-portion of Canada. O’Neill, after some confinement, was brought to
-trial, and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment, and the Fenian
-organisation literally went to pieces for the time. I had no thought
-of its ever reviving again, and so turned my attention once more to
-my medical work, which I had had to completely neglect from the time
-of my leaving Joliet and attaching myself to O’Neill’s staff.
-
-I had scarcely resumed my studies, however, when a visit from O’Neill
-on his release showed me that there was still some fight left in
-himself and his comrades. He came to me as a matter of fact to enlist
-my co-operation in some work of a distinctly active character.
-In explanation of the position of affairs, he laid before me the
-originals of several letters to him from the Rev. W. B. O’Donohoe,
-a young priest of Manitoba, who was at the time acting as secretary
-for the notorious Riel. The correspondence gave all the details
-of a contemplated uprising of the half-breeds in the North-West
-against the Dominion authorities, and stated, to my amazement and
-disgust, that he—this young priest—had received permission from his
-Archbishop—Tasché—to throw off his ecclesiastical garments and take
-a part therein.
-
-In conclusion, O’Neill’s assistance and co-operation in the attempt
-was sought, and as he put it, “anything to cripple the enemy” being
-his motto, he was only too eager for the fray. He had one great
-difficulty, however, and that was the want of arms. Knowing that a
-quantity remained in hiding since the second raid, he had sought to
-obtain possession of them, but had been referred to me as the person
-who had deposited them with their present custodians, and without
-whose permission they could not be given up. I cheerfully agreed to
-let him have 400 breech-loaders and ammunition, and accompanied him
-to the points where they were, for the purpose of their delivery, but
-not before I had surreptitiously obtained the use of the documents,
-and sent copies to both the Home and Canadian Governments with full
-information as to what was _sur le tapis_.
-
-O’Neill, in company with a trusted confederate, J. J. Donnelly,
-fitted out his expedition, and on the 5th day of October 1871, after
-crossing the line at Fort Pembina, was arrested with his party,
-and all his war material seized, in consequence of the information
-supplied by me. Riel, thus deprived of the expected assistance,
-surrendered at Fort Garry to Lord Wolseley without firing a shot.
-O’Neill and his party having been turned over to the United States
-authorities, were, four days afterwards, tried and acquitted. Strange
-as it appears, these men, captured on Canadian soil, were, by some
-egregious blunder, handed over to the United States authorities, and
-by them acquitted on the ludicrous technicality that the offence was
-not committed on American, but Canadian soil.
-
-Subsequently O’Neill came back to me and made my life a burthen.
-Discredited and disheartened, he took to drink and went entirely to
-the dogs, bringing to the verge of starvation an affectionate but
-heart-broken wife, who, once a sister of mercy, had nursed and grown
-to love him in a hospital where he was confined, and, disregarding
-all her vows, had in the end married him. Drifting slowly downward
-through disgrace and drink, O’Neill, the once brilliant, if
-egotistical, Irishman met a lone and miserable death.
-
-
-
-
-XIX.
-
-
-On resuming my studies, I decided to enter the Detroit College of
-Medicine, and so, taking my family with me, I settled down there.
-There were many reasons for my change of residence, not the least
-important of which was that connected with the unpopularity which
-I found attached to me in my old home after my return from the
-Canadian affair. O’Neill had many opponents, and by these opponents
-I was attacked in company with O’Neill, and the others engaged in
-the affair, for having ruined the organisation by the premature
-“invasion” which had taken place. Therefore, I thought it better to
-remove to another quarter where this state of feeling did not exist,
-and where my Irish record would be of service to me in the future. As
-far as Detroit was concerned, I fixed upon it because of the desire
-of Judge M‘Micken that I should become acquainted with, and obtain
-as much information as I could about, Mackay Lomasney—whose name
-will be familiar in connection with the London Bridge explosion—and
-others just settled down there.
-
-Lomasney was, in the eyes of the authorities, an important man;
-and his subsequent career, terminating with the attempt to blow
-up London Bridge, in which he lost his own life, fully justified
-their estimate. He had been engaged in the ’65 and ’67 movements
-in Ireland, had been charged with the murder of a policeman and
-acquitted, but sentenced to twelve years’ penal servitude for his
-work as a rebel, and, with others whose names will appear later,
-had been amnestied in the year 1870. He had now settled down in
-Detroit as the proprietor of a book-store; and as he was known to
-be a most active revolutionist, much curiosity was felt as to what
-he was actually doing. I formed a very pleasant acquaintance with
-Mackay Lomasney, and found him a most entertaining man. The future
-dynamitard was at this time about twenty-eight years of age. Though
-of youthful appearance, his face was a most determined one, and
-the way in which it lent itself to disguise truly marvellous. When
-covered with the dark bushy hair, of which he had a profusion, it
-was one face; when clean-shaven, quite another, and impossible of
-recognition. Acting, as he constantly did, as the delegate from the
-American section to the Fenians at home, this faculty of disguise
-proved of enormous service, and may very well have had disastrous
-effects on police vigilance. I have seen Lomasney both shaved, on
-his return from Ireland, and unshaved, in his American life; and in
-all the men I have ever met, I never saw such a change produced by
-so easy a process. I may dismiss Mackay Lomasney from this point
-of my story by saying that, beyond his activity in connection with
-the establishment of the Irish Confederation, his movements gave
-little ground for apprehension, and, as far as the Confederation was
-concerned, its development proved of very little account.
-
-But, if the Confederation was to accomplish little, the men who with
-Lomasney took part in its initiation were not without their claims to
-attention. Foremost amongst them were two bearing names destined to
-be familiar in latter-day politics. These were O’Donovan Rossa and
-John Devoy. As both will be found constantly strutting across the
-stage of Irish-American affairs from this date, I will pause here to
-refer to them in some little detail.
-
-Jeremiah O’Donovan—the “Rossa” was, he claims, added in early years
-as the outward and visible sign of the alleged fact of his being
-directly descended from the Princes of Rossa—was, at the time of
-his arrival, one of the most popular men amongst the Irish in the
-United States. Sentenced to imprisonment for life for taking part
-in the ’65 movement, he had, according to general rumour, undergone
-the severest of sufferings and indignities in the British dungeons.
-A strong current of sympathy set in in his favour in consequence,
-and as both in public and private he lost no opportunity of dilating
-upon his grievance, the sentiment was in no sense allowed to waver or
-grow weak. The man whose name was to be so closely associated with
-dynamite and devilry in later years, did not at this time suggest by
-his appearance the possession of any undue ferocity. His face, though
-determined, was yet not without its kindly aspect, while his love for
-the bottle betrayed a jovial rather than a fiendish instinct. His
-fierceness, indeed, lay altogether in speech. Voluble and sweeping in
-his language, he was never so happy as when pouring out the vials of
-his wrath on the British Government.
-
-Devoy, the notorious author of the “New Departure,” was at once
-seen to be a man of weighty influence. Forbidding of aspect, with
-a perpetual scowl upon his face, he immediately conveyed the idea
-of being a quarrelsome man, an idea sustained and strengthened by
-both his manner of speech and gruffness of voice. Experience of
-Devoy’s character only went to prove the correctness of this view.
-Quarrelsome and discontented, ambitious and unscrupulous, his
-friendships were few and far between; and had it not been for his
-undoubted ability, and the existence of those necessities which link
-adventurers together, he could never have reached the prominent place
-which he subsequently attained in the Fenian organisation.
-
-With their fellow-prisoners who had been amnestied, General Thomas
-F. Bourke, Thomas Clarke Luby, Edmond Power, and Henry S. Meledy,
-together with James J. O’Kelly, late M.P. for Roscommon, but then
-a struggling reporter on a New York paper, Rossa and Devoy brought
-the Irish Confederation into existence, and formed its first
-“directory” or executive. They indulged in the wild hope of being
-able to gather in all the scattered Irish under one banner, and
-to put an end once and for all to the dissensions and divisions
-which had so disastrously affected Irish affairs in the past. They
-were disappointed. Not by their unaided efforts was this to be
-accomplished. Indeed, the Confederation was never popular. It was
-regarded as a sort of close corporation “run,” as we say in the
-United States, in the interest of the exiles, and, as a consequence,
-was jealously viewed by the rank and file. Every effort that could
-be made to bring about a fusion was tried by these men, but without
-success. Even Stephens himself was brought over from France and put
-at the head of affairs; but his name had lost its charm, and he had
-to return to Paris a discredited man.
-
-
-
-
-XX.
-
-
-While my Fenian friends struggled on in this way, I looked after
-my own affairs. Completing my studies and business in Detroit, I
-moved myself and my family to Wilmington, where I settled down to
-make a home and secure an income. I was now a fully fledged M.D.,
-and so I immediately commenced practising at Braidwood, a suburb
-of Wilmington. Success attended my start, my Irish connection and
-record bringing me an amount of patronage almost beyond my powers of
-attention. I had given up all idea of anything definite happening
-in the way of Fenian affairs, and turned my attention to local
-politics. Here, of course, my Irish friends were again of use.
-Failing to obtain a seat on the School Board, for which I had been
-nominated, I succeeded in getting an appointment on the Board of
-Health. The office was really a sinecure, with one hundred dollars a
-year attached. Not content with it, I gained the much more lucrative
-appointment of Supervisor of Braidwood, attached to which was a daily
-fee of 2½ dollars, and travelling allowances when engaged on town
-business. Anybody acquainted with the American political system, even
-to a moderate extent, will know how paying such offices can be made.
-
-Meantime I had joined the Medical Society of my State, and assisted
-in founding the State Pharmaceutical Society. My activity did
-not even stop here, and, in addition, I took a very active part
-in bringing about much-needed legislation on the question of the
-practice of medicine. In these days there was no such thing as a
-State law regulating the practice of medicine or pharmacy, and I—let
-me frankly confess it—as much for the sake of popularity as anything
-else, spared no pains, even going to the extent of “lobbying” in
-Springfield, the State capital, in the interest of legislation on
-these matters, in which I was very successful.
-
-Little as I imagined it then, events were at this time shaping
-themselves to an end which, frequently attempted, had never yet been
-wholly accomplished by the aspiring leaders of the Irish in America.
-This was the bringing together of all Irishmen at home and abroad
-into one vast and perfect organisation. The hour was coming, and
-with it the men. Born in comparative poverty and insignificance, but
-under an impressive name, the association now being formed, the great
-Clan-na-Gael of the future, was destined to be a powerful, rich,
-and far-reaching organisation, healthy of limb and strong of hand,
-fated to leave its heavy mark upon the pages of this half-century’s
-history. From small beginnings have come great results.
-
-Away back towards the end of the sixties, there came into existence
-one of those temporal societies, an off-shoot of the permanent
-conspiracy known under the name “Knights of the Inner Circle,” which
-was joined by many Irish conspirators, myself amongst the number.
-With its members there became associated, in the latter end of 1869,
-some three hundred members of the “Brian Boru” Circle of the Fenian
-Brotherhood in New York City, who, in consequence of a political
-quarrel over electioneering matters, seceded from their original
-body; and by these men, acting in concert with others under the name
-of the “United Irishmen,” what were really the first camps of the
-Clan-na-Gael were established.
-
-The V.C. (the cypher was arranged on the plan of using the
-alphabetical letters immediately following those intended to be
-indicated) had for its object the same intention which governed the
-inception and development of all Irish conspiracy in America—the
-freedom of Ireland from English control by armed force. It was,
-however, to differ from its predecessors insomuch as, unlike them,
-it was to be of an essentially secret character. P. R. Walsh of
-Cleveland, Ohio, known as “the Father of the Clan,” was the apostle
-of this new condition of things, and he, with others of shrewd and
-far-seeing minds, argued with great success, that if one lesson more
-important than another was to be learnt from the past history and
-miserable fiascos of the movement, it was that no possible success
-could be achieved with a revolutionary organisation working in
-the open day. The Irish people, reasoned these priests of the new
-faith, had not judgment enough to manage their schemes for freedom.
-They revealed their secrets to the heads of their Church; they were
-dictated to by these heads; they feared to obey their non-clerical
-leaders; and so were thwarted the best schemes of the most active
-workers. A revolutionary movement must be secret and unscrupulous,
-and, to be successful, they could not enter on the contest for
-freedom with the yoke of the Church around their neck.
-
-Language like this reads strangely indeed in the light of latter-day
-revelations, and the knowledge the world now has of Clan-na-Gael
-priests and their work. But at the time it was not without its
-appropriateness and significance. The priests at the period of which
-I write were, neither in Ireland nor America, the priests of these
-subsequent years. Then, as in those days of old, when religion was
-paramount and priestly control salutary and effective, the ban of
-the Church was not merely a phrase dangerous in sound, it was a
-living dread reality, fearful in its consequences in the eyes of
-those who in their lives worked out that grand old characteristic
-of the Irish people, faith in their Church and reverence toward its
-rulers. It was reserved for the coming years to bring to the view of
-a startled public a people reckless and defiant of priestly control,
-because of the teachings of their atheistic and communistic leaders,
-and the self-surrender of all their higher and priestly functions by
-those who were content to be led by, rather than to lead those whose
-consciences were their charge and their responsibility.
-
-
-
-
-XXI.
-
-
-The arguments were well put, and what was more, they were well timed.
-They proved successful. Everything appeared in favour of the new
-move; and the re-establishment of the Fenian organisation in Great
-Britain on a more compact secret basis, under the title of the _Irish
-Republican Brotherhood_, was one of the many satisfactory features of
-the moment. Matters, however, moved slowly; and, although actually
-established in 1869, it was not until the year 1873 that the movement
-became in any way general. Then it was that, merging almost all
-other societies in itself, the Clan, now known as the V.C. or United
-Brotherhood, established subordinate bodies or “Camps,” as they were
-called, almost simultaneously in all the leading centres of the
-United States. Secrecy was the text preached in every direction.
-Every member was bound by the most solemn of oaths to keep secret all
-knowledge of the order and its proceedings which might come to him,
-under penalty of death. A Masonic form of ritual was adopted; grips,
-passwords, signs, and terrorising penalties were decided upon; and
-all the pomp and circumstance of mystery, so dear to the Irish heart
-and so effective in such a conspiracy, were called to the aid of
-those who now inculcated this new doctrine.
-
-Undoubtedly, there was no secret made amongst its members as to the
-treasonable character of the organisation. The official printed
-Constitution set forth the truth of the matter in no uncertain
-way. “The object,” it stated, “is to aid the Irish people in the
-attainment of the complete and absolute independence of Ireland, by
-the overthrow of English domination: a total separation from that
-country, and the complete severance of all political connection
-with it; the establishment of an independent republic on Irish
-soil, chosen by the free votes of the whole Irish people, without
-distinction of creed or class, and the restoration to all Irishmen of
-every creed and class of their natural privileges of citizenship and
-equal rights. It shall prepare unceasingly for an armed insurrection
-in Ireland.”
-
-The Ritual and forms of initiation were framed entirely upon Masonic
-precedent; and, to the vast majority of the members of the Clan,
-the statement will come no doubt as a great surprise that the much
-vaunted secret forms of the Masonic order need be secret to them no
-longer, inasmuch as that, when being admitted to a Clan-na-Gael club,
-they were going through the same forms and ceremonies as attached
-themselves to that great source of mystery and wonderment in the
-eyes of the non-elect, the Masonic Brotherhood. I have often laughed
-to myself at the surprise shown by some Masons on the occasion of
-their initiation to Clan-na-Gael clubs—for there are Masons in the
-Clan—at being brought once more into contact with the familiar
-procedure. One great feature of similarity exists between the two
-ceremonies. In both the candidate is impressed with a deep sense of
-awe and respect, to learn subsequently that nothing very mysterious
-or wonderful is to come within his knowledge. Though the effect is
-the same, however, the causes are very different. In one case,
-that of the Mason, nothing very strange happens or is committed to
-his secrecy, for the simple reason that the practice of brotherly
-love and charity requires no unusual strain either on his powers of
-wonder or reserve; while in the other the poor confiding Irishman is
-simply intended to play the part of a dupe, to move and subscribe to
-order, but to be trusted in no single regard, until by jobbery or
-manipulation he works his way to the higher ranks of the organisation.
-
-The candidates for membership were balloted for in the usual club
-manner, three black balls excluding. The successful ones having
-answered different queries regarding their age, belief in God,
-&c. &c., were, after being blindfolded and shut out from view of
-their future associates, brought forward and addressed by the
-Vice-President of the meeting as follows:—
-
- “MY FRIENDS,—Animated by love, duty, and patriotism, you have
- sought affiliation with us. We have deemed you worthy of our
- confidence and our friendship. You are now within these secret
- walls. The men who surround you have all taken the obligations of
- our Order, and are endeavouring to fulfil its duties. These duties
- must be cheerfully complied with, or not at all undertaken. We are
- Jsjtinfo (Irishmen) banded together for the purpose of freeing
- Jsfmboe (Ireland) and elevating the position of the Jsjti (Irish)
- race. The lamp of the bitter past plainly points our path, and we
- believe that the first step on the road to freedom is secrecy.
- Destitute of secrecy, defeat will again cloud our brightest hopes;
- and, believing this, we shall hesitate at no sacrifice to maintain
- it. Be prepared, then, to cast aside with us every thought that may
- impede the growth of this holy feeling among Jsjtinfo (Irishmen);
- for, once a member of this Order, you must stand by its watchwords
- of Secrecy, Obedience, and Love. With this explanation, I ask you
- are you willing to proceed?”
-
-The answer being satisfactory, the candidates were next placed
-opposite the President, and addressed by him as follows:—
-
- “MY FRIENDS,—By your own voluntary act you are now before
- us. You have learned the nature of the cause in which we are
- engaged—a cause honourable to our manhood, and imposed upon us
- by every consideration of duty and patriotism. We would not have
- an unwilling member amongst us, and we give you, even now, the
- opportunity of withdrawing, if you so desire. Every man here has
- taken a solemn and binding oath to be faithful to the trust we
- repose in him. This oath, I assure you, is one which does not
- conflict with any duty which you owe to God, to your country,
- your neighbours, or yourself. It must be taken before you can be
- admitted to light and fellowship in our Order. With this assurance,
- and understanding, as you do, that the object of this organisation
- is the freedom of Jsfmboe (Ireland), will you submit yourself to
- our rules and regulations and take our obligation without mental
- reservation?”
-
-At the conclusion of the address, the questions having been put, and
-correctly replied to, the candidate took the oath as follows:—
-
- “I, ————, do solemnly and sincerely swear, in the presence
- of Almighty God, that I will labour, while life is left me,
- to establish and defend a republican form of government in
- Jsfmboe (Ireland). That I will never reveal the secrets of this
- organisation to any person or persons not entitled to know them.
- That I will obey and comply with the Constitution and laws of the
- V.C., and promptly and faithfully execute all constitutional orders
- coming to me from the proper authority, to the best of my ability.
- That I will foster a spirit of unity, nationality, and brotherly
- love among the people of Jsfmboe (Ireland).
-
- “I furthermore swear that I do not now belong to any other Jsjti
- sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society antagonistic to this
- organisation, and that I will not become a member of such society
- while connected with the V.C., and, finally, I swear that I take
- this obligation without mental reservation, and that any violation
- hereof is infamous and merits the severest punishment. So help me
- God.” (Kiss the book.)
-
-And then, in conclusion, the President made the following remarks:—
-
- “The name of this Order is the V.C. Its local sub-divisions are
- styled D.’s, and are known by members. This is D. No. —. The
- leading object of the V.C. is to co-operate with the J.S.C. (Irish
- Republican Brotherhood) in securing the independence of Jsfmboe
- (Ireland), and the special object is to secure the union of all
- Jsjti Obujpobmjtut (Irish Nationalists). As it is essential for
- the safe and efficient working of our organisation to preserve the
- strictest secrecy in reference to it, you will never mention the
- name of the V.C., or anything connected therewith, to any one whom
- you do not know to be a member thereof in good standing. And that
- we may be more effectually guarded from exposure, as well as to
- secure concentration of effort, you are prohibited by the supreme
- authority from contributing money to, or otherwise aiding, any
- other Jsjti sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society.
-
- “Should you desire to secure some worthy person for membership,
- you will first have him proposed here, and, if elected, you may
- then indirectly and carefully ascertain his sentiments on the
- subject of secret Jsjti Obujpobm (Irish National) organisations,
- and, should his views be favourable, you might then intimate that
- you believe there is a secret organisation in existence working for
- Jsjti (Irish) liberty; and, if he appears inclined to join it, you
- may admit that you are a member of it, or acquainted with a member
- of it, and that you think you can secure his admission therein; but
- no further information must you convey, nor use the name of any
- person connected with the Order....
-
- “Finally, my brother, be careful that you do not make an improper
- use of these instructions, and let not the cause of Jsfmboe
- (Ireland) or the interests of the V.C. suffer through any want of
- prudence, perseverance, and courage on your part while travelling
- onwards on the path to freedom. (Two raps.)
-
- “Brothers! It affords me great pleasure to introduce to you your
- new brother.” (One rap.)
-
-
-
-
-XXII.
-
-
-Up to the year 1881, when the administration of the conspiracy
-underwent a change, with which I will deal at its proper time, the
-Clan-na-Gael was governed by an executive body (known in the cypher
-as F.C.), presided over by a Chairman elected by the body at the
-annual conventions, and a Revolutionary Directory known without any
-regard to the cypher by its initial letters R.D. This Revolutionary
-Directory was composed of seven men, three of whom were nominated
-by the Executive, three by the Irish Republican Brotherhood (known
-as the J.S.C.) in Ireland, and a seventh selected by the six when
-appointed. The Revolutionary Directory was, as its name implies, a
-body dealing directly with revolutionary matters, and it was chiefly
-characterised by the autocratic power possessed by its members, about
-whose action no detailed information was supplied, and against whose
-proceedings there was, in consequence, no basis for appeal. The names
-of all these officers were known only to the delegates who elected
-them, and to the Presiding Officer of each camp, known as Senior
-Guardian.
-
-To the Executive (or F.C.) was intrusted, amongst other things, the
-arrangements regarding the places and dates for holding the biennial
-and annual conventions of the order; and their decision in this
-respect was carefully guarded, and only at the very last moment
-communicated to the high officials, in order to prevent any spies
-or agents of the British Government from becoming acquainted with
-their proceedings. The head of each subordinate body was informed a
-week in advance of the date and place of the convention; and he was
-instructed to arrange for the immediate election of a delegate from
-his camp. So close was the secret kept, that the delegate, if other
-than the presiding officer, did not know till the very hour of his
-starting where he was bound for. Like convicts, the members were
-known by numbers, never by names. Camps (known as D.’s) were also
-numbered; and, in order the better to cover their doings from the
-outside world, each camp had a public name by which it was known. For
-instance, my own camp was known as the “Emmet Literary Association.”
-
-During the early years of its existence I was not a member of the
-Clan-na-Gael. Although, as I have stated, I was one of the “Knights
-of the Inner Circle,” I did not take any prominent part in the
-early days, when the V.C. succeeded, or rather absorbed it. There
-were reasons for my not doing so. My prominence and action in the
-ill-fated Canadian raid had not been altogether forgotten, and I
-was still held responsible, in certain minds, for the premature
-undertaking of it. Another reason affecting my action was the
-difficulty introduced by a clause in the new constitution in regard
-to the question of nationality. This clause read as follows:—
-
- “All persons of Irish birth or descent, or of partial Irish
- descent, shall be eligible to membership; but in cases of persons
- of partial Irish descent, the camps are directed to make special
- inquiries in regard to the history, character, and sentiments of
- the person proposed.”
-
-In view of the whole situation, I determined that I should live down
-any ill-feeling which might exist regarding my previous exploits,
-and that I should take advantage of the interval thus brought about
-by arranging some plan for my election later, on the ground of my
-partial Irish descent. I had, of course, hitherto passed myself off
-as a Frenchman, strongly sympathising with Irish affairs, though
-never laying any claim to connection with the country. Now I had
-to change my tactics a little, and so I gradually got it put about
-that my mother—poor lady, she is living to-day, and will probably
-never know till she reads this of the liberty I took with her
-birthright—was of Irish descent. Of course, as the people out there
-had never seen or heard of my mother, and it was quite a common thing
-for French and Irish to intermarry, the deception was not likely to
-be discovered, as indeed it never was.
-
-There was still yet another reason for my being cautious. The most
-insane and implacable enemy of O’Neill’s—and through my friendship
-for O’Neill, of myself—Major William M‘Williams, of old Fenian fame,
-was now high in the councils of the new organisation. In the O’Neill
-_régime_, presumably jealous of my position, he had denounced me
-as an adventurer, and the ill-feeling he had for me had culminated
-during the sittings of a Fenian congress in an open attack, reported
-in the New York papers as follows:—
-
- “THE FENIAN CONGRESS AND A FENIAN ROW.
-
- “The Fenian Congress was in session yesterday. A quorum of the
- Executive Committee appointed in Chicago was in session all day.
- They say they intend to commence work as soon as they obtain
- possession of the munitions of war. Major M‘Williams and Major Le
- Caron, two of the delegates, had a little onset in front of the
- Whitney House last eve, and blood might have flowed had it not been
- for the interference of several delegates.”
-
-The altercation, I may add, on this occasion involved the use of
-revolvers, and created too pronounced a feeling between us to allow
-of my ever after expecting anything but the bitterest opposition from
-M‘Williams. To my relief, however, M‘Williams eventually got into a
-personal altercation with a fiercer antagonist than myself, by whom
-he was shot in Columbia, S.C., being killed on the spot. His exit
-cleared the way of the only difficulty which existed at the time of
-his death, and so I considered it prudent to accept the invitation,
-often extended to me, to join the Clan-na-Gael. I joined, and an
-appointment upon the Military Board of the organisation quickly
-followed. It must not, however, be thought that I had been “out of
-things” meantime. Not at all. Possessed, as I was, of more than one
-confiding friend, I secured information about everything that took
-place.
-
-
-
-
-XXIII.
-
-
-Slowly but surely the Clan-na-Gael was gaining ground, despite all
-the forces arrayed against it. Triumphing over Church opposition,
-conscientious scruple on the score of joining secret societies, and
-the single opposing Revolutionary faction still faithful to the
-memory of Stephens, it had, in 1876, a membership exceeding 11,000,
-which included amongst its leading names those of Alexander Sullivan,
-John Devoy, O’Donovan Rossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, Thomas F. Burke, Dr.
-Carroll, James Reynolds, Frank Agnew, Colonel Clingen, Wm. J. Hynes,
-P. W. Dunne, Michael Boland, Denis Feeley, J. J. Breslin, Michael
-Kirwen, and General Millen.
-
-These were the men who in the after years were to be in the front
-rank of the Clan-na-Gael, and by their position and influence to
-model and direct the policy of the organisation. Of them and their
-position at this time I shall now have some little to say.
-
-With Sullivan I have already dealt, and here I need only state that,
-having established himself in Chicago, he had taken to the study of
-law, in which branch of the profession he was now—in 1876—preparing
-to practise. He had been maintaining his questionable reputation,
-for he had shot a man in cold blood; and though twice tried, had
-been successful in escaping the consequences of his act, owing to
-the employing of that process so frequently charged against the
-Government in Ireland—packing the jury. Of Devoy and O’Donovan Rossa
-I have also spoken before. The former, drifting to New York, had
-since we parted with him been engaged on some two or three American
-papers, and he was now, if I remember aright, engaged on the _New
-York Herald_ staff. Rossa, very much to the front for the moment, in
-consequence of his “skirmishing” theory, had meantime been living on
-the proceeds of the fund raised for himself and his fellow-exiles on
-their arrival in 1871, and a special subscription for himself, which
-Ford inaugurated in the _Irish World_. Luby had been a well-known
-patriot since 1865, when, in company with John O’Leary and Charles
-J. Kickham, he had been sentenced to a long term of penal servitude
-for the part he played in Ireland as one of the editors of the _Irish
-People_. General Thomas Fras. Burke had served with the Confederate
-Army, and had been amongst those who, in 1867, left America to lead
-in that most disheartening of fiascos, the Irish rising of 1865,
-as the result of his part in which he was sentenced to death, but
-subsequently amnestied.
-
-Dr. William Carroll, one of the principal physicians in Philadelphia,
-whose name will appear prominently in the future, and who stood one
-of the sponsors for Mr. Parnell on the occasion of his arrival in
-America, was best known as the admirer, friend, and associate of
-John Mitchell, and was himself nothing if not a Revolutionist. James
-Reynolds of New Haven, Conn., whom I first met in connection with the
-secret organisation, was by profession a gas- and brass-fitter, and
-an avowed advocate of “extreme” measures. He was in fact a member of
-the Revolutionary Directory of this period. Frank Agnew had a Fenian
-record extending as far back as the Senate period of the Fenian
-Brotherhood. Strangely enough, I first came in contact with him when,
-on an inspecting tour, I had occasion to inspect a Fenian Company of
-which he was captain in Chicago. He was one of those who arrived too
-late to be of use in connection with the Fenian raid of ’70. He was
-now a contractor of some importance in Chicago, and a great friend
-and ally of Sullivan’s. Of Colonel Clingen I need not say much, save
-that he had been an old Fenian ally of mine in days gone by, and had
-sat with myself on the Military Board during O’Neill’s _régime_.
-
-Of the others I have mentioned, Hynes and Dunne perhaps deserve
-the most prominent place, by reason of the part they have recently
-played in the Cronin affair. Both these men, it will be remembered,
-came out as very strong opponents of Alexander Sullivan, whom they
-roundly accused of causing Dr. Cronin’s death. Hynes I knew as far
-back as 1865, when, as a clerk to John O’Neill, he took a very active
-part in the work of the Fenian Brotherhood. Owing to a row between
-O’Neill and himself, he severed his connection with active Fenianism,
-and obtained a clerkship in one of the departments at Washington,
-finding his way, after a little time, to Arkansas. Although returned
-as a carpet-bag Congressman for the State, he failed to prosper,
-and at last he found himself without a dollar in Chicago. Here the
-first man to help him was Alexander Sullivan, against whom he is now
-arrayed. Through Sullivan’s political influence, Hynes was engaged
-as professional juryman at a fee of two dollars a day, from which
-position he worked himself forward to that of a prominent politician
-and a well-known member of the bar at which he practises.
-
-P. W. Dunne proved to be a duplicate of O’Donovan Rossa, in
-appearance and in many other ways, with this one strong exception,
-that, whereas Rossa never sacrificed any of his means for the good of
-his countrymen, but rather lived upon them in fact, Dunne sacrificed
-an almost princely fortune. In early years he had been a prominent
-distiller (a very lucrative business) in Peoria, Illinois; and
-he was one of the leading seceders from the Stephens wing of the
-Fenian Brotherhood, after the failure of 1865, in which he himself
-participated, in company with P. J. Meehan, editor of the _Irish
-American_. He was now situated in Chicago, occupying the position of
-Superintendent of Streets, and had preceded Sullivan and Clingen upon
-the Executive of the Clan-na-Gael.
-
-As for the remainder, Boland, once a lieutenant in the United States
-Army, was now a practising lawyer in Kentucky, having meantime
-taken part in the ’66 raid on Canada. He was also one of the most
-prominent of Clan-na-Gael officials, and an advocate of extreme
-measures. Feeley, also an attorney-at-law, had been a member of the
-Royal Irish Constabulary in his early days, and was now, as of yore,
-one of the most prominent and bloodthirsty of rebels in the States.
-Kirwen had been Brigadier-General and Fenian Secretary of War during
-the Canadian raid of 1870, and had preserved his Revolutionary
-record unbroken; while Breslin, chiefly remarkable for the part he
-had played in helping James Stephens to escape from Richmond prison
-(Ireland) in 1866, now, as ever since then, a prominent and avowed
-Revolutionist, was occupying his public life in some municipal office
-of an important character, while, in secret, playing his part on the
-Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael.
-
-One name I have left to the last, and that is General Millen’s. The
-discredited hero of the Jubilee Explosion Scheme of 1887 was at this
-time engaged on the editorial staff of the _New York Herald_. Unlike
-almost every one whom I have named, his military title was neither
-of Fenian nor of American extraction. He had, according to his own
-account, gained both his military knowledge and his rank when, out in
-Mexico on the part of the _New York Herald_, he had thrown in his lot
-with Juarez prior to the overthrow of the government of Maximilian
-and the establishment of the First Republic, of which Juarez was
-President. Be the claims to military knowledge which he advanced good
-or bad, they were accepted with a certain amount of good faith by the
-Clan leaders; and his usefulness in this regard being appreciated,
-he held a position of some importance at this time, being in fact
-Chairman of the Military Board.
-
-
-
-
-XXIV.
-
-
-My advent in the organisation, though gratifying to a certain extent,
-did not satisfy me as fully as I wished. I wanted to know everything
-that took place on the inner side of the movement, and I found
-that, as one of the rank and file, I could really learn nothing.
-Accordingly, I set my wits to work to see how I could accomplish my
-desire of gaining such a position as would give me all I wanted. Very
-little consideration was needed to show me that, in a large centre
-like Chicago, where jealousy and ambition governed every motive,
-it would be impossible for a new-comer to get to the front, and so
-I decided to work out my designs in a smaller and more unimportant
-place, where internal dissensions would find little if any home.
-It will be remembered that Braidwood was the place where I had my
-drug-store, and where I had had strong evidence of my popularity in
-my election as Supervisor by a majority of 103 over my opponents. In
-the end, therefore, I determined to establish a camp in Braidwood,
-and with the assistance of the official organiser, a most promising
-“camp” was got together, to the Senior Guardianship or Presidency of
-which I was unanimously elected. Sullivan unconsciously assisted me
-in my design. It was through his influence, though at my suggestion,
-that the official organiser was sent down in the first instance.
-
-Having once obtained the position, I spared neither pains nor money
-to make myself secure in it. My status and extensive practice as a
-doctor permitted of my playing the _rôle_ of the generous patriot,
-and there was no subscription list on which my name did not figure in
-some capacity as the patriotic, political, charitable, or religious
-friend. The latter was not by any means the most infrequent, for
-religion of a certain type plays a very large part in Irish politics.
-Where money and the other arts failed, then I took to diplomacy.
-Year in, year out, I continued president of my camp, though always
-at election time asking to be allowed to retire in favour of some
-better and more deserving brother. Of course it was simply a case of
-“swearing I would ne’er consent, consenting.”
-
-I was too useful to my brothers of “Camp 463,” now 204, to allow of
-their permitting me to retire to the ranks. If no other reason but
-the question of money came in, then this of itself alone would have
-been sufficient. When a delegate had to be despatched to conventions
-or gatherings elsewhere, none were more ready to start than I,
-while—more important still for the patriots—my bills for expenses,
-instead of being of the large and unjustifiable character usually
-associated with such proceedings, could only be got from me under
-protest, and with every manifestation of desire to save them outlay.
-Of course, this travelling about from centre to centre, this mixing
-with many men from many points, and the opportunities thus afforded
-for gaining information and opening up new sources of supply,
-admirably suited my purpose; and by taking advantage of the varied
-openings given me, I was enabled to extend my usefulness as a Secret
-Service agent to a very appreciable extent.
-
-Matters, indeed, were satisfactorily situated for me at every point.
-As Senior Guardian of the Braidwood camp, I was in receipt of every
-document issued from head-quarters, and through me many of these
-found their way to Mr. Anderson on the English side of the water.
-My work in connection with these documents taxed all my powers of
-resource; and had it not been for the popular and trusted position
-which I held, I could have accomplished very little in regard to
-them. A stringent regulation of the Executive required that all
-documents—when not returned to head-quarters, as many had to
-be—should be burned in view of the camp, in order that the most
-perfect secrecy should be secured. It was, of course, impossible for
-me to retain the originals of those which had to be returned, and of
-them I could only keep copies. With those requiring destruction in
-the presence of my camp, I was enabled to act differently. Always
-prepared for the emergency, I was, by a sleight-of-hand performance,
-enabled to substitute old and unimportant documents for those which
-really should have been burnt, and to retain in my possession, and
-subsequently transmit to England, the originals of all the most
-important. I was, of course, shaking hands with danger and discovery
-at every turn, and yet so marvellous was my success that I not only
-escaped betrayal, but that which would undoubtedly have led to it,
-namely, suspicion.
-
-To this end, I was much assisted by the confidence reposed in me
-by my fellow-officials, the Junior Guardians, who exhibited their
-trust to the extent of giving me possession of their keys of the
-strong-box, of which they held possession during their period of
-office. This contained all the papers of the camp; and with a view to
-its safety, one key was given to the Senior Guardian, and the other
-to the Junior Guardian, the locks being different in construction,
-so that the box could only be opened by the concurrence of both
-officials. Had I not been able to obtain the confidence of my Junior
-Guardians to the extent of possessing their keys, I could never have
-brought my designs to such a successful issue. Strangely enough,
-when I appeared in the witness-box at the Commission—for I was even
-then Senior Guardian of my Clan-na-Gael camp—I had both keys of our
-strong-box in my possession, which I jokingly offered to Mr. Houston
-as a memento of our strange and unlooked-for meeting.
-
-
-
-
-XXV.
-
-
-Meantime, events had been developing themselves in a strange
-and unlooked-for way. O’Donovan Rossa—speaking to the Irish in
-America through the columns of the _Irish World_—had advocated the
-establishment of a Skirmishing Fund in the following style:—
-
- “Five thousand dollars will have to be collected before the
- campaign can be started. England will not know how or where she
- is to be struck. A successful stroke or any stroke that will do
- her 500,000 dollars’ worth of damage will bring us funds enough to
- carry on the work: and by working on incessantly and persistently,
- the patient dirt and powder shock will bring out enough perhaps to
- carry on the war.”
-
-In the same issue of the _Irish World_, Patrick Ford, in the course
-of a commendatory article, said—
-
- “What will this irregular warfare of our Irish Skirmishers effect?
- It will do this much. It will harass and annoy England. It will
- help to create her difficulty and hasten our opportunity. It will
- not only annoy England, but it will hush her too. This is what we
- look for from the Skirmishers. One hundred dollars expended on
- skirmishing may cause to England a loss of 100,000,000 dollars.
- That would be a damaging blow to the enemy; and what is to prevent
- the dealing one of three or four such blows every year?”
-
-Here I shall drop Rossa and his Skirmishing Fund for the moment,
-to say a few words about Ford. The opportunity seems a favourable
-one for dealing with a man whose name has been so prominent of late
-years, and clearing up a few of the many misconceptions which appear
-to exist regarding him. Like O’Donovan Rossa, his colleague at this
-time in skirmishing matters, Ford’s position in Irish revolutionary
-affairs has been quite misunderstood in British quarters outside the
-Parnellite party. As a matter of fact Ford is not, and never has
-been, a member of the Clan-na-Gael. True it is that he was a member
-of the old Fenian organisations which preceded it—as, for instance,
-the Irish Confederation, but in the membership of the last and most
-powerful of all the branches of the Irish-American conspiracy, the
-editor of the _Irish World_ has had no place. The secret of his
-position and influence lies in his paper. This, from the very moment
-of its start, has been a pronounced success, reaching a high-water
-mark of influence and circulation, which threw the puny efforts
-of its competitors completely into the shade. The paper came into
-existence at the proper moment for itself; it was well edited, well
-printed, and splendidly equipped with news from every quarter, and on
-every point. It caught the public fancy and “went” amazingly. Ford,
-originally a printer and a man of no mean attainment, gathered round
-him a staff of equally clever writers, established correspondents at
-every important centre, and working at very high pressure, was on the
-point of failing on several occasions, only to escape through the
-assistance of friends, politicians, or capitalists, willing to oblige
-for certain considerations. Indeed, if I am not very much in error,
-matters are not in the most favourable way for the paper at this very
-time.
-
-Patrick Ford, according to Michael Davitt, is a most worthy disciple
-of the Christian principles, and a man whose life would serve as a
-model for very many of those who criticise this dynamite advocate’s
-character in no enthusiastic vein. Speaking of the man simply “on
-the view” as the American phrase has it, Davitt’s observations are
-not so far-fetched as they would appear to be at the first blush.
-In appearance and manner, the editor of the _Irish World_ is quite
-the opposite of the man you would figure to yourself after reading
-his dynamite appeals and exordiums in his own journal. Quiet and
-unobtrusive alike in look and speech, he is as mild a mannered man
-as ever scuttled a ship. Of medium height, spare of build and spare
-of feature, without any ferocity whatever marking the outer man, he
-gives the observer the idea of being a quiet, sedate, and rather
-retiring business person. Although a vigorous and effective writer,
-he is not remarkable for his platform utterances, and while a good
-talker, is by no means an orator.
-
-Associated with Patrick Ford in his connection with Irish-American
-affairs have been his brother Augustine and his nephew Austin.
-Augustine, whose name comes into prominence with Rossa in the
-Skirmishing Fund affair, was the publisher, as distinct from the
-editor, of the _Irish World_; while Austin, then a young fellow, was
-afterwards to become a member of the Clan-na-Gael, and to serve as
-the medium of communication between the leaders of the Revolutionary
-organisation and his uncle, the editor of what was undoubtedly,
-though unofficially, their mouthpiece, the _Irish World_. There were
-many reasons for an alliance, unofficial though it might be, existing
-between the _Irish World_ and those charged with the conduct of the
-vast secret conspiracy known to the initiated as the V.C. For what
-the _Irish World_, with its extended popularity, its great influence,
-and its enormous circulation, championed in public, the Clan-na-Gael
-worked for in private. Ford and his fellow-workers, in a different
-path, understood each other full well; and when, within a year after
-the establishment of the Skirmishing Fund, it became desirable that
-the Clan-na-Gael should take charge of it, there was no more ardent
-advocate of the change than he. And as in the early, so in the
-later years. When the new departure came to the front, Ford and his
-Clan-na-Gael friends were of the same mind as to its importance,
-and the necessity for supporting it. When dynamite came to be the
-order of the day, he was its loud-tongued apostle; and when, later
-still, “martyrs” like Brady and Curley suffered in Ireland the just
-consequences of their fiendish part in the Phœnix Park murders, the
-editor of the _Irish World_ was first to fill the gap with a fund on
-behalf of their families, excluding from its benefits all connected
-with those who had had the good sense, though bad patriotism, to
-plead “guilty” to their part in the fell transaction.
-
-
-
-
-XXVI.
-
-
-To return, however, to Rossa and his Skirmishing Fund. As a prominent
-Fenian of “the old guard,” and a member of the Clan-na-Gael, Rossa’s
-influence, backed up by Ford’s advocacy, succeeded in getting
-together no less than 23,350 dollars by the 14th March following the
-issue of the appeal—in something less than twelve months in fact.
-Although, however, this large sum had been accumulating during this
-period, and portions of it had been ready at different times for use
-if required, no skirmishing or pretence at skirmishing had taken
-place, and some little dissatisfaction commenced to manifest itself
-at the non-fruition of the many promises which had been held out of
-“hurting England.” There then occurred the transfer of the fund to
-the Clan-na-Gael under very mysterious circumstances, which have
-never been thoroughly explained or understood. The nearest approach
-to an explanation was afforded by a communication from Rossa, which
-appeared in the _Irish World_ of the 21st April 1877, which, I think,
-I cannot do better than quote here.
-
- “When I started this Skirmishing Fund, the council-men of the two
- Irish revolutionary societies in America—the Fenian Brotherhood
- and the Clan-na-Gael—took it into their heads that I was going to
- interfere with the regular revolutionary work, that I was going to
- play the deuce with everything, and they gave me no friendly help.
- I have been doing all I could to convince them that I am not the
- very desperate character I was in prison or out of prison; and some
- six months ago, being telegraphed to visit a convention of one of
- those societies, I went there. I there proposed to receive into the
- trusteeship and Executive Council of the Skirmishing Fund one or
- two of their body, provided that the one or two meant skirmishing
- work such as was laid down in our programme. This proposition of
- mine was accepted, and all passed off harmoniously.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “Here is how things stand now:—Mr. James J. Clancy, who acted as
- treasurer of the fund, got married a few weeks ago and ceased his
- connection with the _Irish World_. Then Austin Ford wrote me (on
- 14th March) the following note:—
-
- “‘I told you that, at a certain Irish convention, I had
- consented to admit to the trusteeship of the fund some members
- of their body. They gave me several names to select from; and
- looking about for men who meant work, I took the names of John
- J. Breslin, who rescued the Australian prisoners, and who was
- the principal actor in the rescue of James Stephens in 1865;
- of Doctor William Carroll, of Philadelphia, who left his
- professional business (and being a particular friend of John
- Mitchell), came to New York when Mitchell was going to Ireland
- two years ago, went on board the steamer to see him off, went on
- the steamer with him to Ireland, having no other idea in his head
- but to take care of him. The other name I took was that of James
- Reynolds of Newhaven, Connecticut. He is the man in whose name
- the _Catalpa_ was registered, and he mortgaged his property to
- raise $4000, when it was needed at a crisis in connection with
- the expedition. Now Mr. Clancy and Mr. Ford have resigned, I
- have in connection with these three men I have mentioned taken
- into the trusteeship John Devoy, Thomas Clarke Luby, and Thomas
- Francis Bourke.’
-
- * * * * *
-
- “Last night Thomas Clarke Luby went to Washington, carrying
- with him $17,500 in American bonds endorsed by me, to have them
- transferred for safe keeping to the names of Dr. Carroll, Thomas C.
- Luby, John Devoy, Tom Bourke, John Breslin, and James Reynolds....
- John O’Mahony died. It was deemed well to send his remains to
- Ireland. There was no money to bear the expenses. I thought I might
- trespass on the skirmishing money. I consulted Mr. Ford and Mr.
- Clancy about a loan. They said it could be legitimately looked upon
- as within the pale of our work, and they paid me $2030 to defray
- the expenses. The Clan-na-Gael and the Fenian Brotherhood have
- promised to refund the money.”
-
-No secret was made of the connection which now existed between the
-“trustees” and the “fund,” for a public address was issued “to the
-Irish people in the United States,” and published in the _Irish
-World_ of the 21st April, containing the following passages:—
-
- “But since the ‘skirmishing’ project was first announced,
- circumstances have greatly altered.... Old Europe is threatened
- with a general convulsion. War on the most tremendous scale cannot
- much longer be staved off by all the artifices and subtleties of
- all the diplomatists in the world. Russia and Turkey are equally
- resolute to fight the inevitable fight.... The rest of the Great
- Powers of Europe will be drawn by an irresistible force into the
- arena. England, above all, whether she likes it or not, must draw
- her sword once more or meanly confess herself a third-class power.
- She is too proud of the part to yield her high place without a
- blow. She must first be beaten to her knees.
-
- “England’s difficulty then has all but come; in other words,
- ‘Ireland’s opportunity.’ Is Ireland prepared to seize that
- opportunity?...
-
- “In view of the altered circumstances of the time, ‘big with
- fate to us and ours,’ we propose to enlarge the basis of the
- ‘Skirmishing Fund,’ established by Rossa, and of the plans it was
- intended to further. We propose forthwith to create a ‘Special
- National Fund’ to aid the work of Ireland’s deliverance.
-
- “Action, some may think, has been postponed too long. Be this as it
- may, _we_ are determined to lose as little further time as possible
- ere we furnish our countrymen with practical results of our work.
- But a blow must be followed up by blows. Unhesitatingly then” (they
- ask for) “the means to do what may give heart and inspiration
- to our brothers at home, and prepare the way for the last grand
- struggle.
-
- ... “We shall only add that it is plain that ‘the Home Rule
- Agitation’ has signally failed to satisfy the yearnings of the
- Irish people. The O’Mahony funeral demonstration, with its
- deep heroic significance, has exercised the vain misleading
- phantom. Every true Irishman in Ireland (and shall we not say in
- America too?) once more believes in the old creed of our gallant
- fathers—that the sole way to free or regenerate Ireland is by
- total separation from England; and that total separation can only
- be achieved by desperate sacrifices, daring enterprises, and the
- strong hand.
-
- “JOHN J. BRESLIN, }
- “THOMAS CLARKE LUBY, }
- “JOHN DEVOY, } New York.
- “THOMAS FRANCIS BOURKE, }
- “JER. O’DONOVAN ROSSA, }
- “WM. CARROLL, M.D., Philadelphia, Pa.
- “JAMES REYNOLDS, New Haven, Conn.”
-
-
-The names of the trustees will, of course, be familiar, as being
-amongst those regarding whom I gave some details some few pages back,
-and who were all remarkable for their past Fenian records and present
-prominence in the Clan-na-Gael ranks.
-
-
-
-
-XXVII.
-
-
-While the Skirmishing Fund and its custodians were engaging public
-attention in this way, the secret work of the organisation was
-by no means being neglected. The ordinary work of shipping arms
-to Ireland, and communicating with the sister society as regards
-members, organisation, &c., was conducted with regularity and
-precision; while operations of an extraordinary character were
-indulged in as opportunity offered. Amongst these latter must
-be classed the negotiations, commenced about this time, for an
-alliance between the Revolutionary party in America and the Russian
-Government. Wild and absurd as the idea may at first appear, it is
-nevertheless an undoubted fact that these negotiations were not
-alone started in sober earnest, but they were in the end finally
-completed and developed to the stage of a regular diplomatic compact
-at headquarters in Russia. As is well known, the relations between
-England and Russia were for some three or four years previous to
-1880 of a distinctly strained character, and war at many times
-appeared imminent. Filled with the idea that war would actually take
-place, the Clan-na-Gael Executive caused overtures to be made to
-the representative of the Russian Government, proposing that they
-in America should fit out privateers which, sailing with letters of
-marque from Russia, should worry English vessels and assist in every
-way possible in furthering the designs of Russia, in return for which
-Russia should pledge assistance to the Irish in their attempt to
-wrest Ireland from English domination.
-
-The matter assumed the proportions of a really serious proposal,
-and Dr. William Carroll, of Philadelphia, about whom I have already
-spoken, and who was one of the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund,
-as well as Chairman of the Executive Body of the Clan-na-Gael,
-was delegated by the Executive to represent their interests in
-the negotiation. Dr. Carroll, through the assistance of Senator
-Jones of Florida, was placed in communication with the Russian
-minister at Washington, and to this gentleman the Clan-na-Gael
-ambassador represented that some millionaires—the names of two were
-mentioned—were prepared to subsidise the undertaking, and that
-several points had been fixed upon for fitting out the privateers,
-San Francisco being notably one of them. So satisfactorily did the
-negotiations progress for the Clan-na-Gael people, that in a few
-months Dr. Carroll left America for the Russian capital, where, it
-was subsequently reported in an official way, the treaty between the
-Russian Government and the Revolutionary organisation was formally
-ratified.
-
-It was a significant fact that shortly after this the Russian
-minister at Washington was recalled. The report in the official ranks
-of the Clan-na-Gael was that the proceeding was the result of an
-action taken by the British Government in consequence of what had
-occurred. Of course, regarding this view of the occurrence, as far as
-I can speak, there was neither definite information nor proof.
-
-This was but one of the many wild schemes indulged in at this period.
-Another had to do with the manufacture of a submarine torpedo-boat,
-with which it was intended to inflict terrific damage on the British
-navy under water. After one failure, the boat was actually built at
-the shipyard on the Jersey side of the North River at a cost of some
-37,000 dollars; but nothing ever came of it, for it was apparently
-completed only to be towed to New Haven, where it lay, and where,
-for aught I know, it may be rotting at the present day. Its principal
-use, as far as I could make out, was in supplying a certain number
-of patriots, charged with the control of its construction, some five
-dollars a day each as recognition for their invaluable services.
-
-On the other plots and schemes I can only touch in the lightest
-possible way. They included the assassination of Queen Victoria, the
-kidnapping of the Prince of Wales or Prince Arthur, an attack on
-Portland Prison, with the rescue of Michael Davitt therefrom, and a
-hundred and one odd schemes in which Dhuleep Singh, General Carroll
-Thevis, Aylward, and other soldiers of fortune or discontent all
-figured.
-
-
-
-
-XXVIII.
-
-
-The month of September ’78 was remarkable for the arrival in America
-of Michael Davitt. He had been released from Portland Prison on
-ticket-of-leave several months previously, and having travelled
-through Ireland in the meantime, now came to the States with the
-ostensible object of lecturing. This first visit of his differed
-from the second one paid in 1880 by reason of the change which his
-opinions underwent in the interval. When in September 1878 Davitt
-landed in America to be met by Devoy and others, and welcomed in an
-effusive address, he took pains, in replying, to state he was still
-faithful to the principles of his youth, for which he had suffered
-imprisonment, and that the dungeon had not changed his political
-convictions in the least. Apparently not, for during his visit Davitt
-put in an appearance at several Clan-na-Gael camps, and took part in
-their proceedings as a duly accredited brother and representative.
-Contact with Devoy, however, and with the theories on the subject
-of the “New Departure,” to which Devoy at this time was giving
-prominence, must have changed Davitt’s views somewhat, for references
-to past principles, life-long convictions, &c., soon made way for
-pleasant pictures and prophecies of the development known as the “New
-Departure,” which was at last to bring the Irish political plotter
-within sight of his Mecca.
-
-There is no need for me at this late day to deal at any great length
-with what has since been known as the “New Departure.” It proved to
-be nothing more or less than the scheme which found its development
-and outcome in the Parnellite movement, viz., the bringing together
-the two forces of Irish discontent—the Constitutional and the
-Revolutionary sections—and, while allying them for strategic and
-financial purposes, yet so arranging the compact that each was
-allowed to work in its own way for the accomplishment of the object
-which all had in view—the repeal of the Union between Great Britain
-and Ireland.
-
-The exact terms of the treaty or alliance proposed by the American
-Fenians, after consultation with Davitt, were set forth in a cable
-sent to Mr. Parnell by Devoy and some of his fellow-trustees of the
-Skirmishing Fund in the month of October 1878, at a time indeed
-while Davitt was still in the country. As the cable has a historic
-interest, I will quote it in full here:—
-
- “The Nationalists here will support you on the following
- conditions:—
-
- “First, abandonment of the federal demand, and substitution of a
- general declaration in favour of self-government.
-
- “Second, vigorous agitation of the Land Question on the basis of a
- peasant proprietary, while accepting concessions tending to abolish
- arbitrary evictions.
-
- “Third, exclusion of all sectarian issues from the platform.
-
- “Fourth, Irish members to vote together on all imperial and home
- questions, adopt an aggressive policy, and energetically resist
- coercive legislation.
-
- “Fifth, advocacy of all struggling nationalities in the British
- Empire and elsewhere.”
-
-Following up this proposal, to which, by the way, no direct public
-reply was ever given, there appeared in the press letters from John
-Devoy advocating the new move in arguments which I think I can best
-summarise by using the following extracts from one of his epistles:—
-
- “The question whether the advanced Irish National party—the party
- of separation—should continue the policy of isolation from the
- public life of the country, which was inaugurated some twenty
- years ago by James Stephens and his associates, or return to
- older methods—methods as old at least as the days of the _United
- Irishman_—is agitating the minds of Irish Nationalists on both
- sides of the Atlantic just now; and certainly no similar incident
- has aroused such wide discussion in Ireland for many a day as the
- publication of the views of the exiled Nationalists resident in New
- York on the subject.
-
- “The object aimed at by the Irish National party—the recovery of
- Ireland’s national independence, and the severance of all political
- connection with England—is one that would require the utmost
- efforts and the greatest sacrifices on the part of the whole Irish
- people.... I am not one of those who despair of Ireland’s freedom,
- and am as much in favour of continuing the struggle to-day as
- some of those who talk loudest against constitutional agitation.
- I am convinced that the whole Irish people can be enlisted in
- an effort to free their native land, and that they have within
- themselves the power to overcome all obstacles in their way.... I
- am also convinced that one section of the people alone can never
- win independence; and no political party, no matter how devoted or
- determined, can ever win the support of the whole people if they
- never come before the public, and take no part in the everyday life
- of the country. I have often said it before, and I repeat it now
- again, that a mere conspiracy will never free Ireland. I am not
- arguing against conspiracy, but only pointing out the necessity
- of Irish Nationalists taking whatever public action for the
- advancement of the National cause they may find within their reach,
- such action as will place the aims and objects of the National
- party in a more favourable light before the world, and help to win
- the support of the Irish people.”
-
-
-
-
-XXIX.
-
-
-While the ball was thus rolling in this way, Davitt completed his
-tour in America, and returned to Ireland to resume his work there.
-He did not return alone, however, for in his wake there travelled
-his new colleague, Devoy, who, journeying as one of the secret
-agents of the Clan-na-Gael, went to Ireland to inspect and report
-on the condition of the Revolutionary organisation there to the
-V.C. Convention, to be held in Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, in July
-1879. Associated with Devoy in this work of inspection was General
-Millen, acting in the capacity of military envoy. Devoy, while in
-Ireland, made good use of his time. While he organised the Irish
-Republican Brotherhood in their secret meetings, he openly advocated
-the proposed alliance with all his might and main. In Ireland,
-however, as the report which he afterwards made to the Clan-na-Gael
-showed, the Fenians were not so ripe as his colleagues in America for
-giving up, even temporarily, their secret methods for constitutional
-agitation; and the work which he was to accomplish was not destined
-to bear too early fruit.
-
-As the report which Devoy presented of the visit thus made gave an
-interesting account of how matters stood in Fenian circles there at
-this period, I give a few extracts. They are important as showing the
-condition of the Revolutionary forces, which gave Mr. Parnell so much
-trouble a year or two later, when, through me, he appealed to Devoy
-to come over and cripple the opposition he was receiving from this
-quarter:—
-
- “Three of the best organised counties—Dublin, Louth, and
- Wexford—seceded from the S.C. (Supreme Council or Executive of
- the Irish Republican Brotherhood), and believing the statements,
- so often repeated, that the American organisation supported Mr.
- Stephens, transferred their allegiance to that gentleman. There
- still remained with the S.C. (Supreme Council), Ulster, Connaught,
- Munster, a portion of Leinster, Scotland, and South of England; but
- the work in these districts was almost paralysed, and the attention
- of the men distracted by repeated visits and communications of a
- conflicting nature from contending factions, who all claimed to
- be ‘working for Ireland.’ The numbers stood at this time (1878)
- as follows:—About 19,000 men stood by the S.C., some 3000 acted
- independently in the North of England, and not more than 1500,
- chiefly in Leinster, followed Mr. Stephens. No real work could be
- done; it was a struggle for existence, and ultimately the majority
- prevailed. When your former envoy arrived in Ireland, this was the
- state of things he found existing. As you have been informed, he
- succeeded, with the help of another member of the V.C. residing in
- Ireland, in first gaining over the Leinster men to the S.C., by
- telling them the real truth about the state of things in America.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “A reorganisation of the S.C. satisfactory to all parties concerned
- was then effected, and an efficient secretary elected, who has
- since then rendered invaluable service in repairing the damage
- done during the short period of turmoil and contention. Some years
- before the organisation had been a compact body of over 40,000 men,
- acting under its elected council, and making commendable efforts to
- arm its members in spite of the most discouraging difficulties. At
- the beginning of last year, after the S.C. had triumphed over the
- difficulties above mentioned, it was reduced to about 24,000 men,
- the confidence of many of its members greatly shaken, and much of
- the material accumulated during past years badly damaged through
- neglect or entirely lost.
-
- “It was deemed better to endeavour to weld into a solid mass the
- united fragments than to increase its size by the addition of new
- members. Some mistakes were made, but, upon the whole, the action
- of the S.C. seemed to me judicious and safe. Some 17,000 dollars
- had been sent by the F.C. (10,000 dollars came from the National
- Fund for arms) for the purpose of introducing arms into the
- country; but it was left in the hands of the R.D. until my arrival,
- in the belief that the machinery of the movement had undergone too
- great a strain to be able to bear much pressure, and the hands
- of the S.C. were too full with the work of restoration to allow
- them to undertake any more. The organisation was just beginning
- to breathe a little freely, and to feel that it was again a solid
- living body, when I arrived to confer with the S.C. as to the best
- means to infuse new life and vigour into it.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “I began with Tipperary, Limerick, and Clare, and continued my tour
- till I had a fair idea of the condition of the organisation in all
- of the seven provinces.... Besides county and circle meetings, I
- attended provincial conventions in Munster, Ulster, Connaught,
- North of England, and South of England, and local district meetings
- in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Derry, Ennis, Glasgow, Dundalk, and
- other towns.
-
- “When Leinster and Munster shall have been thoroughly reorganised,
- which will take some time, I hope to see 50,000 good members in
- Ireland alone, and I should not care to see many more. In Ulster,
- Connaught, Tipperary, and Clare the great bulk of the men are small
- farmers or farmers’ sons, and, on the whole, there is a much better
- representation than in ’65. I am glad to be able to report also the
- presence in the organisation, and in positions of trust, of a few
- of the smaller landed gentry, a few professional men, and a large
- sprinkling of comfortable business men.”
-
-Nothing calls for further attention in connection with this visit
-of Devoy and Millen to Ireland, beyond the fact that the expenses
-of it were defrayed out of a sum of 10,000 dollars taken from the
-Skirmishing Fund for the purpose. Nor need I speak in any detail of
-the proceedings of the Wilkesbarre Convention to which the delegates
-reported. There was no incident connected therewith which calls for
-any special mention, as particularly affecting events at this period.
-
-
-
-
-XXX.
-
-
-Though lacking official recognition and support, the scheme of the
-“New Departure” was creating a good deal of enthusiasm throughout
-the ranks of the Gaels; and the reports which continued to come from
-Ireland as to the condition of the Land Question kept the matter
-fully alive. The arrival, too, of Mr. Parnell in New York in the
-month of January 1880 gave a fresh impetus to the whole thing. And
-whatever doubt had heretofore existed as to the possibility of
-working the new move, and making it subservient to the requirements
-of the Revolutionary organisation, took immediate flight after a
-week’s experience of Mr. Parnell in America. In the view of the
-conspirators scattered throughout the States, Mr. Parnell had given
-himself over, body and soul, to the chiefs of the Clan-na-Gael. At
-every point, under every circumstance, without a single exception,
-well-known and trusted men of the secret councils were by his
-side and at his elbow, pushing him forward into prominence here,
-bespeaking a welcome for him there, and answering for his thorough
-fealty to the grand old cause at all manner of times. Nor did his
-own utterances leave any room for question. Brimful of references of
-deep meaning, and constantly lit up with the flashing of bayonets
-and rattling of musketry, his speeches breathed the sounds of war
-and the policy of the hill-side in every note, till men listening to
-his accents thought that at last the hour and the man had come. Poor
-fools! They knew not that his enthusiasm was the enthusiasm of the
-dollar, or its equivalent in English coin when totted up to £40,000,
-and his only weapon the House of Commons lie!
-
-Mr. Parnell’s efforts in America to collect funds for the
-famine-stricken Irish—this was the ostensible object of his
-visit—were cut short by the general election which took place in
-Ireland in the spring of 1880, and he left hurriedly, but not before
-he had laid the foundations of the Land League, and played into the
-hands of the secret conspirators by giving them a very leading share
-in its control. Exit therefore Mr. Parnell to give way to Michael
-Davitt, and enter Mr. Davitt once more on the American stage in quite
-a new _rôle_. Flushed with the triumphs of his recent proceedings
-in Ireland in the establishment of the Land League organisation,
-and the position he had suddenly sprung into, he now came out as
-a Constitutionalist pure and simple. There were no more visits to
-Clan-na-Gael camps, for the time at least. All was open and above
-board. He had his fad; that fad was the Land League; and his fad was
-to win in the political race, hands down. No matter where he went,
-it was the same story. Travelling Braidwood-way in order to lecture
-in my district, he spent three days in my company, part of which
-time he was my guest, and fell ill on my hands, when I honestly and
-successfully ministered to his needs. In our intercourse at this
-period we had many talks over the situation, and with me as with
-everybody else, he could only speak of the new movement. At his
-request, I told him the whole story of the second Canadian raid;
-and so great was his enthusiasm in his new _rôle_, that he seized
-upon the fiasco I related as yet another proof for me of the utter
-impossibility of doing anything in the way of active operations.
-Amused and interested, I watched the dark determined face glowing
-with light and enthusiasm, and wondered within me how long this born
-conspirator would be content to walk in the trammels of a truly
-constitutional path. The opportunity, however, was too good to be
-neglected, and I improved it by getting some very useful information
-unawares from my patient and guest.
-
-I was quite _au courant_ with Land League matters, for as an official
-of the Clan-na-Gael I had been instructed to develop the movement in
-my district, which I accordingly did, following the usual practice
-of enrolling my colleagues of the Clan-na-Gael as members of the
-League Branch, and thus keeping the control in our own hands. At
-public meetings held in favour of the open movement—it will be noted
-I speak of the Land League as the “open,” and the Clan-na-Gael as
-the “secret” movement—I frequently presided, and when the occasion
-arose, introduced Davitt and Devoy.
-
-
-
-
-XXXI.
-
-
-So matters progressed and developed, the only important incident of
-the interval being the discovery that James J. O’Kelly, late M.P. for
-Roscommon, after being despatched by the Revolutionary Directory of
-the Clan-na-Gael to England with moneys to attend to the shipping of
-arms to Ireland, had thrown in his lot with the advocates of the New
-Departure in Ireland, and been returned to Parliament with the funds
-placed at his disposal by the Revolutionary chiefs in New York. This,
-of course, was not the only occasion on which the moneys subscribed
-for blowing up England went to subsidise the New Departure. Davitt
-and Devoy had both drawn upon them to a large extent, though Davitt
-conscientiously paid every farthing of his share back in 1882.
-
-In the month of November 1880, John Devoy issued a very peculiar
-circular to the Senior Guardians of the V.C., or Clan-na-Gael camps,
-which was remarkable as showing how loyal after all this author of
-the New Departure was to the methods of revolutionary work, and
-how he regarded the Land League but as the stepping-stone to more
-decisive things. This is how he put the matter:—
-
- P.O. BOX 4, 479.
-
- NEW YORK, _November 1, 1880_.
-
- “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—I propose to give a course of lectures this
- winter on the subject of “The Irish National Cause and the Present
- Crisis,” with a view to stirring up our people here and increasing
- the resources of the National movement. I will stipulate beforehand
- that the proceeds shall either go to the Revolutionary Fund of the
- V.C. or to the National Fund, so that we may be better prepared to
- meet any emergency that may be forced upon us by England. While
- believing that all our efforts should be directed to restraining
- the people in Ireland from any premature insurrectionary movement,
- I think the excitement at home should be utilised for the purpose
- of procuring the funds necessary to enable the National party to
- complete the preparations for the struggle for independence. The
- _time_ for that struggle must be selected by us and not by England;
- but one must not forget that our hand may be forced in spite of all
- our endeavours; and it therefore behoves us to commence stirring
- up our people in America now. I think the Land League has now
- money enough for present purposes, and that the state of things
- prevailing in Ireland demands that all money that can be got from
- our people here should be devoted to revolutionary purposes. I am
- convinced, in fact, that the doing of this is the best help we can
- at present give the Land League. The prosecutions have already
- given the agitation a more decidedly national tone. Let us help to
- broaden it into a truly national movement, and make it serviceable
- to the cause of independence.
-
- “If you agree with this view of the situation, I should be glad to
- receive your assistance in organising lectures in your vicinity,
- _provided your doing so would not be detrimental to the interests
- of the V.C._
-
- “I intend to begin in the New England States, then to go through a
- portion of New York State and Penna, and thence west. Communicate
- to the P.O. Box mentioned.—Fraternally yours,
-
- “JOHN DEVOY.”
-
-I was only too willing to arrange for such a lecture as Devoy wanted,
-for thereby I should be bringing Devoy and myself into contact, with
-every probability of getting useful information. Accordingly, Devoy
-lectured for me somewhere about January or February ’81, and during
-his stay visited and addressed my camp. He made a visit of some three
-or four days to my district, and as I had hoped and anticipated,
-we had many and long confidential chats together. The position of
-affairs was fully discussed. Devoy was very pronounced in his views
-about money subscribed for Land League purposes. What had been only
-hinted at in his letter, he gave very plain utterance to in his
-speech. The money subscribed for the Land League, he contended,
-should not all go for bread, and in this connection he outlined to
-me the ideas of the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael (of
-which he was a member) at this time. These were, to put it shortly,
-to strike and damage the British Government where and when they
-could. “The organisation on this side,” said he, meaning America,
-“have agreed to furnish the means, and the organisation in Ireland
-have signified their willingness to carry out a system of warfare,
-characterised by all the rigours of Nihilism.”
-
-All, however, was not plain sailing to him, and with amazing
-frankness he explained to me what his fears were. There was, he
-admitted, no possibility of a rising, as the leaders in Ireland
-were all against such a movement in the weak condition in which
-the organisation was. But, on the other hand, all attempts made
-to restrain the fire-eating elements would be met with failure,
-unless something practical was done. The attitude of Rossa and his
-followers had also to be considered. If no active work was done,
-some of our best men would flock to Rossa’s standard and so weaken
-the organisation (Rossa, I should explain, had by this time taken
-up an independent attitude, and was working in connection with the
-fragments that remained of the old Fenian Brotherhood). It was
-thoroughly understood that work had been done by Rossa’s emissaries
-or rather some of them; hence the danger. The name of Boyton, whom
-I did not know at the time, but who was, as I learnt, a brother of
-Boyton the swimmer, engaged as a League organiser in Ireland, then
-came up, and I was informed that Boyton was one of those occupied
-in developing the new policy. By this I mean active warfare _aux_
-Clan-na-Gael as distinct from the constitutional work openly
-advocated by the Land League. Devoy remarked regarding this active
-policy that it was being well looked after, but would take time to
-complete.
-
-Devoy’s confidences were in fact most exhaustive, and enabled
-me to send quite an interesting budget by the next mail to Mr.
-Anderson. I learnt, as a further item of news, that much trouble
-was being experienced in keeping the I.R.B. (the sister society)
-men in some parts of Ireland, notably in Mayo, where they had the
-best organisation and most arms, from making what Devoy described
-as “fools of themselves.” He, it appeared, feared attacks on the
-military when the latter were attending evictions. This striking
-interview between the Clan-na-Gael leader and the Secret Service
-agent concluded with the important announcement on the part of the
-former that he had received a letter from Mr. Parnell, through a
-friend, in which Mr. Parnell stated he was exasperated and was
-willing to do anything. He (Mr. Parnell) had agreed to the calling of
-the 1882 Convention, and to its being a National Movement Convention;
-and, in conclusion, Devoy said Mr. Parnell’s personal attitude
-towards the National (_i.e._, Revolutionary) party was well and
-satisfactorily understood.
-
-This was, indeed, a time of confidences with me. I had communications
-with Alexander Sullivan and Meledy within a very short period from
-this, and from them—Sullivan being one of the Executive, and
-Meledy a leading member of the Clan-na-Gael—I learnt, though at
-different times, that a new plan of campaign was coming into force,
-nothing more or less indeed than one of cold-blooded murder and
-destruction. It appeared that a man called Wheeler had invented a new
-hand-grenade, and had offered a supply to the organisation. They were
-of such a portable character as to be easily carried in a satchel,
-and were especially adapted for the purpose in view. Meledy told me
-he had offered to take part in the work of placing them in Ireland
-and England.
-
-The significance of the matter was lost upon me at the time, but
-was fully appreciated by me later on, when I learnt of the informer
-Carey’s evidence in connection with the Phœnix Park murders and
-the Invincible conspiracy, in the course of which he confessed
-that he and his confederates had arranged to kill Earl Cowper, the
-Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, by a hand bomb just perfected in the
-organisation, which could be easily thrown from a window in a house
-in Cork Hill, Dublin, which they had selected for the purpose.
-
-
-
-
-XXXII.
-
-
-My private affairs permitted of my taking a holiday in the early
-part of the year 1881, and so I determined to make a trip to Europe.
-Happening to communicate my intention to my old friend, Colonel
-Clingen, now the commander of the Clan-na-Gael guards in Chicago,
-and a very prominent member of the organisation, he gave me to
-understand that the Executive would avail themselves of my journey
-to send by me documents which could not be trusted to the mails.
-Nothing could have suited me better, and I willingly consented to be
-of any service I possibly could. Devoy, it subsequently transpired,
-was the correspondent whose communications I was to convey, and by
-an arrangement of Clingen’s a meeting took place between Devoy and
-myself at the Palmer House, Chicago, in the month of March 1881.
-Devoy on this occasion handed me sealed packets addressed to John
-O’Leary and Patrick Egan in Paris. O’Leary was then regarded as the
-representative agent and official means of communication between the
-Clan-na-Gael and the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland; Egan
-was the treasurer and accredited representative of the Irish Land
-League.
-
-Journeying by way of Liverpool, I reached England on the 12th of
-April 1881, and stopping in London in order to see Mr. Anderson
-and show him the packets, as well as to receive instructions, I
-eventually travelled to Paris. On arrival there I drove to the
-Hotel Brighton, where I had learned Egan was located, and where I
-determined to take up my abode. The first person I met with in the
-hotel was Egan himself. He was coming down the stairs in view of
-me, as I asked for him, in company with Mrs. A. M. Sullivan (wife
-of the late M.P.), both being bound for the opera, where, on their
-invitation, I subsequently joined them. I made myself known to Egan
-at once, only to find of course that he had received some hint of my
-coming, and was quite expecting me.
-
-[Illustration: PATRICK EGAN]
-
-As I washed and prepared to take myself to the opera, to see some
-more of this strange man, I endeavoured to recall his appearance, and
-to see how far he fitted in with the idea I already held regarding
-him. A man of bright cheery presence, stout build, and jovial look
-and voice, the latter very marked in its Irish accent, with bright
-laughing eyes and warm handshake and a closely cut head of tawny
-hair, he was the last person in the world you would take for a
-deep conspirator, and a constructor of murder. I was puzzled and
-bewildered—I could not make it out; and so giving up all thought of
-trying to read the man’s character on the outward view, I determined
-I should leave my further studies in this direction to a later date
-and go and enjoy the opera, which I did.
-
-The next morning saw me _en route_ for the residence of John O’Leary,
-to whom I wished to deliver my second packet without delay. I
-discovered him without much difficulty in his abode at the Hotel de
-la Couronne, in the Quartier Latin. I found the old man surrounded by
-his books and manuscripts, and from his appearance more fit for the
-patient secluded life of the student than the troublous career of the
-rebel. Seated in his room, and gazing affectionately on his different
-treasures of old and rare editions, he seemed to have little in
-common with my friends of the Clan. Yet I found him fully posted, and
-as keen to talk with me as possible. At first somewhat suspicious
-and uncertain in his manner, he gradually lost his appearance of
-distrust, and in the end gossiped with me quite freely. As he opened
-Devoy’s packet in my presence, I was enabled to discover that I had
-been the bearer of a very long document, with an enclosure, to which
-he paid great heed.
-
-From the very start I found O’Leary opposed to the “active” policy.
-He was as strong and bitter an opponent of the murderous idea as
-one could wish to meet; and, unlike Irish patriots in general, he
-was not without the courage of his convictions. He showed me a copy
-of the Dublin _Irishman_ (the unfortunate Pigott’s paper), of some
-date in the month previous, containing a letter over his signature,
-denouncing all secret warfare. In fact, so far did this really
-honest patriot go, that he refused in his official capacity to take
-any responsibility for expenditure in connection with the “active”
-policy. While condemning such methods, however, he avowed himself
-in full accord with an open insurrectionary movement; and he spoke
-in the bitterest terms of the way in which J. J. O’Kelly and others
-had played false, while acting as paid members of the organisation.
-Another point in connection with our talks was the opposition shown
-by O’Leary to the Parnellite alliance. He would have nothing to do
-with such a joining of forces as was proposed, and he was all against
-mixing up the honest rebel movement with one which was, in his
-opinion, worthy of great distrust.
-
-I enjoyed my talks with O’Leary because in him I found a fine,
-honest, fearless spirit. The man was old and grey, with furrowed
-brow and stooped figure, the result of his long confinement in
-English prisons. There was little about him then to remind one of
-the bright-eyed daring prisoner who, fifteen years before, had, from
-the dock of a Dublin court-house, hurled defiance at judge, jury,
-and Government alike; but there still remained with him the same
-fearlessness of tone and honesty of conviction which marked him out
-then, as now, a prince amongst his fellows of the Irish conspiracy.
-
-
-
-
-XXXIII.
-
-
-In strong contrast to O’Leary was another old Irish rebel whose
-acquaintance I made in Paris for the first time. He was a man whose
-name was familiar to me as a household word, but with whom I had
-never before been brought directly into contact. I speak of James
-Stephens, the leader with whose name it was at one time possible to
-conjure in Ireland, who had been the head and front of the Fenian
-Brotherhood in Ireland in 1865, whose word was law to its sworn
-thousands, and who, after making his escape from Richmond Bridewell
-in Dublin, ended his inglorious public career by an unromantic exit
-in petticoats. Curious being that he was, he inspired feelings of the
-sincerest affection on the part of his immediate followers; and there
-were few things that, in their regard for him, they would not seek to
-accomplish on his behalf.
-
-His escape from Richmond Prison, attended with tremendous risk as it
-was for all concerned, was a case in point; and as it is a matter
-about which present-day folk remember little if anything, I feel
-tempted to give the story in the old man’s words, as he told it to me.
-
-“The two brave men,” said he, “brave men and true, who were
-instrumental in releasing me were J. J. Breslin and Daniel Byrne.
-Breslin was a man of great expediency, or he never could have
-procured the impression of the key which opened my cell, and which
-was hung on a nail in the Governor’s safe. He had to distract the
-Governor’s attention; steal the key, putting another in its place;
-get the impression, and then return the key to its proper place
-again. The most singular circumstance connected with my escape was
-that while Kickham, who was deaf, occupied the cell on my right,
-M‘Leod, a thief, was in the cell on my left. A gong was placed in
-his cell communicating with the Governor’s office, in order to allow
-of his giving the alarm if necessary; and he could not have helped
-hearing me get out, when Breslin and Byrne, at one o’clock in the
-morning, stood beside my cell. He did hear me; but that thief, base
-as he was, was not base enough to sell me to the British Government.
-But then my trouble began. We had only a few minutes to do our work
-in. It was pitch dark, and the storm howled furiously. The ladder
-provided for my scaling the wall proved too short. Breslin, who was
-chief hospital warden, and Byrne, who was night-watchman and ‘lock
-up,’ were armed with two revolvers each. They had also provided for
-me. Our intention was to fight, if discovered, until killed.
-
-“The short ladder nearly proved fatal. I could not reach the top of
-the wall, which was twenty feet high, so Byrne got a table out of
-the dining-room and placed the ladder upon it. Even then it was too
-short. I had to come down again. Breslin was fairly wild. Another
-table was procured, and again I tried. After a dreadful struggle,
-I succeeded in getting outside of the wall. It was no joke to jump
-twenty feet into the darkness. I had to do it, however, or be caught.
-Breslin gave me directions where to go if I did not break my neck in
-falling; and he and Byrne returned to their duty. I let go my hold,
-and down I went, fortunately falling on soft ground.
-
-“My directions were to follow a gravel walk (for I was in a garden)
-until I came to another wall twenty feet high, where I was to throw
-a stone over as a signal to eleven men, all armed, who were waiting
-outside to receive me.
-
-“I had some difficulty in finding the walk, and could get no stone of
-any size in the dark. At last I reached the garden wall, and threw
-over a handful of gravel. A rope with a weight attached was thrown
-over the wall. I climbed up by its aid, and soon found myself in the
-arms of my body-guard. We embraced with joy, and I soon made them
-disperse. I went to a house in sight of the jail, and remained there
-fourteen days. I afterwards went to a fashionable boarding-house in
-the finest part of Dublin and stayed two months. I left Dublin in the
-brigantine _Concord_, in company with Flood and Kelly, on the 12th of
-March, and landed in Ardrossan on the afternoon of the 15th.”
-
-Poor Stephens now lives in his humble garret in Paris, an exile
-broken in fortune, health, and hope, smoking his short black pipe and
-brooding over these days that are no more.
-
-
-
-
-XXXIV.
-
-
-All this time Egan and I had been constantly together. My desire
-was, of course, to make a study of the man, and to get to know as
-much about him as I possibly could. Everything played into my hands.
-Egan was ignorant both of the geography and the language of the
-French capital, and he very largely availed himself of the help which
-I was enabled to render him, as the result of my supposed French
-nationality and knowledge of the city. My position, altogether, was
-a very pleasant one at this period. Egan lived in a most extravagant
-fashion, and as he would pay for everything and would not allow me to
-share in any outlay, I had the best of all things without any strain
-on my pocket whatever. He frequented the most expensive cafés, had
-the choicest of dishes, would only be content with the best boxes
-at places of entertainment, and, in a word, spent his money right
-royally. The information should be pleasant reading for the poor
-dupes in America and Ireland who subscribed the funds over which he
-was then presiding.
-
-We cemented a strong friendship, and I was with him almost at all
-times. I made a point of being in his rooms when his letters
-arrived, and he was certainly very frank and open in acquainting
-me with their contents. As a result, I obtained full and accurate
-information as to the position and progress of affairs in Ireland
-during my stay. There was not the faintest shadow of a suggestion of
-secrecy between us as to our attitude towards Revolutionary matters.
-I remember well on one occasion Egan summing up his own position in
-these words—which I noted at the time—“I am a Land Leaguer, and
-something else when the opportunity presents itself.” He boasted
-to me of his having been the backbone of the Fenian organisation
-in Dublin for many years, and admitted the fact, with which I was
-acquainted, that he was a member of the Supreme Council or executive
-body there.
-
-[Illustration: “NUMBER ONE”
-
-P. J. TYNAN]
-
-In our talks on Revolutionary organisations, I found Egan an
-enthusiastic advocate of the “active” policy spoken of by Devoy,
-and he heartily entered into a discussion with me as to the ways
-and means of carrying it out. In this connection reference was made
-to Mr. Parnell, and he assured me most emphatically that “Parnell
-was all right as a Revolutionist.” In support of this statement he
-cited the fact that some twelve months previously Mr. Parnell sought
-admission into the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood,
-but was refused. “Parnell,” remarked Egan with a wise look, “thought
-a good deal of the organisation, but it was not then in a flourishing
-condition, and we thought he would think a great deal more of it by
-being on the outside rather than in it.”
-
-Our conversations naturally tended in the direction of finance; and
-when the topic cropped up, Egan dealt with it in no nervous spirit,
-regarding me as quite a worthy recipient of his confidence. About
-this time a demand was being made for a public audit of the accounts
-of the League. He explained that an audit committee of three members
-of the League had already gone over his books, and this was all the
-audit that could possibly take place. His reasons for such a strong
-statement were very frankly given. A public audit would, he said, be
-the very thing Dublin Castle—meaning the Irish Government—would
-like to have, but this was out of the question. It was impossible for
-him to make public many of the items of his expenditure! I laughed to
-myself as he said this, wondering whether the expenses of our many
-extravagant trips about Paris came under this head.
-
-But he was dealing with far more dangerous matters. He stated
-explicitly, in a very significant way, that the money had been used
-for other purposes than those of constitutional agitation. Amongst
-these sources of outlay were the expenses of the Dutch officers from
-Amsterdam to assist the Boers in their revolt against British control
-in South Africa; and coming nearer home, the varied expenditure in
-connection with parties attached to the Irish Republican Brotherhood
-in Ireland. Altogether our talks on this branch of the subject
-enlightened me on many points, and supplied me with sufficient
-material to form a fixed belief in my mind that his idea, at least,
-was identical with that held in the States—that the open agitation
-was but a branch of the movement to obtain the separation of Ireland
-from England.
-
-I use the phrase “his idea,” but to be really accurate I should say
-“their idea,” for Egan always spoke on behalf of his colleagues—with
-one exception, which I can recall—and represented that a complete
-harmony of view prevailed. And in everything that happened
-subsequently during my stay in England, I found this representation
-of his sustained by fact, save the single exception of which I
-speak—namely, in the case of Mr. A. M. Sullivan. I had not long
-to wait for an opportunity of putting the statement to the test as
-far as several of the M.P.’s were concerned; for very shortly after
-this conversation, Egan and I travelled to London, and by him I was
-introduced into the House of Commons, and to several Irish M.P.’s,
-with the significant description “one of our friends from America.”
-I well remember that amongst those I first met in this way was Mr.
-Parnell himself, from whom I received a very warm greeting. On this
-occasion I was accommodated with a seat under the gallery of the
-House. This was but one of several visits I paid to the House at
-this time, in the course of which I constantly came in contact with
-Egan. When alone I generally sent in my card to Mr. Parnell, and
-he obtained the necessary admission for me, much to his disgust, I
-am sure, when a later day came and I put in an appearance in the
-witness-box of Probate Court No. 1, London.
-
-At every point I, of course, made careful notes of what occurred,
-and, either verbally or in writing, reported them to my chief,
-so that the Government were not really so deplorably ignorant as
-the Parnellites then proudly hoped and believed. In fact, not one
-occurrence of importance with which Egan became acquainted—and he
-really knew everything, and kept nothing back from me—was delayed
-by a single post from headquarters at the Home Office in London.
-To resume, however. After this first visit to London, Egan and I
-returned to Paris by different routes and on arriving there the
-same close intercourse prevailed between us. I had not been very
-long back, when Egan informed me that Mr. Parnell had written him
-expressing a very strong desire to see me before my return to
-America. Nothing loth, I promised to call upon the Irish leader when
-next in London, and I duly carried out my promise.
-
-
-
-
-XXXV.
-
-
-Making my way down to the House on the occasion of my next appearance
-in London, I obtained admission to the Lobby—admission was then
-an easier matter than now—and encountered Mr. J. J. O’Kelly in my
-search for Mr. Parnell. The late envoy of the Clan-na-Gael, who,
-unfaithful to his trust, had got into Parliament with skirmishing
-money instead of attending to the shipping of arms for “active” work,
-had a long chat with me over the situation, before the Irish leader
-put in an appearance. While we talked in this way, O’Kelly complained
-bitterly of the opposition which the open or constitutional
-movement known as the Land League was still receiving from the
-Irish Republican Brotherhood or secret organisation in Ireland,
-and he stoutly advocated coercion on the part of the directors of
-the American branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish
-malcontents into line.
-
-His remarks, however, were cut short by the appearance of Mr.
-Parnell, who, leading the way, conducted us to a corridor outside
-the Library of the House, where an interview of over an hour took
-place, O’Kelly remaining for a little until the conversation was
-well under way. O’Kelly, while he remained, did almost all the
-talking. His remarks were a repetition of what he had already said
-to me in private. When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the same line
-of complaint, speaking in low tones, as we walked up and down the
-corridor, to prevent any one being continually within ear-shot. I
-was told detectives were watching us, and that spies held a place
-in every corner. As I afterwards learnt, the statement was not
-without foundation, for every movement of myself and my companion was
-noted, with details as regards time, and duly reported to Government
-officials within twenty-four hours.
-
-The whole matter, said Mr. Parnell, following up O’Kelly’s remarks,
-rested in our hands in America. We had the money, he said, and if we
-stopped the supplies the home organisation would act as desired. He
-expressed his belief that Devoy could do more than any one else to
-bring about a clear understanding and alliance; and he commissioned
-me to use my influence with Devoy, and to arrange for his presence
-in Paris at as early a date as possible. So anxious was he to bring
-Devoy over that he undertook to pay all his expenses. Still speaking
-in this connection, he asked me to at once proceed from New York,
-after seeing Devoy, to other prominent members of the organisation,
-mentioning particularly the names of Alexander Sullivan and William
-J. Hynes, the presence of either of whom, upon this side of the
-water, he desired for the purpose of bringing about a thorough
-understanding and complete harmony of working. Special reference was
-also made to Dr. William Carroll of Philadelphia, and his attitude
-towards the open movement. Dr. Carroll, I may here explain, had been
-elected Chairman of the Executive Body at the Wilkesbarre Convention
-of 1879, but had resigned in 1880 in consequence of his opposition
-to the way in which the New Departure was being worked, and the
-treatment he received. This was the same Dr. Carroll who had spent
-the previous year in Europe, having been specially charged with the
-carriage of negotiations between the V.C. and the Russian Government.
-
-After arranging these matters with me, Mr. Parnell entered into
-details regarding the position of the Irish Question at this time.
-His remarks on this point were a veritable bombshell to me. He
-started off by stating that he had long since ceased to believe that
-anything but the force of arms would accomplish the final redemption
-of Ireland. He saw no reason why, when we were fully prepared,
-an open insurrectionary movement could not be brought about. He
-went carefully into the question of resources and necessaries. He
-stated what the League could furnish in the way of men and money,
-and informed me as to the assistance which he looked for from the
-American organisation. He spoke of having in the League Treasury at
-the end of that year an available sum of £100,000. He discussed with
-me the details of the position occupied by the home and American
-Revolutionary organisations, and defended the American policy for the
-time being. I parted with him with the assurance that I would do all
-he wished.
-
-The interview had certainly proved a startling one for me; and as I
-proceeded to my seat under the gallery of the House, I pondered over
-the manner and method of my late companion, to discover, if I could,
-any incident in the course of our hour’s talk which would materially
-affect all that he had said. But there was none. The manner of the
-League chief had been grave and impassive, as was his wont; he
-had been business-like all through; there was no uncertainty, no
-indistinctness in his utterance. He had certainly made a plunge, but
-it was a plunge taken with all deliberation and premeditation. I went
-over all the points in my own mind again, carefully impressed them on
-my memory, and took my seat in the house beside General Roberts, with
-whom I had an interesting talk in an undertone, and to whom I pointed
-out some of the celebrities on both sides. If I remember aright, it
-was the occasion of a vote of thanks to General Roberts for his march
-on Candahar; and when the vote had been recorded, a large number of
-members crowded round to speak to him, whereupon I left.
-
-Reaching the street, I called a hansom at once, and late hour though
-it was, I drove direct to Mr. Anderson’s private house in order to
-acquaint him with what had happened, while the facts were fresh in
-my memory. Carefully I went into every detail, and as carefully Mr.
-Anderson followed, taking a note as I went along of the principal
-points. The early dawn had crept upon us ere my report was finished,
-and concluding at last, I took my departure, to lose no time in
-getting that sleep for which I commenced to pine, and which I
-considered I had very fairly earned.
-
-
-
-
-XXXVI.
-
-
-I saw Mr. Parnell once more. This was when I went to say good-bye to
-him. I found him in the tea-room of the House of Commons, as cordial
-as ever. Indeed, he was particularly agreeable on this occasion,
-presenting me with a photograph of himself, on which he wrote,
-“Yours very truly, Charles S. Parnell.” This portrait, which is here
-reproduced, I kept as an interesting souvenir for a long time, but
-had to surrender it at last to the Special Commission, amongst the
-records of which it is now duly numbered. Soon after I left London
-for Ireland, not, however, before I had seen a good deal of Egan,
-and spent several pleasant evenings in his company, at the house
-of Mr. A. M. Sullivan, M.P., who now, poor man! is no more. I well
-remember Egan’s impressing upon me the necessity for my covering my
-revolutionary sentiments whenever Mr. Sullivan was near. It would
-never do, I was told, to talk of revolutionary matters, for he was
-ultramontane. This advice I followed, noting the fact in my own mind
-to Mr. Sullivan’s credit.
-
-Talented, witty, and brilliant, Mr. Sullivan made a magnificent
-_raconteur_. Even now I can recall many of his happy efforts which
-would well bear reproduction. I shall not, however, yield to the
-temptation of bringing them in here, but will content myself with
-recalling one pleasant story told about the irrepressible Mr. Biggar.
-Mr. Biggar, as I was informed by way of preface, was known as the
-great objector and “counter-out,” sometimes, sad to relate, moving
-that the House be counted when it was not to the interests of the
-party to take any notice of the want of a quorum. Very pious in
-disposition, he rarely failed to attend early mass, in spite of late
-sittings and consequent fatigue. One morning Mr. Biggar, fatigued
-after a very heavy night’s sitting, but still devotionally inclined,
-attended mass at St. George’s in Southwark. So tired out was he that
-he fell fast asleep in his chair as the service proceeded, and so he
-remained until all had been concluded and every one had gone. Upon
-being vigorously aroused by the verger, Mr. Biggar started up, rubbed
-his eyes, looked at the roof, and fancying himself at the moment in
-the House of Commons, with the master instinct strong within him,
-loudly exclaimed, “Mr. Speaker, I move that the House be counted.”
-
-[Illustration: (Parnell signature)
-
- _Yours very truly
- Char. S. Parnell_]
-
-Thanks to Egan, I travelled to Dublin under happy circumstances.
-I was the bearer of letters of introduction to Dr. Kenny, M.P.,
-O’Rorke, Egan’s brother-in-law, and to those in charge at the
-Land League head-quarters. I anticipated an interesting time, and
-I was not disappointed. Dr. Kenny, though his memory is now very
-deficient—shall I say?—proved the most entertaining of men, and I
-had both lunch and dinner at his hospitable board in Gardiner Street.
-It was in his company I paid my visit to Kilmainham Prison, and
-through his kind introduction that I made the acquaintance of John
-Dillon, P. J. Sheridan, M. J. Boyton, and the others I met on the
-occasion. My visit and its incidents afforded a very good insight
-into how matters were conducted, and proved to me how very easy
-it was to carry on communication with the outside world—at least
-when you were an Irish political prisoner. To my surprise there was
-no attempt made by the warder to hear the conversation I had with
-Boyton. On the contrary, this interesting official most obligingly
-took himself off.
-
-This meeting with Boyton was full of interest to me. He was the man,
-it will be remembered, who had been named by Devoy as carrying out
-the arrangements for the “active” policy of Ireland, and who was
-best known as the brother of Captain Boyton the swimmer. From him
-in the secrecy of conversation, undisturbed by the presence of a
-warder or fellow-prisoner, I learnt that the Land League had placed
-the Fenian or National cause in a far stronger position than ever in
-Ireland. Could the Clan-na-Gael only see the national spirit which
-had been developed all over Ireland, they would never oppose it,
-he believed. In counties where the Revolutionary organisation had
-been dead for years, continued he, there was now material for work,
-and men ready to go as far as any one. All these men wanted was
-organisation and leaders. He besought my assistance in proving his
-claim to be a naturalised American citizen, which, if established,
-would mean his release. I left him with no doubt in my mind as to his
-being a thorough-paced Revolutionist. When I got outside the prison,
-I received from Dr. Kenny a letter which Boyton had intrusted to him
-after leaving, containing a couple of his photos. Boyton, need I
-state, was a paid Land League organiser like Sheridan, the director
-of the Invincibles. My meeting with Sheridan was, by the way, almost
-a momentary affair, and that with Dillon in the presence of a warder.
-
-After a very interesting time in Dublin, I left by North Wall boat,
-being “seen off,” as the phrase is, by Egan’s business partner and
-brother-in-law, O’Rorke, and Andrew Kettle, both Leaguers remaining
-on the bridge of the boat talking to me till we left. The detailed
-report of all I had seen and heard was duly submitted to Mr.
-Anderson. I was commended for my success, said good-bye to everybody,
-and once more took ship for home, in order to get back in time for
-the Convention of the Clan-na-Gael, which was to take place very
-soon. Of course there was another matter which prompted my speedy
-return, and that was the work I had undertaken to do on behalf of
-Mr. Parnell. I had to see Devoy and the others, to report the Irish
-leader’s views to them, and having acquitted myself of all I had to
-do as a Revolutionary envoy, to find out as much as possible of the
-result, in order that I might utilise the information in my capacity
-as an agent of the Secret Service.
-
-
-
-
-XXXVII.
-
-
-I reached New York somewhere in the month of June 1881. Devoy was not
-there when I arrived, and so I had to telegraph to him at New Haven,
-Conn., in order to arrange an interview. My telegram was followed by
-a written report of all that had happened; and as Devoy was detained
-at New Haven, a lengthy correspondence took place between us. Though
-at first reluctant to go to Europe, he eventually undertook to do
-so. His consent, however, was conditional on his colleagues agreeing
-to the undertaking, and with them he promised to confer immediately
-on his return. Later on he telegraphed me to lay his correspondence
-before Sullivan and Hynes, when I discussed the matter with them.
-The following is one of the letters I had from Devoy in connection
-with this matter. It is, unfortunately, the only one I retained in my
-possession, the others having been forwarded with my despatches at
-this period, as they were of a far more important character.
-
- “41 ORANGE STREET, NEWHAVEN,
- “OFFICE OF MR. REYNOLDS,
- “_June 24, 1881_.
-
- “DEAR FRIEND,—I am sorry I was obliged to leave here for New York
- last Saturday, consequently I did not get your letters till my
- return last night. They would have been sent on to me, but I was
- expected to return. I am much obliged for the information you have
- given me, and the interest you have taken in a matter that affects
- us all so closely. I have not heard from H. (Hynes), but yesterday
- I received a note from E. (Egan) urging me strongly to go over, but
- I did not understand for what purpose till I got your explanation.
- I should like to go very much if I could spare the time, and if I
- thought my visit would produce the effect anticipated, but I am
- afraid it would not. I have no authority to speak for anybody, and
- no man would undertake to speak for the V.C. without its consent,
- and which must take time to get; and none of us, even if we had
- that consent, could give any guarantee for the individuals on
- the other side, who are hostile, and who, I feel certain, do not
- represent the opinion of the home organisation. There can be no
- change there until there is a change of persons, and that is sure
- to come in time. All I could do would be to tell E. (Egan) and
- P. (Parnell), on my own responsibility, what I believe would be
- satisfactory to our friends here, and make propositions that I
- might have felt morally certain would be approved of; but I would
- not, on any consideration, have them pay my expenses; that would
- place me in a false position at once. I have asked advice, and
- if certain friends here think it the right thing to do, I shall
- start next Wednesday; but, at present, I do not think I shall be
- so advised. They seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here.
- It is not their action in Ireland, but the action they allow their
- friends to take in their name here. There is little difference of
- opinion about the essential point, but we cannot tolerate the kind
- of thing begun in Buffalo. Please drop me a line to P.O. box 4,479,
- New York City, and even if I should go it will reach me. I will
- write again.—Yours in haste,
-
- “JOHN DEVOY.”
-
-Before proceeding to Sullivan and Hynes, I took a trip to
-Philadelphia, in order to see Dr. Carroll and convey Mr. Parnell’s
-views to him. With him I found very little sympathy for the proposal.
-He was as antagonistic to the open movement as possible. As for
-Davitt, he had lost all faith in him. “When Davitt ceases to be a
-Revolutionist,” he remarked, “I have no further use for him.” As for
-any practical alliance between the two forces, his idea was that no
-two or three people should take upon themselves to decide, but that
-the whole question should be brought up before the coming Convention.
-Altogether, Dr. Carroll appeared anything but an enthusiast on Mr.
-Parnell’s behalf, although in the end he went the length of saying
-that he was glad to find by Mr. Parnell’s attitude that there was a
-returning sense of reason on his part. From Philadelphia I journeyed
-to Chicago, where I saw Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes. I
-dealt with them separately at first, but in the end a conference
-took place between the three of us. The news I brought them appeared
-to be a source of gratification. They apparently fully realised the
-importance of the situation, and determined in the end that one of
-them at least should go.
-
-I had now completed my part of the work, and so, content with my
-labours, I returned home, wrote a full account of my proceedings to
-Mr. Anderson, and turned my attention to my business. I communicated
-fully with Egan in two lengthy letters, but I did not write Mr.
-Parnell, for Egan had purposely asked that I should not communicate
-direct with his chief. As far as any further public action on my part
-was concerned, I dropped out of the affair at this point. I knew that
-I should learn everything in time, and I was quite content to wait.
-
-As I had anticipated, I did hear the result, and on no less an
-authority than that of Sullivan himself. He informed me some time
-later that the sanction of the executive body of the Clan-na-Gael
-or V.C. had been given to the bringing about of an “understanding.”
-Sullivan, however, did not anticipate that it would be all plain
-sailing. Even then he expected trouble from the members of the home
-organisation, but he pointed out that their opinion was not that of
-the organisation in its collective capacity. On one point he was very
-strong, and that was the getting rid of poor old O’Leary. The old
-man’s independence of mind and speech was not by any means relished,
-and so it was determined that he should go. There could be no
-radical change brought about, Sullivan confessed, while O’Leary was
-there, and, I might depend upon it, a change of the representative
-was certain to come very soon. As he talked, Sullivan grew quite
-enthusiastic over the new move, and he showed me by his manner that
-he had given the subject a great deal of thought.
-
-“I feel morally certain,” he continued, “that the propositions I will
-make will be approved of. I for one am opposed to bringing up this
-matter openly at the coming Convention. I shall most certainly object
-to Parnell or any of his friends compromising themselves by allowing
-such a course. The whole matter must be left to the Revolutionary
-Directory and the F.C.” (Executive Body). [As it will be seen later,
-this is exactly what happened. There was no public discussion of
-the proposal in open convention, but matters were satisfactorily
-arranged in the quiet caucuses of the responsible committees.]
-Sullivan, continuing, said, “They (that is, the Parnellites) seem to
-misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. Our quarrel is not with their
-action in Ireland, but with the action they allow their friends here
-to take in their name. I know there is but little difference about
-essential points, but we cannot tolerate the kind of thing begun in
-Buffalo.”
-
-This reference to Buffalo dealt with some proceedings in connection
-with the first American Land League Convention of a few weeks
-previously, which had attracted a good deal of attention and comment
-at the time. I had no personal knowledge of what took place, owing to
-the Convention having been held while I was in Europe, but I heard
-fully of the affair on my return. The whole thing was nothing more
-or less than an attempt on the part of the clerical element to gain
-the controlling power in the League Councils, to the exclusion of the
-Clan-na-Gael influence. Certain speeches had been made and action
-taken with this view, and although the result had not weakened them,
-the Clan-na-Gael leaders felt very bitter on the point.
-
-
-
-
-XXXVIII.
-
-
-The month of August at length arrived, and with it the Great Dynamite
-Convention of 1881. It was pretty well known that “active” work
-was to be the order of the day, when the future plans and schemes
-of the organisation came to be discussed. Nothing was talked of
-throughout the camps but the utter lack of practical effort which had
-characterised the past few years; and now, when funds were pretty
-large, and the organisation itself in a very flourishing condition
-in every way, it was determined that some outward and visible sign
-should be given England of its power of doing mischief. The stories
-which were daily reaching America of the alleged brutalities being
-practised by the British Government, only served to inflame the blood
-of the rank and file of the conspirators, and to make them the more
-eager to force on some exhibition of their strength. The leaders,
-however, were in no sense behindhand in the way of bloodthirsty
-sentiment; indeed, as will be seen by what I have already stated
-about Devoy and others, arrangements had ere this been completed for
-giving expression to the popular desire.
-
-The Convention, which assembled in the club-room of the Palmer House,
-Chicago, lasted from the 3rd to the 10th of August 1881; and although
-the word dynamite finds no single place in the official records of
-the assembly, it was in the air and in the speeches from start to
-finish. The whole question of active operations came up and was
-debated at great length in connection with the statement of accounts
-furnished by the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund. Many of the
-delegates present attacked both the Revolutionary Directory and the
-Executive Body for having practically done nothing, while an enormous
-amount of money had been spent from this fund; and wild demands were
-made for particulars. The fight raged so fiercely that disclosures
-were made compromising people on the Irish side of the water; and,
-in order to prevent a complete _exposé_, a resolution was suddenly
-passed forbidding the mention of names and other compromising
-particulars. Explanations were, however, tendered as to the schemes
-which had been discussed and in part arranged. These included
-the treaty with Russia, the supply of officers to the Boers, the
-torpedo-boat, the hand-grenade, the purchase and shipment of arms,
-the purchase of 200 six-pound cannons at $25 each, and the attempt to
-rescue Michael Davitt on two occasions.
-
-In the end a resolution in the following terms was adopted which,
-read by the light of the many and excited debates, was a clear
-instruction to the Executive Body to be up and doing at once in the
-way of “active” warfare:—
-
- “That it is the sense of this Convention that, while we do not
- dictate to the F.C., whatever action they may inaugurate, however
- decisive, will meet the full approval of the delegates present and
- the V.C. at large.”
-
-This, however, was not the only important resolution they recorded.
-While the fight over an active policy was being engaged in, I
-secretly attended by request before the Committee of Foreign
-Relations, and explained to them the views of Mr. Parnell and Patrick
-Egan. As the result of what took place in connection with this
-matter, the following resolution was proposed and adopted in open
-convention:—
-
- “That it is the sense of this Convention that both branches of
- the S.E. (_i.e._, the Irish and the American members of the
- Revolutionary Directory), in so far as they can give their time and
- energies to it, should devote themselves to the work of revolution;
- and if such bodies cannot give their approval to public movements
- that are intended to promote the political and social regeneration
- of Jsfmboe (Ireland) when they are supported by a large proportion
- of the Jsjti (Irish) people, they will at least refrain from
- antagonising them, and that the members of the I.S.C. (the Irish
- Republican Brotherhood) and the V.C. (Clan-na-Gael) should not
- arbitrarily be prevented from exercising liberty of action in
- regard to such movements.”
-
-
-
-
-XXXIX.
-
-
-In this way did both of Mr. Parnell’s ideas receive recognition
-and support. In the first place, the Revolutionary Directory was
-instructed to prepare for the rising of which he spoke, while, in
-the second, a pretty strong hint was given to the home organisation
-that members in their individual capacity should join the League
-and support its programme. It is only right that I should state at
-this point that I was not the only one charged with representing
-Mr. Parnell’s views. My attendance before the Foreign Relations
-Committee brought me into contact with John O’Connor, _alias_ Dr.
-Clarke, _alias_ Dr. Kenealy, the travelling agent of the Clan-na-Gael
-in Europe, who informed me that he specially attended in his
-representative capacity to support the “understanding.” This was not
-my first meeting with O’Connor by any means. When in Paris I had been
-introduced to him by O’Leary, and had frequently met him in the
-company of Egan, with whom he was on the most confidential terms, and
-working in perfect harmony. O’Connor’s statement was followed by one
-on the part of Devoy, who informed me that “the matter was now all
-right.”
-
-This Convention saw the initiation of the Sullivan _régime_,
-Alexander Sullivan, ere its close, being elected to the position of
-president of the organisation, with head-quarters at Chicago. His
-election was attended by many changes in the constitution. Up to
-this the executive body, or “F.C.” as it was termed, had consisted
-of a chairman, secretary, and treasurer, with eleven district
-members or “E.N.’s,” elected to control the society in their several
-districts. The Convention now reconstituted the “F.C.” by excluding
-these eleven “E.N.’s,” and limiting the number to six, including the
-secretary, who was _ex-officio_, but without a vote. This was quite
-a revolution in the management of affairs, and Sullivan, in his
-new position, acquired a power and prominence never enjoyed by any
-previous president. It was after gaining possession of this important
-and powerful post that he visited Europe, in accordance with the
-arrangement I had been the means of first proposing to him. Of course
-it was not publicly announced that Sullivan was in Europe. By some
-he was understood to be ill, by others in Florida. It would never
-have done for him to have publicly admitted or allowed the fact to be
-known that he was so far east as Paris.
-
-I had very many interesting conversations at this Convention, but
-none more so than those with Dr. Gallaher, now in Portland Prison
-for complicity in the dynamite outrages, and Mackay Lomasney, who
-had just returned from Ireland, where, like Devoy in 1879, he had
-been acting as the inspecting envoy of the Clan-na-Gael. Gallaher,
-at the time I speak of, was making experiments in the manufacture of
-explosives, and advocating their use. He was quite enthusiastic in
-their praise, and so carried away by his subject that he expressed
-his willingness to personally undertake the carriage of dynamite to
-England and to superintend its use there. Lomasney was an equally
-ardent dynamitard, not foreseeing then the fate which awaited him
-under London Bridge.
-
-I think I cannot better conclude this chapter than by quoting the
-following statement of accounts, furnished at this Convention, of
-the Skirmishing Fund, which, in all its details, even to the amount
-stolen by the messenger of the _Irish World_, should prove of
-interest.
-
- RECEIPTS, &c.
-
- Total receipts by _Irish World_ up to May 31, 1881 $88,306 32
- Received by trustees from other sources 1,603 50
- Interest 1,072 50
- Profits on Exchange 471 25
- ----------
- $91,453 57
- ----------
- EXPENSES, &c.
-
- Purchase of bonds $31,488 87
- Lent per F.C. to S.C. for tools 10,000 0
- Lent to F.C. 5,875 0
- Irish volunteers 1,000 0
- J. J. O’Mahony’s burial 2,030 0
- O’D. Rossa’s defalcations 1,321 90
- Old submarine vessel 4,042 97
- New submarine vessel 23,345 70
- Miscellaneous expense 321 4
- Lent Dr. Carroll 860 0
- Luby and Burke 100 0
- Cheques dishonoured 78 68
- Reception, Condon and Meledy 249 79
- Allowed A. Ford on old money, Rossa’s not cashed 41 90
- _Irish World_ overcharged 5 4
- Subsidising foreign newspapers (J. J. O’Kelly) 2,000 0
- Land League trial (Davitt) 1,532 0
- Special to O’Kelly 177 63
- Author, New Departure 1,003 90
- Stolen by messenger of _Irish World_ 27 50
- Reception of Parnell 165 0
- ----------
- $85,666 92
- ----------
-
- ASSETS.
-
- Balance in bank $5,745 82
- Balance on hands 40 83
- ---------
- $5,786 65
- ----------
-
-
-
-
-XL.
-
-
-I have found this subject of Irish secret conventions so interesting
-to the many people who have talked with me about Clan-na-Gael affairs
-since my appearance in the witness-box that I almost think I might
-venture on some slight description of the _modus operandi_ of these
-gatherings without wearying the reader. Like all proceedings from
-which the general public are shut out, a Clan-na-Gael assembly
-becomes interesting in proportion to the amount of secrecy by which
-it is attended. Not indeed that a Clan-na-Gael Convention is anything
-very exciting or terrible after all. It possesses none of the weird
-features of that scene in which our three old friends of Macbeth
-figure. It is on the contrary very Irish—very Irish indeed. But what
-it is and what it is not can best be demonstrated by some few details
-by way of description; and so, transforming my gentle reader for the
-nonce into a V.C. delegate, I will take him with me for a flying
-visit to the Clan Convention of 1881 in the club-room of the Palmer
-House, Chicago.
-
-As we pass along down the corridor to the iron doors of the
-club-room, we find our passage barred by two stalwart Irishmen. They
-are members of the local camp, stationed as sentinels to prevent the
-entry of the unauthorised. We have already presented our credentials
-and been intrusted with the necessary passwords, and on giving
-the outside password to these guardians of the door, we are duly
-admitted. On the other side, however, we are brought face to face
-with another couple of trusted Gaels, and to them we have to give the
-inside password. ’Tis done, and, freed now from further question, we
-enter the charmed assembly. What a sight! What a babel of voices and
-a world of smoke! You can scarce see for the clouds which curl and
-roll round you as the breath of fresh air is admitted by the opening
-door, while, as for hearing, your ears are deafened by the din and
-clatter of many tongues and stamping feet. Yes, we are at last in the
-Irish Parliament, as it is grandly termed, in full session. These
-are the hundred and sixty odd delegates of the great V.C., sworn “to
-make Ireland a nation once again,” who are now assembled in the year
-of grace 1881 to clamour for dynamite as the only means of achieving
-their patriotic ends.
-
-Let us sit down in the corner and study the scene with attention.
-It partakes, on the first view, more of the character of a “free
-and easy” entertainment than a grave portentous gathering of
-conspirators; but you must not judge by first appearances or
-outward characteristics. It is the way these men have of doing their
-business, and the dread character of their work is in no way affected
-by the almost ludicrous phases of the preliminary performance. Always
-you must remember that you are dealing with Irishmen, who in their
-wildest and most ferocious of fights still retain that substratum of
-childishness of character and playfulness of mood, with its attendant
-elements of exaggeration and romance, which make it as difficult for
-an ordinary House of Commons member to rightly understand his Irish
-colleague when he launches forth in description or invective, as it
-is for the civilised foreigner to know where the actual grievance now
-comes in.
-
-Well, we are seated, and we must proceed to make the most of our
-time. And so I hurry on with my description. That is the chairman
-seated over there on the platform, with his two secretaries in
-attendance. The permanent presiding officer, as he is termed, is on
-this occasion no other than our friend Wm. J. Hynes, the gentleman
-who received his start in Chicago politics as a professional juryman
-through the instrumentality of Alexander Sullivan, and who since that
-time has put together flesh as well as riches, and is now one of the
-strongest-looking men here, possessed of that which, if he had no
-other qualification, would yet constitute a strong claim for the
-office of chairman—a voice capable of rising above the din caused by
-fifty excited patriots all yelling with their greatest might. Seated
-round in semi-circular fashion are the different delegates who, in
-the language they love so well, may be described as the flower of
-Irish-American patriotism. They are a funny crowd, as lolling with
-arms akimbo, and thumbs resting in their waistcoat arm-holes, they
-hang their feet on the chairs in front, which for comfort’s sake
-are tilted to an angle of some 40 or 45 degrees, and puff their
-cigars—on such an occasion there is nothing so vulgar as a pipe
-indulged in—high up into the air, changing their position now and
-again in order to have a pull at those interesting-looking black
-bottles, or to disrobe themselves of coat or waistcoat, the better to
-cool their heated frames.
-
-But hark! there is a row on now. Listen to the oaths and foul
-epithets which fill the air. These two patriots to our left have
-apparently disagreed about something and, want to fight it out. See
-how they jump to their feet, kick the chairs about, throw a curse
-across the floor at the chairman as he seeks to stop their rowdy
-proceedings, and enter into grips with each other. Watch how friends
-hurry up on either side, and note the general confusion which now
-reigns. The business of the Convention of course is brought to a
-standstill, but not for long. See, all is quiet again now. These
-incidents are of hourly occurrence, and the fun of it all is that
-these two combatants will be drinking whisky in the most amicable
-way out of the same black bottle in less than a quarter of an hour’s
-time. Do you notice these few men hurrying in with handkerchiefs to
-their lips? Thirsty souls! They have been taking advantage of the
-interval to pay a visit to the bar.
-
-
-
-
-XLI.
-
-
-At last we turn to business again. Luckily the topic is an exciting
-one—nothing less indeed than the Skirmishing Fund discussion—and
-so matters will be interesting. O’Meagher Condon is on his feet, and
-he is launching forth in vehement style against the whole of the
-governing powers. Condon is one of those men who were mixed up in
-the Manchester Martyr affair, and since his arrival here a couple
-of years since, on being amnestied, he has been quite a hero. He
-has now a position in a Government department at Washington, and is
-much esteemed in the ranks of the Gaels. How his face works with
-excitement and passion as he attacks Devoy and his fellows on the
-Revolutionary Directory for their want of practical work. He finishes
-at last, and up jumps Devoy, more sour-looking than ever, with the
-perpetual scowl growing heavier and heavier. As he proceeds, the
-author of the New Departure has recourse to the usual method of
-controversy. He asserts that Condon is a coward, and was guilty of
-the grossest neglect at Manchester. If Condon had but distributed the
-twenty odd pounds which were found on him on his arrest, many of the
-men would have escaped, instead of being captured with empty pockets.
-Gruffer and gruffer becomes Devoy’s voice, as losing partial control
-of himself he trembles with excitement and flings charge after charge
-across the floor.
-
-We are in for another personal quarrel, and so have to wait patiently
-while Condon, for the hundredth time, recites the threadbare
-narrative of his glorious deeds in Manchester. Matters are very
-electrical when the Rev. George C. Betts of St. Louis craves a
-hearing, and with his well-known smile seeks the suffrages of
-his fellow-patriots for the moment. Truly, a strange figure in a
-strange place. Tall, erect, in the black garb of the Church, with
-priest-like face and priest-like form, he woos the assembly to a
-strange quietness as his clerical style of utterance falls upon
-the audience. He is as hot a dynamitard as any, but he wants no
-personalities. If they are to accomplish anything, they really must
-be more practical. And so he proceeds, winning applause and spreading
-enthusiasm, till Devoy and Condon, and their personalities, are swept
-into forgetfulness, and all are engaged in applauding revolutionary
-sentiment spiced with religious quotation, and served up in the most
-orthodox of fashions.
-
-The reverend dynamitard concludes, and resumes his seat amidst
-most enthusiastic evidences of his popularity. He gives way to an
-equally inharmonious figure in this motley gathering. The man who
-now rises is one of medium height, whose every movement bespeaks the
-professional man, as awhile back the picture presented by the Rev.
-Dr. Betts bespoke the cleric. A young man too is this, with his neat
-attire, trim beard, and gold-headed cane. No less a person is he than
-Dr. Gallaher, who, in this year of 1892, in the convict suit of grey
-with its regulation arrows, works out his weary life in Portland
-prison. As you watch, and as he speaks in that quiet gentlemanly
-fashion of his, you can well believe that he is a man of whom it
-might be afterwards boasted that he was introduced to Mr. Gladstone
-himself. Save in his sentiments there is nothing of the dynamitard
-about him, but in the matter of his speech there is no room for
-doubt. Quiet and self-controlled though he be, his talk is the talk
-of war, and the enthusiasm which lights up his countenance is that
-strong steady flame which will steadily burn till England’s dungeon
-doors close upon him and cut short his career of recklessness.
-
-Following him on the floor is the familiar form of Denis Feeley,
-the fellow “Triangler” of Sullivan in later days, and with him the
-object of attack on the part of Cronin’s friends. Cool, calm, and
-deliberate, he carries his audience with him as he advocates “a
-secret blow at the enemy”; while his big form shakes with indignation
-as he works himself up to an excited pitch over “the wrongs of their
-beloved country.” At last Feeley concludes, and there rises another
-well-known figure, that of T. V. Powderly, for years the chief of the
-largest working-men’s organisation in America, known as “The Knights
-of Labour.” Little doubt can there be as to his views. Listen to what
-he says:—
-
- “The killing of English robbers and tyrants in Ireland, and the
- destruction by any and all means of their capital and resources,
- which, enables them to carry on their robberies and tyrannies, is
- not a needless act. Hence I am in favour of the torch for their
- cities and the knife for their tyrants till they agree to let
- Ireland severely alone. London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol
- in ashes may bring them to view it in another light.”
-
-And so the talk goes on, and seven hundred years of grievances find
-expression from the lips of excited patriots, while quarrelsome
-delegates destroy all decorum. There is little purpose in our waiting
-further. One hour will be but the repetition of the other. As we rise
-to leave, however, one figure catches the eye and impresses itself
-upon us. It is that of the arch-plotter Sullivan, who, through all
-this din and turmoil, sits and makes no sign. He knows that later on
-he will be the candidate for the highest place amongst them, and so
-he takes no side. There is no possibility of your missing him as you
-pass him by. There he sits, quiet, watchful, and alert. You cannot
-mistake the man. There is a sense of power and intelligence in that
-clean cut, clean shaven face of his, lit up by its bright daring
-eyes. Had you but heard him speak, the lesson of his presence would
-have been complete. His clear trumpet voice, rising and falling with
-the play of a practised orator, his choice finished diction, his
-well-reasoned, well-arranged argument, and the graceful gesture and
-movement of his whole body would prove to you that there at least was
-a man gifted to command and competent to control.
-
-And so we terminate our flying visit to the Eighty-one Convention of
-the Clan-na-Gael, wherein there were assembled forty lawyers, eight
-doctors, two judges, clergymen of both leading religions, merchants,
-manufacturers, and working men, all mixed up in glorious confusion,
-almost all reduced to the level of the whisky bottle, and none
-removed from the struggles of personal avarice and ambition.
-
-
-
-
-XLII.
-
-
-Nothing of a very stirring character happened for the next couple
-of months, and so, much to my satisfaction, I was permitted to
-attend for a little without interruption to my private affairs.
-They sadly lacked some notice on my part, for business was growing,
-my drug-stores were increasing in number, and so was my family.
-Patients were very numerous too, but expenses were not without their
-increase, for I had to employ a regularly qualified M.D. to take my
-place in my absence. If I could have settled down and simply minded
-my own business from this henceforth, I would have been in a very
-satisfactory position to-day. But ’twas not to be. I was constantly
-on the move, and living at high pressure right through. To keep
-myself thoroughly posted I had to be here, there, and everywhere,
-and, in the end, my ordinary business had to take a very secondary
-place. Even at this time my leisure from political affairs was to be
-of very short duration, for, in my capacity as Senior Guardian, I
-received the following in the month of November 1881:—
-
- “_Private._
- “For S. G. alone.
-
- “HEAD-QUARTERS, K.,
- “_November 21, 1881_.
-
- “S.G. of D.
-
- “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—It is the desire of the F.C. that as many
- members of the V.C. as can possibly attend the Irish National
- Convention at Chicago, November 30, 1881, will do so without
- entailing expense on the organisation.
-
- “You will therefore make every effort to get the members of the
- V.C. elected as delegates from any Irish society that may have an
- existence in your neighbourhood, whether it be as representative of
- the Land League Club, the A.O.H., or any other organisation.
-
- “The F.C. particularly desires your presence as a delegate, if it
- is possible for you to attend as such.
-
- “Fraternally yours,
- “K.G.N. OF THE V.C.”
-
-I thoroughly knew what this meant. Under the new _régime_ of Sullivan
-there was to be no more of the “Buffalo business,” and to prevent
-it things were to to done in a thoroughly practical manner. The
-members of the secret revolutionary organisation were to capture the
-representation at the coming Land League Convention, to act unitedly
-in the development of a policy in harmony with the Clan-na-Gael, and
-to officer the future executive in such a way as to prevent further
-misunderstanding. In order to do all this, the Clan-na-Gael men
-were to obtain election as League, or Ancient Order of Hibernian,
-delegates, the latter organisation being a purely benevolent body,
-whose branches had largely affiliated with the League or open
-movement from the start. This was accordingly done; and thus it came
-about that, when I met my fellow-delegates to the open Land League
-Convention of 1881, I found almost every second man a brother from
-the camps of the Clan-na-Gael.
-
-The whole scheme worked in the most perfect manner. On arrival
-in Chicago each Clan-na-Gael man reported himself to the chief
-officer of the district, to whom credentials were presented.
-Official intimation was then given as to what would happen, and each
-conspirator learned that, prior to the sessions of the convention,
-caucuses of the Brotherhood would be held in the hall of Camp
-16, Twenty-second Street, Chicago. The usual precautions were
-taken, and admission only gained by passwords exchanged on each
-occasion. As the chairman at the first gathering—the Rev. George
-C. Betts—humorously put it, “our object was to make things easy for
-the Land Leaguers, and to save them as much trouble as possible.” At
-each meeting the plan of procedure at the coming session was decided
-upon, and the election of temporary and permanent officers arranged.
-Nominations for various committees were fixed, and no opportunity
-neglected for adapting the constitution and officials to our
-requirements. The resolutions subsequently adopted in open convention
-were drafted by our committees.
-
-It therefore came about that John F. Finerty of Chicago, the
-well-known dynamite advocate and prominent member of the Clan,
-“called the convention to order,” and made the opening speech.
-William J. Hynes of the Revolutionary Directory, and the chairman of
-the late Clan-na-Gael Convention, was appointed temporary chairman,
-and Joseph E. Ronayne, who had acted in a similar capacity at the
-Dynamite Convention, was appointed secretary, while T. V. Powderly
-of the Clan Executive, whose fiery speech at the same Convention
-was given a few pages back, was nominated assistant-secretary. The
-nomination of these men led to a trial of strength between the two
-forces of the Convention, but the real tug of war was reserved for
-the second day, when resolutions previously adopted at the Gael’s
-caucus were proposed, nominating the Rev. George C. Betts of St.
-Louis as permanent chairman, and Patrick Ford, John Devoy, Mrs.
-Parnell, and a number of priests as vice-presidents. Of course the
-priests were put forward for politic reasons. The vice-presidents
-were not objected to, but the appointment of the Rev. George C.
-Betts, a Protestant clergyman, was strongly opposed by the priestly
-party. A very excited debate took place, but in the end the
-opposition to Betts was withdrawn at the instigation of the Irish
-visitors—Messrs. T. P. O’Connor, M.P., T. M. Healy, M.P., and Father
-Sheehy—and so at the close this Vice-President of the Clan-na-Gael
-was elected, and the secret organisation triumphed all along the line.
-
-The Irish political controversy was darkened the following year
-by the sad event in the Phœnix Park, Dublin, when Lord Frederick
-Cavendish and Mr. Burke met their deaths at the hands of the Irish
-Invincibles. As regards the Invincible conspiracy, I have little or
-nothing to say. It was in no sense an American affair, and no matter
-how little or how much certain sympathisers in the States may have
-known of the murderous conspiracy, nothing was said on the subject in
-public or in secret to connect the Clan-na-Gael in any way with the
-proceedings of Carey and his friends. There was, of course, a certain
-amount of sympathy with the affair, as was shown by the attitude
-taken up by John Devoy in his paper the _Irish Nation_, which was,
-by the way, the official organ of the Clan-na-Gael at this time,
-and subsidised from its fund. Devoy gave great prominence to the
-refusal of Egan to offer a reward for the discovery of the murderers,
-printing the following telegram in his issue of 13th May 1882:—
-
- “PATRICK EGAN ON BLOOD-MONEY.
-
- “_Paris_, _May 10, 1882_.
-
- “Mr. Egan, the Treasurer of the Land League, has telegraphed the
- following to the _Freeman’s Journal_ of Dublin:—
-
- “‘EDITOR, _Freeman_, Dublin.—In the _Freeman_ of yesterday Mr.
- James F. O’Brien suggests a reward of £2000 out of the Land
- League Fund for the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible
- tragedy of Saturday. Remembering, as I do, the number of innocent
- victims who in the sad history of our country have been handed
- over to the gallows by wretched informers, in order to earn the
- coveted blood-money, and foreseeing the awful danger that in the
- present excited state of public feeling crime may be added to
- crime by the possible sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined
- that if one penny of the Land League Fund were devoted for such a
- purpose I would at once resign the treasurership.
-
- “‘PATRICK EGAN.’”
-
-And commenting upon it in the following vein:—
-
- “Patrick Egan has spoken out like a man against the adoption by
- Irishmen of the base English policy of suborning informers. He
- declares that should a penny of the Land League funds be devoted
- to such an object, he will resign the treasurership. Mr. Parnell
- should at once repudiate the attempt made from this side to connect
- him with action so culpable and un-Irish. By consenting to become
- the trustee of the Irish-American blood-money he would forfeit the
- sympathies of his warmest admirers.”
-
-It was in this year, too, that O’Donovan Rossa was finally expelled
-from the Clan-na-Gael. He had been in very bad odour for a long
-time previously, owing to his unsatisfactory connection with the
-Skirmishing Fund; and at last, after a couple of attempts to get rid
-of him, he was summarily kicked out, and from henceforth repudiated
-by the recognised officials of the secret organisation.
-
-
-
-
-XLIII.
-
-
-Eighteen hundred and eighty-three proved a very busy time with me.
-There was another Land League Convention: Egan, Sheridan, Frank
-Byrne, and other Invincibles “on the run” arrived in the country, and
-altogether my time was pretty well occupied in obtaining information
-and passing it on to my chief. The year opened amidst rumours in
-the public press of the secret movement having captured the open
-organisation of the League. Mr. Parnell himself had taken action
-previously in connection with the Kilmainham Treaty, and in other
-ways which were not understood or appreciated, and, as a consequence,
-a partial breach had occurred. So strained were matters becoming that
-in February it was announced that both Mr. Parnell and Egan would
-come to America in April for the purpose of discussing the whole
-situation and fixing upon some new mode of operations for the future
-which, while equally effective as regards joint working, would not
-impair Mr. Parnell’s usefulness. Many weeks, however, had not passed
-ere the fight between the clerical and revolutionary elements in the
-States began to wax exceedingly hot, and, changing his plans, Mr.
-Parnell determined not to interfere, and so failed to put in his
-promised appearance.
-
-Egan, however, thanks to the revelations of Carey, had to make a
-speedy and somewhat undignified exit from Dublin, and not waiting
-till the month of April, he put himself _en evidence_ in American
-life in the month of March. I met him a week or two after his
-arrival, when he was the guest of Alexander Sullivan, the President
-of the Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago. We renewed our cordial friendship,
-and the same close intimacy prevailed between us as had been the
-case in Paris. Egan told me that the programme now to be proposed
-would give full satisfaction in America; while, as for Sullivan, he
-(Sullivan) remarked to me significantly about this time that, though
-he had never doubted Egan, he was now more than satisfied.
-
-The public Convention of the Land League, henceforth to be known as
-the National League of America, took place at Philadelphia on the
-26th April and following days. The same plan of campaign as had been
-developed in 1881 was put in force by the Clan-na-Gael. A secret
-circular was issued instructing the camps to send delegates, and
-these delegates when assembled in Philadelphia pursued the same line
-of policy in their caucus gatherings. The whole thing worked like
-an exquisite piece of mechanism, and produced the most satisfactory
-results for the Clan leaders. Of course I was a delegate, and of
-course I attended all the secret caucuses. Well for Egan that it
-was so. He considered it impolitic to appear at any of the secret
-gatherings, and so, much to my satisfaction, he asked me to acquaint
-him daily with what transpired, which I did, and received in return
-many interesting pieces of private information. The Convention
-was remarkable for the presence of Egan and Brennan, the runaway
-treasurer and secretary of the Irish Land League, both of whom took
-part in the proceedings, and of Frank Byrne and his wife, who were
-accommodated with seats on the platform.
-
-In accordance with the arrangements made at one of the caucus
-meetings, Alexander Sullivan was appointed president of the new
-organisation. He played his part well on the occasion, and succeeded
-in entirely overcoming the scruples of those opposed to him in
-consequence of his being chief of the Clan-na-Gael. Not once but
-twice did this prince of intriguers decline the honour respectfully
-but firmly; and not till after repeated appeals from Mrs. Parnell,
-the mother of the Irish Home Rule leader, did he consent to take the
-office. Another leading Gael was appointed secretary, and out of the
-Executive Committee of seven, five were members of the Clan-na-Gael.
-
-Although Mr. Parnell did not make his promised appearance, he sent a
-lengthy and significant telegram, in which he asked that the platform
-should be so framed as to enable himself and his friends to continue
-to receive help from America, and to work in such harmony as would
-allow of their achieving those great objects for which, through many
-centuries, the Irish race had struggled.
-
-This was a pretty plain hint from the leading spirit on the Irish
-side to keep matters moderate in appearance, and it was not lost on
-those charged with the conduct of affairs, as the following extracts
-from my official report to my camp on my return will show:—
-
- “The various reports were read and routine business transacted.
- These developed that the Land League had not increased in members,
- but, on the contrary, had decreased during the past year; that a
- majority of the patriots of America had become tired of giving
- their earnings for ‘Simon Pure agitation;’ of the 900 branches
- existing a year ago, 105 had disbanded, and 298 had failed to
- report. The total receipts for the past year from all sources were
- 79,138 dollars, 40 cents, and the disbursements 74,123 dollars, 40
- cents, leaving on hand a balance of 4915 dollars.
-
- “There was an evident desire upon the part of clerical delegates
- and lady Land Leaguers (who evinced a fear of amalgamating with
- dynamiters and secret society Revolutionists) to retain the
- organisation intact, dropping the word land, adopting the platform
- of the Dublin Convention of last October, electing their officers
- for the ensuing year, calling themselves the National League,
- and adjourning _sine die_. This policy received an able but
- unscrupulous supporter in Miles O’Brien of New York, a renegade
- member of the V.C., who exhibited the last circular of instructions
- from the F.C. to a number of priests to show them how they were to
- be manipulated by the terrible Clan-na-Gaels. Had this source been
- successful it would have prevented union, it would have continued
- the various factions, and the formidable front presented to-day of
- all the societies of the country pledged upon one platform to work
- united with one object in view would never have been achieved.
-
- “Brother Brown of St. Louis moved a substitute for all resolutions
- to declare the Land League dissolved after the adjournments of this
- Convention, and the delegates to attend the National Convention
- the next day. This eventually was practically carried by a large
- majority.
-
- “The Convention, to which I presented credentials from this body
- on Thursday morning, presented the grand array of nearly 1200
- delegates upon the floor, the stage being decorated with portraits,
- paintings, statues, flags, and flowers, and graced by some fifty
- ladies—conspicuous amongst them being Mrs. Parnell and Mrs. Frank
- Byrne—the galleries packed to overflowing, some five thousand
- interested spectators being present, a sight not soon to be
- forgotten.
-
- “Again the V.C. showed the work of its second conference of
- Wednesday night, the proceedings being opened by Brother Sullivan,
- and Brother Dorney being unanimously elected temporary presiding
- officer, the temporary secretaries being Brothers Roach of Troy,
- Brown of St. Louis, Hines of Buffalo, and Gleason of Cleveland.
- The appointment of the Committee on Credentials, after the opening
- speeches, constituted the first work on hand, and here again the
- perfect organisation of the V.C. developed itself; and the first
- breeze created by the Rossa-Dunne faction, who moved an amendment
- that each society have a member upon the Committee on Credentials,
- was promptly voted down. Rossa presented his credentials as a
- member of the National Party of New York, but was admitted only
- upon a press ticket.
-
- “The knowledge of a blood and thunder set of resolutions being
- in the pocket of Major Horgan of New York, ready to be fired,
- regardless of consequences, into the Convention, required the
- passage of a resolution that, until permanent organisation
- was effected, all resolutions offered should be referred to
- the Committee on Resolutions without being read. A permanent
- organisation was effected in the afternoon by the unanimous
- election of Brother Foran of Cleveland as presiding officer. The
- various committees being appointed, the Convention adjourned till
- Friday morning, the result of the day’s work summarised showing
- that there was nothing to warrant the fear that the Rossa faction
- would develop any strength or discord; that the V.C. were in the
- majority everywhere; that by every action it was desired to follow
- out the instructions of Mr. Parnell as cabled to the Convention on
- that day; and at least, so far as the public policy was concerned,
- to drop all nitro-glycerine methods of procedure, and to perfect
- the union of the united societies of the country and Canada upon
- one platform, for the purpose of sustaining Parnell and his policy
- by acting and existing permanently as an auxiliary body, or rather
- further, to the Irish National League.
-
- “One straw to show which way the wind blew was the nomination in
- committee of P. A. Collins of Boston for permanent chairman. His
- candidature was unitedly set down with a will for his action in
- offering a reward of 5000 dollars for the discovery of the killers
- of Burke and Cavendish last year.
-
- “Friday morning found the Convention in session with the various
- committees on Plan or Organisation, Platform, Resolutions, and
- Permanent Organisation ready to report. After some spirited
- speech-making by Fathers Boylan and Agnew, and others, Dr.
- O’Reilly of Michigan submitted the report of the Committee on
- Resolutions, in which was included the platform of the National
- League of America. After reading, an attempt was made by Finerty
- to adopt them _seriatim_, for the purpose of getting inserted some
- more favourable to the turbulent Rossa-Dunne faction. They were,
- however, adopted as a whole....
-
- “The Committee on Organisation presented their report, which was
- unanimously adopted.
-
- “It was then in order to elect officers for the ensuing year.
- Alexander Sullivan nominated Dr. O’Reilly of Michigan as treasurer.
- He was elected without opposition, Father Walsh having declined,
- stating privately that he had to choose between his parish and the
- treasurership; and that being the case, he would have to decline.
-
- “The nomination for president resulted in the almost unanimous
- choice of Brother Alexander Sullivan, who, after twice
- diplomatically declining, finally was prevailed upon to accept.
- The Executive Council of one from each State was elected, a large
- majority of whom were members of the V.C.
-
- “Brother Hines of Buffalo was unanimously elected permanent
- secretary. Various sums of money were subscribed for the new
- league, principally by the ladies. Resolutions were passed turning
- over the books, balances on hand, and property of the old Land
- League to the new League.
-
- “Speeches expressive of God-speed and goodwill followed by
- everybody, and the Convention adjourned to meet again next year at
- the call of the Executive.
-
- “The Executive Council subsequently met and elected the Council of
- Seven, five of which are members of the V.C.
-
- “To briefly summarise the results of the Convention, we find the
- unification of all Irish societies pledged under one leadership to
- follow the lines laid down by Parnell and the party at home, not
- to lead but to follow them whence they may go with all the energy,
- practical and financial support possible—a proof to the world
- that the ten millions of Irish nationality upon the continent can
- be represented in convention by their 1200 delegates, and work
- harmoniously and unitedly, and giving to those, and their number
- is legion, who believe in force alone, the supreme satisfaction of
- knowing that the machinery of the cause is now under the control
- and direction of their comrades, who believe, as they do, that
- dynamite, or any other species of warfare that can be devised is
- perfectly legitimate, so long as it can be made effective, and
- accomplish results permanent and tangible.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “Michael Boyton arrived upon the second day of the Convention with
- two members of the Supreme Council, who, as it will be readily
- understood, did not figure publicly upon this occasion.”
-
-
-
-
-XLIV.
-
-
-It was shortly after this—I think somewhere about the 29th of
-May—that I was fortunate enough to learn from Sullivan some
-particulars as to what was going on in connection with the Dynamite
-Campaign. A demonstration had been arranged at Milwaukie, Wisconsin,
-in honour of Patrick Egan, and at Sullivan’s pressing invitation
-I accompanied him in order to participate in it. We travelled
-together and conversed almost all the way, Sullivan, as was his
-wont, supplying me with very interesting details. He told me that
-the management of the secret warfare was entirely in the hands of
-the Revolutionary Directory in America. Men, it appeared, could not
-be obtained at home to do the work, for from some lack of courage or
-discipline they could not be relied upon.
-
-The rule adopted was that no volunteer should be accepted. Special
-choice would be made of men without families, and a special course
-of instruction in the use of explosives would be necessary after
-a man was chosen. So great was the care taken in the selection of
-agents, that their whole career and character would be inquired into
-beforehand without their knowledge. No new members would be chosen
-for the work, because forty of the Royal Irish Constabulary had been
-sent on full pay to America to join the organisation with a view to
-selling it. Sullivan imparted the further interesting information
-that Dr. Gallaher, when on his mission, purposely abstained from
-coming in contact with Irish members, and obtained introductions to,
-and acquaintance with, English members. He was often in the House, I
-was told, and had been even introduced to Mr. Gladstone himself.
-
-Contrary to expectation and the requirements of the existing
-constitution, no Clan-na-Gael Convention took place in this
-year—1883. In the ordinary course of events such an assembly should
-have met in August 1883. For reasons best known to themselves,
-however, Sullivan and his colleagues on the executive of the secret
-organisation postponed the gathering, and in the end, by a system
-of manipulation which Sullivan developed to a perfect science, in
-connection with his management of Irish affairs, the approval of
-the organisation was gained to certain changes which included the
-putting off of the Convention to the following year, 1884. To allow
-of these changes being approved of, it was necessary to hold a
-series of district Conventions, and delegates were there elected to
-represent the districts at the general Convention which would follow.
-Sullivan’s adherents were generally in the majority at such district
-assemblies, and so it was a matter of ease for him to have supporters
-elected at almost every gathering, which, in other words, meant that
-the delegates then elected were nothing more or less than ardent
-Sullivanites, who in the future Convention would question nothing,
-whereas ordinary delegates would undoubtedly prove curious, if not
-embarrassing, in their search for information as to the conduct of
-the affairs of the Clan-na-Gael.
-
-All was not clear sailing, however, and murmurs were heard in several
-quarters regarding this attempt to burk discussion and inquiry as
-to the work of the past two years. Several of the camps eventually
-ceased their allegiance and were immediately expelled, and the
-organisation split up into two sections, the one being Sullivanite
-and the other anti-Sullivanite. Devoy and his whole camp were amongst
-those expelled from the Sullivan wing. The seceders formed a new
-organisation under the old name, and the Sullivanites became known
-as the U.S. Sullivan was still the strong man, and had the greatest
-number of supporters; and, following my usual rule, I acted with the
-majority and became a U.S. man. At the start a change was made as
-regards the number and title of the governing body. Three members
-formed the executive, and they were now known as the Triangle—a
-name taken from the △ sign which was used by way of cypher signature
-on all documents coming from head-quarters. The fight between the two
-sections was now raging bitterly, and the oath of the U.S. was so
-drawn as to exclude members of any other Revolutionary body, thereby
-denying the right of any person to be a member of both organisations.
-
-Meantime, under the plea of imminent danger of discovery, the books
-of the organisation were all burnt, and no record whatever was left
-in existence which would allow of investigation. This had driven
-very many men to desperation, and loud and sweeping were the charges
-which the seceders made against the Triangle for misappropriation of
-funds and other like matters. None were more prominent in leading the
-attack on Sullivan and his colleagues than Dr. Cronin, whose murder
-has recently been the subject of such lengthy investigation. Indeed,
-from this point onwards, almost down to the end of 1888, the history
-of the Clan-na-Gael is the history of the dispute between Cronin and
-Sullivan. And now, having purposely excluded all special mention of
-Dr. Cronin from my story heretofore, in order that I might the more
-fully and clearly deal with the matter in a compact form, I shall
-proceed to sketch the life and career in Irish-American politics
-of this last victim of political assassination. In explaining the
-situations in Irish affairs as they affected or were affected by Dr.
-Cronin, I shall have to travel rapidly over points already dealt
-with; but I think it better to do this than to improperly represent
-the ill-fated Cronin by omitting from my reference to his career the
-points which told in favour of himself or his adversaries.
-
-
-
-
-XLV.
-
-
-Philip H. Cronin was born in Ireland, but when very young emigrated
-to Canada. From thence when a young man he went to St. Louis,
-Missouri, where he studied medicine at the St. Louis College of
-Physicians and Surgeons. Before this he had been clerk in a chemist’s
-store, and had thus acquired a very considerable practical knowledge
-of medicine. He graduated with high honours, and became eventually
-Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in the college. He also
-attended a medical college from which he secured the degree of M.A.
-Cronin was a man of fine presence, good looking, almost six feet in
-height, and very well formed. He was a clever man in every way, and a
-good forcible speaker, though in style aggressive and combative to
-a degree. Very ambitious, like his future enemy Alexander Sullivan,
-he was never happy in a back seat, always thrusting himself forward
-and fighting for the place of leader. In fact, so pronounced were his
-ideas in favour of his supremacy, that where he could not rule he was
-quite prepared to ruin.
-
-He moved to Chicago in the latter part of 1881, and immediately
-entered upon the practice of medicine, taking up his residence at 351
-Clark Street, at the corner of Oak Street. At this time he was about
-thirty-two years of age, so that he was only some forty years old at
-the time of his murder. From the moment of his arrival in Chicago, he
-went in enthusiastically for Irish politics, and took a leading part
-in both Revolutionary and Land League matters. He identified himself
-with the Clan-na-Gael, and was prominent at all gatherings of the
-Irish of every kind. He was strong in social instincts, and was quite
-a figure at social gatherings, where he used to great advantage the
-fine tenor voice of which he was possessed, singing national songs
-especially with great spirit and enthusiasm. As a consequence he
-rapidly came to the front in Chicago, and in six months was better
-known than an ordinary resident would have been in ten years. Towards
-the Land League movement he was especially sympathetic, and he
-took a very large part indeed in building it up. He was in a short
-time elected President of the 18th Ward League, then known as the
-“Banner League” of Chicago. Equally active in the secret movement,
-he was a guiding spirit of Camp No. 96 of the Clan in Chicago,
-publicly known as the “Columbia Literary Association,” and so great
-was his influence that, on the appointment of the notorious Frank
-Agneau to the position of district member, Cronin succeeded him as
-Senior Guardian of the camp. This was the camp which held its weekly
-meetings in the well-known Turner Hall on the north side of the city.
-
-It was at this time that the policy of dynamite had been decided
-upon, and that the campaign against English Government buildings and
-persons was being inaugurated. Cronin (who was anything but a saint
-in character) was an ardent advocate of the policy; and, owing to his
-scientific attainments, he was appointed as chief instructor in the
-use and handling of explosives, acting all this time, be it marked,
-as the President of the Banner League (or Chicago branch of the Land
-League) as well. In fact, he held the position of President of the
-Land League branch down to the year 1888. Cronin, unfortunately for
-himself, succeeded at a very early stage in falling foul of Alexander
-Sullivan. Living as he did till 1887 at the corner of Clark and Oak
-Streets, within a few doors of Sullivan himself, he gained such an
-amount of prominence that he was rapidly throwing Sullivan into the
-shade. He threatened to become more powerful than Sullivan, and this
-Sullivan, equally ambitious and more unscrupulous, could not brook.
-In a short time Sullivan and his adherents came to detest the Doctor,
-and as I found—for I lived within a stone’s throw of each, knew them
-both intimately, and saw them continuously—the relations between
-them were becoming more strained and bitter every day.
-
-In June 1881, as I have related, Sullivan obtained a victory over
-all his rivals by being chosen President of the Clan-na-Gael, or
-Revolutionary organisation, at the Dynamite Convention held that year
-at the Palmer House, Chicago. It was after this that Cronin gave
-the first pronounced sign of his enmity in public. The opportunity
-for its display was brought about by the attack made by O’Meagher
-Condon upon John Devoy, the principal of the three members of the
-Revolutionary Directory, Devoy with his colleagues being charged with
-responsibility for the failure of the many schemes of active warfare
-proposed by Condon. Devoy, evidently jealous of Sullivan’s election,
-indulged in a good deal of incrimination, not confining his attacks
-to Condon alone, and he was afterwards supported by Cronin, who was
-possessed of the same grievance. The two joined forces, but without
-any effect, for Sullivan’s position was assured. From the dispute,
-however, which occurred at this Convention, dates the commencement of
-undisguised hostility between Sullivan and Cronin.
-
-Early in 1883, when the call was issued for the Philadelphia
-Convention (at which was formed the first branch of the American
-National League as distinct from the Land League), a meeting of
-Cronin’s branch of the League took place in Chicago for the election
-of delegates to the Convention. Sullivan and his friends, determining
-to crush Cronin if they could, packed this meeting, and had elected
-as delegates Alexander Sullivan himself, his brother, and other
-personal adherents, much to the disgust of Cronin and his supporters.
-
-Sullivan was equally successful later on when, under the new
-constitution, the Executive called district Conventions in lieu of
-the general convention they had managed to postpone. The Convention
-in Cronin’s district was held in Millionaire Smythe’s Hall in
-Chicago—Smythe being Senior Guardian of Camp 458; Cronin, as Senior
-Guardian of his own camp, attended in the capacity of delegate
-therefrom. Mackay Lomasney, my old friend from Detroit, also attended
-from his district in a like capacity. Although an attempt was made to
-impeach Sullivan’s action, it was not successful. His friends were in
-the majority, and his conduct was upheld. All attempts on the part
-of Cronin to bring about a different state of things—and they were
-not a few—were voted down, and Alexander Sullivan, in company with
-Mackay Lomasney, the London Bridge dynamitard, was elected delegate
-to the Triangle Convention of 1884.
-
-Cronin, filled with fury, returned to his camp and made a series of
-most sweeping charges against the Triangle. In return charges were
-preferred against him of being a traitor, liar, &c. &c., Sullivan
-of course being the instigator. A Trial Committee, of which I was
-one, was appointed, and by it Cronin was promptly found guilty and
-formally expelled. I voted, as I always did, on the side of the
-winning party. Cronin on his expulsion immediately joined the ranks
-of the seceders, which by this time included such well-known men as
-Devoy, Dillon, M‘Cahey, and others, and he immediately obtained a
-seat on the executive of the new body. And here, for the moment, I
-must leave him.
-
-
-
-
-XLVI.
-
-
-The next matter of public importance in which I was interested was
-the Boston Convention of the Irish National League of America, which
-took place in the Fanieul Hall, Boston, on the 13th and following
-days of August. Of course I went in my dual capacity as League
-delegate and Revolutionary official. The same plan of campaign was
-practised with the same successful results. The Rev. Dr. Betts
-was again to the front as president of the secret caucuses, while
-Egan, grown more bold by this, was a regular attendant. When the
-nomination of officials of the League came up, Sullivan was named
-for re-election as president. He, however, declined, and made way
-for Patrick Egan. Egan, after some refusal on the ground that the
-British Government probably knew of his connection with the secret
-movement, and that his taking office might compromise Mr. Parnell,
-eventually agreed, and so he took the chair vacated by Sullivan. This
-Convention was attended by Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., and Mr. William
-Redmond, M.P., on the part of the Parnellite party, and by P. J.
-Tynan, the famous “No. 1” of the Phœnix Park murders—shall I say on
-behalf of the Invincibles? Sullivan undoubtedly was the pet boy of
-the period, for he was the object of the most adulatory references on
-the part of Mr. Sexton. He was, we were told, a man who did honour
-to the race from which he had sprung; a man of whom any race might
-well be proud—and so on. Egan, however, came in for his fair share
-of attention too. He was, according to another speaker, “that clean
-handed, that patriotic, that heroic exile,” although, of course, no
-reference was made to the reasons for his exile as supplied by the
-Phœnix Park crimes.
-
-If, however, no reason was given in public for his exile, Egan was
-not slow to refer to the matter in private. I had journeyed in his
-company to Boston, and had had a very exciting chat with him, in
-which the question of his flight had largely figured. His description
-of how he was enabled to get away from Dublin was most graphic. He
-started off by boasting how he had got information from the Castle;
-and to show how readily it could be obtained he said that, within
-twenty minutes of the order being issued for the warrant for his
-arrest, he knew of the fact. He was at his office at the time, and
-at once proceeded to his house and packed his satchel. He had two
-children sick then, and Dr. Kenny was attending them. He destroyed
-a number of documents which he had in the house, some of them
-pertaining to his connection with the Irish Republican Brotherhood,
-and also some letters of James Carey. In fact he destroyed all papers
-tending to incriminate him in case he was arrested. Fortunately for
-him there happened to be in Dublin at the time a Scotch friend in
-the Belfast flour trade, who assisted him in getting away. He gave
-this friend his rug and valise, and instructed him to purchase a
-ticket for Belfast at the Northern Terminus. He himself arrived at
-the railway station one moment before the train started, took his
-valise and rug from his Scotch friend, slipped into the train, and
-that night was in Belfast. On his arrival at Belfast he found that he
-could not get out by boat, and he went to an hotel, where he slept.
-In the morning he purchased a return ticket to Leeds, travelled with
-that as far as Manchester, and then got off the train. There he
-purchased another ticket from Manchester to Hull, took the steamer
-from Hull to Rotterdam, and thus got out of the country.
-
-From the account of his own escape, he passed on to tell me how his
-fellow-official Brennan, the Secretary of the Irish Land League, had
-got away. Brennan, it appeared, gained the first hint of his being
-implicated by reading the announcement of Carey’s evidence on a news
-sheet displayed on the pavement in the Strand. He was accompanied by
-Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., at the time, and on reading the announcement
-they at once turned down a side street where arrangements were made
-for Brennan’s flight. Brennan started off for his lodgings in order
-to pack a valise, while Mr. Sexton, going to Charing Cross, purchased
-a ticket for Paris. On this ticket he travelled to London Bridge,
-and there by arrangement he met Brennan, who immediately proceeded
-on the train to the French capital. Egan was very generous in his
-confidences on this occasion, and amongst other things he told me
-that he was satisfied the new Executive Body would continue the
-“active work,” and it would be done by men who would not go further
-than their orders, as Dr. Gallaher had done. This was news to me,
-and I inquired how. “Why,” replied Egan, “he (Dr. G.) got in with
-some of Rossa’s men, and MacDermott (a reputed informer) got it from
-them, and gave him away.” Previously to this I had met Egan in camp
-gatherings, and knew that he was now an actual member of the American
-Revolutionary organisation. It was, by-the-bye, at a camp meeting in
-Philadelphia in this year that Egan, addressing some sixty members,
-said, “I have been reading up the records of the Italian banditti,
-and from them I have come to believe in this rule: Let us meet our
-enemies with smiling faces, and with a warm grasp of the hand, having
-daggers up our sleeves ready to stab them to the heart.” Strange
-words these, and yet I thought when I heard of their being uttered
-of the smiling face and warm hand clasp which had puzzled me not a
-little on that first night when I met the speaker on the staircase of
-a Parisian hotel.
-
-The Convention of the secret organisation followed immediately after
-that of the National League, but as I was not a delegate I had no
-intimate connection with it. It was at this Convention, as I learnt
-subsequently from Sullivan, that arrangements were made—few, if any,
-Anti-Sullivanites were present—for the destruction of the records
-of which I have already spoken, and which gave rise to so much
-bitterness on the part of the Cronin faction.
-
-The principal fact worthy of notice in connection with the secret
-Convention of 1884 was the acknowledgment by the “Triangle” of
-118,000 dollars as the sum received and expended for dynamite
-purposes from the date of the holding of the Convention of 1881. No
-vouchers or detailed statements were forthcoming, and their absence
-was sought to be explained on the ground that it was inexpedient
-to supply information in view of the risk and exposure of brave men
-engaged in the enterprises. No detailed statement of the expenditure
-of this vast sum has ever been made to this day.
-
-As one result of this unsatisfactory condition of things, a circular
-was drawn up by Cronin and his friends, making definite and formal
-charges against the “Triangle” of stealing the funds of the
-organisation. Cronin was very aggressive in giving currency to these
-charges in the most offensive language, and the feeling against him
-on the part of Sullivan’s adherents became extremely embittered. As
-it grew in intensity it spread to more than Cronin, and soon the
-followers of both men were ranged in hostile camps, fighting a wordy
-war of the deadliest type. All attempts to heal the breach proved
-fruitless, although much outside influence of an important character
-was brought to bear upon the different parties concerned.
-
-
-
-
-XLVII.
-
-
-While the contest raged between the opposing factions, I was up
-and doing, travelling about, and gaining as much information as I
-possibly could. I made many trips to various points of the country,
-and so was enabled to gauge pretty accurately the condition of
-public feeling and the probabilities of the future. My pretexts for
-all this travelling were admirably adapted to divert suspicion from
-my real object. When a journey for my health’s sake was not possible,
-I got appointed (through Irish political influence) to a seat on
-the Mississippi Valley Sanitary Commission; and when no more work
-was to be done under this cover, I connected myself with one of the
-largest pharmaceutical houses in the States, and travelled as their
-representative in whatever direction suited me. So successful was I
-in combining business development with my secret work, that I had
-great difficulty in resigning this latter connection, the proprietors
-strongly urging my continuance in it, and only parting with me after
-many fruitless attempts to change my decision. When at home I was of
-course an ardent politician, and a volunteer on every committee in
-the Democratic interest. So prominent was I in local politics, that
-on one occasion I ran for election for the House of Representatives,
-only being defeated by a majority of 128 votes on a poll of several
-thousands. It was the cry of “The Fenian General” that lost me the
-seat with the English voters.
-
-I was frequently in communication with Egan through all this period,
-for he made many trips to Chicago, both for business purposes—he
-had now embarked in the grain trade—and with the object of
-consulting with Alexander Sullivan, whose worthy _fidus Achates_ he
-proved. It was as the result of one of my interviews with him that
-I received the following passport to the faithful, which proved of
-such service in the way of corroboration when I appeared before the
-Special Commission:—
-
-[Illustration: (Passport)]
-
- +----------------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of |
- | the handwritten text of this letter. |
- | |
- | Irish National League of America |
- | OFFICES OF PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY |
- | |
- | Lincoln, Neb., November 24 1885 |
- | |
- | It affords me great pleasure to introduce to all |
- | friends of the Irish National League with whom he |
- | may come in contact during his visit in the south my |
- | esteemed friend Dr. H Le Caron of Chicago. |
- | |
- | Dr. Le Caron although French by name and descent has |
- | ever proved himself one of the most devoted friends of |
- | the Irish National cause and since the formation of the |
- | Land and National Leagues has been most indefatigable |
- | in promoting the good of those organizations. |
- | |
- | Patrick Egan |
- | President |
- +----------------------------------------------------------+
-
-Alexander Sullivan meantime occupied himself very busily in purely
-American politics, and for the purpose of making his position in this
-regard the more favourable, he caused it to be understood that he had
-withdrawn from the Clan-na-Gael. This, of course, was only a blind,
-for as a matter of fact, for twelve months at least after he had so
-announced his withdrawal, his name continued to appear on circulars
-and documents. This, however, is immaterial. What is important to
-note is that Sullivan warmly advocated the election of J. F. Blaine
-to the Presidency, and that he in secret circles made much of the
-fact that Blaine’s foreign policy would do all that the Clan-na-Gael
-desired. Mr. Blaine paid a high tribute in the public prints to the
-services rendered him by Sullivan.
-
-The year 1886 saw the introduction of the Home Rule Bill by Mr.
-Gladstone, and consequent inactivity on the part of the American
-conspirators. I therefore had rather an easy time of it. Enthusiasm
-ran pretty high, because it was thought that with Home Rule granted
-the way to complete separation would be cleared in a wondrous degree,
-and that at last we were in sight of the point for which all had
-struggled and many had bled, “the making of Ireland a nation once
-again.” Mr. Parnell now appeared to have a distinct claim upon Irish
-American indulgence, and particular pains were taken to prevent
-anything happening which might unfairly affect his position in any
-way. So complaisant were “the men beyond the sea” in America, that
-the open Convention called for January 1886 was postponed in order
-that Mr. Parnell might be present. The gathering eventually took
-place in the month of August 1886, but there was no Mr. Parnell, his
-place being taken by no less than four of the leading Parnellites
-from the English side—Messrs. Michael Davitt, John E. Redmond, M.P.,
-John Deasy, M.P., and William O’Brien, M.P. As usual, the whole
-proceedings were governed by the Sullivanite wing of the secret
-organisation. I was myself a delegate, attended the secret caucuses
-presided over by Patrick Egan, and assisted in developing affairs in
-the interests of the conspirators.
-
-The fact that Devoy, Cronin, and others were now in opposition was
-an element of danger in connection with the satisfactory working of
-the intrigue to “nobble” the open movement; but by a system of proxy
-voting success was achieved, and the adherents of the Croninites
-driven from the field. The way in which this was accomplished was
-remarkable, and very suggestive of the position which Egan, the
-ex-Land League official, and friend and adviser of Mr. Parnell,
-held in the Revolutionary organisation. By a circular issued by
-the “Triangle” on the eve of the Convention, it was ordered that
-each Senior Guardian should secure proxies for all branches of the
-National League in his vicinity unable to send delegates to the open
-Convention, and immediately forward such proxies to Patrick Egan.
-Here was a clear confession of the close connection between the two
-movements—open and secret—existing in the person of the present
-United States minister to Chili, the then President of the Irish
-National League of America.
-
-
-
-
-XLVIII.
-
-
-I have already touched at several points on the Dynamite Campaign,
-and I will now pause in my narrative for the purpose of dealing in
-some detail with the incidents attending the development of the
-plot to “blow up England.” Although there had been several attempts
-made by O’Donovan Rossa’s adherents to damage public buildings,
-notably the Mansion House, London, the barracks at Chester, the
-police-station and the Town Hall at Liverpool in 1881 and 1882, the
-Dynamite Campaign as organised by the Clan-na-Gael did not really
-commence till the latter end of 1882, or rather the beginning of
-1883. Indeed the attempts on the part of Rossa’s people were simply
-gunpowder explosions, and had no connection with dynamite at all.
-They were of a very miserable character, and quite in keeping with
-O’Donovan Rossa’s reputation in the States. With him experience
-proved that it was always, as the homely phrase has it, a case of
-“great cry and little wool.”
-
-To Dr. Gallaher, our friend of the professional appearance and
-gold-headed cane, was intrusted the task of inaugurating the work
-undertaken by the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael. At
-the time he set out all was enthusiasm in the ranks of the Clan,
-and great things were promised. In one secret circular the F.C. (or
-governing body) had informed the members “that it had no delicacy
-or sentimentality about how it would strike the enemy, or when or
-where.... They meant war, they meant that war to be unsparing and
-unceasing. They meant it to be effective. Their policy would be to
-make assaults in all directions, so that the suffering, bitterness,
-and desolation which followed active measures should be felt in every
-place.”
-
-Under the pretence of taking a voyage to Europe for his health’s
-sake, Gallaher set out in the steamship _Alaska_ on the 15th October
-1882, reaching Liverpool in good time, and from thence travelling to
-Glasgow, in order, as he explained, to see some relatives. Glasgow,
-by the way, has always had a prominent representative of the British
-branch of the Fenians in residence there. From Glasgow he came on to
-the London Wall Hotel, and here he remained for a month spying out
-the land and making the preliminary arrangements for the work which
-was to follow. His work finished, he took a trip to Dublin, where
-at the Gresham Hotel he lived as befitted a man of his position.
-From thence he proceeded to Donegal to visit more “relatives.” From
-Donegal he eventually made his way to Queenstown, where in the
-_Bosnia_ he took passage for home on the 10th December, having, as he
-subsequently reported, made all necessary arrangements for commencing
-his branch of the “active work.”
-
-He was with Sullivan in Chicago in the following month, and here he
-and I met and had many chats together. We were fellow-doctors, and we
-“chummed” together in a fashion very agreeable to me. He soon wearied
-me, however, for I found he could talk of nothing but dynamite, its
-production, its effectiveness, and the great weapon it was soon to
-prove against the British Government. He spent the next couple of
-months in communication with the powers that were, and placed them in
-full possession of all he had done and all he hoped to do. They took
-an equally sanguine view of the possibilities of success, and no time
-was lost in enlisting the first dynamite band which visited Europe.
-By the middle of March there were eight men embarked on the dangerous
-enterprise, Gallaher being the leader and paymaster; and at this date
-the first of them set out for England in the Cunarder _Parthia_.
-Every precaution was taken to avert suspicion, and so much care was
-exercised that some travelled as steerage passengers, while the rest,
-like Gallaher, journeyed in gentlemanly fashion. The band was made up
-of Gallaher and his brother Bernard, Dowd, Wilson, O’Connor, Curtin,
-Whitehead, and Norman, all being Clan-na-Gael men, though none save
-the doctor held any important position in the organisation.
-
-The first arrivals of this precious assembly of dynamitards reached
-Liverpool on the 27th of March, and, of course, separated at
-once. Gallaher went to the Charing Cross Hotel, which he made his
-head-quarters. His men were quickly put to work, and in a very short
-time a nitro-glycerine factory was established in Birmingham, under
-the superintendence of Whitehead. From here large quantities of
-liquid were conveyed to some few points in London in rubber bags and
-rubber shooting-stockings. All the elaborate arrangements, however,
-were destined to come to naught, for before any “active” work
-could be done, thanks to the vigilance of the police in London and
-Birmingham, Gallaher and his associates were arrested, and the whole
-of the nitro-glycerine seized. The month of May 1883 saw the trial
-and conviction of the leader and three of his associates, Whitehead,
-Curtin, and Wilson, the case for the Crown being completed by the
-testimony of Norman, _alias_ Lynch, who played the _rôle_ which
-never lacks an exponent in the case of an Irish conspiracy—that
-of informer. All of the unfortunate prisoners were sentenced to
-penal servitude for life. An interesting feature in connection with
-Gallaher’s arrest was the discovery on his person of no less a sum
-than £1400.
-
-What the actual designs of this dynamite band were, are not, and
-probably never will be known. Quite sufficient for the public must
-be the fact that so enormous was the quantity of nitro-glycerine
-discovered that according to experts, it was quite equal to the
-blowing up of every house and street in London, from one end to the
-other. Pleasant discovery this for the ordinary British citizen who
-laughs at dynamite and pooh-poohs the existence of any condition
-of things calling for a more elaborate Secret Service. The arrest
-and discomfiture of the Gallaher band had one very useful result.
-It effectively put an end to all idea of manufacturing dynamite on
-English soil. Unfortunately, however, it did not put an end to the
-Dynamite Campaign. It simply affected the weapon, not those who were
-prepared to employ it.
-
-The next group of dynamitards who visited England included
-Cunningham, Burton, Mackay Lomasney, Luke Dillon, and a man known as
-Ryan of Philadelphia. These men did not all come at the same time,
-but they worked together in harmony so far as it was possible. During
-their visit to London explosions occurred in October 1883 on the
-Underground Railway; in February 1884, at Victoria Station; in May
-1884, at Scotland Yard; in December 1884, at London Bridge; and in
-January 1885, at the House of Commons and the Tower. The dynamite
-employed in these cases was all brought from America, secreted about
-the persons of the conspirators, and of women who were sent over with
-it, as well as by an employé of one of the steamers of the National
-Steamship Line, who belonged to the organisation. The explosive was
-generally made up in slabs of Atlas powder, obtained from, amongst
-other sources, the Atlas Company and the Repauno Chemical Company of
-Philadelphia.
-
-Of the second group, only two men were brought to trial, Cunningham
-and Burton; and these men, for the attempts on the House of Commons
-and the Tower, were sentenced to penal servitude for life. The
-remainder, with the exception of Lomasney, escaped to America.
-Lomasney, in company with a man supposed to be named Fleming, met his
-fate under London Bridge in his attempt to blow up that structure.
-Luckily for the Londoners, the bridge escaped without any injury,
-but Mackay and his companion apparently came to their end by the
-discharge of the explosive, for they were never seen more.
-
-There were two other men whose part in the Dynamite Campaign of this
-period deserves mention. These were “Jack” Daly, as he was called,
-and his confederate, J. F. Egan, who were tried and sentenced at
-Warwick in 1884, the former to imprisonment for life, and the latter
-to penal servitude for twenty years. Daly was perhaps the most daring
-and desperate criminal of all, and his intended crime merits special
-reference. This was the blowing up of the House of Commons while in
-session, by the throwing of bombs on to the table in front of the
-Speaker. So ardent was Daly in planning this foul enterprise that he
-twice gained admission to the Strangers’ Gallery of the House. When
-arrested, some of these bombs were found upon him, and examination
-showed that one of them, if used, would have been quite sufficient
-to send every stick and stone, to say nothing of the members of the
-House of Commons themselves, heavenwards or thereabouts. Luckily,
-this desperate man was arrested in time, for assuredly his character
-was quite sufficient to warrant the belief that he would have carried
-out his intention.[3]
-
-Of all the schemes indulged in by the dynamite men, none seems to
-have been more far-fetched than that of the theft of a certain stone
-from within the walls of Westminster Abbey. This was the famous
-“Stone of Scone,” which serves as the seat of the Coronation-chair
-in the Abbey. To an outsider the possession of such a stone as this
-seems of no importance whatever. Yet, ludicrous as it may appear, the
-idea of securing it gave rise to great enthusiasm and led to a very
-generous subscription with this object. According to the originators
-of the scheme, this “Stone of Destiny” was really the property of
-Ireland for a thousand years before Christ, and upon it were crowned
-the Irish kings, for hundreds of years, on the sacred Hill of Tara.
-Its restoration to the land of its original and only lawful owners,
-it was contended, would inspire confidence in the course then being
-pursued, and the people would be strengthened by the well-known
-tradition “that so long as this stone remained in Ireland, so long
-would she remain a united nation,” while its loss to the English
-would work wonders. Elaborate preparations were made for carrying
-out the scheme. Men were sent from America to work in conjunction
-with certain Fenians in London, and it was decided that some of the
-conspirators should secrete themselves in the Abbey, and at night
-seize the police, remove the stone, and pass it out through a window
-to others who would be in waiting outside to take it to a place of
-safety. For months these men waited and waited, but the opportunity
-never came, for one of the group gave the whole thing away to the
-police, and the detectives who surrounded the sacred edifice made the
-seizure impossible. In the end the three principals had to leave the
-country for fear of arrest, and the whole affair ended in smoke—as
-usual!
-
-The close of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr.
-Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the
-Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the political situation
-was viewed at this period, can best be represented by the following
-extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or United
-Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas:—
-
- “The operations so far conducted have compelled the enemy to
- recognise the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair way
- to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the members
- of the U.S. (United Brotherhood).... We expect to resume active
- operations after the present exigencies of the Constitutional
- party are passed. We have purposely and advisedly abstained from
- doing anything likely to embarrass them during the crisis of the
- elections. It is to be hoped that during these operations, members
- will abstain from making inquiries or discussing the subject in
- any manner, for we cannot say when we undertake to answer members,
- but that at the same time we are answering the inquiries of our
- enemy, furnishing important information, and giving important clues
- to detect and suppress our work. The mystery of an unknown power
- striking in the dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more
- terrible than the damage inflicted. We caution you, therefore,
- above all things, to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow
- all knowledge, or better still, mislead all inquirers. In the
- meantime, we wish to impress on you the necessity of mutual
- forbearance and faith.”
-
-So, for the time, in deference to “the exigencies of the
-Constitutional party,” the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a close,
-leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but no less
-than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, sixteen
-undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years’ penal
-servitude, and seven, sentences of seven years each. Of course, some
-of these prisoners are not men from the American side. In many cases
-those coming from America picked up colleagues in England, and,
-unfortunately for these latter, the knowledge which the local police
-possessed proved disastrous to them.
-
-
-
-
-XLIX.
-
-
-The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather,
-of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met
-in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had
-no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time,
-however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior
-to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:—
-
- “The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of
- Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way
- as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We
- are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for
- the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite)
- will absorb more funds than are at present available from the
- prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet
- the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to
- request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at
- once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they
- may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be
- credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the
- meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely
- to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead
- those engaged in tracing our operations.”
-
-And again:—
-
- “We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of
- the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged
- representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to
- are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England.
- However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you
- may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention
- to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to
- execute them without regard to individual opinions....
-
- “The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would
- be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on
- those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates
- which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be
- difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions
- to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such
- alterations as you deem proper:—
-
- “Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour an active secret
- policy, similar to recent operations;’ or, in the alternative of
- favouring a return to open insurrectionary operations, as follows:—
-
- “Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour the planting of
- ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary
- movement.’
-
- “There can then be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and
- whatever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of
- the organisation at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such
- changes as are desirable in the constitution in your instructions.
- It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this
- and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider
- the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and
- experience of your delegates....
-
- “The active operations of the U.S. (United Brotherhood) have
- brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is desirable
- that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully informed
- of your desire to follow up these operations on the same lines, or
- whether you desire to fall back on the old work of putting ploughs
- in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful of results
- or practical. The former policy has been vindicated by great
- destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Convention to
- decide, however, what the future policy shall be.”
-
-From the official report of the secret Convention which reached me
-subsequently, I learnt that the votes in favour of dynamite had been
-in the majority, for the policy of the late Executive had been
-endorsed, and the new Executive given a free hand for the future.
-What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding of all
-at this Convention of the Revolutionists, was the passing of the
-following resolution:—
-
- “Resolved:—That we maintain the same relations in the future to
- open societies, working for the same purpose as ourselves, that we
- have in the past.”
-
-If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the
-“understanding” which existed between the open and secret
-organisations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner
-than this.
-
-Although the Executive were given full power to act as they thought
-best, it was apparently considered undesirable to do anything during
-the latter part of 1886, and so nothing of importance came to pass
-up to the month of April 1887, when I made another trip to Europe,
-without, however, any letters or credentials on this occasion. My
-visit was, nevertheless, not of an uneventful character. I visited
-the House of Commons more than once, and in the social intercourse
-which took place between myself and some of the Irish M.P.’s, learnt
-many facts of an interesting character. It was during this visit that
-I set myself to find out some particulars regarding Dr. James G.
-Fox, M.P. I was rather curious about this gentleman, who now failed
-to recognise me in the House of Commons lobby, although we had met
-on more than one occasion at Land League Conventions in the States,
-where we had been brother delegates. His associations, his position
-as State Executive for the League in New York, and his well-known
-National proclivities as evinced during his fifteen years’ residence
-at Troy and elsewhere in the States, all made me anxious to know
-something of the man in his new position of M.P., and of how his
-thoughts now inclined.
-
-I learnt casually that he was in the habit of frequenting Gatti’s
-Restaurant in the Adelaide Gallery, Strand, and there I determined
-to renew my acquaintance with him. The opportunity for doing so was
-not long wanting, for on an early day I found myself seated at the
-same table with him, where he was deeply engaged in perusing the
-_Irish World_. Making this fact an excuse for opening a conversation
-with him, I asked, in an interested way, if I could obtain copies
-of the paper he was reading at any place in London. I spoke with
-a marked American accent, and my appearance did not belie the
-suggestion I wished to convey as regards my nationality. He replied
-that he thought not, explaining that he received it regularly from
-the other side, asking me in conclusion if I was interested in the
-publication. I replied in the affirmative, and then followed his
-query as to whether I was not from the United States. To this I made
-answer by producing my card, whereupon he looked intently at me as he
-remarked, “Why, I ought to know you; I have met you in conventions.
-My name is Fox.” The information was rather unnecessary as far as I
-was concerned, but, maintaining a quiet face, I thought for a moment,
-and in the end confessed to a recollection of him. We were soon on
-familiar terms, and discussed American matters with great freedom.
-
-There was one fact that I wanted particularly to discover, and that
-was whether or not Fox was a member of the Clan-na-Gael. I had had
-no opportunity of learning this at the open conventions at which we
-had previously met, but yet my view very strongly inclined to the
-belief that he was. In the course of our conversation, therefore,
-I took occasion to give him the “hailing sign,” but he did not
-return it, merely remarking significantly that he was not a member
-of any secret society, a remark which, taken in connection with my
-sign, tickled me not a little. I never ascertained the truth of the
-matter, but I remembered the circumstance when, in June 1888, at
-the Clan Convention in Chicago, a burly delegate near me mounted his
-chair, announced himself from Troy—where Fox had lived—and in a
-loud voice demanded recognition by the chair. On this being accorded
-him, he said, holding up the _Times_ pamphlet, “Behind the Scenes
-in America,” that he held in his hand a little book which had been
-sent to him by a Member of Parliament who was a member of his camp.
-This book was being sold by the thousand at the price of one penny,
-and the information it contained could only have been supplied by
-a traitor high up in the ranks of the organisation. He moved for a
-committee to inquire into the matter. This committee was appointed,
-but their inquiry ended in smoke, the “traitor,” as I was termed,
-having another narrow escape.
-
-While in England on this trip, the authorities learned of the
-presence of General Millen in Paris, and to Paris I was despatched,
-in order to find out if possible what Millen was doing. I found “le
-brave Général” of the Clan-na-Gael very comfortably settled in the
-_Hôtel des Anglais_ in the Cour de la Reine, accompanied by his wife
-and two interesting daughters. I called upon him, representing that I
-had heard of his being in Paris through the _Herald_ office, and was
-anxious as an old friend to say “how do you do.” I did not, however,
-gain very much by my visit, for the simple reason that at this time
-Millen had not, as far as I believe, any close connection with the
-dynamite business known as the Jubilee Plot, with which his name was
-subsequently associated. At this point his business in Europe had to
-do with the bringing about of a reconciliation between the British
-and the American branches of the Revolutionary organisation.
-
-The fact was, that for two or three years previously the relations
-between the two sections of the conspirators had been of a very
-strained character. Sullivan, finding that the home organisation was
-not in favour of dynamite, when the campaign was started, had argued
-that they should not have any more money to spend on organisation
-and arms, which, for all that was known to the contrary, were simply
-rusting away in Ireland; and, accordingly, supplies were stopped,
-and the home Fenians were not notified of the last couple of
-conventions, with the result that no envoys from Great Britain and
-Ireland attended. This led to a very bitter feeling in Ireland, and
-the contention was strongly urged that the conduct of the American
-Executive was distinctly _ultra vires_. Now, when dissensions raged
-in America, Sullivan, long-headed as usual, sought to strengthen his
-section by the allegiance of the home organisation; and accordingly,
-Millen was despatched to Europe to bring about a more satisfactory
-condition of affairs. His mission, in this regard at least, was
-unsuccessful.
-
-As for Millen’s connection with the Jubilee explosion, I know very
-little. The whole undertaking was shrouded in mystery, but it is
-pretty certain that it was not a Clan-na-Gael affair alone. The
-best description that could be given of it would be that it was in
-its inception a Rossa undertaking financed by the Clan-na-Gael.
-For political reasons the secret organisation could not openly
-ally themselves with dynamite for the moment, because tactical
-considerations dictated the giving of a free and untrammelled hand
-to Mr. Parnell to hoodwink Mr. Gladstone and his supporters. As,
-however, the circulars I quoted a few pages back showed, dynamite was
-not by any means thrust aside; so, in order to keep a fair front to
-the open movement, and yet a satisfactory stand in the eyes of the
-fiery rank and file, Rossa was temporarily taken into the good graces
-of the Executive, and some of his adherents despatched with funds
-from the secret organisation to kick up a row in England. Millen,
-at the time I saw him, was not in the plot, which at that moment
-indeed had not been hatched; but on his return to America he fell in
-with the scheme and returned to Europe to work it out. His bungling,
-however, led to his being superseded by John J. Moroney, a tried and
-trusted friend of Alexander Sullivan, who was despatched to London
-with a large amount of money and distinct orders to show some value
-for it. What happened is a matter of too recent history to need
-recapitulation here. The introduction of Moroney and his colleagues
-to the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., and the facts
-associated with the working of the conspiracy, are of too late a date
-to be forgotten so soon.[4]
-
-I returned to the States in October, only to remain a couple of
-months there, and to come back again to Europe at the end of the
-year. This time my visit was of a purely private character, and
-the sluggishness of affairs allowed of my having a complete rest
-from all sorts of investigations and interviews. I came to Europe
-in connection with a business speculation which promised highly
-satisfactory returns, and I was successful in laying the foundation
-for a very encouraging enterprise. Unfortunately for me, however,
-I was not to reap the fruits of my work. As a consequence of my
-appearance in the witness-box, I was prevented from returning to
-the States at the time when the profits were accruing, and so had to
-undergo the loss of this as well as many other sources of income.
-
-
-
-
-L.
-
-
-The following year—1888—was my last in America, and ere its close
-I left for the purpose of attending the dying bedside of my father.
-I left for England in December with the full purpose of returning
-in a month, but as matters turned out I really left my home for the
-last time. I had written twice to Mr. Anderson, offering my services
-in connection with the Special Commission, but nothing had come
-of my proposal, and I had no idea that anything would happen in
-connection with the matter. My idea was, as I have explained, that
-the Government were really prosecuting the Parnellite party, and I
-could not understand how all the information which I knew them to be
-possessed of was not appearing. The charges and allegations had made
-a great stir in America, and the disclosure of the whole working of
-the Clan-na-Gael in the “Behind the Scenes” articles had created such
-a sensation as seemed to me to make a full disclosure imperative,
-so that the American public might have accurate and complete data
-for arriving at a proper conclusion regarding the foul conspiracy
-existing in their midst.
-
-I must not, however, travel too fast; and so shall have to go back
-a little, in order to complete the story of the Cronin-Sullivan
-dispute, which, in a way, came to a conclusion in the year of which
-I write. As I have already stated, the history of the Cronin affair
-while it lasted was the history of the Clan-na-Gael for the time
-being, and thus in completing my statement of it I shall be bringing
-the record of revolutionary matters down to the date at which they
-and I parted. To return, therefore, to the Cronin matter, which I
-left at the point in 1886 where appeals from outside quarters failed
-to heal the breach. As a last resort, a conference was arranged
-in September 1887 between committees from each organisation, the
-Sullivan section and the Cronin section; and a final effort was made
-to settle the differences. Cronin was one of the committee from his
-section, but he did not help the settlement. The conference continued
-up to April 1888, when a basis of union was arrived at. The rock
-upon which the disputants invariably split was the demand made by
-the Cronin section for the appointment of a committee to try their
-charges of misappropriation against the Executive, and the expulsion
-of the Executive from the organisation if found guilty. In the end,
-this was conceded; and a united Convention was called in June 1888,
-which, meeting first in Maddison Street Theatre, was eventually
-moved to Green Baum, in consequence of the allegation that British
-detectives had gained admission to the former place of meeting.
-
-Here was pandemonium let loose for eight days, during which the
-Convention sat morning, noon, and night. I was a member of this
-assembly, and I never heard such a row in my life. The Sullivanites
-had it all their own way at first; but the seceders, with Cronin
-at their head, threatened to “bolt” if they did not get fair play;
-and they appealed to the patriotism of their countrymen to give
-them a chance. They were, accordingly, given a representation on
-all committees, but were always in a minority. Cronin perhaps took
-as prominent a part in the Convention as any man, and his conduct
-naturally incurred the enmity, and eventually the vengeance, of his
-opponents. He and Devoy submitted formal charges of fraud, &c.,
-against Sullivan’s executive.[5] Strong language was used, but
-Sullivan’s friends defended him warmly. Finally a Trial Committee
-was appointed to try the parties charged. Cronin, strange to say, was
-a member of this Trial Committee, though he was one of the persons
-making the charges. There was a terrible scene when his appointment
-was made known, but the Convention had to put up with him in the end.
-
-All the Trial Committee were sworn by the oath in the ritual to
-truly and justly try the charges submitted to them. The committee
-consisted of seven members, and as subsequent events showed, four of
-them were Sullivan’s friends. They met in November 1888. Previous to
-this, however, Cronin had been playing a very objectionable part.
-He spoke against the accused whenever occasion offered, wrote to
-the papers in accusation of them, and in no way showed himself the
-unbiassed person he had sworn himself to be. Sullivan naturally felt
-very bitter over all this, and he fell out with a number of friends
-who sided with Cronin in the claim for full investigation. When the
-trial came on, it was found that all the vouchers, papers, and indeed
-every evidence of expenditure, had been destroyed, in accordance with
-the resolution which had been adopted at the Boston Convention. This
-increased the uproar, and after two weeks of inquiry the majority,
-consisting of Sullivan’s friends, expressed themselves satisfied
-with the statements made by the accused; while the minority could
-only admit the proper expenditure of 33,000 dollars, which left a
-deficiency of 85,000 dollars, or £17,000. The result of the trial
-was that Michael Boland was convicted of misappropriation; Sullivan
-was acquitted, but censured for the loose way in which the Executive
-had done its business, and D. C. Feeley was likewise acquitted but
-censured. The details of this finding were given me, by the way, by
-Sullivan.
-
-At the time I left for Europe, the Trial Committee had adjourned, and
-Cronin was back in Chicago. The Executive had refused to sustain the
-action of the Trial Committee by a majority of one, and there the
-affair stood. But Cronin would not let well enough alone. He had
-been talking very plainly, and denouncing Sullivan right and left. I
-figured in this trial by furnishing Sullivan with affidavits for his
-defence. Cronin afterwards charged Sullivan with getting me admitted
-into the organisation, and with putting me into a position of trust.
-This did not help matters, and altogether Cronin proved himself to be
-a very dangerous man in the eyes of Sullivan. Doubtless he possessed
-much information, the publication of which would damn Sullivan for
-ever. What followed is a matter of recent inquiry. Cronin was foully
-murdered, and Sullivan, with others, was charged with participation
-in the crime. Sullivan was released, but three men, well-known
-members of the Clan, were convicted, and sentenced to penal servitude
-for life.[6] The inquiry was fruitful in many ways, and brought to
-light a vast amount of corroboration of the most important portions
-of my testimony. There were, however, no two more sensational
-incidents than those produced by the report issued by Cronin after
-the Trial Committee had dissolved, and the positive proof now
-supplied for the first time of the statement frequently made, that
-Sullivan had in May 1882 received in his position as chief of the
-Clan-na-Gael a sum of £20,000 from Patrick Egan, then Treasurer of
-the Land League in Paris.
-
-The report issued by Cronin stated amongst other things—
-
- “That the Trial Committee appointed at Chicago was unable to elicit
- all the facts connected with the charges placed before it, because
- of the refusal of several of the witnesses to answer many of the
- questions asked, and because of the inability of others to remember
- events and figures that might be supposed to be indelibly impressed
- on their memories. From the evidence presented, I am obliged to
- report—
-
- “That the family of one who lost his life in the service of this
- order was scandalously and shamefully neglected, and continued to
- be neglected for two years after their destitute condition was
- known, and that Alexander Sullivan, Michael Boland, and D. C.
- Feeley are responsible and censurable for that neglect.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “That the defendants, Sullivan, Boland, and Feeley, issued a
- deceptive report to the Boston Convention, leading the order
- to believe that its affairs had been examined by independent
- committees, and that the order was $13,000 in debt; that, in fact,
- Alexander Sullivan and Michael Boland were on the Committee of
- Foreign Affairs, and the Treasurer states that there was a balance
- in the treasury, and not a debt.
-
- “That, prior to the Boston Convention, one hundred and eleven
- thousand ($111,000) dollars was expended without any direct or
- indirect benefit to the order, and most of it in a manner that
- could not in any way have benefited the order, and that the same
- three defendants are censurable and responsible for this enormous
- and wasteful expenditure.
-
- * * * * *
-
- “That the $80,491 reported to the district Convention as having
- been spent in active work was not spent for any such work, no such
- work having been done or contemplated during the eleven months
- within which this large amount was drawn from the treasury. The
- active work done between the Boston and district Conventions was
- paid for out of the surplus held by the agent of the “Triangle” at
- the time of the Boston Convention, and not out of the $87,491 drawn
- from the treasury months after such active work had ceased.”
-
-[Illustration: (Check for $30,000)]
-
-I give these extracts in order to show the reader how matters stood
-between Sullivan and Cronin on the eve of the latter’s murder. Into
-the details of the £20,000 transaction I need not enter, beyond
-stating the fact that banking officials were called to prove by their
-books that on May 15, 1882, Sullivan cashed, through Monroe and
-Co. of Paris, two cheques amounting to the sum I name. This, I may
-state, was about the date when Sullivan, in response to Mr. Parnell’s
-request, crossed to Paris in order to settle the difficulty with the
-Revolutionary body on the British side. As the following extracts
-will show, the matter had been one around which a great deal of
-controversy had raged for many years:—
-
- “The O’Donovan Rossa resents Mr. Patrick Egan’s imputation against
- his character for truth and veracity. The O’Donovan, when in this
- city a few days ago, intimated to a _Chicago Tribune_ reporter that
- Mr. Patrick Egan, while Parnell, Dillon, Davitt, and other members
- of the Executive of the Land League were in jail in Ireland, was
- visited in Paris by Revolutionary Irish patriots from this country,
- who induced him to give 100,000 dollars of the money contributed
- to Land League purposes to them for revolutionary purposes, _i.e._
- making war on the British Empire with dynamite and such things.
- Mr. Egan having seen or heard of O’Donovan’s statement, denied
- that there was a particle of truth in it, and sent the _Tribune_
- a telegram to that effect from Denver. Now comes O’Donovan with a
- rejoinder. We have received from him the following telegram:—
-
-
- “‘_Editor of the “Tribune.”_
-
- “‘Mr. Patrick Egan denies my statement. I say my statements are
- more worthy of belief than Patrick Egan’s. I stated in Chicago
- that money sent from America to support the no-rent movement in
- Ireland was followed over by some parties who got 100,000 dollars
- of it; that it was not used for any such work in Ireland, and
- that Patrick Egan knows all about it. I repeat my assertion. Will
- Patrick Egan meet me in the presence of John Finerty and Denis
- O’Connor of Chicago, or in the presence of Patrick Ford and Major
- Horgan of New York, both answering all questions under oath?
-
- “‘O’DONOVAN ROSSA,
- “‘_Editor_ “_United Irishman_.”
-
- “‘NEW YORK, _July 15, 1883_.’”
-
-
-
-
-LII.
-
-
-Long before these final developments, however, I had sailed for
-England, and severed for all time my connection with Irish politics
-in the United States. I had come, as explained, to my father’s
-dying bedside. Unfortunately for me, I was not in time to find him
-conscious, and did not reach the house where he lay till the day on
-which he died. When the sad offices connected with his death had
-been fulfilled, I turned my thoughts again to home, and set about
-preparing for another voyage to the States. Everything had been
-completed for my departure, when I suddenly learned from Mr. Anderson
-that the _Times_ had approached him with a view of obtaining a
-witness regarding the American side of the conspiracy. Before this
-point was reached, I had chatted over my proposal of going into the
-witness-box with Mr. Anderson, but he had very frankly told me that
-he had no intention of giving up such a useful informant of his own
-initiative; and as he had no connection with the _Times_ case, he did
-not think it likely that any approach would be made to him on the
-subject.
-
-Matters, however, turned out differently to what he expected, and on
-the eve of my departure for America I learned that my services might,
-after all, be utilised, and my desire to drive the truth home given
-full play. To be effective, however, my coming appearance should be
-kept a profound secret, and so I appealed to Mr. Anderson to make
-such arrangements as would allow of this being the case. As a result,
-I was informed a little later that the _Times_ people had arranged
-that Mr. Houston should be the person with whom I should deal, and
-that to him alone should I be known pending my appearance in the
-witness-box. This was the first mention I had ever heard of Mr.
-Houston, and it was with no little curiosity I made my way to No. 3
-Cork Street in search of the gentleman to whom I bore a single line
-of introduction. I remember well how, when I was first ushered into
-his now familiar room by his faithful “Rogers,” I gazed suspiciously
-at the tall youthful figure which met my view. As Mr. Houston took my
-letter of introduction from me and carelessly opened it, answering
-my suspicious glance with a slight smile hovering about his face, I
-could not help the remark, “Sir, you are a much younger man than I
-was led to believe I would meet.” The smile broadened into a laugh as
-the reply came back, “I am sorry, but I cannot help being young, you
-know. However, I am Mr. Houston.” And so we two people met for the
-first time.
-
-I informed Mr. Houston that it was always an understood thing on
-my part that my letters to Mr. Anderson were private property,
-and that whenever I liked to ask for them they would be at my
-disposal. Accordingly I had, on learning that my evidence would be
-accepted, requested that Mr. Anderson should allow me to go over
-all my documents and select such as appeared necessary for the
-corroboration of my statements, as well as for the assisting of my
-memory. To this he had assented, excluding any of the papers which he
-had made official by passing them on at the time of their receipt.
-It was then arranged between Mr. Houston and myself that I should
-get the documents from Mr. Anderson, and go to work at once in the
-preparation of my evidence. Much to my disappointment, I learnt there
-was not time for me to make a last hurried trip home, and that if
-I was to carry out my intention of testifying I should have to be
-content with the many losses which would result from my stopping
-in England. One thing, however, I stipulated for, and that was the
-bringing over of all my family to England before I appeared in the
-box. I was willing to let all my private affairs go to ruin by my
-non-return; but I was not prepared to leave my wife and family to
-bear the brunt of the popular ill-will which would result from what
-was to follow.
-
-One of the first things I did, therefore, was to cable for my wife
-and children; and having eased my mind on this score, I went to work
-with a will in the preparation of my evidence. For ten long working
-days, Mr. Houston and I waded through the hundreds of letters and
-Clan-na-Gael documents I had now at my disposal, he taking notes as
-he went along, and I dictating many items brought to my recollection
-by the letters I was perusing. We worked in this way from ten to six
-o’clock each day, undisturbed by visitors of any kind; and when I
-left him, Mr. Houston, with the assistance of his clerks, worked far
-into the night, copying the circulars, and transcribing the notes
-which remained at the end of our day’s work.
-
-On Tuesday morning, the 5th of February 1889, the curtain was
-rung up, and throwing aside the mask for ever, I stepped into the
-witness-box and came out in my true colours, as an Englishman, proud
-of his country, and in no sense ashamed of his record in her service.
-On what followed I need not dwell. While I was under examination,
-my old employer, Mr. William Baber of Colchester, was brought into
-court by the well-known detective Meiklejohn, in order that he might
-identify me. Nothing, of course, came of the incident; but as I once
-more saw Mr. Baber, I thought to myself how little he knew of the
-part I had played at his father’s death-bed. It was in 1884 that I
-was hurriedly called one day to see a patient who was said to be
-dying. I found him an old man of eighty, surrounded by his family
-and friends. In a few minutes he was dead; and finding that all round
-about me were strangers to the grim monster, I performed the last
-offices for the body. As I was so employed, the poor people related
-to me their history, and then I learned to my surprise that the man
-whose eyes I was now closing in death was none other than the father
-of my former employer at Colchester, who had emigrated to America
-some few years previously.
-
-Great as was the sensation produced by my strange and weird but
-true story, it was as nothing compared to that brought about by the
-perfect corroboration afforded by the assassination of poor Cronin,
-of whom I have said so much. Little did I think, when day after day I
-stood in the witness-box to tell my tale, and morning after morning
-read the scoffing references of those who believed it not, that in a
-little while the blood of a murdered Gael would cry out in judgment
-against those of whom I spoke, and that in the outcome truth would
-prevail, and the black foul conspiracy be dragged into the open
-light. Yet so it was; and to-day there are none who question the
-existence of the murderous alliance to which I testified, and of men
-within its ranks prepared to obey its leaders, even unto the shedding
-of blood.
-
-
-
-
-LIII.
-
-
-I have told my story, and little more remains to be done. Yet I
-cannot lay down my pen without rendering some little tribute to one
-whose care and caution on my behalf I can never repay. I refer to
-Mr. Anderson. For twenty-one years I served under this gentleman
-in the Secret Service, and no greater honour can I pay him than to
-say that during all this time I was never discovered. Only those
-who have played my part can fully appreciate what this means. Not
-always careful, not always guarded enough in the rattle and bustle
-of my life, there were times when, had it not been for my chief’s
-watchfulness, discovery might have overtaken me. But he never
-wavered or grew lax in his care. He proved indeed to me, not the
-ordinary official superior, but a kind trusty friend and adviser,
-ever watchful in my interests, ever sympathising with my dangers
-and difficulties. To him, and to him alone, was I known as a Secret
-Service agent during the whole of the twenty-one years of which I
-speak. Therein lay the secret of my safety. If others less worthy of
-the trust than he had been charged with the knowledge of my identity,
-then I fear I should not be here to-day on English soil quietly
-penning these lines.
-
-If my identity remained undiscovered, it was not for want of attempts
-on the part of colleagues of Mr. Anderson to find it out. It was but
-natural, of course, that those associated with my chief should seek
-to penetrate his reserve regarding such a voluminous correspondent as
-myself, and to gain, at first hand, possession of the many important
-pieces of information which he alone appeared to be able to supply.
-All attempts, however, in this direction, and they were many, proved
-fruitless. So determined was a certain public official at one time
-to discover my identity, that having in some way got hold of my
-Christian name, Thomas—I always wrote in the name of Beach to Mr.
-Anderson—and assuming it to be my surname, he despatched a detective
-to Chicago to discover the man called Thomas in the organisation
-there. Of course there was no chance of getting at me in this way,
-but, nevertheless, I was warned in time, and left no possible
-loophole for discovery. Imagine, dear reader, the weakness of such
-a policy as this, which would commit the safety of an important
-informant to the irresponsible knowledge of an ordinary detective!
-
-When this attempt failed, communications were sought to be opened
-up with me by the same official through Sir John Rose and Judge
-M‘Micken, with whom I had acted at the time of the Fenian raid
-of 1870. So strong, indeed, was the pressure brought upon Judge
-M‘Micken, that the old gentleman travelled specially to Chicago to
-see me on the point. However, I would have none of it. I was quite
-contented, and too well assured of my safety as I was; and so, much
-to my own satisfaction, I was left undisturbed in Mr. Anderson’s
-charge.
-
-There was only one thing about which he had frequently to remonstrate
-with me, and that was my expenditure. Many a lecture did I receive
-from him on the subject of money spending. It was not, of course, his
-fault, but rather that of the system. Indeed, so kind and friendly
-was he that he at times advanced me money for which he himself had
-to wait for repayment for some time, if indeed he ever got all of it
-back, which I very much doubt. Of course I could not help spending
-the money. I tried to be as sparing as possible, and, whenever I
-could, debited my expenses to those other undertakings which I
-allied with my Secret Service work. But it was not always possible
-to pursue such an economic course, and in very many instances where
-Mr. Anderson could not pay, I had to pay myself. I occupied a certain
-position; I had to live up to that position. The expenditure of money
-amongst the Irish patriotic class was an absolute necessity for my
-purpose, and consequently I could never put any money by, but rather
-lived up to, if not, indeed, at times beyond every penny of my income.
-
-On this question of Secret Service money I could say much. The
-miserable pittance doled out for the purpose of fighting such an
-enemy as the Clan-na-Gael becomes perfectly ludicrous in the light
-of such facts as I have quoted in connection with the monetary side
-of the Dynamite Campaign. Gallaher, as I have said, had no less
-than £1400 on his person when arrested in 1883; while, coming down
-to a later date, Moroney, when despatched from New York in 1887,
-in connection with the second stage of the Jubilee explosion plot,
-carried with him some £1200. How on earth can the English police and
-their assistants in the Secret Service hope to grapple with such
-heavily financed plots as this, on the miserable sums granted by
-Parliament for the purpose? There are, I believe, some thirty men
-charged with the special duty of circumventing political crime in
-London. All praise and honour to them for the work they have done,
-and the sincerest of congratulations to Chief-Inspector Littlechild,
-who so ably conducted the arrests of all the principals of the
-latter-day dynamite plots. But these policemen have succeeded more by
-chance than anything else; events have played into their hands, and,
-clever men that they are, they have been sufficiently capable to take
-advantage of the little that came to their knowledge, and from small
-clues to work out great things.
-
-Some day, however, a big thing will happen, about which there will be
-no leakage beforehand, and then the affrighted and indignant British
-citizen will turn on his faithful band of thirty and rant and rave at
-them for their want of capacity and performance. The fault will be
-the want of a perfect system of Secret Service, properly financed.
-If plots are to be discovered in time—and already there are some
-whisperings of coming danger—they can only be discovered through
-information coming from those associated with them. As I have shown,
-the men engaged in them are very highly paid. If it is to be made
-worth their while to speak, then the price offered by the British
-Government must be higher than that of the other paymasters. There is
-no use in thinking that mere tools like Callan and Harkins—the men
-now in prison in connection with the Jubilee Explosion Plot—would
-be of any service. These men know nothing. It is the Millens and the
-Moroneys of the conspiracy who should be in Government pay, and they
-have no mean price. Imagine offering either of these men a retainer
-of £20 a month with a very odd cheque for expenses thrown in! The
-idea is ridiculous. I have heard it urged that the thought of Secret
-Service is repugnant to the British heart, wherein are instilled
-the purest principles of freedom. The argument has sounded strange
-in my ears when I remembered that London, as somebody has said, is
-the cesspool of Europe, the shelter of the worst ruffians of every
-country and clime. America is called the Land of the Free, but she
-could give England points in the working of the Secret Service, for
-there there is no stinting of men or money.
-
-
-
-
-LIV.
-
-
-This, then, is my story; and in it must be found the justification,
-if such be needed, for the part I have played. I have no apology to
-make for my twenty and odd years’ work in the Secret Service. I took
-up that work from a conscientious motive, and in a conscientious
-spirit I pursued it to the end. I have in no sense been an informer,
-as the phrase is understood. I allied myself with Fenianism in order
-to defeat it; I never turned from feelings of greed or gain on the
-men with whom I at first worked in sympathy. I never had any sympathy
-with Irish Revolutionists. Quite the opposite. Nor have I been an
-_agent provocateur_. Although I always voted for politic reasons
-on the side of the majority, even to the joining in the vote which
-meant dynamite, on no single occasion was I instrumental in bringing
-an individual to the commission of crime. True, I had to take many
-oaths. But what of that? By the taking of them I have saved many
-lives. Which counts the weightiest in the balance of life? And who is
-it that sneers at me for my conduct in this regard? An honest man’s
-criticism I can accept; but for the judgment of these double-oathed
-gentlemen who, having first taken the Fenian oath, then rushed to
-Westminster to swear allegiance to the Crown and Constitution they
-had aforetime sworn to destroy, I have nothing but contempt and
-derision. Away with such rubbish and cant as they indulge in to the
-regions where common-sense finds no place.
-
-I said I have saved lives by my action as a Government agent. I hope
-I shall have done more by my appearance in the witness-box. To me
-no more satisfactory result could attend my disclosures than the
-realisation by the poor deluded Irish in the States of the way in
-which they have been tricked and humbugged in the past years. For
-these poor weak people, animated by the purest, if the most mistaken
-of patriotic motives, who give their little all in the hope and trust
-that the day will come in their lives when Ireland will be a land
-flowing with milk and honey, I have the deepest and the most sincere
-sympathy. To know these people, to come into contact with them,
-and to discuss with them the eternal subject of Irish nationality,
-is to respect their honesty of purpose, no matter how much we feel
-called upon to condemn their methods of procedure. But, for the
-blatant loud-voiced agitator, always bellowing forth his patriotic
-principles, while secretly filling his pockets with the bribe or the
-consequences of his theft, there can be no other feeling but that of
-undisguised loathing.
-
-I speak of what I know from personal experience, when I say there
-is no greater fraud in this nineteenth century of ours than the
-modern Irish patriotic agitator in America. Gold is his god, his
-patriotic principles—save the mark!—his breviary and his beads,
-holding aloft which he stands at the corner of the market-place so
-that he may be seen of all men, and paid tribute to by some. By
-jobbery, trickery, treachery, and delusion of the meanest and most
-despicable type he works his way along, rising higher and higher in
-the ranks of his fellow-conspirators, till at last, in the position
-of responsibility and power, he sells the votes he can command, and
-pockets the funds over which he has control. Brave and blustering
-in speech, he advocates, in the safety of his American city, three
-thousand miles from the seat of danger, the most desperate of
-enterprises; and without the slightest pang of compunction or twinge
-of conscience he rushes his poor dupes across the water to their fate
-on the scaffold or the living death of penal servitude; while his
-lips unctuously mumble of the righteousness of their beloved cause,
-and his whisky-laden breath blasphemously calls for the blessings of
-Heaven upon the foul enterprise.
-
-It has been in fighting such scoundrels as these that I have spent
-the last quarter of a century. From them I would fain deliver their
-poor dupes ere I completely efface myself from Irish affairs. I
-have no stronger, no sincerer wish than to see an end put once
-for all to the delusion which is practised upon thousands of poor
-Irishmen throughout the States by the men of whom I have written.
-With the rank and file it has assuredly been a case of “theirs not
-to reason why, theirs but to do and die.” I hope it may not be so
-in the future. I trust that what I have penned, and what the sad
-murder of Cronin has writ large upon the page of history, may not be
-without its effect; and that to-day men may pause ere they continue
-in such a way as I have pictured, the mere tools of an unscrupulous
-faction, the miserable dupes of a reckless and improvident executive.
-Gallahers, Dalys, and Mackay Lomasneys there always will be—men
-inspired with fanatical hatred of all things English, and ready at
-all times to risk freedom and life in working out their designs; but,
-apart from them, there are thousands whose criminality reaches no
-further point than the paying of those subscriptions so frequently
-and so persistently demanded.
-
-With such men I hope these words of mine will have weight; and
-if, awakening to a true sense of their situation, and realising
-that their combination and support help not Ireland but Ireland’s
-professional mendicants, they turn to a better path, and a clearer
-and more honest view of Irish matters as they really are, then shall
-I feel that I have not struggled or written in vain.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX.
-
-
-
-
-I.
-
-THE STORY OF THE JUBILEE PLOT.
-
-
-Fully two months before the celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee in
-London, reliable intelligence reached the Scotland Yard authorities
-that a gang of skilful and unscrupulous conspirators in America were
-devising a plan for carrying out acts of murder and destruction in
-London. The names of the principal persons engaged for this purpose
-were known to the police, and the individuals were closely watched
-even during their voyage across the Atlantic. The headquarters of
-the organisation were established in Paris, and both there and in
-Boulogne their movements were under strict observation. The direction
-of the conspiracy rested with General Millen, a well-known Fenian
-agent, who, finding the police espionage unbearable, had latterly
-kept out of England. Had he returned, he would have been immediately
-arrested. Last Saturday he left Amsterdam for New York, being watched
-by English detectives down to the time of the vessel sailing. After
-the Jubilee celebration, some of the gang crossed the Channel and
-came to London, their plans previous to the Jubilee celebration
-having been disconcerted. The most prominent of the arrivals in
-London was the man Melville, said to be the shrewdest of the whole
-gang. The police do not believe that those conspirators were in
-communication with O’Donovan Rossa, or acting with his cognisance.
-Cohen’s presence in London was known to the police some time prior
-to his death. There was only one of the gang of whose presence they
-were not aware. Strangely enough, the police were on their way to
-arrest the deceased [Cohen] at the moment of his death, and had they
-been twenty minutes earlier they would have captured the unknown
-individual who left the death chamber just previously.
-
-The man Melville came to London as an agent of Millen, and took
-modest lodgings in Gladstone Street, but at the time was deficient
-in funds. The police, however, watched him closely, and found that
-on two occasions he called on Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., at the House
-of Commons. He had for his companion the man Harkins, and both of
-them were seen in company with the dead man Cohen, upon whom an
-inquest was held yesterday [26th October 1887]. The police suspicions
-of Melville’s business were confirmed. His assertion, that he
-represented Mr. Philips, of Philadelphia, proved entirely false.
-Afterwards Melville went to Paris, and there met a man named Dennehy,
-who, with a man named Maloney, sailed for America on August 17.
-Dennehy is a member of the Clan-na-Gael, and his address is known to
-the police. Melville then returned to London and stayed at the Hotel
-Métropole with a Miss Kennedy, of 53 Charles Street, Boston, with
-whom he travelled through Ireland, and afterwards to Paris, where he
-called upon General Millen at the Hôtel du Palais, and was also seen
-in a cab with a man remarkably like the deceased man Cohen, who was
-absent from his lodgings about five weeks ago. He sailed for America
-from Havre on September 17, and on reaching New York, his companion,
-Miss Kennedy, was arrested for smuggling a large quantity of
-valuable goods. Melville’s hurried departure upset the plans of the
-Clan-na-Gael, and closely following this Cohen died. Harkins admitted
-yesterday that he called at the House of Commons with Melville, and
-that he had written for money to Burchall. Melville’s address in
-America is known to the police—viz., Mr. J. J. Moroney, 925 Tenth
-Avenue, New York.—_Daily Press_, 28th October 1887.
-
-THOMAS CALLAN, 46, labourer, and Michael Harkins, 30, grocer, were
-placed upon their trial at the Central Criminal Court, London, on
-February 1, 1888, upon an indictment of various counts, charging them
-with maliciously conspiring with Joseph Melville and Joseph Cohen,
-and other persons, to cause, by an explosive substance, an explosion
-in the United Kingdom of a nature likely to endanger life, and to
-cause serious injury to property, and with having in their possession
-and under their control an explosive substance with intent by means
-thereof to endanger life and cause serious injury to property within
-the United Kingdom, and with having in their possession and under
-their control an explosive substance in such circumstances as to give
-rise to a reasonable suspicion that they did not have it in their
-possession and under their control for a lawful object.
-
-The prisoners were found guilty, and each sentenced to fifteen years’
-penal servitude.
-
- * * * * *
-
-The SELECT COMMITTEE appointed to consider the regulations applicable
-to the admission of strangers to the HOUSE OF COMMONS met again on
-Thursday, the 19th inst., Viscount EBRINGTON presiding.
-
-Mr. JAMES MONRO, Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police,
-examined by the Chairman, said:—Melville’s real name is Moroney,
-of Philadelphia, New York, and a member of the Clan-na-Gael. He was
-sent over here in pursuance of instructions, and for the purpose of
-committing an outrage in the Jubilee week. He came over with Callan
-and Harkins in the steamer _City of Chester_. They did not arrive in
-England until June 21. They had missed the previous steamer, all the
-berths being engaged, and they did not arrive until the Monday. They
-came at once here, only to find that General F. F. Millen had been
-rendered powerless by the operations of the police. Melville was the
-man who was chief in giving them dynamite, in enabling them to get it
-in here. and in giving them instructions how to dispose of it. The
-dynamite was brought over by other persons to Melville—two men, and
-also a person of the name of Callan, and another man, I believe. The
-other man we have not been able to get hold of. But Melville and this
-fifth man arrived on May 15; so that when Melville and his associates
-came on June 5, Callan was here to meet them.
-
-The House of Commons was one point in these dynamite operations.
-One of these men was sent down on two occasions to Windsor Castle
-to “prospect” the State apartments, taking with him a watch for the
-purpose of finding out how long it would take him to effect his
-purpose and get away. On both occasions the State apartments were
-closed. He did not go back again, because I suppose he thought he
-would be identified. General Millen was a man known twenty years ago
-in Fenian matters. He was connected with the Fenians in 1867. He was
-what was called a military member of the Clan-na-Gael, and he was
-sent over to this country on a secret mission in 1879. He reported
-his progress to his associates under the name of Robinson.
-
-He was in communication with Melville. That is to say, he met
-Melville on one occasion in Paris, not in this country. He met
-Melville in Paris in September 1887. Melville was sent over. He left
-in April and arrived in France about the end of April. He was in
-England before that. He left this country in January 1887, and went
-to America. He left America and arrived in this country in April. I
-forget the exact date.
-
-General Millen had no home in England, but he had relatives—his
-daughters, living in London for a certain time. On August 4, Melville
-and Harkins came to the House of Commons, and sent up their cards,
-or rather, Mr. Melville sent up his card to Mr. Joseph Nolan. Mr.
-Nolan came out to them and saw them in the central lobby. After a
-little conversation they went away. On the 5th of August the visit
-was repeated by the same two men. They sent up their card to Mr.
-Joseph Nolan. Mr. Nolan came out and disappeared with them; by that
-I mean the police did not follow them. He took them, it is believed,
-to the gallery. Now it is known that he did so, as the entry in the
-Strangers’ Gallery book shows. They were not seen to leave that night
-by the ordinary entrance. They were for some time on the terrace.
-
-They must have gone down with a member?—They were accompanied by Mr.
-Joseph Nolan.
-
-About how long did they remain?—About twenty minutes or half an
-hour, as far as I can remember. They were under observation by my
-men; they were seen by the House of Commons police. They were under
-observation outside.
-
-At that time were you aware of any business in which they were
-engaged in this country?—We had not identified Harkins at that time,
-but I knew Melville was a dangerous character. On his visit here my
-information was that he might be looked for in the House of Commons.
-That information was received in connection with his relation with
-Millen. He was met in Paris afterwards, and Melville was actually
-in Paris in the month of July, but I am not prepared to say he met
-Millen then, but they were connected. There was another man in Paris
-in regard to whose movements I was apprised in connection with
-Millen’s relations in Ireland; and it is also a fact that General
-Millen was in communication with Mr. Joseph Nolan by means of
-letters conveyed by Millen’s daughters, who were then in London and
-under observation. One of these letters so conveyed was a letter of
-introduction to Melville.
-
-Was that prior to the visit to the House of Commons?—That was prior
-to the visit; that was on the 14th of July, on which date Millen’s
-daughters visited the House of Commons. They saw Mr. Joseph Nolan and
-repeated the visit on the 15th. Millen is their real name. They had
-been living here for some time before that.
-
-THE HOME SECRETARY.—Did they visit the House on that occasion, or
-did they remain in the central hall?—Witness: On the first occasion
-they were taken by Mr. J. Nolan to the Ladies’ Gallery, and on the
-second occasion they were taken by Mr. Nolan to the bar of the House
-of Lords, and after they left they were accompanied by Mr. Nolan some
-little up the street on both days.
-
-They did not go over the House of Commons?—I cannot say they did.
-They then left for Paris, where Millen then was, and, as I said
-before, on the 4th of August Melville then appeared.
-
-Did you follow up this matter by any inquiries of Melville
-himself?—Melville was traced to his lodgings, and on the 8th of
-August he was interviewed. After Melville’s interview we interviewed
-Mr. Joseph Nolan on the 16th of August. He was asked whether Melville
-had visited him and whether he knew him. Mr. Nolan said Melville was
-a stranger to him, that he had brought no letter of introduction,
-that he had mentioned the names of several gentlemen known to him
-(Mr. Nolan) in America, among them a gentleman named Stack, who had
-been successful in life and was over in England on a trip; that he
-(Stack) seemed to be well acquainted with the oil wells and silver
-mines in the Rocky mountains, that he seemed to be a man well read
-in history, and altogether was a rather well-informed man; that
-he had come with this letter of introduction, and that he (Nolan)
-treated him with the same civility that he would expect in America.
-We made inquiries, and we came in the Strangers’ Gallery book, upon
-an entry which we believed to be in Mr. Nolan’s handwriting. We had
-the handwriting submitted to an expert, and he said it was the same
-as that on a remittance sent by Mr. Nolan. We had no doubt on the
-subject, because when Mr. Nolan was examined he said it was in his
-handwriting. We made inquiry of Mr. Stack, and had him interviewed
-on the 26th of January this year. He said he did not remember
-anything in connection with the registry in the book at the gallery
-in the House of Commons, and did not remember anything about the
-man Melville. The writing in the book appeared, he said, to be his
-own, but he was certain he never gave an order to Mr. Joseph Nolan,
-M.P. and Mr. Nolan knew nothing about his signature. It was an
-understood thing among the Irish party that everything possible was
-to be done for Americans who might wish to see the House of Commons,
-and the consequence was that there was scarcely a day passed without
-application being made for admission to the House by Americans. This
-matter would stop that kind of thing. If the Irish members were aware
-of it they would shun an American as they would poison, and it would
-be detrimental to the party generally.
-
-By MR. FORREST FULTON.—One of the letters conveyed by the daughter
-of General Millen to Mr. Joseph Nolan, who was in communication with
-General Millen, was a letter of introduction of Melville to Mr.
-Nolan. Millen introduced Melville as a friend.
-
-Is there any statement at all as to what Melville was doing in this
-country?—No, not so far as I am aware.
-
-THE CHAIRMAN.—I think you spoke of letters passing?—Yes, more than
-one. This was one of the letters conveyed to Mr. Nolan from General
-Millen by his daughters.
-
-And these letters passed on various occasions?—Yes, they passed on
-more than one occasion.
-
-By MR. FULTON.—Mr. Nolan said he knew nothing at all about Melville,
-and had not received any letter from him?—Yes.
-
-MR. FULTON.—You say you know where the daughters of General Millen
-reside. Do you know that they were visited by Mr. Nolan at any
-time?—Not at the period referred to, so far as I know.
-
-On other occasions?—On a previous occasion they were.
-
-When was that?—In January of the previous year; but I had not
-commenced observations then.
-
-The Committee adjourned till three o’clock in order to give MR.
-JOSEPH NOLAN, M.P., an opportunity of replying to the evidence of Mr.
-Monro.
-
-THE CHAIRMAN communicated to Mr. Nolan the statements made by Mr.
-Monro. Mr. Nolan said he had no wish to go back upon the evidence
-he had given in Court in connection with the dynamite trial. He had
-received no introduction of any one from General Millen.
-
-You visited the House with two daughters of General Millen on the
-14th or 15th of July, and showed them over the House, and that one of
-them gave you a letter from her father introducing a man who would
-come subsequently—a man named Melville. Is it true that the two
-daughters of General Millen were there on the 14th or 15th of July,
-and were shown over the House by you?—It is true that I showed two
-ladies named Millen over the House.
-
-The daughters of General Millen?—I do not know about that.
-
-Were they strangers to you at that time?—One of them was.
-
-One of them you did know?—Yes.
-
-She was the daughter of General Millen?—That I do not know.
-
-Did you meet her in London?—I met her in London, I think, in 1886.
-She has been living in London.
-
-Did you know General Millen?—I know him by repute.
-
-As what?—As an officer in the Mexican Army, and as correspondent of
-the _New York Herald_.
-
-Have you ever met him?—Yes.
-
-When?—In 1886.
-
-In England or abroad?—In England.
-
-Was he a stranger to you then?—He was.
-
-Where did you meet him; at a private house?—He called upon me at my
-own house.
-
-Was that the only occasion on which you ever saw him?—Yes.
-
-MR. LAWSON.—Called upon you doubtless as many Americans do?—Yes.
-
-THE CHAIRMAN.—Is it true that the ladies brought a letter of
-introduction about Melville?—It is not true.
-
-Or a letter of any kind?—No.
-
-The statement was a letter written by the General?—No; not that I
-remember; in fact there was no necessity for it, because one of the
-ladies knew me.
-
-It is said they brought a letter to you at the House introducing
-Melville to you on a future occasion?—That is not so. One of the
-ladies said she had not seen her father for years, and she believed
-he was ill at the time in Europe, and that she intended to call upon
-him.
-
-Have you had any communication with him?—No.
-
-THE HOME SECRETARY.—Are you aware that Melville and Millen had met
-each other?—No, and I may say that I had never heard that General
-Millen had any connection whatever with what is known as the dynamite
-party. It has been stated, I believe, that he has, but I never heard
-it previous to the recent case. On the contrary, I heard that General
-Millen as an Irish officer was clearly opposed to the policy of that
-party.
-
-THE HOME SECRETARY.—That has nothing to do with it. Did Melville
-come from America; he had been in London for some months?—I did not
-know that.
-
-Did Melville speak about Millen?—No.
-
-Were you aware that they were acquainted?—No. I knew a number of
-Irish Americans who have visited me at the House. They asked for
-admission, and I have been told that he was among the number. I
-remember that a policeman or gentleman who said that he belonged to
-the detective force called upon me in the House, and made inquiry
-about some one or two men who had visited the House. I told them all
-I knew at the time.
-
-MR. LAWSON.—It is said you did not acknowledge the handwriting on
-the Speaker’s Gallery ticket as yours, and you said it was not your
-handwriting?—I simply said I could not swear to the writing as being
-mine.
-
-THE HOME SECRETARY.—Have you any doubt about it?—I rather think it
-was I who wrote it, but I could not positively swear.—_The Times_,
-20 April 1888.
-
-
-
-
-II.
-
-THE STORY OF THE CRONIN MURDER.
-
-
-The Cronin murder trial ended yesterday, after prolonged deliberation
-on the part of the jury, in the conviction of four of the five
-prisoners arraigned. By the laws of the State of Illinois the jury
-not only decide the issues of guilty or not guilty, but also award
-the punishment of the convicts. To this fact is probably due the long
-delay in the present case in the announcement of the verdict. The
-jury have acquitted John F. Beggs. They have awarded imprisonment
-for life to Daniel Coughlin, Martin Burke, and Patrick O’Sullivan,
-whom they convict of murder; and imprisonment for three years to John
-Kunze, whose offence is reduced to manslaughter, and whose part in
-the crime was shown to be of a very minor kind.[7] Now that the case
-is over, it seems desirable to state in a connected form the theory
-upon which this remarkable trial was instituted by the State of
-Illinois.
-
-The prisoners, Daniel Coughlin, Martin Burke, John F. Beggs, Patrick
-O’Sullivan, and John Kunze, were indicted for the murder of Dr.
-Patrick Henry Cronin, on May 4, 1889. The case naturally created
-intense excitement throughout the State, affecting as it did many
-and complex interests of party, race, and creed. Committees were
-formed and funds were raised for the prosecution and for the
-defence, and the prisoners were convicted and acquitted on the
-platform and in the Press, with that reckless disregard of common
-decency which disgraces the partisan warfare of America. American
-judicial proceedings are, however, framed to work in a society which
-habitually indulges itself in debauches of partisan fury, even while
-prisoners stand at trial for their lives, and accordingly the most
-elaborate safeguards are employed to secure the impartiality of the
-jury. The State and the prisoners exercise the right of challenge
-both peremptorily and for cause, in a degree undreamt of in this
-country. Each juror, before he is sworn to try the issues, is
-subjected to the most merciless examination and cross-examination
-by counsel for the State and for the prisoners, and challenges
-“for cause” are allowed on grounds which in English eyes appear
-ludicrously trivial. The prisoners in the Cronin case were, by law,
-entitled to twenty peremptory challenges apiece, or, as they combined
-their challenges, to one hundred peremptory challenges in all, and
-the State was also entitled to one hundred peremptory challenges. The
-work of impanelling the jury began on August 30, and ended on October
-22. Seven full working weeks were spent in this preliminary labour.
-No fewer than 1115 unfortunate citizens of Cook County were exposed
-to the rigid scrutiny of counsel for the State and counsel for the
-defence. Of these, 927 were “excused,” to use the American euphemism,
-for cause, while 78 were peremptorily challenged by the State, and
-97 were similarly challenged by the defence. Thus the State had 22
-challenges unexhausted, and the defence only three when the tale was
-completed. At last, on October 24, the State’s Attorney “got down to
-trial” and made his opening speech. The case relied upon and proved
-by the State depended on the following assertions and inferences.
-
-Dr. Cronin was summoned from his home at half-past seven on the
-evening of May 4, and never returned. On May 22 his naked body,
-bearing marks of violence, was found in the catch-basin of a sewer.
-The theory of the prosecution was that he was murdered in pursuance
-of a conspiracy, and that the accused, together with other persons
-not in custody, were members of that conspiracy. The jury by their
-verdict have declared that Dr. Cronin was so murdered, and that
-all the prisoners save Beggs did conspire to murder him. This
-conspiracy arose from a bitter quarrel within the ranks of the United
-Brotherhood, or Clan-na-Gael. The history of that organisation was
-sketched by State’s Attorney Longenecker in his opening speech. It
-was founded in 1869, to “free” Ireland by open warfare. Irishmen
-joined it from “patriotism,” Irishmen joined it for the purposes of
-American political warfare, and others “for the sake of the money
-that was in it.” The organisation grew “until now it stretches from
-ocean to ocean in our land.” It was organised by districts, each
-with its District Member and District “Camps.” Each “Camp” had a
-public name, by which alone it was known to the general public.
-Thus, “Camp 20,” to which several of the prisoners belonged, was
-called the “Columbia Club,” and other “Camps” were known as “Literary
-Clubs,” and so on. Prior to 1881 the organisation was governed by an
-Executive Body, which was composed of the District Members. In 1879
-this Board consisted of fifteen members.
-
-In 1881 a National Convention of the United Brotherhood was held in
-Chicago. At that Convention the Executive Body was reduced to five
-members, and Alexander Sullivan, Feeley, and Boland were appointed
-thereon. These three men constituted a majority of the new Board,
-and, in the State’s Attorney’s phrase, “took charge” of it. “They
-then adopted,” he says, “what is called the dynamite policy. They
-called it ‘active work.’ They adopted a policy to blow up property
-and individuals, and that policy was adopted immediately after
-they got possession of the Executive Board of the organisation.”
-Moreover, this new Executive Body inserted a provision in the oath
-of the organisation binding all members to obey the Executive Body
-without question. “If they directed a man to go and kill another
-man in England it had to be done, and they had no right to question
-the order.” In 1884 this controlling Board adopted the symbol of
-the Triangle, and issued orders under that designation. The whole
-object of this Junta was to steal the funds of the organisation,
-and the State’s Attorney roundly accuses them of endeavouring to
-effect this object by acts of well-nigh incredible infamy. They
-pretended to their organisation that great sums were being expended
-upon “active work.” To lend colour to this fiction they procured a
-certain amount of such work to be done. They sent emissaries to this
-country. But they failed to provide them with the funds indispensable
-for their personal safety. The men were referred to an agent of the
-organisation in England, and when they had reached this side of the
-Atlantic precautions were taken that they should not too speedily
-return. When the dynamite emissary landed in the United Kingdom, “I
-say to you,” says the State’s Attorney, “that somebody there made
-known who the man was, and what he was detailed to do, and he was
-immediately arrested and thrown into prison. To-day the prison doors
-in England are locked against twenty or more men who were sent there
-by that Board.”
-
-The next trick of the Triangle, to hide their embezzlement of the
-funds, was to circulate a rumour that English detectives were
-watching the Order, and to get the biennial Convention postponed upon
-that plea. A meeting was held of the friends of the Triangle, “and
-they destroyed every vestige of work they had done. They destroyed
-their books, and then sent out a circular showing that the Order
-was indebted to them $13,000, notwithstanding when they took hold
-of it they had a fund of $250,000 in the treasury.” Naturally these
-proceedings led to great dissension in the Order, and finally to a
-split in its ranks. To the quarrel that thus arose, Dr. Cronin, on
-the theory advanced by the prosecution, and accepted by the jury,
-owed his death. Cronin from the first protested against the action
-of the Triangle. In 1885 he was tried for treason to the Order.
-Alexander Sullivan prosecuted, and the convict Daniel Coughlin sat
-on the Trial Committee. Cronin was convicted and expelled. Thereupon
-Cronin joined a new organisation formed by the seceding members of
-the Order, and no further steps were taken until June 1888. In that
-month a joint convention of the two factions was held in Chicago
-with a view to reunion. At that convention Cronin charged the old
-Triangle, which had then ceased to exist, with misappropriation of
-the funds of the Order, and with misconduct towards their emissaries
-to Europe. It was resolved that the charges should be investigated,
-and a Trial Committee of six, three from each faction, was appointed
-to try Sullivan, Feeley, and Boland. Of that Trial Committee, Cronin
-was a member. A memorandum in Cronin’s handwriting, containing the
-joint findings of Cronin himself, and one P. M‘Cahey, as members of
-the Trial Committee, and also minutes of the evidence adduced at
-such trial, were found amongst Cronin’s papers, and proved at the
-coroner’s inquest. These documents were, of course, inadmissible
-at the actual trial, according to a well-known technical rule of
-evidence, but, as they undoubtedly guided the State’s Attorney and
-his associates in framing the case against the prisoners, and as,
-moreover, they possess a very special and personal interest for
-Englishmen, we do not feel constrained to ignore their contents here.
-
-The Trial Committee, it appears, met at Genesee House, Buffalo,
-on August 20, 1888. Alexander Sullivan objected that “one of the
-committee was a malignant enemy of his,” and he named Cronin as that
-enemy. Feeley and Boland joined in Sullivan’s objection, but Cronin
-denied that he had any personal enmity to Sullivan and the objection
-was overruled. Boland then charged the notorious John Devoy, who was
-a friend of Cronin’s, and attended the Trial Committee, presumably in
-his interest, with being a British spy. Cronin defended Devoy, the
-committee settled down to work, and the trial proceeded. The minutes
-of the evidence taken by this committee, and found in Cronin’s own
-handwriting, form one of the most startling documents ever produced
-in any Court. Four principal witnesses were examined in support
-of the charges made against the Triangle of neglecting to supply
-the emissaries actually engaged in dynamiting with funds, and of
-neglecting the families of those emissaries who had perished by
-explosions, or had been sent to penal servitude in this country. The
-first witness was himself one of the London dynamiters. The last was
-the widow of Mackey Lomasney, who was blown up while attempting to
-destroy London Bridge. The names of the male witnesses are not given.
-The first witness swore that after the Boston Convention of 1884,
-one Donovan, “who acted as agent for the body,” and “was then in the
-employ of General Kerwin,” asked him if “he could furnish enough men
-to accomplish a certain amount of active work.” The witness procured
-one recruit. Donovan and John J. Moroney paid their steerage passage,
-and gave them $100 each “to carry on work.” For further funds they
-were referred to “the agent on the other side.” The two dynamiters
-crossed to this country, but the funds were not forthcoming. The
-agent, it is satisfactory to learn, “was sure he had been betrayed by
-some one,” and it is yet more gratifying to know that he “is now in
-prison.” The witness then gives the following account of his exploits
-in this country, and of the base ingratitude of his employers:—
-
-“At the agent’s request, work was delayed six weeks. I at last told
-him I would do the work. There were four of us.... I finally induced
-him to give orders to do the work. This was on Thursday. On Saturday
-we did it. After the work was done I met him the same evening. He
-remained in capital city seven days afterward. I was so reduced for
-funds that I prevailed upon him to give me four pounds of the sixteen
-he had left. On landing in this country had three-and-one-half
-pounds.... I at once complained to Donovan and Moroney, and through
-them to the executive, or General Kerwin, of the treatment I had
-received, and the culpable neglect of the F. C. About the last of
-February 1885, Donovan furnished me with $10 with which to reach my
-home.
-
-“_Q._ How many operations did you perform?—_A._ Three. We always
-bade each other good-bye after each meeting, thinking it might be our
-last meeting on earth. I have learned that, in order to get back,
-the other man who went over with me had to sell his clothes to get
-passage-money. He came with a sprained ankle. In July or August 1885,
-he received $7 from Moroney.”
-
-Subsequently the witness found that the mother of Cunningham, the
-dynamiter, was in want. He complained to Moroney and General Kerwin,
-whereupon Kerwin told him he ought to be expelled. The munificent
-sum of $100 was finally sent by the “F. C.” (Executive Body) to the
-mother of their dupe Cunningham, now undergoing in this country the
-just but awful punishment of penal servitude for life. The witness
-further ascertained that Mrs. Mackey Lomasney, the widow of Captain
-Mackey Lomasney, who “was killed in London, and was assured, witness
-was told, that his family would never want,” was in great distress.
-The relatives of Dr. Gallagher, another dynamite convict under a
-life-long sentence, were also in want. A hundred dollars was raised
-for Mrs. Gallagher. Then comes this terrible statement, a statement
-which should warn the miserable tools of the Clan-na-Gael what kind
-of succour they may look for from their chiefs when their “heroism”
-lands them in the dock. “I requested,” says this same witness, “that
-the men on trial on the other side should be defended. General Kerwin
-said that friendless men were better off in such cases.” To the men
-who have risked their lives at its bidding, the Order, with its ample
-revenues, grudges the few pounds needed for their legal defence, and
-coldly abandons them “friendless” to their fate.
-
-The next witness confirms the above statements as to the conduct of
-the organisation towards Mrs. Cunningham. In July 1885, he succeeded
-John Moroney as D. M. (District Member), and in October of that year
-he “went out as an organiser of the National League in the West.” “I
-saw General Kerwin and told him that he should send money to Mrs.
-Cunningham, that the lady was hurt on the subject of being neglected
-by us. He said he would send it.”
-
-The cross-examination of this witness was directed to show that he
-entertained animus against Kerwin and Boland for endeavouring to
-defeat his candidature for the presidency of the National League,
-which candidature, he alleges, had been officially adopted by the
-Clan-na-Gael. “The slate,” he says, “was Baldwin, Minton, and Carroll
-for F. C. (Executive Body), and myself as President of the League.”
-Boland asked him why he would not take the secretaryship.
-
-The third witness, “a member since the beginning of the old
-organisation,” knew Mackey Lomasney, and remembers his departure
-for Europe in August 1884, with his brother Jim, and a third
-conspirator. The witness describes his efforts to obtain relief
-from the organisation for Mackey Lomasney’s widow. In 1885 he went
-to Newhaven and saw Dr. Wallace (who was then “D.”), Condon, and
-Boland. Boland “denied all responsibility,” and alleged that Mrs.
-Mackey Lomasney had been supplied with plenty of money. The witness
-called on Carroll. “He professed utter ignorance of the whole affair.
-I said, ‘By God, you must see her.’ Carroll offered the witness
-$100, which he refused. I said, ‘You know how to send this, as you
-have the others; if you respect the memory of the dead, and the
-widow and the orphan made so by your act, do your duty by all.’” The
-witness further states that Mrs. Mackey Lomasney continued to be in a
-poverty-stricken state, without coal or clothing, until August 1886.
-
-The last witness was Mrs. Susan Mackey Lomasney herself. Upon
-Alexander Sullivan’s request, made presumably to show his reliance on
-the bare word of a dynamiter’s wife, she was not sworn. Mrs. Mackey
-Lomasney stated that her husband went away in August 1884, and that
-since that date she had received $1000 from the organisation. She
-called on Alexander Sullivan in 1885, but did not ask for help. In
-August 1886, she again visited Sullivan, explained to him the state
-of her affairs, and asked for help. “He asked me for a schedule of
-my liabilities—$200. He would attend to the matter. He gave me no
-money, nor offered me any.” Sullivan told the witness not to mention
-his name to any one. She then called on “James Q.,” who “talked to
-her about Father Dorney,” but gave her no help. The witness was
-so poor at this time that she borrowed a dress to visit Sullivan.
-Several weeks after the witness again called on Sullivan and applied
-for a loan of $100, which she obtained. That was all she ever got
-from Sullivan. In cross-examination Mrs. Mackey Lomasney admitted
-that her husband wrote to her from Europe, saying he had received
-money from Mr. Sullivan. The witness did not know the amount.
-
-“Here,” say the minutes, “Mr. S. admitted that (Mackey) Lomasney was
-sent by the organisation.”
-
-The Trial Committee was divided in opinion as to the guilt or
-innocence of the accused. Four members were for an acquittal. Two,
-Cronin and M‘Cahey, were for a conviction on the principal charges,
-and, in particular, on the charges of “scandalous and shameful
-neglect” of “the family of one who lost his life in the service of
-this Order,” and on that of issuing a fraudulent financial report and
-squandering the funds.
-
-Dr. Cronin’s documents illustrate many interesting points. Amongst
-other things they prove that he, his friends Devoy and M‘Cahey and
-their faction, are to the full as wicked scoundrels as Sullivan,
-Feeley, Boland, and the party of the Triangle. The minority report
-does not condemn the Triangle for dynamiting, but for dishonest
-dynamiting. It does not reprobate the despatch of miscreants like
-Mackey Lomasney to work slaughter and destruction in the heart
-of a great city, but the subsequent neglect of the Order to keep
-faith with their emissary, by providing for his widow. It acquits
-the Triangle of wilfully omitting to supply the actual authors
-of the dynamite explosion with funds to fly from the law, but it
-severely censures their “agent” for the omission. Both wings of the
-Clan-na-Gael were engaged in the same devilish plots, and while every
-one must rejoice that the assassins even of a dynamiter should meet
-their lawful doom, Cronin merits no more sympathy as an individual
-than “Captain Mackey” himself. He was brutally murdered, while
-himself engaged in plotting the wholesale murder of others.
-
-On the theory of the State’s Attorney, now endorsed by the verdict
-of the American jury, it was Cronin’s persistent efforts to have the
-evidence taken by the Trial Committee published with the report, that
-sealed his doom. That committee, as has been seen, sat in August
-1888. The report did not appear while Cronin lived. But on the day
-of his murder the Executive Body of the Clan-na-Gael met, and on
-the next day, or the next day but one, the report was published to
-the Order. The evidence was not then issued with the report, but a
-protest from Alexander Sullivan was annexed thereto, in which he
-charged Cronin as a perjurer, and a traitor to the Irish cause. All
-the prisoners except Kunze were members of the Clan-na-Gael. All
-those members belonged to the same “Camp” of the Order, known in
-the ranks of the Order as “Camp 20,” and in public as the “Columbia
-Club.” The prisoner, John F. Beggs, was “Senior Guardian” of the
-“Camp,” and an intimate friend of Alexander Sullivan’s. On February
-8, 1889, the “Camp” met, with Beggs in the chair, and from that
-meeting the prosecution dates the conspiracy to murder Cronin. A
-member got up and said that they should investigate the affairs of
-the Triangle, these men who had robbed them of their funds. The
-prisoner Coughlin and others demanded the speaker’s authority for
-this statement. He replied that he had heard part of the report of
-the Trial Committee appointed to try the Triangle read in another
-“Camp.” That other “Camp” was Dr. Cronin’s. The State alleged that
-Beggs made a violent speech and declared that he would not have these
-attacks made upon the Triangle, and that it had to be stopped if it
-took blood. Coughlin at once moved that a secret committee of three
-be appointed to investigate. The motion was carried, and the prisoner
-Beggs, as Senior Guardian, was directed to nominate the committee.
-All the accused except O’Sullivan and Kunze attended this meeting of
-“Camp 20.” Two days later Beggs wrote to his superior officer, a man
-named Spellman, and informed him that “it was charged that the S.
-G. of the Columbia Club at a recent meeting read to the assembled
-members the proceedings of the Trial Committee.” On February 17,
-Spellman disclaimed any jurisdiction “to inflict the penalty” in
-the case. On February 18, Beggs replied that the matter had to be
-investigated or there would be trouble. The State’s Attorney argued
-that this secret committee of three was in fact appointed to try,
-and did try, the murdered man, and that Spellman’s disclaimer of
-jurisdiction to inflict “the penalty” proves that Cronin had been
-convicted and already stood for sentence at the bar of the Order.
-
-On February 19, a man giving the name of Simonds, who is not in
-custody, took rooms at 117 Clark Street, Chicago, immediately
-opposite to Dr. Cronin’s office. On the same day he bought some
-furniture and a carpet. He asked for goods of the cheapest quality,
-and stated that he required them only for temporary use. He also
-bought from the same dealers the largest packing trunk they had, a
-valise, and a trunk strap. He told the shopman that the first strap
-supplied to him was not large enough, and a larger one was procured.
-All these articles were put into the rooms at 117 Clark Street.
-
-On March 20, a man, proved to be the convict Martin Burke, hired
-Carlson cottage, under the name of “Frank Williams,” for one month
-from Mr. Carlson, who himself lives next door. Burke then went to
-the prisoner P. O’Sullivan, whose premises immediately adjoin the
-Carlson cottage, and told O’Sullivan that he had taken it. Burke and
-another man not in custody next removed all the furniture, the trunk,
-the valise, and the carpet from 117 Clark Street into the Carlson
-cottage. This removal took place on the evening of March 20, the day
-Burke took the cottage.
-
-O’Sullivan is an ice man by trade. On March 29, nine days after
-the taking of the cottage, O’Sullivan tried to find one Justice
-Mahoney, to come and make a contract between him and Dr. Cronin.
-O’Sullivan did not find the justice on March 29, but some time in
-April they went together to Cronin’s office, and a contract was made
-between O’Sullivan and Cronin, whereby Cronin agreed to attend to
-O’Sullivan’s workmen. O’Sullivan then gave Cronin some cards and
-said, “I may be out of town and my card be presented.” O’Sullivan’s
-business was not dangerous. No accident had ever occurred amongst his
-men. Numbers of doctors lived between O’Sullivan’s place of business
-and Dr. Cronin’s office, which is nearly an hour’s drive from
-O’Sullivan’s yard. “What,” the State asked, “was the object of this
-contract, made after the discussion in ‘Camp 20,’ and after Beggs had
-been directed to appoint the secret committee?”
-
-On April 20, Martin Burke, under the _alias_ of “Frank Williams,”
-returned to the Carlson cottage and paid a second month’s rent in
-advance. He had never occupied the cottage. He said his sister was in
-hospital and could not come to housekeeping. The Carlsons grew uneasy
-about their tenants. They inquired of their neighbour O’Sullivan
-about these men, who had taken their house but never moved into it.
-O’Sullivan said, “You will get your rent; it is all right,” and told
-them he knew one of their tenants. Shortly before May 4 the convict
-Coughlin was heard to declare in a “saloon” or public bar that a
-certain north-side man, a leading Catholic, or a leading Irishman,
-would soon bite the ground, or to use words of the like effect.
-
-On the evening of May 3 there was a meeting of “Camp 20.” A member
-asked if the secret committee appointed in February to inquire into
-the alleged publication of the report of the Triangle Trial Committee
-in Cronin’s “Camp” had itself reported. The State alleged that Beggs,
-the Senior Guardian, answered, “That committee is to report to me.
-The ‘Camp’ has nothing to do with that.”
-
-Between eleven and one o’clock on May 4, the convict Coughlin went to
-Dinan’s livery stable and ordered a horse and buggy to be ready about
-seven that evening “for a friend.” Later he telephoned to the convict
-O’Sullivan to go out. About 7.15 in the evening Coughlin’s friend
-came and asked for the buggy. The ostler harnessed a white horse.
-The stranger objected to the colour, but the ostler said it was the
-only horse he could have. The stranger then drove to Dr. Cronin’s.
-He reached Cronin’s home about 7.20, gave him one of O’Sullivan’s
-cards, saying, “O’Sullivan is out of town, and here is his card”—the
-very words used by O’Sullivan himself when he made his contract with
-Cronin—and told Cronin that one of O’Sullivan’s men had his leg
-crushed, and that the doctor was wanted immediately. The doctor took
-his instruments and some cotton with him and drove hastily off in the
-buggy. He was never seen alive again.
-
-The State allege that the convict Burke was at the Carlson cottage on
-the night of May 3, together with another man, after the meeting of
-“Camp 20.” On the night of May 4 Burke was also there, and he bade
-good-night to his landlord and neighbour, old Mr. Carlson, at a late
-hour that evening. A casual passer-by saw a man whose description
-answers to that of Cronin get out of a buggy and hastily enter
-Carlson cottage, and she afterwards heard blows and cries. Between
-eight and nine that night, two men, whose descriptions answer to
-those of Coughlin and Kunze, were also seen to drive up to Carlson
-cottage, and Coughlin was seen to enter it.
-
-On the night of May 4-5 a waggon was seen at three different points
-by policemen and night-watchmen in the neighbourhood of Lake
-Michigan. There were three men in the waggon, a driver and two
-others, who, when the waggon was first observed, sat on a large
-chest which the policemen took to be a tool-chest. At one in the
-morning of May 5, the watchman at Edgewater challenged these men in
-the waggon, and asked them what they were doing. They said they were
-trying to find the lake shore drive. The drive is not continued up
-to this point, and the watchman gave them some directions, after
-which they drove away. They were seen later on in the same waggon,
-but without the chest. The catch-basin in which Dr. Cronin’s body was
-subsequently found is half a mile from Edgewater. On the morning of
-May 5, a trunk identical in all respects with that purchased by the
-tenant of 117 Clark Street, in February, and afterwards removed by
-Burke to the Carlson cottage, was found between this catch-basin and
-the city, about three-quarters of a mile from the catch-basin. During
-the trial Dr. Cronin’s clothes were found in a valise in the sewer
-about a quarter of a mile further on from the point where the trunk
-was found. This valise corresponded in all respects with that bought
-by Simonds and delivered to him at 117 Clark Street, and afterwards
-removed by Burke from Clark Street to Carlson cottage. It will be
-remembered that Cronin took cotton with him to dress the wounds of
-his expected patient on the evening of May 4. Cotton was found in the
-trunk on May 5. It was smeared with blood, as also were the sides of
-trunk.
-
-On May 6 the convict Martin Burke called at a tinsmith’s shop, and
-asked the smith to solder up a box for him. The smith wanted to raise
-the lid to do his work. Martin Burke told him not to do so, and made
-him secure the box by passing a metal band round it and soldering
-the band. The smith had read some report as to the disappearance of
-Dr. Cronin two days before. While he was soldering the box he asked
-Burke what he thought of the matter. Burke replied with coarse abuse
-of Cronin, denounced him as a spy, and declared he would turn up all
-right.
-
-On May 13, two men called on old Mrs. Carlson, the wife of the owner
-of Carlson cottage, and tendered her another month’s rent. She
-refused the offer, as she said she wished the cottage to be occupied,
-and she added that no rent was due until May 20. Shortly afterwards
-the Carlsons received a letter from their tenants saying that they
-were sorry to give up the building, and sorry that they had had to
-paint the floor, but that that was done for their sister.
-
-On May 20, the date of the expiry of “Williams’” lease of the
-cottage, the Carlsons entered the building by the window. They found
-the whole of the house in confusion and signs that a severe struggle
-had taken place therein. All the Clark Street furniture was there,
-but the trunk was gone, the valise was gone, and the carpet was
-gone. The walls and the floor were stained with blood. Paint had
-been hastily daubed over the floor. The arm of the rocking-chair was
-wrenched off and a key, which afterwards proved to fit the lock of
-the bloodstained trunk discovered on May 5 near Edgewater, was found
-under a bureau, stained with some of the paint which had been applied
-to the floor.
-
-On May 21, the Carlsons reported the state of their cottage to the
-police, and on May 22 some men engaged in cleaning the sewers found
-the naked body of Cronin in the catch-basin. Some cotton similar to
-that taken away by the doctor on the evening of May 4, and similar
-to that found in the bloody trunk on May 5, was also found with the
-body in the catch-basin. The head of the corpse was cut in a dozen
-different places on the back and temples.
-
-As soon as the body was identified, Martin Burke fled from Chicago.
-He crossed the Canadian frontier, and was finally traced to Winnipeg,
-where he was arrested under an assumed name. He had taken a ticket
-from Winnipeg to Liverpool.
-
-Kunze has rightly escaped with a much less severe sentence than his
-co-conspirators. The more material of the allegations against him, in
-addition to the fact mentioned above of his having driven Coughlin
-to the cottage on the night of the murder, are that he was seen in
-the rooms hired by Simonds at 117 Clark Street, and that he told a
-fellow-workman after the murder, but before the discovery of the
-body, that he knew Cronin was murdered, and that the body would never
-be found.
-
-The substantive defence appears to have consisted chiefly of a series
-of _alibis_. They were of the familiar Irish type—a type which in
-the graphic American tongue is described as “lop-sided.”
-
-Full reports of the speeches for the defence and of the concluding
-arguments for the State have not yet reached this country, and can
-hardly be expected for some days. But whatever the line taken by
-counsel for the prisoners may have been, it has failed to prevent a
-purely American jury of citizens of Cook County from convicting and
-sentencing to severe punishment four members of as foul and wicked
-a conspiracy as ever was hatched by Irish brains. That conspiracy,
-as the evidence shows, was itself the outcome of those intestine
-quarrels that by a just retribution ever corrode the heart of the
-Irish-American plots against this country. It was the State’s
-Attorney’s cue to paint Dr. Cronin as an innocent and patriotic
-Irishman, murdered by the hands of villainous rivals. But the true
-nature of the patriotic society to which Dr. Cronin belonged, and
-to the hands of whose members he owes his dreadful end, can hardly
-escape the American public when they come to study the records of
-the Cronin trial and the verdict of the Chicago jury. Whether that
-study will nerve the honest citizens of the Republic to rise against
-the tyranny of Irish machine-men, and purge their name and nation of
-the stain of harbouring and tolerating such associations, remains to
-be seen. At any rate, the people of Illinois are to be congratulated
-on their victory—a victory which, in spite of endless “exceptions”
-taken on behalf of the prisoners throughout the case, and the endless
-series of appeals allowed by American law, will hardly be affected
-in the long run by any fresh proceedings. On the other hand, the
-convictions may not improbably result in some of the convicts turning
-informers _more patrio_, and thus bringing the real prime movers in
-the murder, whose existence is widely believed in in America, in turn
-to their doom.—_The Times_, 17th December 1889.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX III.
-
-
-[Illustration: (page 1 of 2 of a handwritten letter)]
-
-[Illustration: (page 2 of 2 of a handwritten letter)]
-
-_NOTE.—The above letter was written to me by Sullivan before the
-trial of the charges brought against him by Cronin, and refers to
-evidence being collected by Sullivan to refute those charges. “D.”
-means division, “J. G.” and “S. G.” mean Junior Guardian and Senior
-Guardian; and the use of these initials peculiar to the Organization
-prove Sullivan’s continued participation in the Clan-na-Gael._
-
- H. LE C.
-
- +------------------------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of the |
- | handwritten text of this letter. |
- | |
- | Aug 30 1888 |
- | |
- | My Dear Doctor |
- | |
- | Just rec’d your telegram. Will you, if the enclosed are correct, |
- | subscribe to and return them to me? I am not sure whether you |
- | were in the ’86 convention. Of course, I know you were in ’84. |
- | You can subscribe before a notary or before your J. G. or S. G. |
- | Please fill in the blanks. On the first line, your name, on the |
- | 2d, no. of D. On line at end, sign your name and write in name |
- | of county at the head. |
- | In haste |
- | Sincerely |
- | Alex |
- | |
- +------------------------------------------------------------------+
-
-
-INDEX.
-
-
- Agnew, Frank, details of, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael
- in 1876, 172.
-
- American Army, enlisted in, 9;
- different engagements with, 11, 12.
-
- American War, episodes in connection with, 13-19.
-
- Anderson, Mr., communications with, 60, 100;
- my reports to him regarding conversation with Mr. Parnell, 176;
- and regarding my visit to Ireland, 181;
- informs me of desire of _Times_ for my services, 266;
- introduces me to Mr. Houston, 267;
- returns me my letters, 268;
- my tribute to, 271.
-
-
- Betts, Rev. Dr., at Dynamite Convention, 199;
- presides over Clan-na-Gael caucus prior to League conventions, 206,
- 227.
-
- Boland, Michael, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 125;
- convicted of misappropriation of Clan-na-Gael funds, 261.
-
- Bourke, General Thomas, on Executive of Irish Confederation, 104;
- further details of, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, 121;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137.
-
- Boyton, Michael, Devoy’s references to, as League organiser and
- Clan-na-Gael emissary, 157;
- interview with, at Kilmainham Prison, 179;
- his views on situation in Ireland, 180.
-
- Brennan, Thomas, Secretary of Land League in Ireland, at Philadelphia
- Convention, 209;
- story of his escape from Dublin, 230.
-
- Breslin, John J., details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 124;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136;
- assists Stephens to escape from Richmond Bridewell, Dublin, 164.
-
- Buffalo, the row at, 186.
-
-
- Canadian Invasion, story of the first, 31;
- story of the second, 82-85.
-
- Carey, James, evidence of, regarding hand-grenade, 158.
-
- Carroll, Dr. William, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 122;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136;
- action in connection with proposed alliance with Russia, 140;
- visit to, on behalf of Mr. Parnell, and his views regarding
- position, 182.
-
- Clan-na-Gael, the beginning of the, 106;
- object of, 107;
- views which led to formation of, 108;
- general principles and methods of the, 110;
- form of admission to, 112;
- governing body of, 115;
- appointed on Military Board of, 119;
- leading men of the, 120;
- and the Skirmishing Fund, 136;
- work of the, 139;
- proposed alliance of, with Russia, 139;
- controls the Land League, 152;
- letter from Devoy regarding same, 154;
- Mr. Parnell on difficulties with Irish members of, 175;
- Michael Boyton on same, 180;
- Alex. Sullivan elected president of, 191;
- change of constitution of, 191;
- manipulating League organisation, 204;
- details of scheme for same, 205;
- and Phœnix Park murders, 208;
- and Philadelphia Convention of Land League, 211;
- Sullivan’s working of, 218;
- books and documents burnt, 220;
- and League Convention of 1886, 236;
- Egan and National League, 237;
- and Home Rule Bill, 246-248;
- and League movement, 250;
- finding of committee of, on Cronin charges, 261.
-
- Clerkenwell Explosion, references to, 71.
-
- Clingen, Colonel, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 122;
- arranges for my bringing letters from Devoy to Europe, 159.
-
- Collins, P. A., candidature for presidency of National League in
- America unsuccessful, because of his offer of reward for
- discovery of Phœnix Park murderers, 215.
-
- Condon, O’Meagher, at Dynamite Convention, 198.
-
- Conventions, Fenian, at Philadelphia, 60;
- at New York, 76;
- Clan-na-Gael, at Pennsylvania, 146;
- at Wilkesbarre, 149;
- Land League, at Buffalo, 186;
- “Dynamite,” at Chicago, 187-194;
- Land League, at Chicago, 204;
- National League, at Philadelphia, 211;
- at Boston, 227;
- Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago, 231;
- National League, at Chicago, 236;
- Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago, 247, 259.
-
- Cronin, Dr. P. H., reference to, 123;
- attacks Sullivan for misappropriation of funds, 220;
- sketch of his life, 221;
- expelled from Clan-na-Gael, 226;
- development of dispute between, and Sullivan, 258;
- murder of, 262;
- corroboration of my evidence through murder of, 270;
- the story of the murder of, Appendix.
-
- Cross, Colonel, life and methods of, 44-48.
-
-
- Daly, “Jack,” story of, and Dynamite Campaign, 243;
- letters to Breslin on Home Office, 244.
-
- Davitt, Michael, release and arrival of in America, 142;
- opinions of, at this time, 143;
- visits camps of Clan-na-Gael, 143;
- meets with Devoy, 143;
- takes up “New Departure,” 143;
- returns to Ireland, 146;
- second visit to America, 151;
- advocates the Land League movement, 152;
- takes ill at Braidwood, 152;
- gives information unawares, 152;
- paid back moneys advanced from Skirmishing Fund, 153;
- Dr. Carroll’s views regarding, 183;
- speech against, by Devoy, 259.
-
- Devine, Joseph, story of escape of, from Illinois, 50.
-
- Devoy, John, arrival and sketch of, 103;
- further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael,
- 76, 121;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137;
- and “New Departure,” 143;
- letters regarding same, 145;
- goes to Ireland as secret agent of Clan-na-Gael, 146;
- report regarding position of revolutionary forces in Ireland, 147;
- issues circular to Clan-na-Gael camps regarding Land League, 154;
- supplies details of plots and plans of Clan-na-Gael, 155;
- intrusts me with letters to Egan and O’Leary, 159;
- communication with regard to Mr. Parnell’s views, 181;
- letter from him regarding same, 182;
- at Dynamite Convention, 199;
- on Phœnix Park murders, 208;
- in opposition to Sullivan, 219;
- joins forces with Dr. Cronin, 225;
- secedes from Clan-na-Gael, 226;
- speech against Davitt, 259.
-
- Documents, in connection with second Canadian raid, 78;
- in connection with Clan-na-Gael, 112;
- my procedure with regard to, 128;
- telegram regarding “New Departure,” 144;
- Devoy’s letter, 145;
- Devoy’s letter _re_ League and Clan-na-Gael, 154;
- my report to my “camp” of League Convention, 213;
- Egan’s letter of introduction to League in America, 234;
- Clan-na-Gael circulars _re_ Home Rule Bill, 246, 247;
- Clan-na-Gael resolution re National League, 250;
- extract from Cronin report on misappropriation of funds, 263.
-
- Dunne, P. W., details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael,
- 123.
-
- Dynamite, invention of hand-grenade, 158;
- Convention of 1881, 187;
- proceedings at, 188;
- description of, 194;
- Sullivan supplies particulars of campaign of 1883, 217;
- sketch of same in England, 237;
- methods of conveying, 240-242.
-
-
- Egan, Patrick, and rescue of Australian prisoners, 73;
- Devoy intrusts me with letter to, 159;
- first meeting with, in Paris, 160;
- description of, 161;
- life with, in Paris, 167;
- as “a Land Leaguer, and something else besides,” 168;
- on Mr. Parnell as a Revolutionist, 169;
- on the Land League accounts and audit, 169;
- introduces me to M.P.’s, 171;
- Devoy on, and Phœnix Park murders, 208;
- arrival of, in America, 209;
- position as regards matters in America, 211;
- and Clan-na-Gael caucus in connection with Philadelphia Convention,
- 211;
- appointed president of American National League, 227;
- a tribute to, 228;
- tells the story of his escape from Dublin, 229;
- on Dr. Gallaher and Dynamite Campaign, 230;
- speech at camp meeting at Philadelphia, 231;
- supplies me with general introduction to League in America, 234;
- circulars of, as president of League, to camps of Clan-na-Gael,
- 237;
- charges by Rossa against, in connection with £20,000 paid to
- Sullivan, 264.
-
- England, my first visit to, 36;
- my second, 159;
- my third, 257;
- my fourth and last, 257.
-
-
- Facsimile of Fenian bond, 27.
-
- Fatalism, thoughts on, 24.
-
- Feeley, Denis, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 124;
- at the Dynamite Convention, 201;
- acquitted but censured in connection with Cronin charges, 261.
-
- Fenianism, state of affairs in connection with, 25;
- methods of obtaining money for, 27;
- Andrew Johnson’s government and, 28;
- my first connection with, 29.
-
- Fenian Brotherhood, I join the, 38;
- I organise a “camp” or “circle” of, 40;
- appointed major and military organiser of, 54;
- my first speech to, 56;
- appointed inspector-general of, 60;
- appointed assistant-adjutant-general of, 74;
- appointed adjutant-general and brigadier-general of, 82.
-
- Fenian prisoners, rescue of, from Australia, 72.
-
- Finerty, John F., and first Canadian invasion, 31;
- at League Convention, 206.
-
- Ford, Austin, medium of communication between Clan-na-Gael and _Irish
- World_, 133.
-
- Ford, Patrick, as editor of _Irish World_, advocates Skirmishing Fund,
- 131;
- sketch of, 131;
- _Irish World_ and Clan-na-Gael, 133.
-
- Forester, Bill, escape of, from Illinois, 51.
-
- Fox, Dr. J. G., meeting with, 251.
-
-
- Gallaher, Dr., views on dynamite, 192;
- at Dynamite Convention, 200;
- introduced to Mr. Gladstone, 218;
- organising Dynamite Campaign in England, 238;
- with Sullivan in Chicago, 230;
- sentence on, 241;
- £1400 found on, 241.
-
- Grant, General, and the second invasion of Canada, 88.
-
-
- Hand-grenade adopted by Clan-na-Gael, 158.
-
- Home Rule, effects of Mr. Gladstone’s Bill, 235.
-
- Houston, Mr., first meeting with, 267;
- preparation of evidence by, 269.
-
- Hynes, Wm. J., details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 76, 123;
- in communication with, regarding Mr. Parnell’s proposals, 184;
- at Dynamite Convention, 196;
- at Land League Convention, 206.
-
-
- Inner Circle, Knights of the, 107, 117.
-
- Ireland, visit to, 177.
-
- Irish Confederation, formation of, 101;
- executive of, 104.
-
- Irish Republican Brotherhood, establishment of, 109;
- John Devoy’s report on, 147;
- troubles of Mr. Parnell with, 173;
- Boyton’s references to position of, 180;
- efforts of Sullivan to capture, 254.
-
- _Irish World_, Patrick Ford in columns of, advocates Skirmishing Fund,
- 130;
- reference to position of, 132;
- and Clan-na-Gael, 133;
- and Skirmishing Fund, 137;
- statement of accounts, 193.
-
-
- Johnson, Andrew, and first Canadian raid, 28, 35;
- interview with, 57.
-
- Jubilee Explosion Plot, reference to, 254;
- Millen’s connection with, 255;
- story of the, Appendix.
-
-
- Kenny, Dr., M.P., introduced to, by Patrick Egan, 179;
- assisted by him to interviews with Boyton and others, 179.
-
- Kerwin, Michael, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 78, 124.
-
-
- Land League and Clan-na-Gael. See latter.
-
- Lomasney, Thos., first dealings with, 100;
- description of, 101;
- views on dynamite, 192;
- dynamite work in England, 222.
-
- Luby, Thos. Clarke, on executive of Irish Confederation, 104;
- further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael,
- 121;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137.
-
-
- M‘Micken, Judge, first communications with, 60;
- his kindly treatment of me, 61;
- and my troubles in connection with journey to Ottawa, 94;
- my last meeting with, 273.
-
- Medicine, I commence study of, 36;
- resume study of, 97;
- I enter Detroit College of, 100;
- I become a fully qualified doctor of, 105;
- I utilise my connection with, 126.
-
- Meledy, Joseph, supplies details of “active” work of Clan-na-Gael,
- 158.
-
- Millen, General, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 125;
- goes to Ireland as military inspector for Clan-na-Gael, 146;
- my meeting with, in Paris, 253;
- his connection with Jubilee Explosion Plot, 254 and Appendix.
-
- Moroney, Joseph, and Jubilee Plot, 256;
- introduced by J. S. Nolan, M.P., to House of Commons, 256;
- in possession of £1200 for dynamite work, 274;
- his movements in connection with same, Appendix.
-
-
- New Departure, Devoy and Davitt and, 143;
- sketch of, 144;
- advocated by Devoy in Ireland, 146;
- received with enthusiasm by the Gaels, 149.
- [See also “Davitt” and “Devoy.”]
-
-
- O’Connor, John, _alias_ Dr. Clarke, travelling agent for Clan-na-Gael
- in Europe and ally of Egan, 190.
-
- O’Donovan Rossa, arrival of, and sketch of, 102;
- further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael,
- 121;
- advocates “Skirmishing Fund,” 130, 135;
- Devoy on difficulties regarding, 156;
- expelled from Clan-na-Gael, 209;
- work of his agents in England, 237;
- controversy with Egan regarding the £20,000, 264.
-
- O’Kelly, J. J., member of executive of Irish Confederation, 104;
- obtains seat in Parliament by misappropriation of Clan-na-Gael
- funds, 153;
- interview with, in House of Commons, 172.
-
- O’Leary, John, letter for, given me by Devoy, 159;
- my first meeting with, 161;
- Sullivan informs me, must be got rid of, 185.
-
- O’Neill, General John, and Fenianism, 29;
- commands first invasion of Canada, 32;
- extract of report regarding same, 34;
- sketch of his life, 38-40;
- my loan to, 77;
- general orders of, in connection with second invasion of Canada,
- 83;
- speech to the invaders, 85;
- arrest of, 88;
- sentence on, 97;
- and the Riel Rebellion, 98;
- last days of, 99.
-
- O’Reilly, John Boyle, arrival in America of, 72;
- at invasion of Canada, 88.
-
-
- Parnell, Mr., and the New Departure, 144;
- arrival in America, 130;
- supported everywhere by Clan-na-Gael representatives, 130;
- returns to Ireland for General Election, 151;
- Devoy on position of, with regard to Clan-na-Gael, 157;
- my first meeting with, 171;
- House of Commons interview with, 175;
- gives me his portrait, 177;
- his request to me carried out, 190;
- and Kilmainham Treaty, 210;
- cables to American supporters, 212;
- subsequent references to, 215, 235, 236, 255.
-
- Powderly, J. V., speech at Dynamite Convention, 201;
- at Land League Convention, 206.
-
- Phœnix Park murders, Clan-na-Gael and Devoy and, 207.
-
-
- Rebow, Mr. John, communicates my letters regarding Canadian invasion
- to Government, 30;
- arranges for my joining Secret Service, 37.
-
- Revolutionary Directory of Clan-na-Gael, details regarding, 116;
- Devoy supplies particulars regarding plans of, 155;
- referred to with respect to Mr. Parnell’s complaint regarding Irish
- Republican Brotherhood, 186;
- complaints regarding, 188.
-
- Reynolds, James, details regarding, and his connection with
- Clan-na-Gael, 122;
- trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136.
-
- Russia, Clan-na-Gael alliance with, 140.
-
-
- Secret Service, I join the, 37;
- general references to, 273-276.
-
- Sheridan, P. J., in Kilmainham Prison, 179;
- arrival of, in America, 209.
-
- Skirmishing Fund and O’Donovan Rossa, 121;
- advocated in _Irish World_, 131;
- and Clan-na-Gael, 136;
- pays for expenses of Devoy and Millen in Ireland, 149;
- statement of accounts of, from _Irish World_, 193.
-
- Special Commission, my offer of evidence for, 259;
- I appear as a witness at, 269.
-
- Speech, my first Irish, 55.
-
- Stephens, James, brought from France for Irish Confederation, 104;
- my first meeting with, 163;
- story of his escape from Richmond Bridewell, 164.
-
- Stone of Destiny, plot to obtain, 224.
-
- Sullivan, Alexander, my first meeting with, 61;
- the early career of, 62;
- manipulation of the Irish vote in America by, 63;
- appointed collector of internal revenue at Santa Fé, 65;
- reporter in Chicago, 65;
- further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael
- in 1876, 120;
- supplies details of “active” work of Clan-na-Gael, 158;
- my report to, regarding Mr. Parnell’s views, 184;
- informs me result of same, 185;
- elected president of Clan-na-Gael, 191;
- trip to Europe, 191;
- at Dynamite Convention, 203;
- elected president of Land League, 212;
- supplies particulars of Dynamite Campaign of 1883, 217;
- charged with misappropriation, 219;
- at war with Cronin and Devoy, 225;
- Mr. Sexton’s tribute to, 228;
- and J. G. Blaine’s candidature, 235;
- tried and acquitted but censured in connection with Cronin’s
- charges, 261;
- proved to have received £20,000 from Egan in Paris in 1882, 263;
- alleged connection with Cronin murder, Appendix.
-
- Sullivan, A. M., the late, reference to, 170;
- cautioned regarding, 177;
- story about Mr. Biggar, 178.
-
-
- “Times,” the, my first dealings with, 266.
-
- Triangle, the, formed in connection with split in Clan-na-Gael, 220;
- acknowledgments of money received by, 231;
- charges against, 232.
-
- Tynan, P. J., No. One of the Phœnix Park murders, present at Boston
- Convention, 228.
-
-
- “United Irishmen,” the, of New York, 107.
-
- “United Brotherhood,” reference to, 110.
-
- “U. S.,” formation of, 219.
-
-
- “V. C.” See “Clan-na-Gael.”
-
-
- Walsh, R. P., the father of the Clan-na-Gael, 108.
-
-
-THE END.
-
-
- PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO.
- EDINBURGH AND LONDON
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] I was not the only member of the family fighting for Queen and
-country then. Two others of my brothers entered the army at home. One
-is to-day a commissioned officer in South Africa; the other, poor
-fellow, left his bones to whiten on the battlefield of Tel-el-Kebir.
-
-[2] The Irish for “Do you understand?”
-
-[3] As this same Daly has more than once been the subject of lengthy
-debates in Parliament, and his release demanded by the Irish members
-on the ground of his being the victim of a wrong conviction, I think
-it well to state that his sentence and the subsequent refusal of the
-Home Secretary to accede to these demands, were based on letters
-written by him to the notorious J. J. Breslin of the Revolutionary
-Committee of the Clan-na-Gael, and now in existence among the records
-of the Home Office.
-
-[4] See Appendix (I.).
-
-[5] John Devoy, in the course of a speech delivered at Cheltenham
-Beach prior to the death of Mr. Parnell, made the following statement
-as regards the Cronin affair:—
-
-“The men to whom I refer and whom I charge to be in alliance with the
-men who instigated the murder of Dr. Cronin, are Michael Davitt and
-John O’Connor, one of the members from Tipperary. (Cheers and cries
-of Hear, hear). I say here that there is a combination between the
-coterie which brought about the murder of Dr. Cronin and the Davitt
-clique in Ireland, to oust Mr. Parnell from the leadership and place
-Michael Davitt in his place. In Michael Davitt’s sworn testimony
-before the Parnell Commission, he said, I sought out John Devoy,
-because I heard he was going to make trouble in the Convention,
-so that I might learn his plans and frustrate them.’ I am glad of
-that admission from Michael Davitt himself, and for the payment of
-a thousand dollars given to him for one speech in Ogden’s Grove,
-and the full proceeds of a lecture tour given throughout the United
-States under the auspices of the Triangle. The Cronin murder was as
-much a part of the infamous work of this alliance to down Parnell,
-and to down every man in this country who believes in giving his
-movements a fair, full, and reasonable trial, as the puffs of Michael
-Davitt at a thousand a puff.”
-
-In corroboration of Devoy’s statement, I find in the financial
-report of the Clan-na-Gael the sum of one thousand dollars charged;
-and while Mr. Davitt had for some years disassociated himself from
-the party of violence, he does not appear to have been averse to
-receiving a portion of their spoils. Mr. Davitt may plead, as other
-well-known Irish patriots have done, that he did not know the source
-from whence this money was derived; but no man was in a better
-position to have found out than he, had he so desired.
-
-[6] See Appendix (II.).
-
-[7] The Coroner’s jury brought in a verdict of “wilful murder”
-against Alex. Sullivan, and he was formally arrested, but
-subsequently released, for want of sufficient evidence against him.
-
-
-
-
- * * * * *
- * * * * *
-
- Telegraphic Address:
- _Sunlocks, London_.
-
- _21 BEDFORD STREET, W.C.
- OCTOBER 1892._
-
-
-A LIST OF
-
-MR WILLIAM HEINEMANN’S
-
-PUBLICATIONS
-
-AND
-
-FORTHCOMING WORKS
-
-
- _The Books mentioned in this List can
- be obtained_ to order _by any Bookseller
- if not in stock, or will be sent
- by the Publisher post free on receipt
- of price_.
-
-
-
-
-Index of Authors.
-
-
- Alexander, 13
-
- Arbuthnot, 8
-
- Atherton, 13
-
-
- Balestier, 9
-
- Barrett, 9
-
- Behrs, 3
-
- Bendall, 16
-
- Björnson, 9, 11, 12, 15
-
- Bowen, 5
-
- Brown, 8
-
- Brown and Griffiths, 16
-
- Buchanan, 8, 9, 10, 14
-
- Butler, 5
-
-
- Caine, 8, 12
-
- Caine, 16
-
- Cambridge, 9, 12
-
- Chester, 7
-
- Clarke, 9
-
- Colomb, 6
-
- Compayre, 5
-
- Couperus, 11
-
-
- Davidson, 5
-
- Dawson, 16
-
- De Quincey, 7
-
- Dilke, 6
-
-
- Eeden, 6
-
- Ellwanger, 7
-
- Ely, 8
-
-
- Farrar, 7
-
- Fitch, 5
-
- Forbes, 6
-
- Fothergill, 9
-
- Franzos, 11
-
- Frederic, 6, 13
-
-
- Garner, 6
-
- Garnett, 6
-
- Gilchrist, 9
-
- Gore, 16
-
- Gosse, 7, 9
-
- Gray, 7
-
- Gray (Maxwell), 9
-
- Griffiths, 16
-
-
- Hall, 16
-
- Harland, 9
-
- Hardy, 12
-
- Heine, 4
-
- Henderson, 6
-
- Henderson, 14
-
- Howard, 10
-
- Hughes, 5
-
- Hungerford, 10, 13
-
-
- Ibsen, 15
-
- Irving, 6
-
- Ingersoll, 8
-
- Jæger, 7, 15
-
- Jeaffreson, 3
-
-
- Kimball, 16
-
- Kipling and Balestier, 9
-
-
- Lanza, 13
-
- Le Caron, 3
-
- Lee, 10
-
- Leland, 16
-
- Lie, 12
-
- Lowe, 6
-
- Lynch, 13
-
-
- Maartens, 10
-
- Maeterlinck, 15
-
- Maude, 6
-
- Maupassant, 11
-
- Maurice, 6
-
- Mitford, 13
-
- Murray, 6
-
-
- Norris, 9
-
-
- Ouida, 9
-
-
- Palacio-Valdés, 11
-
- Pearce, 10
-
- Pennell, 6
-
- Philips, 14
-
- Phelps, 13
-
- Pinero, 14
-
-
- Rawnsley, 8
-
- Richter, 7
-
- Riddell, 9
-
- Rives, 10
-
- Roberts, 8
-
- Roberts (V.), 12
-
- Robinson, 14
-
-
- Salaman, 7
-
- Scudamore, 6
-
- Serao, 11
-
- Sienkiewicz, 12
-
-
- Tasma, 9, 10, 13
-
- Terry, 6
-
- Thurston, 16
-
- Tolstoy, 3, 11, 15
-
- Tree, 15
-
-
- Valera, 12
-
-
- Warden, 13
-
- Waugh, 4
-
- Weitemeyer, 8
-
- West, 5
-
- Whistler, 6
-
- Whitman, 3, 8
-
- Williams, 7
-
- Wood, 9
-
-
- Zangwill, 6, 9
-
- Zola, 9
-
-
- * * * * *
-
-VICTORIA:
-
-QUEEN AND EMPRESS.
-
-BY
-
-JOHN CORDY JEAFFRESON,
-
-Author of “The Real Lord Byron,” etc.
-
-In Two Volumes, 8vo. With Portraits. [_In October._
-
- * * * * *
-
-TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE SECRET SERVICE.
-
-_THE RECOLLECTIONS OF A SPY._
-
-BY
-
-MAJOR LE CARON.
-
-In One Volume, 8vo. With Portraits and Facsimiles. Price, 14_s._
-
- * * * * *
-
-REMINISCENCES OF COUNT LEO NICHOLAEVITCH TOLSTOI.
-
-BY
-
-C. A. BEHRS,
-
-TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY
-
-PROFESSOR C. E. TURNER.
-
-In One Volume, Crown 8vo. [_In October._
-
- * * * * *
-
-THE REALM OF THE HABSBURGS
-
-BY
-
-SIDNEY WHITMAN,
-
-Author of “Imperial Germany.”
-
-In One Volume. Crown 8vo. [_In November._
-
- * * * * *
-
-ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON:
-
-_A STUDY OF HIS LIFE AND WORK_.
-
-BY
-
-ARTHUR WAUGH, B.A. OXON.
-
-WITH TWENTY-ONE ILLUSTRATIONS.
-
-_From Photographs Specially Taken for this Work, and Two Portraits._
-
-In One Volume, Demy 8vo, 10_s._ 6_d._
-
-CONTENTS:—Lincolnshire—Cambridge—Literary troubles and Arthur
-Hallam’s Death—Early Years in London—The Beginnings of Fame—From
-_The Princess_ to _In Memoriam_—_Maud_—_Idylls of the King_—From
-the _Idylls_ to the Dramas—_Queen Mary_ and _Harold_—_The Falcon_
-and _The Cup_—_The Promise of May_ and _Becket_—From _Tiresias_ to
-_Demeter_—The Closing Years—The Voice of the Age.
-
- * * * * *
-
-=THE WORKS OF HEINRICH HEINE.= Translated by CHARLES GODFREY LELAND,
-M.A., F.R.L.S. (Hans Breitmann.) Crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ per Volume.
-
- I. FLORENTINE NIGHTS, SCHNABELEWOPSKI, THE RABBI OF BACHARACH, and
- SHAKESPEARE’S MAIDENS AND WOMEN. [_Ready._
-
-_Times._—“We can recommend no better medium for making acquaintance
-at first hand with ‘the German Aristophanes’ than the works of
-Heinrich Heine, translated by Charles Godfrey Leland. Mr. Leland
-manages pretty successfully to preserve the easy grace of the
-original.”
-
- II., III. PICTURES OF TRAVEL. 1823-1828. In Two Volumes. [_Ready._
-
-_Daily Chronicle._—“Mr. Leland’s translation of ‘The Pictures of
-Travel’ is one of the acknowledged literary feats of the age. As a
-traveller Heine is delicious beyond description, and a volume which
-includes the magnificent Lucca series, the North Sea, the memorable
-Hartz wanderings, must needs possess an everlasting charm.”
-
- IV. THE BOOK OF SONGS. [_In the Press._
-
- V., VI. GERMANY. In Two Volumes. [_Ready_.
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“Mr. Leland has done his translation in able and
-scholarly fashion.”
-
- VII., VIII. FRENCH AFFAIRS. In Two Volumes. [_In the Press._
-
- IX. THE SALON. [_In preparation._
-
-*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Numbered Copies. Particulars
-on application._
-
- * * * * *
-
-=The Great Educators.=
-
-_A Series of Volumes by Eminent Writers, presenting in their entirety
-“A Biographical History of Education.”_
-
-
-_The Times._—“A Series of Monographs on ‘The Great Educators’ should
-prove of service to all who concern themselves with the history,
-theory, and practice of education.”
-
-_The Speaker._—“There is a promising sound about the title of Mr.
-Heinemann’s new series, ‘The Great Educators.’ It should help to
-allay the hunger and thirst for knowledge and culture of the vast
-multitude of young men and maidens which our educational system turns
-out yearly, provided at least with an appetite for instruction.”
-
-Each subject will form a complete volume, crown 8vo, 5_s._
-
-
-_Now ready._
-
- =ARISTOTLE, and the Ancient Educational Ideals.= By THOMAS
- DAVIDSON, M.A., LL.D.
-
-_The Times._—“A very readable sketch of a very interesting subject.”
-
- =LOYOLA, and the Educational System of the Jesuits.= By Rev. THOMAS
- HUGHES, S.J.
-
-_Saturday Review._—“Full of valuable information.... If a
-schoolmaster would learn how the education of the young can be
-carried on so as to confer real dignity on those engaged in it, we
-recommend him to read Mr. Hughes’ book.”
-
- =ALCUIN, and the Rise of the Christian Schools=. By Professor
- ANDREW F. WEST, Ph.D. [_In October._
-
-
-_In preparation._
-
- =ABELARD, and the Origin and Early History of Universities.= By
- JULES GABRIEL COMPAYRE, Professor in the Faculty of Toulouse.
-
- =ROUSSEAU; or, Education according to Nature=.
-
- =HERBART; or, Modern German Education.=
-
- =PESTALOZZI; or, the Friend and Student of Children.=
-
- =FROEBEL.= BY H. COURTHOPE BOWEN, M.A.
-
- =HORACE MANN, and Public Education in the United States.= By
- NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph.D.
-
- =BELL, LANCASTER, and ARNOLD; or, the English Education of To-Day.=
- By J. G. FITCH, LL.D., Her Majesty’s Inspector of Schools.
-
-_Others to follow._
-
- * * * * *
-
- =THE GREAT WAR OF 189-. A Forecast.= By REAR-ADMIRAL COLOMB, COL.
- MAURICE, R.A., MAJOR HENDERSON, STAFF COLLEGE, CAPTAIN MAUDE,
- ARCHIBALD FORBES, CHARLES LOWE, D. CHRISTIE MURRAY, F. SCUDAMORE,
- and SIR CHARLES DILKE. In One Volume, 4to, Illustrated. [_Nearly
- ready._
-
-In this narrative, which is reprinted from the pages of _Black
-and White_, an attempt is made to forecast the course of events
-preliminary and incidental to the Great War which, in the opinion of
-military and political experts, will probably occur in the immediate
-future.
-
-The writers, who are well-known authorities on international politics
-and strategy, have striven to derive the conflict from its most
-likely source, to conceive the most probable campaigns and acts of
-policy, and generally to give to their work the verisimilitude and
-actuality of real warfare. The work has been profusely illustrated
-from sketches by Mr. Frederic Villiers, the well-known war artist.
-
- =THE GENTLE ART OF MAKING ENEMIES.= As pleasingly exemplified in
- many instances, wherein the serious ones of this earth, carefully
- exasperated, have been prettily spurred on to indiscretions and
- unseemliness, while overcome by an undue sense of right. By J.
- M‘NEIL WHISTLER. _A New Edition._ Pott 4to, half cloth, 10_s._
- 6_d._ [_Just ready._
-
-_Punch._—“The book in itself, in its binding, print and arrangement,
-is a work of art.... A work of rare humour, a thing of beauty and a
-joy for now and ever.”
-
- =THE JEW AT HOME.= Impressions of a Summer and Autumn Spent with
- Him in Austria and Russia. By JOSEPH PENNELL. With Illustrations by
- the Author. 4to, cloth, 5_s._ [_Just ready._
-
- =THE NEW EXODUS.= A Study of Israel in Russia. By HAROLD FREDERIC.
- Demy 8vo, Illustrated. 16_s._ [_Just ready._
-
- =PRINCE BISMARCK.= An Historical Biography. By CHARLES LOWE, M.A.
- With Portraits. Crown 8vo, 6_s._ [_Just ready._
-
-_The Times._—“Is unquestionably the first important work which
-deals, fully and with some approach to exhaustiveness, with the
-career of Bismarck from both the personal and the historical points
-of view.”
-
- =ADDRESSES.= By HENRY IRVING. Small crown 8vo. With Portrait by J.
- M‘N. WHISTLER. [_In the Press._
-
- =STRAY MEMORIES.= By ELLEN TERRY. 4to. With Portraits. [_In
- preparation._
-
- =LITTLE JOHANNES.= By FREDERICK VAN EEDEN. Translated from
- the Dutch by CLARA BELL. With an Introduction by ANDREW LANG.
- Illustrated. [_In preparation._
-
-*** _Also a Large Paper Edition._
-
- =LIFE OF HEINRICH HEINE.= By RICHARD GARNETT, LL.D. With Portrait.
- Crown 8vo (uniform with the translation of Heine’s Works). [_In
- preparation._
-
- =THE SPEECH OF MONKEYS.= By Professor R. L. GARNER. Crown 8vo,
- 7_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._
-
-_Daily Chronicle._—“A real, a remarkable, contribution to our common
-knowledge.”
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“An entertaining book.”
-
- =THE OLD MAIDS’ CLUB.= By I. ZANGWILL, Author of “The Bachelors’
- Club.” Illustrated by F. H. TOWNSEND. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-_National Review._—“Mr. Zangwill has a very bright and a very
-original humour, and every page of this closely printed book is full
-of point and go, and full, too, of a healthy satire that is really
-humorously applied common-sense.”
-
-_Athenæum._—“Most strongly to be recommended to all classes of
-readers.”
-
- =WOMAN—THROUGH A MAN’S EYEGLASS.= By MALCOLM C. SALAMAN. With
- Illustrations by DUDLEY HARDY. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-_Daily Graphic._—“A most amusing book.”
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“Written with brightness and elegance, and with
-touches of both caustic satire and kindly humour.”
-
-_Daily Chronicle._—“It is the very thing for a punt cushion or a
-garden hammock.”
-
- =GIRLS AND WOMEN.= By E. CHESTER. Pott 8vo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._, or
- gilt extra, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-_Literary World._—“We gladly commend this delightful little work.”
-
- =GOSSIP IN A LIBRARY.= By EDMUND GOSSE, Author of “Northern
- Studies,” &c. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, buckram, gilt top, 7_s._
- 6_d._
-
-_Athenæum._—“There is a touch of Leigh Hunt in this picture of the
-book-lover among his books, and the volume is one that Leigh Hunt
-would have delighted in.”
-
-*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Numbered Copies, 25s. net._
-
- =THE LIFE OF HENRIK IBSEN.= By HENRIK JÆGER. Translated by CLARA
- BELL. With the Verse done into English from the Norwegian Original
- by EDMUND GOSSE. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._
-
-_Academy._—“We welcome it heartily. An unqualified boon to the many
-English students of Ibsen.”
-
- =DE QUINCEY MEMORIALS.= Being Letters and other Records here
- first Published, with Communications from COLERIDGE, The
- WORDSWORTHS, HANNAH MORE, PROFESSOR WILSON and others. Edited, with
- Introduction, Notes, and Narrative, by ALEXANDER H. JAPP, LL.D.
- F.R.S.E. In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth, with portraits, 30_s._
- net.
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“Few works of greater literary interest have of
-late years issued from the press than the two volumes of ‘De Quincey
-Memorials.’”
-
- =THE POSTHUMOUS WORKS OF THOMAS DE QUINCEY.= Edited with
- Introduction and Notes from the Author’s Original MSS., by
- ALEXANDER H. JAPP, LL.D, F.R.S.E., &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ each.
-
- I. SUSPIRIA DE PROFUNDIS. With other Essays.
-
-_Times._—“Here we have De Quincey at his best. Will be welcome to
-lovers of De Quincey and good literature.”
-
- II. CONVERSATION AND COLERIDGE. With other Essays. [_In
- preparation._
-
- =THE WORD OF THE LORD UPON THE WATERS.= Sermons read by His
- Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, while at Sea on his
- Voyages to the Land of the Midnight Sun. Composed by Dr. RICHTER,
- Army Chaplain, and Translated from the German by JOHN R. MCILRAITH.
- 4to, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._
-
- =THE HOURS OF RAPHAEL, IN OUTLINE.= Together with the Ceiling of
- the Hall where they were originally painted. By MARY E. WILLIAMS.
- Folio, cloth, £2 2_s._ net.
-
- =THE PASSION PLAY AT OBERAMMERGAU, 1890.= By F. W. FARRAR, D.D.,
- F.R.S., Archdeacon and Canon of Westminster, &c. &c. 4to, cloth,
- 2_s._ 6_d._
-
- =THE GARDEN’S STORY=; or, Pleasures and Trials of an Amateur
- Gardener. By G. H. ELLWANGER. With an Introduction by the Rev. C.
- WOLLEY DOD. 12mo, cloth, with Illustrations, 5_s._
-
- =IDLE MUSINGS=: Essays in Social Mosaic. By E. CONDER GRAY, Author
- of “Wise Words and Loving Deeds,” &c. &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._
-
- =THE COMING TERROR.= And other Essays and Letters. By ROBERT
- BUCHANAN. Second Edition. Demy 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._
-
- =ARABIC AUTHORS=: A Manual of Arabian History and Literature.
- By F. F. ARBUTHNOT, M.R.A.S., Author of “Early Ideas,” “Persian
- Portraits,” &c. 8vo, cloth, 10_s._
-
- =THE LABOUR MOVEMENT IN AMERICA.= By RICHARD T. ELY, Ph.D.,
- Associate in Political Economy, Johns Hopkins University. Crown
- 8vo, cloth, 5_s._
-
- =THE LITTLE MANX NATION.= (Lectures delivered at the Royal
- Institution, 1891.) By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” “The
- Scapegoat,” &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._; paper, 2_s._ 6_d._
-
-_World._—“Mr. Hall Caine takes us back to the days of old romance,
-and, treating tradition and history in the pictorial style of which
-he is a master, he gives us a monograph of Man especially acceptable.”
-
- =NOTES FOR THE NILE.= Together with a Metrical Rendering of the
- Hymns of Ancient Egypt and of the Precepts of Ptahhotep (the oldest
- book in the world). By HARDWICKE D. RAWNSLEY, M.A. 16mo, cloth,
- 5_s._
-
- =DENMARK=: Its History, Topography, Language, Literature, Fine
- Arts, Social Life, and Finance. Edited by H. WEITEMEYER. Demy 8vo,
- cloth, with Map, 12_s._ 6_d._
-
-*** _Dedicated, by permission, to H.R.H. the Princess of Wales._
-
- =IMPERIAL GERMANY.= A Critical Study of Fact and Character. By
- SIDNEY WHITMAN. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo, cloth
- 2_s._ 6_d._; paper, 2_s._
-
- =THE CANADIAN GUIDE-BOOK.= Part I. The Tourist’s and Sportsman’s
- Guide to Eastern Canada and Newfoundland, including full
- descriptions of Routes, Cities, Points of Interest, Summer Resorts,
- Fishing Places, &c., in Eastern Ontario, The Muskoka District,
- The St. Lawrence Region, The Lake St. John Country, The Maritime
- Provinces, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland. With an Appendix
- giving Fish and Game Laws, and Official Lists of Trout and Salmon
- Rivers and their Lessees. By CHARLES G. D. ROBERTS, Professor of
- English Literature in King’s College, Windsor, N.S. With Maps and
- many Illustrations. Crown 8vo, limp cloth, 6_s._
-
- Part II. =WESTERN CANADA.= Including the Peninsula and Northern
- Regions of Ontario, the Canadian Shores of the Great Lakes, the
- Lake of the Woods Region, Manitoba and “The Great North-West,”
- The Canadian Rocky Mountains and National Park, British Columbia,
- and Vancouver Island. By ERNEST INGERSOLL. With Maps and many
- Illustrations. Crown 8vo, limp cloth. [_In preparation._
-
- =THE GENESIS OF THE UNITED STATES.= A Narrative of the Movement
- in England, 1605-1616, which resulted in the Plantation of North
- America by Englishmen, disclosing the Contest between England and
- Spain for the Possession of the Soil now occupied by the United
- States of America; set forth through a series of Historical
- Manuscripts now first printed, together with a Re-issue of Rare
- Contemporaneous Tracts, accompanied by Bibliographical Memoranda,
- Notes, and Brief Biographies. Collected, Arranged, and Edited by
- ALEXANDER BROWN, F.R.H.S. With 100 Portraits, Maps, and Plans. In
- two volumes. Roy. 8vo, buckram, £3 13_s._ 6_d._
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Fiction.=
-
-In Three Volumes.
-
- =THE HEAD OF THE FIRM.= By Mrs. RIDDELL, Author of “George Geith,”
- “Maxwell Drewett,” &c. [_Just ready._
-
- =CHILDREN OF THE GHETTO.= By I. ZANGWILL, Author of “The Old Maids’
- Club,” &c. [_Just ready._
-
- =THE TOWER OF TADDEO.= A Novel. By OUIDA, Author of “Two Little
- Wooden Shoes,” &c. [_In October._
-
- =KITTY’S FATHER.= By FRANK BARRETT. Author of “Lieutenant
- Barnabas,” &c. [_In November._
-
- =THE COUNTESS RADNA.= By W. E. NORRIS, Author of “Matrimony,” &c.
- [_In January._
-
- =ORIOLE’S DAUGHTER.= A Novel. By JESSIE FOTHERGILL, Author of “The
- First Violin,” &c. [_In February._
-
- =THE LAST SENTENCE.= By MAXWELL GRAY, Author of “The Silence of
- Dean Maitland,” &c. [_In March._
-
-
-In Two Volumes.
-
- =WOMAN AND THE MAN.= A Love Story. By ROBERT BUCHANAN, Author of
- “Come Live with Me and be My Love,” “The Moment After,” “The Coming
- Terror,” &c. [_In preparation._
-
- =A KNIGHT OF THE WHITE FEATHER.= By “TASMA,” Author of “The Penance
- of Portia James,” “Uncle Piper of Piper’s Hill,” &c. [_Just ready._
-
- =A LITTLE MINX.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man,” “The
- Three Miss Kings,” &c.
-
-
-In One Volume.
-
- =THE NAULAHKA.= A Tale of West and East. By RUDYARD KIPLING and
- WOLCOTT BALESTIER. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ Second Edition. [_Just
- ready._
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-
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- HENRY JAMES. Small crown 8vo, 3_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._
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- With an essay on the short stories of M. Zola by Edmund Gosse.
- Small crown 8vo, 3_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._
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- =DUST.= By BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON. Translated from the Norwegian.
- Small crown 8vo.
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- “Mea Culpa,” &c. Small crown 8vo. [_In the Press._
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- Crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._
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- 8vo, cloth, 6_s._
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-_Athenæum._—“This well-written story must be read to be
-appreciated.”
-
- * * * * *
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-=The Crown Copyright Series.=
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-Mr. HEINEMANN has made arrangements with a number of the FIRST AND
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-enable him to issue a series of NEW AND ORIGINAL WORKS, to be known
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-at the CIRCULATING LIBRARIES, as well as at all Booksellers’ and
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- =ACCORDING TO ST. JOHN.= By AMÉLIE RIVES, Author of “The Quick or
- the Dead.”
-
-_Scotsman._—“The literary work is highly artistic.... It has beauty
-and brightness, and a kind of fascination which carries the reader on
-till he has read to the last page.”
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- Piper’s Hill,” &c.
-
-_Athenæum._—“A powerful novel.”
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-far above the average.”
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-_Vanity Fair._—“A very interesting story, morally sound, and
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- =INCONSEQUENT LIVES.= A Village Chronicle, shewing how certain folk
- set out for El Dorado; what they attempted; and what they attained.
- By J. H. PEARCE, Author of “Esther Pentreath,” &c.
-
-_Saturday Review._—“A vivid picture of the life of Cornish
-fisher-folk. It is unquestionably interesting.”
-
-_Literary World._—“Powerful and pathetic ... from first to last it
-is profoundly interesting. It is long since we read a story revealing
-power of so high an order, marked by such evident carefulness
-of workmanship, such skill in the powerful and yet temperate
-presentation of passion, and in the sternly realistic yet delicate
-treatment of difficult situations.”
-
- =A QUESTION OF TASTE.= By MAARTEN MAARTENS, Author of “An Old
- Maid’s Love,” &c.
-
-_National Observer._—“There is more than cleverness; there is
-original talent, and a good deal of humanity besides.”
-
- =COME LIVE WITH ME AND BE MY LOVE.= By ROBERT BUCHANAN, Author of
- “The Moment After,” “The Coming Terror,” &c.
-
-_Globe._—“Will be found eminently readable.”
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“We will conclude this brief notice by expressing
-our cordial admiration of the skill displayed in its construction,
-and the genial humanity that has inspired its author in the shaping
-and vitalising of the individuals created by his fertile imagination.”
-
- =THE O’CONNORS OF BALLINAHINCH.= By Mrs. HUNGERFORD, Author of
- “Molly Bawn,” &c. [_In the Press._
-
- =A BATTLE AND A BOY.= By BLANCHE WILLIS HOWARD, Author of “Guenn,”
- &c. [_In preparation._
-
- =VANITAS.= By VERNON LEE, Author of “Hauntings,” &c. [_In
- preparation._
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Heinemann’s International Library.=
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-EDITED BY EDMUND GOSSE.
-
-
-_New Review._—“If you have any pernicious remnants of literary
-chauvinism I hope it will not survive the series of foreign classics
-of which Mr. William Heinemann, aided by Mr. Edmund Gosse, is
-publishing translations to the great contentment of all lovers of
-literature.”
-
-_Times._—“A venture which deserves encouragement.”
-
-_Each Volume has an Introduction specially written by the Editor_
-
-Price, in paper covers, 2_s._ 6_d._ each, or cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
- =IN GOD’S WAY.= From the Norwegian of BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON.
-
-_Athenæum._—“Without doubt the most important and the most
-interesting work published during the twelve months.... There are
-descriptions which certainly belong to the best and cleverest things
-our literature has ever produced. Amongst the many characters, the
-doctor’s wife is unquestionably the first. It would be difficult
-to find anything more tender, soft, and refined than this charming
-personage.”
-
- =PIERRE AND JEAN.= From the French of GUY DE MAUPASSANT.
-
-_Pall Mall Gazette._—“So fine and faultless, so perfectly balanced,
-so steadily progressive, so clear and simple and satisfying. It is
-admirable from beginning to end.”
-
-_Athenæum._—“Ranks amongst the best gems of modern French fiction.”
-
- =THE CHIEF JUSTICE.= From the German of KARL EMIL FRANZOS, Author
- of “For the Right,” &c.
-
-_New Review._—“Few novels of recent times have a more sustained and
-vivid human interest.”
-
-_Christian World._—“A story of wonderful power ... as free from
-anything objectionable as ‘The Heart of Midlothian.’”
-
- =WORK WHILE YE HAVE THE LIGHT.= From the Russian of Count LYOF
- TOLSTOY.
-
-_Liverpool Mercury._—“Marked by all the old power of the great
-Russian novelist.”
-
-_Manchester Guardian._—“Readable and well translated; full of high
-and noble feeling.”
-
- =FANTASY.= From the Italian of MATILDE SERAO.
-
-_National Observer._—“The strongest work from the hand of a woman
-that has been published for many a day.”
-
-_Scottish Leader._—“The book is full of a glowing and living
-realism.... There is nothing like ‘Fantasy’ in modern literature....
-It is a work of elfish art, a mosaic of light and love, of right and
-wrong, of human weakness and strength, and purity and wantonness,
-pieced together in deft and witching precision.”
-
- =FROTH.= From the Spanish of Don ARMANDO PALACIO-VALDÉS.
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“Vigorous and powerful in the highest degree. It
-abounds in forcible delineation of character, and describes scenes
-with rare and graphic strength.”
-
- =FOOTSTEPS OF FATE.= From the Dutch of LOUIS COUPERUS.
-
-_Daily Chronicle._—“A powerfully realistic story which has been
-excellently translated.”
-
-_Gentlewoman._—“The consummate art of the writer prevents this
-tragedy from sinking to melodrama. Not a single situation is forced
-or a circumstance exaggerated.”
-
- =PEPITA JIMÉNEZ.= From the Spanish of JUAN VALERA.
-
-_New Review_ (Mr. George Saintsbury):—“There is no doubt at all that
-it is one of the best stories that have appeared in any country in
-Europe for the last twenty years.”
-
- =THE COMMODORE’S DAUGHTERS.= From the Norwegian of JONAS LIE.
-
-_Athenæum._—“Everything that Jonas Lie writes is attractive and
-pleasant; the plot of deeply human interest, and the art noble.”
-
- =THE HERITAGE OF THE KURTS.= From the Norwegian of BJÖRNSTJERNE
- BJÖRNSON.
-
-_Pall Mall Gazette._—“A most fascinating as well as a powerful book.”
-
-_National Observer._—“It is a book to read and a book to think
-about, for, incontestably, it is the work of a man of genius.”
-
-
-_In the Press._
-
- =LOU.= From the German of BARON V. ROBERTS.
-
- =DONA LUZ.= From the Spanish of JUAN VALERA.
-
- =WITHOUT DOGMA.= From the Polish of H. SIENKIEWICZ.
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Popular 3s. 6d. Novels.=
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- =CAPT’N DAVY’S HONEYMOON=, The Blind Mother, and The Last
- Confession. By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” “The
- Scapegoat,” &c.
-
- =THE SCAPEGOAT.= By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” &c.
-
-_Mr. Gladstone writes_:—“I congratulate you upon ‘The Scapegoat’
-as a work of art, and especially upon the noble and skilfully drawn
-character of Israel.”
-
-_Times._—“In our judgment it excels in dramatic force all his
-previous efforts. For grace and touching pathos Naomi is a character
-which any romancist in the world might be proud to have created.”
-
- =THE BONDMAN.= A New Saga. By HALL CAINE. Twentieth Thousand.
-
-_Mr. Gladstone._—“‘The Bondman’ is a work of which I recognise the
-freshness, vigour, and sustained interest no less than its integrity
-of aim.”
-
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-that is almost marvellous.”
-
- =DESPERATE REMEDIES.= By THOMAS HARDY, Author of “Tess of the
- D’Urbervilles,” &c.
-
-_Saturday Review._—“A remarkable story worked out with abundant
-skill.”
-
- =A MARKED MAN=: Some Episodes in his Life. By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author
- of “Two Years’ Time,” “A Mere Chance,” &c.
-
-_Morning Post._—“A depth of feeling, a knowledge of the human heart,
-and an amount of tact that one rarely finds. Should take a prominent
-place among the novels of the season.”
-
- =THE THREE MISS KINGS.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man.”
-
-_Athenæum._—“A charming study of character. The love stories are
-excellent, and the author is happy in tender situations.”
-
- =NOT ALL IN VAIN.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man,” “The
- Three Miss Kings,” &c.
-
-_Guardian._—“A clever and absorbing story.”
-
-_Queen._—“All that remains to be said is ‘read the book.’”
-
- =UNCLE PIPER OF PIPER’S HILL.= By TASMA. New Popular Edition.
-
-_Guardian._—“Every page of it contains good wholesome food,
-which demands and repays digestion. The tale itself is thoroughly
-charming, and all the characters are delightfully drawn. We strongly
-recommend all lovers of wholesome novels to make acquaintance with it
-themselves, and are much mistaken if they do not heartily thank us
-for the introduction.”
-
- =IN THE VALLEY.= By HAROLD FREDERIC. Author of “The Lawton Girl,”
- “Seth’s Brother’s Wife,” &c. With Illustrations.
-
-_Times._—“The literary value of the book is high; the author’s
-studies of bygone life presenting a life-like picture.”
-
- =PRETTY MISS SMITH.= By FLORENCE WARDEN, Author of “The House on
- the Marsh,” “A Witch of the Hills,” &c.
-
-_Punch._—“Since Miss Florence Warden’s ‘House on the Marsh,’ I have
-not read a more exciting tale.”
-
- =NOR WIFE, NOR MAID.= By Mrs. HUNGERFORD, Author of “Molly Bawn,”
- &c.
-
-_Queen._—“It has all the characteristics of the writer’s work, and
-greater emotional depth than most of its predecessors.”
-
-_Scotsman._—“Delightful reading, supremely interesting.”
-
- =MAMMON.= A Novel. By Mrs. ALEXANDER, Author of “The Wooing O’t,”
- &c.
-
-_Scotsman._—“The present work is not behind any of its predecessors.
-‘Mammon’ is a healthy story, and as it has been thoughtfully written
-it has the merit of creating thought in its readers.”
-
- =DAUGHTERS OF MEN.= By HANNAH LYNCH, Author of “The Prince of the
- Glades,” &c.
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“Singularly clever and fascinating.”
-
-_Academy._—“One of the cleverest, if not also the pleasantest,
-stories that have appeared for a long time.”
-
- =A ROMANCE OF THE CAPE FRONTIER.= By BERTRAM MITFORD, Author of
- “Through the Zulu Country,” &c.
-
-_Observer._—“This is a rattling tale, genial, healthy, and spirited.”
-
- =’TWEEN SNOW AND FIRE.= A Tale of the Kafir War of 1877. By BERTRAM
- MITFORD.
-
- =THE MASTER OF THE MAGICIANS.= By ELIZABETH STUART PHELPS and
- HERBERT D. WARD.
-
-_Athenæum._—“A thrilling story.”
-
- =LOS CERRITOS.= A Romance of the Modern Time. By GERTRUDE FRANKLIN
- ATHERTON, Author of “Hermia Suydam,” and “What Dreams may Come.”
-
-_Athenæum._—“Full of fresh fancies and suggestions. Told with
-strength and delicacy. A decidedly charming romance.”
-
- =A MODERN MARRIAGE.= By the Marquise CLARA LANZA.
-
-_Queen._—“A powerful story, dramatically and consistently carried
-out.”
-
-_Black and White._—“A decidedly clever book.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Popular Shilling Books.=
-
- =MADAME VALERIE.= By F. C. PHILIPS, Author of “As in a
- Looking-Glass,” &c.
-
- =THE MOMENT AFTER=: A Tale of the Unseen. By ROBERT BUCHANAN.
-
-_Athenæum._—“Should be read—in daylight.”
-
-_Observer._—“A clever _tour de force_.”
-
-_Guardian._—“Particularly impressive, graphic, and powerful.”
-
- =CLUES; or, Leaves from a Chief Constable’s Note-Book.= By WILLIAM
- HENDERSON, Chief Constable of Edinburgh.
-
-_Mr. Gladstone._—“I found the book full of interest.”
-
- =A VERY STRANGE FAMILY.= By F. W. ROBINSON, Author of
- “Grandmother’s Money,” “Lazarus in London,” &c.
-
-_Glasgow Herald._—“An ingeniously devised plot, of which the
-interest is kept up to the very last page. A judicious blending of
-humour and pathos further helps to make the book delightful reading
-from start to finish.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Dramatic Literature.=
-
-THE PLAYS OF ARTHUR W. PINERO.
-
-With Introductory Notes by MALCOLM C. SALAMAN. 16mo, Paper Covers,
-1_s._ 6_d._; or Cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ each.
-
- =THE TIMES=: A Comedy in Four Acts. With a Preface by the Author.
- (Vol. I.)
-
-_Daily Telegraph._—“‘The Times’ is the best example yet given of Mr.
-Pinero’s power as a satirist. So clever is his work that it beats
-down opposition. So fascinating is his style that we cannot help
-listening to him.”
-
-_Morning Post._—“Mr. Pinero’s latest belongs to a high order of
-dramatic literature, and the piece will be witnessed again with all
-the greater zest after the perusal of such admirable dialogue.”
-
- =THE PROFLIGATE=: A Play in Four Acts. With Portrait of the Author,
- after J. MORDECAI. (Vol. II.)
-
-_Pall Mall Gazette._—“Will be welcomed by all who have the true
-interests of the stage at heart.”
-
- =THE CABINET MINISTER=: A Farce in Four Acts. (Vol. III.)
-
-_Observer._—“It is as amusing to read as it was when played.”
-
- =THE HOBBY HORSE=: A Comedy in Three Acts. (Vol. IV.)
-
-_St. James’s Gazette._—“Mr. Pinero has seldom produced better or
-more interesting work than in ‘The Hobby Horse.’”
-
- =LADY BOUNTIFUL.= A Play in Four Acts. (Vol. V.)
-
- =THE MAGISTRATE.= A Farce in Three Acts. (Vol. VI.)
-
-To be followed by Dandy Dick, The Schoolmistress, The Weaker Sex,
-Lords and Commons, The Squire, and Sweet Lavender.
-
- * * * * *
-
- =A NEW PLAY.= By HENRIK IBSEN. Translated from the Norwegian. Small
- 4to. [_In preparation._
-
- =A NEW PLAY.= By BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON. Translated from the
- Norwegian. [_In preparation._
-
- =THE PRINCESSE MALEINE=: A Drama in Five Acts (Translated by
- Gerard Harry), and THE INTRUDER: A Drama in One Act. By MAURICE
- MAETERLINCK. With an Introduction by HALL CAINE, and a Portrait of
- the Author. Small 4to, cloth, 5_s._
-
-_Athenæum._—“In the creation of the ‘atmosphere’ of the play M.
-Maeterlinck shows his skill. It is here that he communicates to us
-the _nouveau frisson_, here that he does what no one else has done.
-In ‘The Intruder’ the art consists of the subtle gradations of
-terror, the slow, creeping progress of the nightmare of apprehension.
-Nothing quite like it has been done before—not even by Poe—not even
-by Villiers.”
-
- =THE FRUITS OF ENLIGHTENMENT=: A Comedy in Four Acts. By Count
- LYOF TOLSTOY. Translated from the Russian by E. J. DILLON. With
- Introduction by A. W. PINERO. Small 4to, with Portrait, 5_s._
-
-_Pall Mall Gazette._—“The whole effect of the play is distinctly
-Molièresque; it has something of the large humanity of the master.
-Its satire is genial, almost gay.”
-
- =HEDDA GABLER=: A Drama in Four Acts. By HENRIK IBSEN. Translated
- from the Norwegian by EDMUND GOSSE. Small 4to, cloth, with
- Portrait, 5_s._ Vaudeville Edition, paper, 1_s._ Also a Limited
- Large Paper Edition, 21_s._ _net_.
-
-_Times._—“The language in which this play is couched is a model of
-brevity, decision, and pointedness.... Every line tells, and there is
-not an incident that does not bear on the action immediate or remote.
-As a corrective to the vapid and foolish writing with which the stage
-is deluged ‘Hedda Gabler’ is perhaps entitled to the place of honour.”
-
- =STRAY MEMORIES.= By ELLEN TERRY. In one volume. Illustrated. [_In
- preparation._
-
- =SOME INTERESTING FALLACIES OF THE Modern Stage.= An Address
- delivered to the Playgoers’ Club at St. James’s Hall, on Sunday,
- 6th December, 1891. By HERBERT BEERBOHM TREE. Crown 8vo, sewed,
- 6_d._
-
- =THE LIFE OF HENRIK IBSEN.= By HENRIK JÆGER. Translated by CLARA
- BELL. With the Verse done into English from the Norwegian Original
- by EDMUND GOSSE. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._
-
-_St. James’s Gazette._—“Admirably translated. Deserves a cordial and
-emphatic welcome.”
-
-_Guardian._—“Ibsen’s dramas at present enjoy a considerable vogue,
-and their admirers will rejoice to find full descriptions and
-criticisms in Mr. Jæger’s book.”
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Poetry.=
-
- =LOVE SONGS OF ENGLISH POETS, 1500-1800.= With Notes by RALPH H.
- CAINE. Fcap. 8vo, rough edges, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Copies, 10s. 6d. Net._
-
- =IVY AND PASSION FLOWER=: Poems. By GERARD BENDALL, Author of
- “Estelle,” &c. &c. 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-_Scotsman._—“Will be read with pleasure.”
-
-_Musical World._—“The poems are delicate specimens of art, graceful
-and polished.”
-
- =VERSES.= By GERTRUDE HALL. 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._
-
-_Manchester Guardian._—“Will be welcome to every lover of poetry who
-takes it up.”
-
- =MAGONIA=: A Poem. By CHARLES GODFREY LELAND (HANS BREITMANN).
- Fcap. 8vo. [_In the Press._
-
- =IDYLLS OF WOMANHOOD.= By C. AMY DAWSON. Fcap. 8vo, gilt top, 5_s._
-
- * * * * *
-
-=Heinemann’s Scientific Handbooks.=
-
- =MANUAL OF BACTERIOLOGY.= By A. B. GRIFFITHS, Ph.D., F.R.S.
- (Edin.), F.C.S. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated. 7_s._ 6_d._
-
- =MANUAL OF ASSAYING GOLD, SILVER, COPPER, and Lead Ores.= By WALTER
- LEE BROWN, B.Sc. Revised, Corrected, and considerably Enlarged,
- with a chapter on the Assaying of Fuel, &c. By A. B. GRIFFITHS,
- Ph.D., F.R.S. (Edin.), F.C.S. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 7_s._
- 6_d._
-
-_Colliery Guardian._—“A delightful and fascinating book.”
-
-_Financial World._—“The most complete and practical manual on
-everything which concerns assaying of all which have come before us.”
-
- =GEODESY.= By J. HOWARD GORE. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._
-
-_St. James’s Gazette._—“The book may be safely recommended to those
-who desire to acquire an accurate knowledge of Geodesy.”
-
-_Science Gossip._—“It is the best we could recommend to all geodetic
-students. It is full and clear, thoroughly accurate, and up to date
-in all matters of earth-measurements.”
-
- =THE PHYSICAL PROPERTIES OF GASES.= By ARTHUR L. KIMBALL, of the
- Johns Hopkins University. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._
-
-_Chemical News._—“The man of culture who wishes for a general and
-accurate acquaintance with the physical properties of gases, will
-find in Mr. Kimball’s work just what he requires.”
-
- =HEAT AS A FORM OF ENERGY.= By Professor R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell
- University. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._
-
-_Manchester Examiner._—“Bears out the character of its predecessors
-for careful and correct statement and deduction under the light of
-the most recent discoveries.”
-
- * * * * *
-
- LONDON:
- WILLIAM HEINEMANN
- 21 BEDFORD STREET, W.C.
-
-
-
-
- TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE
-
- Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
- corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
- the text and consultation of external sources.
-
- Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added,
- when a predominant preference was found in the original book.
-
- Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
- and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.
-
- Pg vii: The Tynan portrait is at page ‘168’ not ‘228’.
- Pg 265: There is no section numbered ‘LI’.
- Pg 305: ‘villanous rivals’ replaced by ‘villainous rivals’.
- Index: ‘Forrester, Bill’ replaced by ‘Forester, Bill’.
-
-
-*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 68765 ***