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diff --git a/old/68765-0.txt b/old/68765-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 5a0065e..0000000 --- a/old/68765-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,9564 +0,0 @@ -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 68765 *** - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=. - - Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been - placed at the end of the book after the Index. - - The 3-star inverted asterism symbol is denoted by ***. - - The tables in this book are best viewed using a monospace font. - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - -[Illustration: (author, with signature) - - Yours truly, - H. Le Caron] - - - - - TWENTY-FIVE YEARS - - IN - - THE SECRET SERVICE - - _The Recollections of a Spy_ - - BY - - MAJOR HENRI LE CARON - - With Portraits and Facsimiles - - “No citizen has a right to consider himself as belonging to himself; - but all ought to regard themselves as belonging to the State, inasmuch - as each is a part of the State; and care for the part naturally looks - to care for the whole.” - —ARISTOTLE. - - Third [Illustration: (colophon)] Edition - - - LONDON - - WILLIAM HEINEMANN - - 1892 - - [_All rights reserved_] - - - - -INTRODUCTION. - - -It has seemed good in the sight of many people that I should place -on record, in some permanent and acceptable form, the story of -my eventful life. And so I am about to write a book. The task is -a daring one—perhaps the most daring of the many strange and -unlooked-for incidents which have marked my career of adventure. I -approach it with no light heart, but rather with a keen appreciation -of all its difficulties. - -To cater, and cater successfully, for the reading public of this _fin -de siècle_ period is an undertaking which fairly taxes all the powers -of resource and experience of the most brilliant writers of our time. -And I am in no sense a practised writer, much less a professional -_litterateur_. I have spent my life working at too high a pressure, -and in too excited an atmosphere, to allow of my qualifying in any -way for the rôle of author. - -Nor am I handicapped in this way alone. I am, unfortunately for my -purpose, deprived of the most important of collaborators a writer -ever called to his aid—the play of imagination. For me there is -no such thing as romance to be indulged in here. The truth, the -whole truth, and nothing but the truth is what I have set myself to -tell regarding all those matters with which I shall deal. There are -many things, of course, to which I may not refer; but with respect -to those upon which I feel at liberty to touch, one unalterable -characteristic will apply all through, and that will be the absolute -truthfulness of the record. - -This may seem strange language coming from one who, for over a -quarter of a century, has played a double part, and who to-day -is not one whit ashamed of any single act done in that capacity. -Men’s lives, however, are not to be judged by the outward show and -the visible suggestion, but rather by the inward sentiments and -promptings which accept conscience at once as the inspirer of action -and arbiter of fate. It is hard, I know, to expect people in this -cold prosaic age of ours to fully understand how a man like myself -should, of his own free will, have entered upon a life such as I have -led, with such pureness of motive and absence of selfish instinct -as to entitle me to-day to claim acceptance at the bar of public -opinion as an honest and a truthful man. - -Yet such is my claim. When years ago, as these subsequent pages will -show, I was first brought into contact with Fenian affairs, no fell -purpose, no material consideration prompted me to work against the -revolutionary plotters. A young man, proud of his native land and -full of patriotic loyalty to its traditions, I had no desire, no -intention to do aught but frustrate the schemes of my country’s foes. -When, later on, I took my place in the ranks of England’s defenders, -the same condition of mind prevailed, though the conditions of -service varied. - -And so the situation has remained all through. Forced by a variety -of circumstances to play a part I never sought, but to which, for -conscientious motives, I not unwillingly adapted myself, I can admit -no shame and plead no regret. By my action lives have been saved, -communities have been benefited, and right and justice allowed to -triumph, to the confusion of law-breakers and would-be murderers. And -in this recollection I have my consolation and my reward. Little else -indeed is left me in the shape of either the one or the other. There -is a popular fiction, I know, which associates with my work fabulous -payments and frequent rewards. Would that it had been so. Then would -the play of memory be all the sweeter for me. But, alas! the facts -were all the other way. As I will show later, in the Secret Service -of England there is ever present danger, and constantly recurring -difficulty, but of recompense, a particularly scant supply. - - - - -LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. - - - _PORTRAITS._ - - MAJOR HENRI LE CARON _Frontispiece_ - - ALEXANDER SULLIVAN _To face p._ 62 - - PATRICK EGAN ” 160 - - “NUMBER ONE”—P. J. TYNAN ” 168 - - CHARLES STEWART PARNELL ” 178 - - - - _FACSIMILES._ - - THE OATH OF ALLEGIANCE 16 - - A FENIAN TWENTY-DOLLAR BOND 27 - - MY COMMISSION AS MAJOR IN THE ARMY OF THE IRISH REPUBLIC 54 - - PATRICK EGAN’S LETTER OF INTRODUCTION 234 - - ALEXANDER SULLIVAN’S CHEQUE FOR THIRTY THOUSAND DOLLARS 264 - - ALEXANDER SULLIVAN’S LETTER _Appendix III._ - - - - -TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE SECRET SERVICE. - - - - -I. - - -Of my early youth little that is very interesting or exciting can be -told. A faded entry in the aged records of the ancient borough of -Colchester evidences the fact that a certain Thomas Beach, to wit -myself, came into this world some fifty and one years ago, on the -26th day of September 1841. My parents were English, as the American -would phrase it, “from far away back,” my grandfather tracing his -lineage through many generations in the county of Berkshire. The -second son of a family of thirteen, I fear I proved a sore trial -to a careful father and affectionate mother, by my erratic methods -and the varied outbursts of my wild exuberant nature. My earliest -recollection is of the teetotal principle on which we were all -brought up, and the absence of strong drink from all our household -feasts. The point is a trivial one, but not unworthy of note, as it -supplies the key to some of my successes in later life, in keeping -clear of danger through intoxication, when almost all of those with -whom I dealt were victims to it. When others lost their heads, and -their caution as well, I was enabled, through my distaste for drink, -to benefit in every way. - -Living in a military town as I did, and coming into daily contact -with all the pomp and circumstance of soldiering, it was but natural -that the glory of the redcoat life should affect me, and that, like -so many other foolish boys, I should feel drawn to the ranks. Of -course I wanted to enlist, and what wonder that for me life held no -nobler ambition and success, no grander figure than that clothed -with the uniform of the bold drummer-boy. All my efforts, however, -were naturally of no avail, and I found the path to glory blocked at -every point. The fever, nevertheless, was upon me, and my want of -success only made me the more determined to achieve my object in the -long run. Home held no promise of success, and at home I decided I -would no longer remain. So it came about that one fine morning, when -little more than twelve years of age, I packed my marbles, toys, -and trophies, and in the early light slipped quietly out on to the -high-road _en route_ for that Mecca of all country boys—the great -glorious city of London! - -I had run away from home in grim earnest. Not for very long, -however. Fortunately for me—unfortunately as I thought in those -young days—I committed a grave blunder in tactics. Meeting one of my -school-fellows on the journey, I was foolish enough to inform him of -my proceeding and intention, and in this way my anxious parents were -soon put upon my track, and my interesting and exciting escapade was -brought to an ignominious conclusion. I had, however, tasted of the -sweets of adventure, and it was not very long before I made another -attempt to rid myself of the trammels of home life. Here again I -was fated to meet with defeat, but not before I had made a distinct -advance upon my first effort, for two weeks were allowed to elapse -before I was discovered on this occasion. The natural consequences -attended these attempts of mine, and soon I was written down as the -black sheep of the family, from whom no permanent good could ever be -expected. - -The idea of keeping me longer at school was quite given up, and in -order the better to tie me down, I was apprenticed for a period of -seven years to Mr. Thomas Knight, a Quaker, and well-known draper in -my native town. The arrangement suited me not at all. Nothing could -be more uncongenial than a life worked out in the solemn atmosphere -of a staid and strict Quaker’s home, where the efforts to curb my -impulsive nature resulted in increasing bitterness of spirit on my -part every day. In eleven months it was conceded on both sides that -the continuation of the arrangement was distinctly undesirable, and -so I was free once more. A short residence with my parents followed; -but the old promptings to wander afar were too strong for me, and -once more, for the third and last time, I broke away, and reached -London at last, in the month of May 1857. - -Through the kindness of relatives, employment was secured for me in a -leading business house; but my stay there was of short duration. With -my usual facility for doing everything wrong at this period of my -existence, I happened to accidentally set fire to the premises, and -was politely told that after this my services could not be properly -appreciated. I was not long out of employment, and strangely enough, -through the agency of one of the gentlemen whose house had suffered -through my carelessness, I was later on enabled to obtain a much -better situation than I had held in their house. - -From London I subsequently made my way to Bath, and from Bath to -Bristol, always in search of change, though everywhere doing well. -When in Bristol, however, I was struck down with fever, and reduced -to a penniless condition. Then came the idea of returning to London, -which I duly carried out, walking all the way. My foolhardiness -proved almost fatal, for ere I got to the metropolis, my illness came -back upon me, and I was scarce able to crawl to St. Bartholomew’s -Hospital in search of relief. - -My stay at St. Bartholomew’s was not a very long one. Horrified at -the terrible death of a patient lying next to me, and fearful that, -if I remained, something equally horrible might be my fate, I managed -to obtain possession of my clothes and to leave the institution. -Thoughts of home and mother decided my return to Colchester, and -thither I immediately proceeded to make my way on foot. Again the -fever attacked me, and once more I had to seek the friendly shelter -of an hospital, this time taking refuge in the Colchester and East -Essex Institution. Here I remained till I was permanently recovered, -after which I entered the service of Mr. William Baber of the town. -However, my efforts to lead a sober conventional life were all in -vain. The wild longing for change came back in renewed strength, and -in a little while I had left London altogether behind and journeyed -to Paris _viâ_ Havre. - - - - -II. - - -I am amused as I look back now upon the utter recklessness and daring -of this proceeding of mine. I knew not a soul in France; of the -language, not a word was familiar; and yet somehow the longing to get -away from England and to try my luck on a new soil was irresistible. -One place was as good as another to me, and Paris seemed rather more -familiar than the other few centres of activity with the names of -which I was then acquainted. And so to Paris I went. It was my good -fortune to hit upon an hotel kept by an Englishwoman in the Faubourg -St. Honoré, and here I tarried for a time while my little stock of -money lasted. This was not by any means a long period, and soon I -found myself reduced once more to a condition of penury, having in -the interval gained little but an acquaintance with the principal -thoroughfares and their shops, and a slight knowledge of the -language, to which latter I was helped in no inconsiderable degree by -a wonderfully retentive memory. - -Things were at a very low ebb for me indeed, when help came from an -entirely unexpected quarter. Happening one Sunday to pass by the -English Church in the Rue d’Aguesseau, of which, by the way, the Rev. -Dr. Forbes was at that time chaplain, I was attracted by the music -of the service then proceeding, and entered the little unpretentious -place of worship. Here I joined heartily in the service, with the -order and details of which I was perfectly familiar, having already -sung in the choir of my native town. My singing and generally strange -appearance attracted the attention of a member of the church, with -whom I formed an acquaintance. We left the church together—not -however before I had promised my assistance in the choir—and at -his request I breakfasted with my English friend at one of the -_crêmeries_ in the Faubourg. Now, as then, a respected citizen of -Paris, I am happy to number this countryman among the truest and most -steadfast of my friends. - -We passed the day together, attending the remaining two services -at the church, and in the hours we spent in each other’s company -I told him my history and my needs. Warm-hearted and impulsive, -he immediately suggested that I should vacate my room and share -his lodging, even going the length of advancing me money to enable -me to do so. Before a week had passed, he had capped his goodness -by securing a situation for me; and I found myself at length -comfortably installed in the house of Withers, _à la Suissesse_, -52 Faubourg St. Honoré. Through his influence also I became a paid -member of the church choir, and in a very short time I was the -recipient of the friendship and confidence of Dr. Forbes and his -wife, from both of whom I received very many kindnesses. Thanks to -them, I was very soon enabled to better my position, and to change -to the house of Arthur & Co., where matters improved for me in every -way. There then succeeded some of the happiest days of my life. -Freed from care and anxiety, with all the necessaries of life at -my control, and a fund of boyish spirits and perfect health, I was -without a trouble or a dark hour, happy and contented in my daily -task. - -So the weeks and months came and went without discovering any change -in my position, till an unlooked-for incident once more brought the -wild mad thirst for change and excitement back to me, and sounded -the death-knell of my quiet life. On the 9th April 1861, the shot -was fired at Fort Sumpter which inaugurated the war of the Rebellion -of the United States. That shot echoed all over the world, but in no -place was the effect more keenly marked than in the American colony -in Paris, which even in these early days was a very numerous one. - -Arthur’s, the place of business of which I speak, was one of the most -favoured of the American resorts, and here the excitement raged at -fever heat, as little by little the news came over the sea. Those -were not the days of the cable, flashing the news of success or -defeat simultaneously with its occurrence, and picturing in vivid -phrase and description every incident and climax of warfare, till -almost the figures move before us, and our eyes and ears are deadened -by the smoke and sound of shot. The tidings came in snatches, and the -absence of completeness and detail only served to give the greater -impetus to discussion and imagination. - -There was no more excited student of the situation than myself; and -very soon, of course, I was fired with the idea of playing a part -in the scenes which I was following with such enthusiasm and zest. -Friends and associates, many of them American, were leaving on every -hand for the seat of war; and at last, throwing care and discretion -to the winds, I took the plunge and embarked on the _Great Eastern_ -on her first voyage to New York. - -I reached that city in good time, and without delay enlisted in the -Northern Army, in company with several of my American associates -from Paris. In connection with my enlistment there occurred a -circumstance, trivial in itself at the moment, yet fraught with the -most important consequences in regard to my after-life. This was -the taking to myself of a new name and a new nationality. I had -no thought of remaining in America for any length of time—at the -outset, indeed, I only enlisted for three months, the period for -which recruits were sought—and, regarding the whole proceeding -more in the light of a good joke than anything else, I came to -the conclusion that I should not cause anxiety to my parents by -disclosing my position, and decided to sustain the joke by playing -the part of a Frenchman and calling myself Henri le Caron. So came -into existence that name and character which, in after years, proved -to be such a marvellous source of protection and success to me -personally, and of such continued service to my native country, whose -citizenship I had, by my proceeding, to resign. - -As subsequent events proved, however, I was not to carry out my -original idea of returning. The three months came and went, and many -more followed in their wake, till five years had passed and left me -still in the United States’ service. The life suited me. I made many -friends; soldiering was a pleasant experience; and I was particularly -fortunate in escaping its many mishaps. I had no care for the -morrow, and, happily for me, I found my morrows to bring little if -any care to me. Only on one occasion was I seriously wounded. This -was when, during an engagement near Woodbury, Tennessee, I had my -horse killed under me by a shell, my companion killed at my side, and -myself wounded by a splinter from the explosive, which laid me up for -about a month. - -Interesting and animated as was my career as a soldier, I must not -delay to deal with it too fully in detail, but must hurry on to that -subsequent life of mine in America, which possesses the greatest -interest for the public at large. I shall, however, before leaving -it, run over very shortly the different stages of my soldiering -experience. The facts may be interesting to the many people in this -country and America who are familiar with the history of the American -war of the Rebellion. I enlisted as a private soldier on August 7, -1861, in the 8th Pennsylvanian Reserves, changing therefrom to the -Anderson Cavalry, commanded by Colonel William J. Palmer. Here I -remained for a year and ten months, serving through the Peninsula -campaign of the army of the Potomac, including the battles of Four -Oaks, South Mountain, Antietam, and Williamsport, all of which were -fought under the command of General George B. MacClellan. - -In October 1862, I joined, with my regiment, the Western Army, under -General William S. Rosencranz, and participated in the advance from -Louisville, Nashville, and Murfreesboro’, including the engagements -at Tullahoma and Winchester, and ending with the capture of -Chattanooga and Chicamanga in September of the same year. The failure -of Rosencranz at Chicamanga closed his career. He was succeeded by -General George H. Thomas, who remained in command up to the end of -my service in the army. By this time I had obtained a warrant as a -noncommissioned officer, and was principally engaged in scouting -duty. On the command in which I served being ordered to the relief of -General Burnside at Knoxville, I left Chattanooga, then in a state of -siege and semi-famine, and reaching Knoxville, I took part during the -whole of the winter of 1863 in the East Tennessee campaign against -the rebel General Longstreet, my engagements including Strawberry -Plain, Mossy Creek, and Dandridge. I was fortunate enough to be -recommended for a commission in 1864, and, after my examination -before a military board, was gazetted Second Lieutenant in the -United States Army in the month of July of that year. For the next -twelve months I was exclusively employed in scouting duty, in charge -of a mounted company, serving in this capacity under General Lovel -L. Rousseau in West Tennessee. In December 1864, being attached -to General Stedman’s division of the Army of the Cumberland, I -was present at the battle of Nashville, and took part in all the -engagements through Tennessee and Alabama, being promoted in the -course of them to the rank of First Lieutenant. - -During 1865 I was appointed upon detached service of various -descriptions, filling amongst other positions those of Acting -Assistant-Adjutant-General and Regimental Adjutant. At the close -of the war I joined the veteran organisations of the Army of the -Cumberland, and the Grand Army of the Republic, and held the -appointment therein of Vice-Commander and Post-Surgeon, ranking as -Major. - -Long ere this I had, of course, given up all idea of returning to -France, and had communicated my whereabouts and position to my -parents, much to their anxiety and dismay. - -Tragedy and comedy blended together in strange fellowship in our -experiences of those days; and, as I write, a couple of amusing -examples of this occur to me. It was in 1865, when engaged on -scouting duty in connection with the guerilla warfare carried on by -irregular bands of Southerners, that I received the following order:— - - “HEAD-QUARTERS, THIRD SUB-DISTRICT, MIDDLE TENNESSEE, - “ACTING ASSISTANT-ADJUTANT-GENERAL’S OFFICE, - “KINGSTON SPRINGS, TENN., _May 17, 1865_. - - “SIR,—The following despatch has been received:— - - “NASHVILLE, _May 16, 1865_. - - “Brig.-Gen. Thompson. - - “In accordance with orders heretofore published of the Major-Gen. - Commanding Dept. of Cumberland, Champ Fergusson and his gang of - cut-throats having refused to surrender, are denounced as outlaws, - and the military forces of this district will deal with and treat - him accordingly. - - “By Command of Major-Gen. Rousseau, - “(Signed) H. C. WHITLEMORE, - “Capt. and A.A.A.G.” - -This, of course, meant sudden death to any of the band who might come -within range of our rifles. The men, indeed, were nothing less than -murderers and robbers, carrying on their devilish work under the plea -of fighting for Southern independence. It was not long before an -opportunity was afforded me of coming in contact with a specimen of -the class, and it is on this meeting that one of my anecdotes will -turn. - -A few days after, when riding ahead of my troop, in company with a -couple of my men, in order to “prospect” the country, with a view to -finding suitable accommodation for our wants, I came to a well-built -farmhouse a few miles from the Duck River. As we approached the -front, my attention was attracted by an armed man, in the well-known -butter-nut grey uniform of the enemy, escaping from the back in a -very hasty and suspicious manner. Reading his true character in a -moment, I shouted to him to halt, at the same time directing my -troopers to “head him off” right and left. Disregarding our cries, -he started off in hot haste, while we pursued him in equally hurried -fashion. The chase was a hard and a stern one, his flight being -only broken for a moment to allow of his discharging his carbine at -me. Not desiring to kill him, I saved my powder, and in the end ran -him to earth, and stunned him with a blow from the butt-end of my -revolver. - -When my companions arrived, we proceeded to examine our prisoner, -and found, on stripping him of his grey covering, that underneath he -wore the unmistakable blue coat of our own regiment, with the plain -indication of a corporal’s stripes having been torn therefrom. As we -had a few days previously discovered the stripped, bullet-riddled -body of a brave corporal of ours, who had been murdered by some of -these scoundrels, we at once concluded that this was one of his -assassins, and my troop, coming up at this point, dealt him scant -mercy, and filled his body with their bullets ere consciousness -returned. A search of his pockets revealed his identity, his -pocket-book containing some two hundred dollars in bills, and an oath -of allegiance to the U.S. Government, which he had doubtless used -many times to save his wretched life. The following is a _facsimile_ -of the original document, which I have kept through all these -years—the stains being those of the man’s blood:— - -[Illustration: (Oath of Allegiance)] - -Making our way back to the house, we discovered two weeping women, -and half-a-dozen small children. A single question elicited the fact -that the elder of the two was the mother, while subsequent inquiries -proved that the dead man was the notorious William M. Guin, a nephew -of ex-U.S. Senator Guin, of California, and one of the leaders of as -notorious a gang of cut-throats as ever operated in the South-West. -Our custom was to burn the houses of any persons found harbouring -these guerillas, but the heartrending entreaties of the wretched -women and children caused me to leave them unmolested. Some time -afterwards, when peace was finally declared, I was quartered at -Waverley, in the same vicinity, and often met the unfortunate mother, -who knew me as “the man who killed her boy,” though, as she told me, -she never blamed me, having often warned her son that he would come -to a bad end. - -And now for the other side of the picture. During these operations, -my men were principally mounted on horses captured from the citizens, -who were invariably rebels; and as our habit was to take every -available animal when found, the methods adopted to hide them in -caves, ravines, and swamps were sometimes very remarkable. Upon -one of my expeditions at the time, in the direction of Vernon, on -the Duck River, I came across a fine black horse, which I speedily -confiscated to the use of “Uncle Sam.” My prize, however, did not -long remain in my possession, for in a few days my quarters were -invaded by a deputation of the fair sex, who presented me with the -following amusing appeal:— - - I. - “We write in good spirits to you, - For our glad expectations we hope to find true, - That you’ll act as a gentleman always should do, - And with a request from the ladies comply - Which a fame would attain you that never should die; - While we’ll think of you ever with kindness sincere, - And say of you what it would please you to hear, - And wish for you always a life long and free - From grief and visitation that sometimes will be. - - II. - “Now, what must you do these good wishes to gain, - And make us rejoice that we asked not in vain? - Well, a something ’twill be a great boon to obtain - To us who now ask—and a kindness most true - And most earnestly wished for—but to you - It will be what they tell us a victory is— - Quite easy to “Grant,” and we hope you’ll grant this. - - III. - “We once (not long since) had a favourite here, - Obedient and gentle, deservedly dear; - He was patient, obeying our will without force, - And he seemed like a friend, though he was but a horse. - How much we esteemed him we never can say, - And Dixie we named him. You took him away! - And sadly and truly we’ve missed him since then— - Oh, captain, do give us poor Dixie again. - If you have conquered _one_ Dixie, be generous here; - Return us the other we all count so dear, - And we’ll say Captain Le Caron (and hold it so too) - Is the very best soldier that ever wore blue. - Your country is famed both in prose and in song; - To its sons truth and justice are said to belong— - Good principle, honour, with bravery too; - Prove now to us, captain, that this is quite true. - Let us have our old friend—you have better by scores, - But to us none so dear can e’er stand at our doors; - None other can seem half so good or so wise, - So worthy our care as he was in our eyes. - You _must_ be enlightened, be generous too; - Give us back our poor Dixie, - Do, captain, please do. - Just say we may have him, that welcome word say, - And your petitioners will evermore pray. - - “MARY BARR. - “CYNTHIA BARR. - “POLLY HASSELL. - “MARY L. G., _a sympathiser_. - - “VERNON, TENNESSEE, - “_July 1865_. - - “To Captain Le Caron.” - -I naturally pursued the only course which a soldier could, and -surrendered the horse. Strange to say, one of my lieutenants -afterwards surrendered his affections and future happiness to one of -these fair damsels, and still lives with her as his wife, surrounded -by a charming family, away out in central Kansas. - - - - -III. - - -In the midst of all my soldiering, I wooed and won my wife. She is -the principal legacy left me of those old campaigning days of mine, -as bonny a wife and as sympathetic and valuable a helpmate as ever -husband was blessed with in this world. Many years have gone by since -we first met away in Tennessee, where she, a bright-eyed daring -horsewoman, and I, a happy-go-lucky cavalry officer, scampered the -plains together in pleasant company. Little thought either of us -then what the future years held in store. Yet when these years came, -and with them the anxious moments, the uncertain intervals, and the -perilous hours, none was more brave, more sympathetic than she. -Carrying the secret of my life close locked up in that courageous -heart of hers, helping me when need be, silent when nought could be -done, she proved as faithful an ally and as perfect a foil as ever -man placed like me could have been given by Heaven. A look, a gasp, -a frightened movement, an uncertain turn might have betrayed me, and -all would have been lost; a jealous action, a curious impulse, and -she might have wrecked my life; a letter misplaced, a drawer left -open, a communication miscarried, and my end was certain. But those -things were not to be. Brave, affectionate, and fearless, frequently -beseeching me to end this terrible career in which each moment of the -coming hours was charged with danger if not death, she tended her -family lovingly, and faced the world with a countenance which gave -no sign, but a caution which never slumbered. - -I had not to wait for these later years, however, to prove her -readiness and resource. These had been shown me long ere marriage -was dreamt of by either of us, and when, in one of the most exciting -episodes of my military career, she gave me my freedom and my life. -For our wooing was not without its romance. Our first meeting was -quite a casual one. An officer in charge of a party of thirty, -engaged in scouting duty, I stopped my little troop one night, in -the winter of 1862, at a house some fifteen miles from Nashville, -Tennessee, in order to rest our horses and prepare our supper. We -selected the house, and stopped there without any prearrangement. -This, however, was in no way extraordinary. It was quite the common -practice to stop _en route_ and buy hospitality from the residents. -The house was the property of my wife’s uncle, and here she lived. -While our supper was being prepared, we chatted agreeably together, -and the time swept pleasantly along, We were in fancied security, and -gave no thought to immediate danger. In a moment, however, all was -confusion. The house was suddenly surrounded by a band of irregular -troops, calling themselves Confederates, but in reality nothing more -or less than marauders, and soon the fortunes of war were turned -against us. - -Half my little command, fortunately, escaped, owing to their being -with the horses at the time of the enemy’s approach, and so enabled -to take to flight. The other half, however, with myself, were not so -fortunate. We were in the house, surprised, and immediately taken -prisoners. A large log smoke-house was improvised for a prison, and -in this my comrades and myself were placed, tortured with indignation -and hunger, as the riotous sounds which followed proclaimed to -us that our captors were partaking of the supper which had been -originally intended for ourselves. Our position altogether was -anything but a happy one. Death was very near. Irregular troops like -those with whom we had to deal seldom gave quarter. If we escaped -immediate death, it would be only to be brought within the Southern -line to be condemned to a living death in prison. - -We sat and pondered; and as the probabilities of the future loomed -heavily and darkly before us, the sounds of revelry in the adjoining -house gradually died away. Our captors, filled with the good things -provided for us, gradually dropped to sleep, and soon nothing -was heard but the measured movement and breathing of the guard -stationed at our door. In a little time, however, there was perfect -silence, and our watchful ears detected the absence of our sentry’s -person. Curious but silent we anxiously waited, and soon heard the -withdrawal of the bolt by some unknown hand. Opening the door, we -found the pathway clear. My brave Tennessee girl, finding the gang of -irregulars all steeped in heavy slumber, had decoyed our guard away -on pretence of his obtaining supper, and returning, had unbolted our -prison-house, prepared to face the consequences when the sleeping -ruffians awoke. Through her action our safety was assured, and after -walking fifteen miles, we reached camp in the morning to join our -comrades, who had given us up for lost. - -This happened on Christmas Eve 1862; and it was not until April -1864—sixteen months afterwards—that I again met the girl who had -done so much for me, and who was subsequently to become my wife. - -The house in which these exciting events had taken place had meantime -been totally destroyed by the ravages of war, and she was now living -with her aunt in Nashville itself. I was stationed in camp, there -awaiting my examination before a board of officers for further -promotion, and here occurred the most eventful engagement in which I -ever took part, where, conquering yet conquered, I ignored all the -articles of war and subscribed to those of marriage, entering into a -treaty of peace freighted with the happiest of results. - - - - -IV. - - -The war was now over and done, a thing of the past. I was situated -in Nashville with my wife and family, and with my savings, happy in -the enjoyment of the moment, and the pleasant reminiscences of the -past. Henri le Caron, the agent of the British Government in the -camps of American Fenianism, did not exist, and I had not the shadow -of a conception as to what the future held in store for me. The -future indeed troubled me not one whit. Looking back, as I do now, -upon all that has happened since then, I am filled with astonishment -as great and sincere as that which affected the world when I first -told my story in its disjointed way before the Special Commission. -It may be that I am somewhat of a fatalist—I know not what I may be -called—but my ideas, strengthened by the experience of my life, are -very clear on one point. We may be free agents to a certain extent; -but, nevertheless, for some wise purpose matters are arranged for -us. We are impelled by some unknown force to carry out, not of our -own volition or possible design, the work of this life, indicated -by a combination of circumstances, to which unconsciously we adapt -ourselves. In such a manner did I become connected with Fenianism -and the Irish Party in America. For I never sought Fenianism; -Fenianism rather came to me. - -I use the phrase Fenianism as one that is familiar, and requires no -explanation from me. All the world must surely know by this that -almost from time out of mind there has existed in America a body of -discontented and rebellious Irish known as Fenians, who, working in -harmony with so-called Nationalists in this country, seek the repeal -of the Union between Great Britain and Ireland. It will, however, be -necessary for me to say something about the position of Fenianism at -this time—I speak, of course, of the year 1865—in order that what -follows may be quite clearly understood. - -Fenianism at this period was in a rather bad way. Its adherents in -America and Ireland were divided into two hostile camps, and its most -recent effort had been of a very poor and depressing character. In -fact, the division of forces had been brought about by the failure -of this selfsame effort, an attempt at the emancipation of Ireland, -which is known as “the ’65 movement.” It was organised by the Fenians -in Ireland and America, under the direction of James Stephens; and -for the purpose of its development very many officers and men crossed -to Ireland from American soil. The attempted rising, however, -proved, like almost all Fenian efforts, a fiasco. It was found that -Stephens had wofully misrepresented the state of affairs at home, -both as regards preparation and enthusiasm; and those who had come -from America returned to their homes, disgusted and indignant at the -way in which they had been sold. - -In the result disaffection quickly spread, and the organisation -in America broke up into hostile camps, the majority, under the -leadership of Colonel W. R. Roberts, revolting from the leadership -of Stephens and Mahoney, and declaring their belief that “no direct -invasion or armed insurrection in Ireland would ever be successful -in establishing an Irish Republic upon Irish soil, and setting her -once more in her proper place as a nation amongst the nations of the -earth.” Not content, however, with the situation, the seceders met -in convention in September 1865 in Cincinnati, and formed themselves -into what was known for the next eventful five years of its existence -as the Senate Wing of the Fenian Brotherhood. They scoffed at the -idea of invading Ireland successfully, but by no means advocated -a policy of inaction. They simply sought to change the base of -operations. “The invasion of Canada” became their cry; and with this -as their programme they succeeded in gaining the allegiance of some -thousands of the disaffected Irish, whose support was attracted -by the familiar device of a _de facto_ civil and military Irish -Government upon paper, framed upon the model of the United States. -A good deal of money was subscribed, and with funds so obtained -ammunition was purchased and shipped along the Canadian border. - -[Illustration: (Twenty-dollar bond)] - -The methods of obtaining money were many and varied, but none was -more successful than the issue of Fenian bonds. The following is a -reproduction of a twenty-dollar bond in my possession. These bonds -were given in exchange for ready money to the many simple souls who -believed in the possibility of an Irish republic, and who were quite -ready to part with their little all, in the belief that later on, -when their country was “a nation once again,” they would be repaid -with interest. Very many of the persons displaying this credulity -were Irish girls in service in the States, and thus came into vogue -the sneering reference to the agitation being financed by the -servant-girls of New York. - -A curious feature of the intended invasion was the publicity given to -the design, and, more remarkable still, the action, or rather want of -action, of the United States Government in regard to it. This latter, -indeed, was the subject of very angry comment at the time on the part -of Englishmen resident in the States. It certainly seemed strange, -and passing all comprehension, that the United States Government, -although in full possession of the facts, and quite peaceful in its -relations with England, could have permitted the organisation of a -raid upon a portion of English possessions without movement or demur -on their part of any kind whatever. Yet such is the deplorable fact. -From the commencement of the preparations till five days after the -Fenians had crossed at Black Rock, the government of President Andrew -Johnson did nothing whatever to prevent this band of marauders from -carrying out their much-talked-of invasion. - -Let it not be thought that I exaggerate or draw on my imagination. I -do not. If evidence in support of my statement be needed, it is to be -found in the speeches made from public platforms, in open meetings, -fully reported throughout the country at the time. - -It was during this period that I was brought into close acquaintance -with Fenianism and its workings. Strangely enough, it was my -army associations which formed the medium. Through an old -companion-in-arms, the man O’Neill mentioned above, by whose side I -had served and fought, I learnt, at first casually, and in broken -conversation, what was transpiring in the circles of the conspiracy. -Indignant as I was at learning what was being done against the -interest of my native country, I knew not how to circumvent the -operations of the conspirators, and did nothing publicly in the -matter. Without my own knowledge, however, I was to become one of the -instruments for upsetting all these schemes. Writing as I regularly -did to my father, I mentioned simply by way of startling news the -facts I learned from O’Neill. My letters, written in the careless -spirit of a wanderer’s notes, were destined to become political -despatches of an important character. Without reference to me, -my father made immediate and effective use of them. Startled and -dismayed at the tidings I conveyed, he, true Briton that he was, -could not keep the information to himself, but handed over my letters -immediately to John Gurdon Rebow, the sitting member for Colchester. - -Mr. Rebow, fully concurring with my father as to the importance of -my news, proposed that he should, without delay, communicate with -the Government of the day, to which my father agreed. In this way my -first connection with the Government was brought about. So keenly -alive to the position of affairs did the Home Secretary show himself, -that he, as I learnt subsequently, in the most earnest way requested -my father to correspond with me on the subject, and to arrange for my -transmitting through him to the Government every detail with which I -could become acquainted. This I did, and continued so doing until the -raid into Canada had been attempted, and attended with failure. - - - - -V. - - -Before proceeding further, I had perhaps better give some idea of -what the raid was like. The details should prove of interest, if -for no other purpose than that of contrast with those of the second -attempted invasion, of which I shall have to speak more fully later -on. This, which was the first invasion of Canada by the Fenian -organisation, took place upon the morning of the 1st of June 1866. -As I have already stated, the design had been flourished in the face -of government and people for six months previously. All this time -active preparations were proceeding, and thousands of stands of arms, -together with millions of rounds of ammunition, had been purchased -from the United States Government and located at different points -along the Canadian border; while during the spring of the year, -military companies, armed and uniformed as Irish Fenian soldiers, -were drilled week by week in many of the large cities of the United -States. - -No opposition was offered to the proceedings; indeed, John F. -Finerty, the editor of the _Chicago Citizen_, in a public speech -made by him at Chicago so late as February 5, 1886, declared with -great glee that Andrew Johnson, the then President of the United -States, openly encouraged the movement for the purpose of turning -it to political account in the settlement of the Alabama claims. Be -the blame whose it may, however, the result was not unsatisfactory. -The attempt proved a complete failure. The Fenians were driven out -of Canada, sixty of them killed and two hundred taken prisoners, -with the loss of but six lives in the Canadian ranks. All the same, -however, the unsatisfactory condition of things I speak of existed, -while, to make matters worse, not a single one of the defeated -invaders was called to account by the United States for the violation -of the Neutrality Laws. - -The whole affair, viewed from any but an imaginative Fenian -standpoint, was of a ludicrous character. The time for the operation -was chosen by the Fenian Secretary for War, General T. W. Sweeny, -then commanding the 16th United States Infantry stationed at -Nashville, Tennessee. A particular route had been selected, but when -the amount of funds came to be questioned, the original idea of -carrying the men by steamer to Goodrich, Canada, had to be abandoned -for the less romantic but more economical process of crossing the -Niagara River in flat boats with a steam tug called into requisition. -Under the command of General John O’Neill, and a number of other -gentlemen of high-sounding ranks, and distinctly Irish patronymics, -the raid actually came off on the morning of the 1st of June, when -about 3 A.M. some 600 or 800 Irish patriots, full of whisky and -thirsting for glory, were quietly towed across the Niagara River to a -point on the Canadian side called Waterloo! - -At 4 A.M. the Irish flag was planted on British soil by Colonel Owen -Starr, commanding the contingent from Kentucky, one of the first to -land. Unfortunately no Canadian troops were in the vicinity, and -O’Neill’s command, which had by the next day decreased to some 500, -marched upon and captured Fort Erie, containing a small detachment of -the Welland battery. Matters, however, were not long allowed to go in -favour of the invaders. In a very little time the 22nd Battalion of -Volunteers of Toronto—a splendid band of citizen-soldiers—appeared -upon the scene, and at Ridgeway, a few miles inland, there occurred -a fair stand-up fight, in which the Fenians in the end got the worst -of the day’s work. Ridgeway has frequently since been claimed by the -Fenian orators as a glorious victory, but without justification. It -is true that at first, flushed with their almost bloodless victory at -Fort Erie, the Fenians advanced fiercely upon their opponents, and -for the moment repulsed them; but in the end the Canadians triumphed, -and succeeded in putting the invaders to flight, driving them back -to Fort Erie a frenzied, ungovernable mob, only too thankful to be -taken as prisoners by the United States war steamer _Michigan_, and -protected from total annihilation at the hands of the, by this time, -thoroughly aroused and wrathful Canadian citizens. - -The following extracts from the official report made by General -O’Neill to Colonel William R. Roberts, President of the Fenian -Brotherhood, though very highly coloured, admits the defeat:— - - “Here truth compels me to make an admission I would fain have kept - from the public. Some of the men who crossed over with us the night - before (_i.e._, the morning of the 1st of June) managed to leave - the command during the day, and re-crossed to Buffalo, while others - remained in houses around the fort marauding. (Real Irish patriots - these!) This I record to their lasting disgrace. - - “On account of this shameful desertion, and the fact that arms had - been sent out for 800 men, I had to destroy 300 stand to prevent - them from falling into the hands of the enemy.... - - “At this time I could not depend upon more than 500 men, one-tenth - of the reputed number of the enemy, which I knew was surrounding - me—rather a critical position. - - “Thus situated, and not knowing what was going on elsewhere, - I decided that the best course was to return to Fort Erie and - ascertain if crossings had been made at other points; and, if so, I - was content to sacrifice myself and my noble little command for the - sake of leaving the way open. - - “I returned to the old fort (Erie), and about six o’clock sent word - to Captain W. J. Hynes, and his friends at Buffalo, that the enemy - would surround me with 5000 men before morning, fully provided - with artillery; that my little command, which had by this time - considerably decreased, could not hold out long; but that, if a - movement was going on elsewhere, I was perfectly willing to make - the old fort a slaughter-pen, which I knew would be the case the - next day if I remained. - - “Previous to this time, some of the officers and men, realising the - danger of their position, availed themselves of the small boats - and re-crossed the river; but the greater portion of them—317, - including officers—remained until 2 A.M., June 3rd, when all, - except a few wounded men, went safely on board a large scow - attached to a tug-boat, and were hauled into American waters. - - “Here they were hailed by the United States steamer, which fired - across their bows and demanded their surrender. With this request - we complied, not because we feared the twelve-pounders or the still - more powerful guns of the _Michigan_, but because we respected the - authority of the United States.”!!! - -Thus fought the Irish patriots of 1866. Thus ended the first Fenian -raid upon Canada. Not a glorious achievement, by any means. Quite -the reverse, in fact. Even the leader of the expedition himself has -to subscribe to failure and defeat. And yet there have been, and are -to-day, men who boast of all this as a glorious victory, and proudly -vaunt the statement that they were present at and participated in it. - -Lucky it was that the movement was thus defeated at its very start. -If it had not, the consequences might have been very different -indeed. The news of the temporary victory at Fort Erie had a -wonderful effect, and by the 7th of June not less than 30,000 men -had assembled in and around Buffalo. The defeat of their comrades, -however, and the tardy issue of Andrew Johnson’s proclamation -enforcing the Neutrality Laws, left them no opening, and so the whole -affair fizzled out in the most undignified manner. Undignified indeed -it was for all parties concerned. The prisoners were, without a -single exception, released on their own recognisances, and sent home -by the United States authorities; while the arms seized by the United -States Government, through General Meade, commanding in Buffalo, were -returned to the Fenian organisation, only to be used for the same -purpose some four years later. - - - - -VI. - - -Meantime the conditions of peace, in purely American matters, had set -in, and the army was reduced to a nominal footing. I took advantage -of the state of affairs to settle down to a civilian style of life. -The first question that called for thought and care was my future -vocation in life. The father of a family, it became necessary for -me to look out for some means of obtaining a settled income. Acting -under the advice of an old comrade, now a Senator of Illinois, -I finally determined to study medicine, and set to work in this -direction without delay. - -While so engaged, I paid my first visit to Europe in the autumn -or “fall” of 1867, and once more met my father and mother in the -flesh. My letters regarding Fenian matters were naturally a topic of -interesting conversation between us, and my father with much pride -showed me the written acknowledgments he had received for his action -in the matter. Poor old father! Never was Briton prouder than he of -the service he had been enabled to do his country—services unpaid -and as purely patriotic as ever Englishman rendered. No payment was -ever made—none was asked or expected—for whatever little good I had -been enabled to accomplish up to this time. Matters, however, were -now to develop in a new and unexpected way. Mr. Rebow expressed a -desire to see me, and, accompanied by my father, I visited him at his -seat, Wyvenhoe Park. He subsequently visited me on several occasions -at my father’s house, and had many chats on the all-absorbing topic -of Fenianism. Learning from me that the organisation was still -prosperous and meant mischief—my friend O’Neill having succeeded -Colonel Roberts as president—he gained my consent to enter into -personal communication with the English Government. In a few days -I received through him an official communication requesting me to -attend at 50 Harley Street. To Harley Street I went, and there met -two officials, by whom a proposition was made that I should become -a paid agent of the Government, and that on my return to the United -States I should ally myself to the Fenian organisation, in order to -play the _rôle_ of spy in the rebel ranks. I knew that this proposal -was coming. I had thought over the whole matter carefully, and I -had come to the conclusion that I would consent, which I did. My -adventurous nature prompted me to sympathy with the idea; my British -instincts made me a willing worker from a sense of right, and my past -success promised good things for the future. - -I returned, therefore, to the States in the Government service; -and, taking advantage of an early meeting with O’Neill in New York, -I proffered him my services as a military man in case of active -warfare. O’Neill, delighted at the idea, promised me a position in -the near future, and I returned to my home in the West, pledged to -help the cause there meantime.[1] - -And now a few words as to O’Neill. Taking the prominent part he -did in Fenian affairs at this time, he certainly proved a very -interesting personality. General O’Neill, Irish by birth, was born -on the 8th of March 1834, in the town of Drumgallon, parish of -Clontifret, Co. Monaghan. He emigrated when young with his family to -the United States, and settled at Elizabeth, New Jersey. Enlisting in -the 2nd U.S. Cavalry as a private soldier in 1857, he was engaged -in fighting Indians in the Far West for some three years. Upon -the breaking out of the War of the Rebellion, he was commissioned -as lieutenant in the 5th Indiana Cavalry. From this he received -promotion in the 15th U.S. Coloured Infantry, with which regiment -he continued to the end of the war. Resigning his command at the -conclusion of hostilities, he commenced business as a United States -Claim Agent in Nashville, Tennessee, where, it will be remembered, I -was stationed with my regiment for a long time after the cessation of -active operations. - -When freed from the discipline of his military service, -O’Neill—ardent Fenian that he was—threw himself heart and soul -into the Irish rebel movement in the States. He raised and commanded -the Tennessee contingent in the movement upon Canada in 1866, taking -command of the entire expedition by reason of his seniority of rank -and his proved knowledge of military tactics. I have already quoted -his report of the termination of this “invasion.” - -At the Cleveland Convention of September 1867, he was elected a -senator of the Fenian Brotherhood; and on the 31st of December 1867, -owing to the resignation of Colonel W. R. Roberts, he was elected -President of the Brotherhood. - -In personal appearance O’Neill was a very fine-looking man. Nature -had dealt kindly with him. Within a couple of inches of six feet in -height, possessing a fine physique and a distinctive Celtic face, he -combined an undoubted military bearing with a rich sonorous voice, -which lent to his presence a certain persuasive charm. He had one -fault, however—a fault which developed to the extremest point when -he attained the presidency of the Fenian Brotherhood. This was his -egotism. He was the most egotistical soul I ever met in the whole -course of my life. In his belief, the Irish cause lived, moved, and -had its being in John O’Neill; and this absurd self-love contributed -to many disasters, which a more even-headed leader would never have -brought about. - - - - -VII. - - -On my return to my Western home, I lost no time in commencing my -double life. I organised a Fenian “circle” or camp in Lockport, -Illinois, and took the position of “centre” or commander of it, thus -becoming the medium for receiving all official reports and documents -issued by O’Neill, the contents of which documents were, of course, -communicated by me to the Home Government. I went to work with a -will, and was soon in the very thick of the conspiracy, organised -a military company for the Irish Republican Army, and eventually -attended the Springfield Convention in the position of a delegate. - -While so engaged, I entered the Chicago Medical College, and -commenced my medical studies in earnest. I was much assisted in -this direction by the kindly help of an old friend, Dr. Bacon, who -had been attached to my regiment in war times as surgeon. He was -then surgeon to the Illinois State Penitentiary, and through him I -obtained the position created at this time of Hospital Steward, or, -in other words, Resident Medical Officer in that institution. There -was a comfortable salary attached to the office, which I found to be -in every sense a useful post. Although, as matters turned out, I was -only to spend some few months there, I gained even in this short time -a vast amount of experience in almost every branch of medical study. - -Life, indeed, in the Illinois Penitentiary gave me experience in many -ways. It brought me for the first time into direct contact with many -of the evils which then affected official administration. Things, -of course, are different now, though it must be confessed still -anything but perfect; but when compared with the usages of olden -times, the shortcomings of the present system are of no account -whatever. At the time of which I speak, money could accomplish -everything, from the obtaining of luxuries in prison to the purchase -of pardon and freedom itself. Everything connected with the prison -administration was rotten to the core. Corruption was in every place. -The penitentiary contained some fifteen hundred prisoners, and the -whole management of affairs affecting these men was vested in three -Commissioners, as they were styled, whose proceedings were of the -most flagrant and jobbing character. So great did the scandals of -their doings become at one period, that one of the three had to -abscond; but so demoralised was the condition of affairs that no -attempt was made to arrest and bring him back. These three men had -no object save that of gaining money. They were the proprietors of a -general shop inside the prison, from which the prisoners purchased -luxuries at usurious rates; and the work of the prisoners themselves -was let out to contractors, who paid heavily for the privilege of -remaining undisturbed in their monopoly. Everything was turned to -money. In one case I knew of a prisoner, failing to win his cause -on appeal, and having thereby to undergo a period of seven years’ -imprisonment, being offered his release for a sum of 10,000 dollars, -which offer he refused, stating in the most business-like way that -he would only give 7000. This was not considered satisfactory, and so -the negotiations fell through. - -No popular idea of prison life now indulged in at all fits in -with the actual condition of affairs five-and-twenty years ago. -Money was useful for the purpose of commerce in the Commissioners’ -interest, and therefore was allowed free circulation amongst those -confined. Those who could afford it, and whose cases were not finally -decided—appeals were constantly being heard—were allowed to board -at the Governor’s table, to wear their own clothes, and in every -way conduct themselves as if in a private house. In those days the -prisoners were not shaved—they wore their hair and whiskers as they -pleased. Those who could not afford to live the lives of gentlemen -had the store to go to for petty luxuries; and so, no matter how -matters turned, the Commissioners were the gainers. The Governor, or -Warden, as he was called, was their nominee, dependent upon them for -office; and everything was governed by their wishes and desires. - -In such a vast assembly of criminals there were many whose characters -and careers formed subjects for very interesting study to me. I was -fortunate in being connected with the prison at a time when some more -than usually clever and facile scoundrels were temporarily resident -there. Towering head and shoulders over the whole crowd was that king -of forgers, Colonel Cross, perhaps the most daring, successful, and -expert penman of our time. About forty years of age at this period, -a man of fine commanding presence, splendid diction, and gentlemanly -demeanour, Cross attracted me from the first day I was brought into -contact with him. The son of one of the most prominent Episcopalian -clergymen in the United States, he was possessed of a wide classical -education, and discoursed with intelligence and wondrous fluency on -theology, medicine, and every kind of science. - -He was no ordinary criminal. Even in prison he commanded admiration -from his fellows, and I was often amazed to see how respectful were -the salutations accorded him as he moved about. He boasted, I learned -afterwards with truth, that he had never robbed a poor man; and, -strange being that he was, he had borne almost all the cost of the -education of his brother’s children. Indeed, at the time I met him, -he was educating in the most expensive manner a poor little girl -whom, in a moment of generous caprice, he had adopted as his daughter. - -When I was first brought into contact with him, Cross had his -case before the courts on appeal, and, pending the decision, he -was living in the most expensive way in prison, boarding at the -Governor’s table, dressing in the most fashionable way, and smoking -the best of cigars. Having no work to do, he interested himself in -the affairs of his fellow-prisoners; and so clever and capable was -he, and so great a knowledge of law did he possess, that he succeeded -in preparing the cases of many of them for appeal in such a way as to -allow of their regaining their liberty. - -I had not been in the prison very long before he appealed to me to -take him as my assistant in the hospital; and attracted by the man -as I was, I acceded to his request, to discover subsequently that I -had a most valuable attendant, whose knowledge of medicine was both -extensive and practical. - - - - -VIII. - - -The career of Cross would supply material for a most exciting -novel. He always went in for “big things,” as he phrased it. -Nothing troubled him more than the fact that he was then undergoing -punishment for a small affair which he contemptuously referred to -as being too paltry altogether for association with him. Perhaps -the “biggest thing” he ever did was the forgery of a cheque for -£80,000 in Liverpool, and his escape with the booty. Like many -other talented criminals, if he had but turned his ability to -proper account, he would undoubtedly have won a place and name in -the foremost ranks of honest men to-day. He planned his enterprises -with the most consummate care, and worked them out for months before -reaching the final stage. An illustration of his method was very well -afforded by his forgery on the Park National Bank of New York. - -Determining to commit a forgery on this bank, he set to work to -obtain the needful introduction and guarantee for his accomplice, -who should eventually present the forged cheque. He, by the way, -never presented a forged cheque himself—this was always the work -of an accomplice. In order, therefore, to obtain the introduction -to the bank, he opened some business with a certain firm of brokers -in Wall Street who happened to “deposit” at the particular bank in -question. In this way he ran up an account for a respectable sum, -to obtain the repayment for which he one day went to the office in -Wall Street accompanied by one Simmons, the accomplice in the future -forgery. The cheque—a draft for twelve hundred dollars—was duly -drawn, when Cross asked his friend Simmons to go to the bank to cash -it, requesting in a free-and-easy way that the broker might send one -of his clerks with him to identify Simmons, he being a stranger. -No suspicion was indulged in—there was no ground for such, and -the request was willingly complied with. Simmons, coached by Cross -beforehand, had a hundred-dollar bill in his pocket, the use for -which will be apparent in a moment. When the clerk and he reached -the bank, the necessary introduction took place; and in reply to -the usual question how he wished the money, Simmons replied, “In -hundred-dollar bills.” As the clerk counted the notes, Simmons drew -his bill out of his pocket, and mixing all up as he stood aside -to check his payment, he recalled the clerk’s attention by the -announcement that he had given him thirteen instead of twelve bills. -The clerk indignantly protested he had made no mistake. Simmons, -playing the _rôle_ of honest man, became distressed, the manager was -appealed to, one of the notes eventually received back, and Simmons -retired, the recipient of most fulsome thanks, his character and -reputation fully established in the minds of the banking officials. -Of course the clerk was one hundred dollars to the good at the end -of the day, but Simmons’ claim to honesty in no way suffered by the -fact, as no one for a moment thought of a plot. - -Content to lose the hundred-dollar bill, in the promise of things -to come, Cross continued his legitimate traffic with the brokers, -Simmons, on the most friendly terms at the bank, cashing the cheques, -which increased in amount as the time passed. Months had passed, -and nothing of an illegal nature had been attempted, when at the -end of the fifth month a genuine cheque for thirty dollars was by -Cross changed to 30,000, and cashed by Simmons without the slightest -hesitation or suspicion at the bank, both Cross and he escaping with -the booty. - -Many and varied as were Cross’s tricks with his pen, none was more -daring or successful than that which led to his escape from Sing-Sing -Prison, that famous home of criminals in New York. Obtaining through -outside agency a printed and properly headed sheet of note-paper -and envelope from the Governor of the States’ Office at Albany, he -actually forged the order for his own release, had it posted formally -from Albany, and, on its receipt, obtained his freedom without -provoking the slightest suspicion or inquiry. - -I am glad to say that Colonel Cross still lives, and is now working -out an honest existence under another name in the north-west of -America. - -My life at the Illinois Penitentiary was crowded with incidents, -and little leisure was left me. Where real sickness did not exist, -shamming and malingering in their most ingenious phases were -resorted to. I was amazed at the talent brought to bear upon their -attempts to escape work by those with whom I had to deal. Some of -the methods adopted were simply marvellous in their conception and -execution. A more quick-witted lot of men it has never been my fate -to meet. Every twist and turn of daily life was subordinated to the -needs of the trickster, and not one single daily incident seemed to -be without its possibility of application, either to assist in the -attempt to shirk work or to escape from imprisonment altogether. -Nothing in this way impressed me more than the case of a man known as -Joe Devine, an eminent hotel sneak thief, some two-and-thirty years -of age, and of very distinguished appearance. - -It happened that one afternoon about five o’clock a negro prisoner -died of consumption. It was the practice to bury the dead immediately -the coffin was made ready; but, owing to the fact that the coffin in -this case was not ready till after the prison gates had been locked -for the night, the burial had to be postponed till the following -morning. - -Under the circumstances, I arranged that the coffin with the body -enclosed should remain for the night in the prison bath-room. This -Joe Devine of whom I speak happened to be in charge of the bath-room -at this period, and it therefore became his duty to see that proper -arrangements were made for the disposal of the coffin for the night. -Early the next morning, as was customary, Devine and some of his -fellow-prisoners were allowed out of their cells some little time -before the others, in order to prepare the bath-room and other places -for their use. With assistance Devine unscrewed the coffin, took the -dead negro out, and concealed himself in his place, not, however, -before he had worn down the thread of the screws in the lid, so that -they could be thrust out with a heavy push from the inside. The time -for the funeral arrived in due course, and the coffin was removed -in a little cart accompanied by two prisoners whose time was nearly -expired, and who were therefore trusted outside the gates of the -prison (being known by the name of “trusties”), together with the -clergyman of the jail. - -Nothing happened till the grave was reached, when Devine, presumably -concluding that it would be dangerous to remain longer where he was, -burst the lid of the coffin and jumped out, immediately starting off -at a run. The clergyman and “trusties” being too horrified to offer -any resistance, he escaped without molestation. The first I heard of -the matter was on the return of the clergyman and the “trusties” with -the news that the man had come to life; but, as they explained in -their horrified way, he was white, not a nigger! The roll was called, -and Devine was missing; so we concluded he was the white man in -question. We then set to work to find the corpse of the poor negro. -For two hours the prisoners searched up and down without any result. -Eventually, however, the body was discovered underneath a pile of -towels in one of the box-seats of the bath-room, the corpse being -doubled up in two, the head and feet meeting, in order to permit of -its being concealed in its narrow hiding-place. - -Another escape equally effective, for the moment at least, was that -of a man known as Bill Forester, a notorious bank robber, and one -of the suspected murderers of Nathan the Jew, whose death in New -York created a profound interest at the time. Forester, fortunately -for himself, selected as his medium of exit one of the many boxes -employed by Mack & Co., contractors for shoe-making, who employed -some four hundred of the convicts. Surrounded and hedged in between -boots and shoes, in one of the large boxes used for their transport, -Forester passed through the prison gates in one of Mack’s vans, -and not till he had got a distance of a mile and a half from the -jail did he venture to emerge from his hiding-place. His liberty, -however, proved to be only of a temporary character, for, caught -in another State a little later, the enterprising burglar was again -arrested, and carried back to the Penitentiary to complete his term -of imprisonment. - -His method had many imitations. None was more novel or disastrous -than that employed by a fellow-convict whose name I cannot at the -moment recall. This poor fellow hit upon the ingenious idea of -getting out of durance vile inside a load of horse-manure, and when -the load was half-way packed, he lay at full length with a breathing -space arranged, while the remainder of the loading was completed. His -intention, of course, was to be freed from his uncomfortable position -within an hour, when the manure would be discharged at the quay -adjoining the prison. To his horror, however, he discovered, when the -cart reached the quay, that a gang of fellow-convicts were engaged -unloading a boat under the charge of armed wardens or sentries. To -attempt escape meant instant death, and there he lay for hours with -the heavy weight of the upper portion of the cart’s load pressing -upon him. Six o’clock came and with it the return of the men and -sentries to prison. Through the long weary hours of the night the -poor fellow lay, unable now to move from the consequences of his -continued prostration in the manure; and when the morning arrived he -was found but too willing a captive. He was immediately placed under -my charge, but his recovery proved by no means a rapid affair. - - - - -IX. - - -In the midst of all these exciting incidents of prison life, I -received a telegram from O’Neill in New York, as follows: “Come -at once, you are needed for work.” To comply was to surrender my -pleasant and interesting position, and to lose for the moment all -chance of pursuing my medical study. On the other hand, however, the -opportunity of doing good service to my native land presented itself. -I did not hesitate. Communicating immediately with the “Warden” or -Governor, I resigned my position, much to his disgust. He sought an -explanation. I could give none. He offered an increased salary. I was -unable to explain why even this could not tempt me, and so I left in -a way which was misunderstood, and under circumstances which, by the -very reason for their existence, could not be appreciated. - -Hurrying to New York, I soon presented myself in person to O’Neill -at the headquarters of the Fenian Brotherhood, then situated in the -mansion at 10 West Fourth Street. Here I found the President of the -Brotherhood, surrounded by his staff of officials, transacting the -duties of their various positions with all the pomp and ceremony -usually associated with the representatives of the greatest nations -on earth. I was not long left in suspense as to what was required of -me. Commissioned at the very outset as Major and Military Organiser -of the Irish Republican Army (at a salary of sixty dollars per month, -with seven dollars per day expenses), I was instructed to proceed -to the Eastern States in company with a civil organiser, in order -to visit and reorganise the different military bodies attached to -the rebel society. To my unhappy amazement, I learned that I was, -while engaged on this work, to address public meetings in support of -the cause, and my miserable feelings were accentuated by O’Neill’s -desire that I should accompany him, the very evening of my arrival, -to a large demonstration being held at Williamsburg, a suburb of -Brooklyn. I was in a regular mess, for if called on to speak—as I -feared—I should be found absolutely ignorant of Irish affairs. There -was nothing for it, however, but to keep a brave face, for I had -undertaken my work, and in its lexicon there was no such word as fail. - -[Illustration: (Commission as Major)] - -The evening came, and with it our trip to Williamsburg. On arrival -there, in the company of O’Neill and some brother officers, I found -several thousands of persons assembled. We were greeted with the -greatest enthusiasm, and given the seats of honour to the right and -left of the chairman. My position was a very unhappy one. I was -in a state of excessive excitement, for I greatly feared what was -coming. Seated as I was next to O’Neill, I could hear him tell the -chairman on whom to call, and how to describe the speakers; and, -as each pause took place between the speeches, I hung with nervous -dread on O’Neill’s words, fearing my name would be the next. The -meeting proceeded apace; some four or five of my companions had -already spoken, and I was beginning to think that, after all, the -evil hour was postponed, and that for this night at least I was -safe. Not so, however. All but O’Neill and myself had spoken, when, -to my painful surprise, I heard the General call upon the chairman -to announce Major Le Caron. The moment was fraught with danger; my -pulses throbbed with maddening sensation; my heart seemed to stop its -beating; my brain was on fire, and failure stared me in the face. -With an almost superhuman effort I collected myself, and as the -chairman announced me as Major M‘Caron, tickled by the error into -which he had fallen, and the vast cheat I was playing upon the whole -of them, I rose equal to the occasion, to be received with the most -enthusiastic of plaudits. - -The hour was very late, and I took advantage of the circumstance. -Proud and happy as I was at being with them that evening, and -taking part in such a magnificent demonstration, they could not, -I said, expect me to detain them long at so advanced an hour. All -had been said that could be said upon the subject nearest and -dearest to their hearts. (Applause.) If what I had experienced that -night was indicative of the spirit of patriotism of the Irish in -America—(tremendous cheering)—then indeed there could be no fears -for the result. (Renewed plaudits.) And now I would sit down. They -were all impatiently waiting, I knew, to hear the stirring words -of the gallant hero of Ridgeway, General O’Neill—(thunders of -applause)—and I would, in conclusion, simply beg of them as lovers -of liberty and motherland—(excited cheering)—to place at the -disposal of General O’Neill the means (cash) necessary to carry out -the great work on which he was engaged. This work, I was confident, -would result in the success of our holy cause, and the liberation of -dear old Ireland from the thraldom of the tyrant’s rule, which had -blighted and ruined her for seven hundred years. - -These last words worked my hearers up to the highest pitch of -enthusiasm, and amidst their excited shouts and cheers I resumed my -seat, with the comforting reflection that if it took so little as -this to arouse the Irish people, I could play my _rôle_ with but -little difficulty. And as time passed on, and my experience widened, -the justice of the reflection was fully assured. With a little -practice and scarce any labour, save that necessitated by the use -of a pair of scissors and some paste, I succeeded in hoodwinking -the poor and deluded, together with the unprincipled, blatant, -professional Irish patriots. - -Before, however, starting on my travels as organiser, I had an -experience which went far to justify all I had previously thought and -heard as regards the part played by Andrew Johnson in connection -with the first Canadian raid. I recall the incident as important, -as showing to what extremes American political exigencies have -carried men in catering for the Irish vote in America. About American -politics generally I shall have something to say later on; but as -this matter fits in chronologically here, I think it better to deal -with it now. Johnson, it must be remembered, was not by any means -a man above suspicion. In 1868, so great was the disaffection with -his administration of the Presidency, that he was impeached, though -unsuccessfully, by the Senate. - -[Illustration: ALEXANDER SULLIVAN] - -It was in this year—1868—that, at O’Neill’s request, I accompanied -him to the White House to have an interview with Johnson. O’Neill -and he had been personal friends from ’62, when Johnson had acted as -Military Governor in Tennessee. The precise object of our visit was -the securing of Johnson’s influence in the return of the arms to the -Fenian Brotherhood, previously seized by the American Government. It -will be remembered that I mentioned, some pages back, that every gun -taken by the United States Government, after the first raid in 1866, -was returned to the Fenian organisation by this government under a -promise, only made to be broken, that they should not be used in -any unlawful enterprise; and in consideration of certain worthless -bonds. - -Our reception at the White House was a cordial one, O’Neill’s -distinctly so. During the conversation the President used some -remarkable words. So strange did they sound in my ears, that they -impressed themselves upon my memory, and are even now fresh in my -recollection. - -“General,” said Johnson, addressing O’Neill, “your people unfairly -blame me a good deal for the part I took in stopping your first -movement. Now I want you to understand that my sympathies are -entirely with you, and anything which lies in my power I am willing -to do to assist you. But you must remember that I gave you five full -days before issuing any proclamation stopping you. What, in God’s -name, more did you want? If you could not get there in five days, -by God, you could never get there; and then, as President, I was -compelled to enforce the Neutrality Laws, or be denounced on every -side.” - -Such was the language used, such the position assumed, and such the -apology tendered to the Fenian leader of 1868 by the President of the -United States Government. Can any comment of mine point the moral and -adorn the tale of all this better than the incident itself can do -when left in its naked and startling significance? I think not. - - - - -X. - - -I entered with a will upon my duties as travelling organiser, and -was alike successful in winning the confidence of almost every -Fenian with whom I was brought into contact, and in obtaining the -most important information and details for the Home Government. -Matters had meantime proceeded apace, so that when the Philadelphia -Convention of 1868 was held, O’Neill’s determination to invade Canada -a second time was ratified without a dissentient voice. I was now -promoted to the rank of Inspector-General, and was from time to time -sent along the Canadian border to locate the arms and ammunition. -The situation was becoming critical where British interests were -concerned; and, in order to grapple with the pressure of the -moment, I was placed in direct communication with Lord Monck, then -Governor-General of Canada. I paid a visit to Ottawa, and when there, -planned a system of daily communication with the Chief Commissioner -of Police in Canada, Judge J. G. M‘Micken, with whom, from this date -to the total disruption of the Fenian organisation in 1870, I acted -in concert and in the most perfect harmony. - -I cannot speak too highly of the treatment I received at Judge -M‘Micken’s hands. Comparatively young in years as I was then, -distinctly youthful in Secret Service experience, I found him ever -ready and willing to help me, meeting me at a moment’s notice, -placing everything at my disposal, and watching over my safety and -my interests with a fatherly care which I shall ever recall with -thoughts of the keenest appreciation. Equally pleasant and agreeable -was my connection with the Home Government. Many changes had taken -place since my visit to England, and those with whom I had first -had communication had disappeared from this work to give place to -Mr. Anderson, with whom alone I had to deal from this time forward. -I shall have a good deal to say about Mr. Anderson further on, and -therefore I shall only delay here to repeat what I have said above, -that with England as with Canada my connection was of the most -satisfactory and pleasant character. - - - - -XI. - - -It was during the autumn of 1868 that, in the course of my travels -on behalf of the organisation, I first met Alexander Sullivan. -Alexander Sullivan is a well-known man to-day, but if by any chance -his identity has to be marked, little else need be mentioned beyond -the words, “The Cronin affair.” He was a young man then, but then as -now he was the same Alexander Sullivan, clever, unscrupulous, careful -only of himself, subordinating everything to his personal ambition, -using Irish politics as a stepping-stone to advancement in American -affairs, and reckless who or what suffered if but he did succeed. - -The “Arch Fiend” of Irish-American politics, as he has been dubbed, -and the alleged chief conspirator in the brutal murder of Dr. Cronin, -is no ordinary man; he is an individual with a history, and that not -by any means a creditable one. The son of a British pensioner, born -in Canada some forty-five years ago, he left that country under a -cloud, and settled down in Detroit, where he started a boot-and-shoe -store in the Bresler Block, Michigan Avenue. On the night of the 12th -May 1868 a fire totally destroyed his shop and its contents. The -occurrence had its suspicious features, and Sullivan was arrested -on a charge of arson. Although the over-insurance of his goods and -other questionable proceedings were proved at the trial, he gained -his liberty through an alibi, sustained by the evidence of Margaret -Buchanan, a teacher in the public school of Detroit, who afterwards -became his wife. A man, as I have said, of stirring ambition, he had -from the outset of his career in Detroit taken a prominent part in -political affairs, and his status as an Irish leader (he was then a -State “Centre” for Michigan) lent his position and views a certain -importance. He took an active part in the then pending national -campaign upon the side and in the interests of General Grant and -Schyler Colfax, who in that year were nominated as the respective -Republican candidates for President and Vice-President of the -republic. - -It was at this time that Sullivan commenced his political tricks -in the manipulation of the Irish vote in American party interests, -and it was in consequence of his action in this respect that I was -first brought into contact with him. Previous to this date, the Irish -vote had been almost exclusively Democratic; but, from the loud and -frequent complaints which reached headquarters, Sullivan was found to -be using his influence in the organisation for political purposes, -and seeking to bring about a change of policy in the organisation -itself, which threatened a serious schism amongst our members. - -I was despatched by the President to Detroit in order to investigate -the case, and if possible settle the difficulty. I found ample proof -of Sullivan’s guilt of the charges alleged against him, and, after -repeated interviews between us, he agreed that the best thing he -could do would be to hand in his resignation as State “Centre” of -the Brotherhood, which he accordingly did. My intercourse with him -at this time left no doubt on my mind as to his great ability. His -line of defence was an exceedingly clever one, and is well worth -recording here, as showing how in these early days Sullivan had -carefully mapped out his policy in regard to Irish affairs, and their -connection with American matters. He contended that, in all he had -done, he had had the best interests of Ireland at heart. He did not, -he said, consider that the Irish people in America had ever occupied -the position in the body politic to which they were fairly entitled. -The Irish vote, argued he, had been hitherto solidly cast for the -Democratic party. Only a division of that vote would cause them to be -a potent power in politics. With that position and influence to which -they were entitled assured to them, they could make terms with the -American Government for the cause of Ireland. - -The history of the past twenty years shows how cleverly Sullivan -worked out these views of his, and gained acceptance for them at the -hands of his fellow-patriots. The pity of it is, however, that in -the result Ireland has gained not at all, while Irish patriots like -Sullivan and Egan have filled their pockets and reaped their harvests -in Chili and elsewhere. - -Sullivan’s immediate reward was his appointment as United States -Collector of Internal Revenue at Santa Fé, New Mexico. His -resignation of his official position in the Brotherhood had come too -late; his work bore fruit in the Presidential election, the vote was -split, and so he earned his wage. It is worthy of note that this was -the first time the Irish vote was split, and that Sullivan was the -primary cause of it. Ever since the vote has so remained, to the -advantage of the Irish leaders of both sides, who, in the scramble -for office, barter the adhesion of their followers in the public -market-place. - -Santa Fé, however, did not hold Sullivan long. His shady methods -compelled him to make an inglorious exit; and so he was to be -found in the year 1873 working with his wife, _née_ Buchanan, in a -reporting capacity on Chicago newspapers. - -Here for the present, however, I must leave Sullivan. I have dealt -thus fully with the man at this early stage, because of the strange -influence he from this time forth wielded over Irish politics in -America; and in order to properly represent his character, I have -somewhat anticipated events in his life which are far ahead of the -time with which I am at present dealing. I have done so advisedly, -for Sullivan will play a large part in the chapters to which I must -now proceed. Where his personality will not thrust itself upon the -scene, his shadow will darken every act and incident. From this -time onward, for a period of twenty years, I used the man as my -dupe. Feeding his vanity, assisting his ambition, helping him in the -hundred and odd ways in which it was possible for me to do, I gained -his friendship and his confidence to such an extent, that no man in -the whole course of my career in the Secret Service proved a more -valuable, albeit an unconscious, ally than he. - - - - -XII. - - -Before continuing my narrative, I will stop to relate one of the -few cases in which I was forced into a very narrow place, and faced -with the near possibility of complete exposure. The incident is -useful as illustrating the dangers by which I was surrounded, and -the requirements of the position in which I was placed. At a council -of war held in Troy House, Troy, New York, in the month of November -1868, I came in contact with John Roche, well known as one of the -shining lights of Irish nationality in that city. Roche was one -of those hypercritical and over-suspicious individuals who were -constantly recognising British detectives in every stranger whom they -met. He had been, I discovered, originally a resident of Montreal, -and as I had been instructed by O’Neill to visit and study the -enemy’s country, I indicated to Roche my desire of ascertaining the -names of a few reliable brothers whom I could visit. The truth was -that the Canadian Government were at this time particularly anxious -to find out the extent of the organisation which they knew existed -in several of their large cities, notably Montreal, Kingstown, and -Toronto; and I thought this a good opportunity of getting some useful -hints. - -Roche furnished me with the names of several leading members. -Unluckily for me, I foolishly wrote the particulars down in a -note-book in his presence. The act, in his opinion, was a suspicious -one. He watched me closely, and evidently conceived the idea that -my patriotism was of a very incautious character, if not worse. On -the eighth of the following month, at the Annual Convention held in -the Masonic Hall, Philadelphia, to which he was a delegate, I found -his suspicions solidified in the form of a set of charges against -me, imputing carelessness, dangerous conduct, and suspicious acts. -My friends, and they were legion, together with myself, indignantly -denied the allegations, and virtuously demanded an inquiry, which -was granted, and a committee was appointed to lay the charges. -Roche was duly heard, injured innocence was largely _en evidence_ -on my part, and very quickly a unanimous verdict was reported back -to the Convention, asserting that the charges were scandalous and -without the slightest foundation, it being fully demonstrated by the -following letter that I was authorised to visit and acquaint myself -with the other side, as I represented to Roche:— - - “HEAD-QUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, - “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET, - “NEW YORK, _October 23, 1868_. - - “P. O. BOX 5141. - “HENRY LE CARON, - “Care of Capt. T. O’Hagan, - “Ogdensburg, N.Y. - - “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—Yours of the 20th and 21st came duly to - hand and are perfectly satisfactory. - - “I think it better not to commence equalising goods just yet; I - will write you again on the matter. - - “It would be highly beneficial to us for you to avail yourself of - every opportunity to study the country on both sides of the line - for future emergencies. - - “Everything here is going on satisfactorily. - - “Yours fraternally, - “JOHN O’NEILL, - “_Pres. F.B._” - -I did not, however, deem it prudent to let matters rest even here, -feeling that my ultimate success in the interests of the Government -depended upon absolute confidence on the part of the ruling powers. -Accordingly I sat down and immediately wrote out my resignation as an -officer of the Irish Republican Army, giving this want of confidence -as my reason, and couching my letter in indignant terms. As I hoped -and anticipated, my letter brought the following welcome response, -which placed me on a surer footing than ever, and brought me into -even more confidential relations with the head of the organisation -than I had hitherto enjoyed:— - - “WAR DEPARTMENT, FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, - “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET, - “NEW YORK, _December 29, 1868_. - - “P. O. Box 5141, - “Major H. LE CARON, - “Box 1004, - “Chicago, Ill. - - “MAJOR,—Your letter tendering your resignation as an officer of - the I.R.A. came duly to hand, but I delayed answering until such - time as I could submit it to the President, who was out of town, - as without his instructions I could give you nothing definite in - reply. He now directs me to say that it is his wish you should - remain an officer of the organisation, and that if you require a - leave of absence for a month or more, you can have it. He further - says he hopes it will not be long before the opportunity you refer - to may be granted. Your services have been thoroughly appreciated - both by him and the officials of both Departments, civil and - military, therefore you should not notice the inuendoes or taunts - of parties who cannot value your services. If the officers of the - organisation who have been vilified and calumniated were to resign - on that account, some of its best officers would not now be at - their post. The ‘Patriot’s meed is bitter;’ they must bear with - much, even from those who should be the first to defend and sustain - them. - - “Personally, I would advise you to act on the suggestions of the - President, and hope you will. - - “The President will write you in a few days. Whatever course you - may decide upon pursuing in this matter, you shall always carry - with you the best wishes of - - “Your friend and brother, - “J. WHITEHEAD BYRON, - “_Col. & A.A.G., F.B._” - -I got thus safely out of my awkward position, and learnt one good -lesson. I never kept a pocket-book again. - - - - -XIII. - - -The Annual Convention to which I have made reference in connection -with the Roche incident took place in Philadelphia, “the city of -brotherly love,” in the month of December 1868. It was made the -occasion of an immense demonstration, no less than 6000 armed and -uniformed Fenian soldiers parading the streets. The convention itself -was numerically a large one, and was attended by over 400 properly -qualified delegates. The proceedings were of the usual kind. Brag -and bluster were the order of the day. The determination to invade -Canada once more was still upheld by the vote of the assembly, -and the position of O’Neill and his colleagues was as fixed and -satisfactory as ever—that of myself, of course, being included in -this reference. - -The report of the envoy to the sister organisation in Ireland—Daniel -Sullivan, Secretary of Civil Affairs—was an interesting document, -and contained full details of the Clerkenwell Explosion of the -previous year. This was the attempt to blow up Clerkenwell -Prison which Mr. Parnell subsequently described in reply to Mr. -Gladstone—the old Mr. Gladstone, I mean, not the new one—as “a -practical joke.” It was, however, as we in Philadelphia were to -learn, anything but a practical joke. It was rather as cool and -carefully planned a scheme as ever Fenianism indulged in to spite -the British Government. If the attempt failed to accomplish all that -was expected of it, it was yet very fruitful in drawing from Mr. -Gladstone a confession about its effect being “to bring the Irish -question within the range of practical politics,” which has ever -since proved the most effective and popular argument advanced on -behalf of dynamite in the United States. - -About this time, John Boyle O’Reilly, a very well-known Irishman, -late editor of the _Boston Pilot_, a poet and novelist, and author -of a delightfully written novel, “Moondyne,” the material for -which was obtained during his confinement in Australia as a Fenian -prisoner, first arrived in New York, having succeeded in making his -escape from the convict settlement at Freemantle. With his appearance -came the idea of rescuing his fellow-prisoners. The proposal, first -mooted in uncertainty, was eventually taken up with the greatest -enthusiasm, and carried to a most successful conclusion. For the -purpose a whaler was chartered by the organisation and fitted out at -New Bedford, Massachusetts, with the ostensible object of whaling -in the South Seas, but, in reality, for bringing the convicts off -from Australia. The boat was partially manned by trusted men of the -organisation, though, to keep up the deception, a certain number -of well-known whalers’ men went to make up the crew. On arrival -at Australia, some of the most trusted Fenians were landed with -instructions to open up communication with the convicts, while -the vessel cruised about on the high seas. It was not anticipated -that the task set the men left on shore would be a difficult one, -because the convicts were hired out as labourers during the day, -and communication with them was not by any means a trying matter. -As affairs turned out, it was quite easy. The men from the whaler, -however, had not been landed more than a day or two, when they found -that they were not the only persons arranging the convicts’ rescue. -Two men—M‘Carthy and Gray—were already at work in this direction, -having been sent out by the Supreme Council of the Fenian Brotherhood -in Ireland, at the instigation, as he claimed to me subsequently, of -Patrick Egan. M‘Carthy and Gray had, it appeared, already established -communications with the convicts; and so, in order to expedite -matters, the two sections of rescuers joined forces. On a given day, -the plot was carried to a successful termination, and the rescued men -were placed on board the whaler, which immediately set out for the -States. Although an armed cruiser was immediately despatched to stop -it, and some firing took place, the whaler succeeded in getting out -of Australian waters and on the high seas in safety. - - - - -XIV. - - -The year 1869 saw O’Neill still at the helm of Fenian affairs, and -large sums of money rolling in to the coffers of the organisation; -although, as always the case with Irish movements, dissensions -reigned within the ranks. The Stephens section, now presided over -by John Savage, who had succeeded John O’Mahony, was constantly -attacking the Senate wing, and many and bitter were the feuds which -raged. In my position as Inspector-General of the Irish Republican -Army, I was fully engaged in my old work of inspecting the companies, -and directing the location of arms along the Canadian country for -coming active operations. In this way I distributed fifteen thousand -stands of arms and almost three million rounds of ammunition in the -care of the many trusted men stationed between Ogdensburg and St. -Albans. Some thousands of these guns were breech-loaders, which had -been re-modelled from United States Government “Springfields” at the -arms factory, leased, and “run” by the organisation at Trenton, New -Jersey. The depôt from which the bulk were packed and shipped was -“Quinn and Nolan’s” of Albany. Quinn was a United States Congressman -and Senator of the Fenian Brotherhood; and Nolan, that very Mayor -Nolan so prominently mentioned by Mr. Parnell in his evidence as -one of the eminently conservative (!) gentlemen who received him in -America. Constantly the recipient of compliments for the admirable -way in which I discharged my duty, I was now promoted to the office -of Assistant Adjutant-General, with the rank of Colonel; and my new -position enabled me not only to become possessed of the originals of -every document, plan of proposed campaign, &c., but also specimens of -the Fenian army commissions and uniforms of the time, which of course -I conveyed to the officials of the Canadian Government. - -Successful as I was in evading detection through all this work, -those assisting me in my Secret Service capacity were not always -destined to share in my good luck. This was particularly the case -on one occasion. I was at the time shipping arms at Malone, N.Y., -and attended, on behalf of the Canadian Government, by one of the -staff of men placed at my disposal for the purposes of immediate -communication and the transit of any documents requiring secrecy -and despatch, as well as for personal protection, should such prove -necessary. This man, John C. Rose, was one of the most faithful and -trusted servants of the Canadian administration, and for months he -followed me along the whole border. Though stopping at the same -hotels, and in constant communication with me, no suspicion was -aroused, until his identity was disclosed by a visitor from the seat -of Government at Ottawa to G. J. Mannix, the head-centre of that -Gibraltar of Fenianism, Malone. Men were immediately set to watch him -without my knowledge, and the fact of his being found always in my -wake on my visits to and return from several towns led to the belief -that he was spying upon my actions. A few nights after this belief -had been formed, poor Rose, on his return from sending a despatch -from the post-office, was waylaid, robbed, and brutally beaten, and -subsequently brought back to the hotel in as sorry a plight as I -ever saw. I was immediately advised by my Fenian friends as to the -dangerous character of this mutual enemy of ours, as he was termed; -and though shocked and embittered by the treatment accorded to the -poor devoted fellow, I had, for politic reasons, to applaud their -cowardly assault, and to denounce my brave friend, who was bearing -all his sufferings in silence and with a splendid spirit. For months -poor Rose was quite prostrated, and through this act of my brother -Fenians, I was deprived of the services and co-operation of as -faithful and capable an ally as ever was given me. - -In the winter of 1869, the Fenian Senate announced the completion of -the arrangements for the invasion; and in the month of December the -Ninth Annual Convention was called in New York. In connection with -this convention, I was called upon to perform a little act which -served to more closely knit the bonds of friendship between O’Neill -and myself, and, if possible, to obtain for me an even larger share -of his confidence than I had hitherto enjoyed. O’Neill, as was -customary in Irish revolutionary circles, had, in his capacity of -leader, been making free with the funds of the organisation. In a -word, he had been spending for personal purposes monies received from -the circles or camps. Professor Brophy, the Treasurer, one of the -few honest deluded Irish patriots of the time, refused to cook the -accounts in order to cover the President’s delinquencies. The books -had to be submitted to the Convention, and O’Neill was in a frightful -difficulty. In his embarrassment he came to me, and, to my surprise, -made a clean breast of the whole matter. The opportunity was too good -a one to be lost. I advanced the money, and took his note of hand, -thus saving his reputation before the Convention. - -Need I say that money was never repaid me. Surely not! The only -memento which I have of my dollars is O’Neill’s note of hand, which, -as a curiosity, I have preserved to this date. It is certainly an -interesting document, so I give it here. - - “NEW YORK, _April 19, 1870_. - - “$364, 41/100. - - “Received from Colonel H. le Caron, three hundred and sixty-four - dollars and 41/100, borrowed money, to be returned whenever - demanded. - - “JOHN O’NEILL. - “_Pres. F.B._” - -A council of war followed, and all was now activity. In view of -active operations in Canada, all monies were called in, and orders -were issued from head-quarters to have in readiness all the military -organisations. The final order was issued in April as follows:— - - “HEAD-QUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, - “NO. 10 WEST FOURTH STREET, - “NEW YORK, _February 10, 1870_. - - “P.O. BOX 5141. - - “_To the Military Officers of the Fenian Brotherhood._ - - “BROTHERS,—You have, no doubt, ere this received general orders - No. 1 from General Michael Kerwin, Secretary of War, F.B. - (head-quarters, No. 50 North 12th Street, Philadelphia, Penna). - _A strict compliance with the requirements thereof is hereby - imperatively demanded._ The success or failure of our holy cause - now depends upon the prompt and energetic performance of the - duties incumbent upon each and all of us, and upon none does the - responsibility rest so heavily as upon the military officers of the - F.B. - - “Brothers, if you be so situated that business or family duties - will prevent you from getting your commands in readiness for - _active and immediate service_, you will please forward your - resignations to the Secretary of War _at once_, and at the same - time send on the names of persons suitable to take your places. If - you are thoroughly in earnest, you will not hesitate to give your - assistance to those who may be appointed to fill the vacancies - created by your voluntary withdrawal from the positions to which - you have been commissioned. - - “Your duty, if circumstances permit, will be to get your men in - readiness at the earliest practicable moment. If you should resign, - this duty will devolve upon your successors. If there are any arms, - ammunition, or military clothing within your knowledge which can - be forwarded to certain points, to be named hereafter, so inform - the Secretary of War, whom you will address in reply to this - circular, and he will, on receipt of your communications, forward - _private instructions_ with regard to your respective commands. - - “Pay no attention to what may appear upon the surface or in - newspapers. We mean fight—speedy fight—_and nothing else, thigin - thu_?[2] - - “Officers receiving copies of Military Oath with this circular will - sign the same in presence of witness, and return to the Secretary - of War. - - “Ascertain and report how many of your men can and will furnish - their own transportation, and in the meantime try and persuade all - of them to save enough for that purpose. Military men should not - forget that the civic circles have supplied the means wherewith - to provide breech-loaders, ammunition, &c. &c. Their liberality - in these regards will, to a limited extent, relieve them from the - responsibility of advancing the means of transportation. They will - not, however, hesitate to co-operate with the military branch of - the F.B. in this matter. - - “_Preserve the utmost secrecy with regard to this circular, and - reply at once._ Delay, and you are guilty of neglect of duty! - - “Yours fraternally, - “JOHN O’NEILL, - “_President Fenian Brotherhood_. - - - “HEAD-QUARTERS, WAR DEPARTMENT, F.B., - “DECKERTOWN, SUSSEX COUNTY, N.J., - “_April 28, 1870_. - - “General Orders. - “No.... - - “Commanding officers of regiments, companies, and detachments will - hold their respective commands in readiness to move at a moment’s - notice. - - “Officers of circles having no military organisations attached - will immediately take the necessary steps to organise the military - of their neighbourhoods, and forward to this office the names of - officers selected, so that they may be commissioned. - - “Commanding officers of companies will get as many men as possible - ready to move at once, leaving to the civic officers the task of - collecting and forwarding—if possible within twenty-four hours - thereafter—those who may not be able to move with the first - detachments. - - “Officers and men must avoid the use of uniforms or any insignia - that would distinguish them. - - “Officers must not be recognised by military titles, and officers - or men must not speak of Fenian matters while _en route_. - - “Take no man who is a loafer or a habitual drunkard. - - “Take no man who has not seen service, or who has not sufficient - character to ensure his good behaviour _en route_ and in presence - of the enemy. - - “Any arms, uniforms, or war material remaining in the hands of - circles _must be immediately_ packed and forwarded to the points - designated in circular of February 19, 1870. - - “Hold no communications with any person not authorised from these - head-quarters. All letters relating to military matters must be - addressed to M. Kerwin, Deckertown, Sussex County, New Jersey. - - “Let no consideration prevent a prompt compliance with this order. - - “M. KERWIN, - “_Brig.-Gen. and Sec. of War_. - - “Approved, - “JOHN O’NEILL, - “_President Fenian Brotherhood_. - - “H. le Caron, - “_Col. and Adj.-General_.” - - - - -XV. - - -At this time I was out West, and receiving a telegram from O’Neill, -directing me to meet him in Buffalo, I hurried thither without -delay. I reached that city only to find that O’Neill had ordered -an immediate movement on Canada, and that, as he phrased it, “no -power on earth could stop it.” This condition of things startled and -surprised me. His determination in the way of immediate action was -opposed to the decision of the last council of war, and my chiefs in -Canada would, I feared, be quite unprepared. I at once telegraphed -the authorities at Ottawa, and was soon in personal communication -with their trusted agents in Buffalo. Fortunately, as matters turned -out, the plan of action was the same as decided upon at the last -council of war, the full details of which the authorities possessed; -and so the situation was not so complex as I had at first feared. - -The next few days were busy ones. All military commanders were -ordered to report at given points with their commands; instructions -were issued for the placement of arms by the following Tuesday, at -rendezvous near the line at Franklin and Malone, and I was appointed -Adjutant-General with the rank of Brigadier-General. We had quick -promotion and brave ranks in the Fenian army! - -On Saturday, April 22, 1870, O’Neill and I left Buffalo for St. -Albans, he full of enthusiasm and the belief that the Canadians -would be taken entirely by surprise, I laughing to myself at his -coming discomfiture. We arrived at Milton, Vermont, at daylight on -the following morning, to find that everything was proceeding most -satisfactorily. Prompt action had been taken by those in charge of -the munitions of war, and by the following Tuesday morning sufficient -war material for our army was ready at the appointed places. - -This second and last invasion of Canada differed in many respects -from that of 1866. Then the raid was loudly advertised for months -before it actually took place. This time everything was different. -Secrecy (as it was supposed) covered every move and intention. Had -not the Canadian authorities been fully advised, the results, under -the circumstances, would have been undoubtedly serious. There was -another important feature about this second raid, and that was its -preparedness. Matters in connection with the first affair had been -of a very happy-go-lucky character. Now the services of a number -of ex-military men of undoubted ability had been secured, and war -material for at least twelve thousand men was actually on the ground. - -O’Neill’s ideas may be set forth in very few words. The chief object -he had in view was to obtain possession of Canada, not as the -permanent seat of an Irish republic, but as the only vulnerable point -of attack—the base for operations against England. His theory was -that the Fenians needed the ports and shipyards of the Dominion from -which they could despatch privateers to prey upon English shipping. -By the possession of territory he anticipated they could claim and -obtain the rights of belligerents from the United States. In this -event he held the promise of many men, eminent on the side of both -North and South during the War of Rebellion, to enroll themselves -under the Irish banner, and to command expeditions which it was -fondly hoped and expected would wrest Ireland from the hands of the -oppressor. - -His plan was to get across the boundary line without delay, and then -to intrench himself at a point where his small contingent would form -the nucleus round which a large army and unlimited support would -rally from the United States. Buffalo, Malone, and Franklin were -the three points from which attacks were to be made. However, “the -best laid schemes of mice and men gang aft aglee.” O’Neill expected -1000 men to meet him at Franklin on the night of Tuesday, April 25, -1870. The history of 1866 repeated itself. As was the case then, -so now, only a quarter of the number presented themselves. By the -following morning only 500 had mustered. Every hour’s delay added -to the danger of failure and collapse; and so he feared to postpone -the arrangements any longer. I viewed the situation with a good deal -of equanimity, for on the previous night all my trusty messengers -had departed, carrying full details as to the time, exact points of -crossing, numbers, place of operations, &c., to the enemy’s lines. - -At eleven o’clock on Wednesday, O’Neill left the Franklin Hotel to -place himself at the head of the Fenian army, not without hope and -confidence, yet struggling with the disappointing fact that one-half -his men had not arrived. His chief anxiety appeared to be that the -Canadians would not give him a chance to fight. He misapprehended the -situation on this score, however, as subsequent events showed. - -Hubbard’s Farm, the Fenian camp and rendezvous, was situated about -half a mile from Franklin, and here all the available “invaders” -were mustered. Arranging them in line, O’Neill addressed them as -follows:— - -“Soldiers, this is the advance-guard of the Irish-American army for -the liberation of Ireland from the yoke of the oppressor. For your -own country you enter that of the enemy. The eyes of your countrymen -are upon you. Forward. March.” - -And march they did, O’Neill, as he departed at their head, -instructing me to bring to his support on their arrival a party of -400 men then _en route_ from St. Albans. - - - - -XVI. - - -Careless of consequences, I waited to see what would happen. As I -stood on the brow of the hill where our company was situated, the -scene was indeed worthy of my study. Ludicrous as were many of the -elements which went to make it up, the charm of nature was superior -to them all, and commanded my tribute of respect and admiration. -Right below me was a pretty valley, down the very centre of which -flowed a little creek marking the boundary of Canadian territory, and -dividing by its narrow course the Canadian from American soil. A soft -pleasant sward sloped gracefully down from where I stood to its bank, -while on the other side there rose in graceful outlines the monarchs -of a Canadian forest, overtopped by a rocky cliff standing out in -bold and picturesque relief. The soft sweet breezes of the spring -morning played upon our faces, while the brilliant sunlight sent its -rays flashing upon our bayonets, and dancing on the waters underneath. - -Nature was in her very best and sweetest mood, and yet little room -for appreciation of her charms existed in the breasts of those who, -sweeping down the valley’s side beneath me, were seeking, in their -own foolish way, to make “Ireland a nation once again.” They were a -funny crowd. All were armed, but few were uniformed. Here and there -a Fenian coat, with its green and grey faced with gold, caught the -eye, but only to stand out in contrast with the surrounding garments -of more sombre hue and everyday appearance. The men marched with -a certain amount of military precision, for all had received some -degree of military training. At last they reached the little wooden -bridge by which the water was crossed, and deploying as skirmishers -in close order, they advanced with fixed bayonets, cheering wildly. -Not a soul appeared in front. The dark Canadian trees hid from their -view the ambushed Canadian volunteers; and, fixed in their belief -that nothing was known of their coming, they advanced in a spirit of -effervescent enthusiasm. But not very far, however. - -A few paces, and on their startled ears came the ringing ping, ping, -of the ambushed rifles, as the Canadians poured a deadly volley -straight into their ranks. Utterly taken aback, they stopped, broke -rank, and fled as in 1866, an ungovernable mob, to return for a -moment in order to pour a volley on their almost invisible enemy, and -to finally retreat up the hill to where I stood, still under the fire -of their adversaries, leaving their dead to be subsequently buried by -the Canadians. - -On the slope of the hill was a large structure known as Richard’s -Farm, to which the invaders retreated and continued their firing, -ineffective as it was. - -Seeing that all was over here, for a time at least, I hurried off -to the point where the St. Albans contingent had by now arrived, -and were arming. The process took some time, and while engaged -in superintending it, I was afforded practical evidence of the -termination of O’Neill’s part in the fight. Standing in the middle -of the public road where the men were forming into line—it was now -half-past one, the “battle” which I have just described having taken -place about 11.30—I was startled by the cry, “Clear the road, clear -the road!” and almost knocked down by a furiously driven team of -horses, to which was attached a covered carriage. As the conveyance -flashed by me, I caught through the carriage window a hurried -glimpse of the dejected face of O’Neill, who was seated between -two men. I understood the situation in a moment, but said nothing. -To have given the command to shoot the horses as they turned an -adjacent corner would have been the work of an instant, but it was -no part of my purpose to restore O’Neill to his command. I learned -subsequently that O’Neill was in the custody of the United States -marshal, General Foster, who, acting with that precision so peculiar -to General Grant’s administration, when contrasted with that of -Andrew Johnson’s, had, in consequence of the information furnished, -arrived on the scene of the battle immediately after I left, and -arrested O’Neill for a breach of the Neutrality Laws. O’Neill, who -was in the company of his comrades, had at first refused submission, -and threatened force, but on General Foster placing a revolver at his -head, he gave in. - -When the news of O’Neill’s arrest reached us later on in the -afternoon, a council of war was held, presided over by John Boyle -O’Reilly, of whom I have already spoken, the council being held in -a meadow, where we all stood in a circle. Contingents were hourly -arriving, and a strong attempt was made to get Boyle O’Reilly to -take command, and lead the attack at some other point, but in the end -nothing was done. - -Next morning, General Spear, the Secretary of War of the Fenian -Brotherhood, arrived at St. Albans, and sought to do something -practical in the way of continuing the invasion. Through his -_aide-de-camp_, Colonel Brown, and subsequently in person, he -appealed to me to supply him with 400 or 500 stands of arms and -ammunition within twenty-four hours. Of course, it would never have -done for me to have allowed further operations, and so I pleaded -it was impossible under the condition of affairs then developed. -Thousands of Canadian troops had arrived on the border, and the arms -being located in places difficult to get at, they were out of reach -for the moment. Luckily for me, the appearance of United States -troops in the vicinity put any further attempt at war operations -out of the question, for in order to avoid arrest for breach of the -Neutrality Laws, the Fenians had to disappear with alacrity. I left -this point with the rest of them, and hurrying to Malone, another -of the places where rendezvous had been arranged, I found a similar -state of things prevailing here, although the arrest of O’Neill, and -the unexpected appearance of the United States troops, filled the -invaders with dismay, and utter demoralisation was the result. - - - - -XVII. - - -On Friday, April 27th, under the excuse that I was going to -Burlington to see about O’Neill, I went round by way of Rouses Point -to Montreal. I was elated with my success, and wanted to report -myself at head-quarters without delay. It would not, however, have -been safe for me to have gone direct to Ottawa, and so I travelled in -a roundabout way. On the Friday night I stopped with Judge Coursel, -the Commissioner of the Quebec police, and the following morning took -train to Ottawa. Before my journey concluded, I found I had been -altogether too premature in my self-congratulations. In fact, that -journey brought me even closer to discovery than I had ever been -before. - -Nothing unusual happened till we got to Cornwall, where there was the -usual half-hour’s delay for dinner. Taking full advantage of it, I -was enjoying a hearty meal, when both my meal and peace of mind were -disturbed by an unlooked-for incident. Struck by an unusual commotion -at the door of the dining-room, I looked round to find advancing -towards me two men, one remarkable for his tall military appearance, -and the other for his clerical attire. All eyes were turned upon -them, and as I ceased eating for the moment to look up, I heard the -clerical-looking person say, as he pointed his finger towards me, -“That is the man.” Advancing, the tall man, who subsequently turned -out to be the mayor of Cornwall, speaking with a Scotch accent, said, -“You are my prisoner,” accompanying the words with a grasp of my -shoulder. I imagined there was some mistake, and laughed as I turned -to resume my dinner, asking at the same time what was the matter. Not -a movement, however, disturbed the solidity of my Scotch friend’s -face as he solemnly repeated the words, “You are my prisoner,” -adding, “you must come with me at once.” - -As I learned subsequently, the priestly looking person was a -wandering preacher, who had happened to be in the vicinity of Malone -when I was locating arms there, and I had been pointed out to him -then as the leading Fenian agent. His memory was a very good one, and -he immediately recognised me when we met again. - -Matters were beginning to look serious; but still I could not -comprehend what all this meant, and being still hungry I said, -“But won’t you let me finish my dinner?” “No,” was the sharp -reply; “come.” “For what reason?” quoth I, indignantly. “Why am I -arrested?” “You are a Fenian,” came the reply, the words falling -clearly and distinctly on the hushed room, where those present began -to show signs of anger and indignation towards me. I hurried out with -my captors, and was taken to a room adjoining the ticket-office, -there to have demanded of me my luggage and my keys, with everything -on my person. I had no luggage save a hand-bag, yet I had with me -documents which would reveal everything, if made public. My position -was dangerous—distinctly dangerous. The prospect before me was -that of disclosure and imprisonment amongst a strange people, where -I had no friend. Prompt action was called for, and so I asked the -mayor for a few minutes’ private conversation. Suspicious, and yet -curious, he brought me into the ticket-office, where we were left -alone. Here I told him the exact situation. It was true, I said, that -I was a Fenian, but also a Government agent. I was even then on my -way to Ottawa to see Judge M‘Micken. To delay or expose me would mean -serious difficulty for the Government. Let him send me on to Ottawa -under guard, if he liked, and then he would prove my statements true. -Did he want immediate proof, then here were my papers, and there a -telegram to Judge M‘Micken, advising him of my coming, which he -himself would despatch. - -My manner must have impressed him, for he decided to adopt my -suggestion, and send me on by the same train in which I had been -travelling (which had not yet gone, all this occupying but a few -minutes), under the escort of a lieutenant who, with his Canadian -regiment, was then returning from the scene of the invasion. -The details of my arrest as a Fenian quickly spread amongst my -fellow-passengers, and travelled before me on the route, and the -reception I met with along my journey was most disagreeable. For -safety’s sake, the lieutenant transferred me to the care of a -sergeant and couple of soldiers, and the carriage in which we -travelled was the sole point of attraction in the train. Crowding -round this carriage, the infuriated Canadians would hiss and hoot -me, while their cries of “Hang him,” “Lynch him,” gave me a very -uncomfortable idea of what would happen to me if left alone amongst -them. So careful were my guardians of me, that they would not even -allow me to have the window raised, so that I might smoke, fearing -that in some way I might take advantage of the open window to escape. -This was really a serious grievance with me, for they could not -possibly have inflicted a greater deprivation than that in the matter -of smoking. All through my life, even down to the present time, I -have been a great smoker, sometimes consuming as many as sixteen -cigars in the day, a statement which will probably puzzle some people -who hold that tobacco ruins the nerves. - -On reaching Prescott Junction, I found that the news of my -capture—of course my name and rank never transpired—had created -such a sensation that a special correspondent of the _Toronto Globe_ -had travelled to meet me, in order to find out who and what I was, -and everything about me. He was doomed to be disappointed, however, -for I could not be got to speak. When, eventually, we arrived at -Ottawa, I found my telegram to Judge M‘Micken had brought his -representative to the station, and by him, myself and my guards were -immediately conveyed to the police-office, where the Commissioner was -awaiting us. Pretty certain of my safety now, I was quite prepared -to smile, and really did laugh when brought into the presence of my -friend the judge. Not so he, however. With proverbial soberness and -solemnity he heard the details of my capture, received possession -of my person, and gave a formal receipt for my custody. Armed with -this, my guardians left, and then the old man’s genial kindly nature -asserted itself. By his instructions I remained in his office till -nightfall, when, in a cab under cover of the darkness, I accompanied -him to the club to take up my quarters there for the night. - -In the club the Fenian prisoner of a few hours previously was made -a most welcome guest, and had an exceedingly good time. My identity -being known to some of the officers who crowded the club-house after -their return from Franklin, I found myself quite the hero of the -hour, and had most interesting chats over the experiences of the -raid on both sides of the fight. Amongst the pleasant people whose -acquaintance I then made was Dr. Grant, the physician to Prince -Arthur, who was in Ottawa at that time. - -With the following day came arrangements for my departure for home, -and it was decided that, in order to avoid travelling over the -same line again, I should be driven during the night to Ann Prior -terminus—a distance of some forty miles from Ottawa—from which -place I could take a branch line to my destination. Fortunate though -I thought myself, my troubles were not at an end. This trip of mine -to Ottawa was a chapter of misfortunes. As I was on the point of -starting, I discovered that I had not sufficient money to bring me -home. Accordingly, Judge M‘Micken had to supply me with the needful -funds. This, however, did not prove by any means an easy thing to -do. A cheque was duly drawn, but of course I could not cash it, -and the judge had to have recourse to a friend. The amount was a -large one—three hundred and fifty dollars—and it was beyond the -resources of the club at the moment. The services of the club porter -therefore had to be utilised for the purpose of obtaining the money. -Here, unknown to us, seed was being sown which was to bear evil -fruit. The porter knew, of course, that I was the Fenian prisoner, -although nothing more; and, gossip that he was, he let out the -secret a little later. It became public property; and the Canadian -press published the fact that an important Fenian had been in Ottawa -immediately after the raid, and received a very large sum of money -from the Government official with whom he was in communication, -adding that the Fenians must have been nicely duped all through. This -was bringing danger very, very near to me again; yet, marvellous -to relate, suspicion never rested upon me in connection with the -paragraph. I drove from Ottawa in the night, got safely home, and was -never troubled further by my eventful visit. But, for a long time, I -treasured very unchristian-like feelings towards that porter. - - - - -XVIII. - - -With the fiasco at Pigeon Hill, and the equally inglorious -termination of the musters at other points of the Canadian border, -there died out altogether the idea of attacking and seizing any -portion of Canada. O’Neill, after some confinement, was brought to -trial, and sentenced to six months’ imprisonment, and the Fenian -organisation literally went to pieces for the time. I had no thought -of its ever reviving again, and so turned my attention once more to -my medical work, which I had had to completely neglect from the time -of my leaving Joliet and attaching myself to O’Neill’s staff. - -I had scarcely resumed my studies, however, when a visit from O’Neill -on his release showed me that there was still some fight left in -himself and his comrades. He came to me as a matter of fact to enlist -my co-operation in some work of a distinctly active character. -In explanation of the position of affairs, he laid before me the -originals of several letters to him from the Rev. W. B. O’Donohoe, -a young priest of Manitoba, who was at the time acting as secretary -for the notorious Riel. The correspondence gave all the details -of a contemplated uprising of the half-breeds in the North-West -against the Dominion authorities, and stated, to my amazement and -disgust, that he—this young priest—had received permission from his -Archbishop—Tasché—to throw off his ecclesiastical garments and take -a part therein. - -In conclusion, O’Neill’s assistance and co-operation in the attempt -was sought, and as he put it, “anything to cripple the enemy” being -his motto, he was only too eager for the fray. He had one great -difficulty, however, and that was the want of arms. Knowing that a -quantity remained in hiding since the second raid, he had sought to -obtain possession of them, but had been referred to me as the person -who had deposited them with their present custodians, and without -whose permission they could not be given up. I cheerfully agreed to -let him have 400 breech-loaders and ammunition, and accompanied him -to the points where they were, for the purpose of their delivery, but -not before I had surreptitiously obtained the use of the documents, -and sent copies to both the Home and Canadian Governments with full -information as to what was _sur le tapis_. - -O’Neill, in company with a trusted confederate, J. J. Donnelly, -fitted out his expedition, and on the 5th day of October 1871, after -crossing the line at Fort Pembina, was arrested with his party, -and all his war material seized, in consequence of the information -supplied by me. Riel, thus deprived of the expected assistance, -surrendered at Fort Garry to Lord Wolseley without firing a shot. -O’Neill and his party having been turned over to the United States -authorities, were, four days afterwards, tried and acquitted. Strange -as it appears, these men, captured on Canadian soil, were, by some -egregious blunder, handed over to the United States authorities, and -by them acquitted on the ludicrous technicality that the offence was -not committed on American, but Canadian soil. - -Subsequently O’Neill came back to me and made my life a burthen. -Discredited and disheartened, he took to drink and went entirely to -the dogs, bringing to the verge of starvation an affectionate but -heart-broken wife, who, once a sister of mercy, had nursed and grown -to love him in a hospital where he was confined, and, disregarding -all her vows, had in the end married him. Drifting slowly downward -through disgrace and drink, O’Neill, the once brilliant, if -egotistical, Irishman met a lone and miserable death. - - - - -XIX. - - -On resuming my studies, I decided to enter the Detroit College of -Medicine, and so, taking my family with me, I settled down there. -There were many reasons for my change of residence, not the least -important of which was that connected with the unpopularity which -I found attached to me in my old home after my return from the -Canadian affair. O’Neill had many opponents, and by these opponents -I was attacked in company with O’Neill, and the others engaged in -the affair, for having ruined the organisation by the premature -“invasion” which had taken place. Therefore, I thought it better to -remove to another quarter where this state of feeling did not exist, -and where my Irish record would be of service to me in the future. As -far as Detroit was concerned, I fixed upon it because of the desire -of Judge M‘Micken that I should become acquainted with, and obtain -as much information as I could about, Mackay Lomasney—whose name -will be familiar in connection with the London Bridge explosion—and -others just settled down there. - -Lomasney was, in the eyes of the authorities, an important man; -and his subsequent career, terminating with the attempt to blow -up London Bridge, in which he lost his own life, fully justified -their estimate. He had been engaged in the ’65 and ’67 movements -in Ireland, had been charged with the murder of a policeman and -acquitted, but sentenced to twelve years’ penal servitude for his -work as a rebel, and, with others whose names will appear later, -had been amnestied in the year 1870. He had now settled down in -Detroit as the proprietor of a book-store; and as he was known to -be a most active revolutionist, much curiosity was felt as to what -he was actually doing. I formed a very pleasant acquaintance with -Mackay Lomasney, and found him a most entertaining man. The future -dynamitard was at this time about twenty-eight years of age. Though -of youthful appearance, his face was a most determined one, and -the way in which it lent itself to disguise truly marvellous. When -covered with the dark bushy hair, of which he had a profusion, it -was one face; when clean-shaven, quite another, and impossible of -recognition. Acting, as he constantly did, as the delegate from the -American section to the Fenians at home, this faculty of disguise -proved of enormous service, and may very well have had disastrous -effects on police vigilance. I have seen Lomasney both shaved, on -his return from Ireland, and unshaved, in his American life; and in -all the men I have ever met, I never saw such a change produced by -so easy a process. I may dismiss Mackay Lomasney from this point -of my story by saying that, beyond his activity in connection with -the establishment of the Irish Confederation, his movements gave -little ground for apprehension, and, as far as the Confederation was -concerned, its development proved of very little account. - -But, if the Confederation was to accomplish little, the men who with -Lomasney took part in its initiation were not without their claims to -attention. Foremost amongst them were two bearing names destined to -be familiar in latter-day politics. These were O’Donovan Rossa and -John Devoy. As both will be found constantly strutting across the -stage of Irish-American affairs from this date, I will pause here to -refer to them in some little detail. - -Jeremiah O’Donovan—the “Rossa” was, he claims, added in early years -as the outward and visible sign of the alleged fact of his being -directly descended from the Princes of Rossa—was, at the time of -his arrival, one of the most popular men amongst the Irish in the -United States. Sentenced to imprisonment for life for taking part -in the ’65 movement, he had, according to general rumour, undergone -the severest of sufferings and indignities in the British dungeons. -A strong current of sympathy set in in his favour in consequence, -and as both in public and private he lost no opportunity of dilating -upon his grievance, the sentiment was in no sense allowed to waver or -grow weak. The man whose name was to be so closely associated with -dynamite and devilry in later years, did not at this time suggest by -his appearance the possession of any undue ferocity. His face, though -determined, was yet not without its kindly aspect, while his love for -the bottle betrayed a jovial rather than a fiendish instinct. His -fierceness, indeed, lay altogether in speech. Voluble and sweeping in -his language, he was never so happy as when pouring out the vials of -his wrath on the British Government. - -Devoy, the notorious author of the “New Departure,” was at once -seen to be a man of weighty influence. Forbidding of aspect, with -a perpetual scowl upon his face, he immediately conveyed the idea -of being a quarrelsome man, an idea sustained and strengthened by -both his manner of speech and gruffness of voice. Experience of -Devoy’s character only went to prove the correctness of this view. -Quarrelsome and discontented, ambitious and unscrupulous, his -friendships were few and far between; and had it not been for his -undoubted ability, and the existence of those necessities which link -adventurers together, he could never have reached the prominent place -which he subsequently attained in the Fenian organisation. - -With their fellow-prisoners who had been amnestied, General Thomas -F. Bourke, Thomas Clarke Luby, Edmond Power, and Henry S. Meledy, -together with James J. O’Kelly, late M.P. for Roscommon, but then -a struggling reporter on a New York paper, Rossa and Devoy brought -the Irish Confederation into existence, and formed its first -“directory” or executive. They indulged in the wild hope of being -able to gather in all the scattered Irish under one banner, and -to put an end once and for all to the dissensions and divisions -which had so disastrously affected Irish affairs in the past. They -were disappointed. Not by their unaided efforts was this to be -accomplished. Indeed, the Confederation was never popular. It was -regarded as a sort of close corporation “run,” as we say in the -United States, in the interest of the exiles, and, as a consequence, -was jealously viewed by the rank and file. Every effort that could -be made to bring about a fusion was tried by these men, but without -success. Even Stephens himself was brought over from France and put -at the head of affairs; but his name had lost its charm, and he had -to return to Paris a discredited man. - - - - -XX. - - -While my Fenian friends struggled on in this way, I looked after -my own affairs. Completing my studies and business in Detroit, I -moved myself and my family to Wilmington, where I settled down to -make a home and secure an income. I was now a fully fledged M.D., -and so I immediately commenced practising at Braidwood, a suburb -of Wilmington. Success attended my start, my Irish connection and -record bringing me an amount of patronage almost beyond my powers of -attention. I had given up all idea of anything definite happening -in the way of Fenian affairs, and turned my attention to local -politics. Here, of course, my Irish friends were again of use. -Failing to obtain a seat on the School Board, for which I had been -nominated, I succeeded in getting an appointment on the Board of -Health. The office was really a sinecure, with one hundred dollars a -year attached. Not content with it, I gained the much more lucrative -appointment of Supervisor of Braidwood, attached to which was a daily -fee of 2½ dollars, and travelling allowances when engaged on town -business. Anybody acquainted with the American political system, even -to a moderate extent, will know how paying such offices can be made. - -Meantime I had joined the Medical Society of my State, and assisted -in founding the State Pharmaceutical Society. My activity did -not even stop here, and, in addition, I took a very active part -in bringing about much-needed legislation on the question of the -practice of medicine. In these days there was no such thing as a -State law regulating the practice of medicine or pharmacy, and I—let -me frankly confess it—as much for the sake of popularity as anything -else, spared no pains, even going to the extent of “lobbying” in -Springfield, the State capital, in the interest of legislation on -these matters, in which I was very successful. - -Little as I imagined it then, events were at this time shaping -themselves to an end which, frequently attempted, had never yet been -wholly accomplished by the aspiring leaders of the Irish in America. -This was the bringing together of all Irishmen at home and abroad -into one vast and perfect organisation. The hour was coming, and -with it the men. Born in comparative poverty and insignificance, but -under an impressive name, the association now being formed, the great -Clan-na-Gael of the future, was destined to be a powerful, rich, -and far-reaching organisation, healthy of limb and strong of hand, -fated to leave its heavy mark upon the pages of this half-century’s -history. From small beginnings have come great results. - -Away back towards the end of the sixties, there came into existence -one of those temporal societies, an off-shoot of the permanent -conspiracy known under the name “Knights of the Inner Circle,” which -was joined by many Irish conspirators, myself amongst the number. -With its members there became associated, in the latter end of 1869, -some three hundred members of the “Brian Boru” Circle of the Fenian -Brotherhood in New York City, who, in consequence of a political -quarrel over electioneering matters, seceded from their original -body; and by these men, acting in concert with others under the name -of the “United Irishmen,” what were really the first camps of the -Clan-na-Gael were established. - -The V.C. (the cypher was arranged on the plan of using the -alphabetical letters immediately following those intended to be -indicated) had for its object the same intention which governed the -inception and development of all Irish conspiracy in America—the -freedom of Ireland from English control by armed force. It was, -however, to differ from its predecessors insomuch as, unlike them, -it was to be of an essentially secret character. P. R. Walsh of -Cleveland, Ohio, known as “the Father of the Clan,” was the apostle -of this new condition of things, and he, with others of shrewd and -far-seeing minds, argued with great success, that if one lesson more -important than another was to be learnt from the past history and -miserable fiascos of the movement, it was that no possible success -could be achieved with a revolutionary organisation working in -the open day. The Irish people, reasoned these priests of the new -faith, had not judgment enough to manage their schemes for freedom. -They revealed their secrets to the heads of their Church; they were -dictated to by these heads; they feared to obey their non-clerical -leaders; and so were thwarted the best schemes of the most active -workers. A revolutionary movement must be secret and unscrupulous, -and, to be successful, they could not enter on the contest for -freedom with the yoke of the Church around their neck. - -Language like this reads strangely indeed in the light of latter-day -revelations, and the knowledge the world now has of Clan-na-Gael -priests and their work. But at the time it was not without its -appropriateness and significance. The priests at the period of which -I write were, neither in Ireland nor America, the priests of these -subsequent years. Then, as in those days of old, when religion was -paramount and priestly control salutary and effective, the ban of -the Church was not merely a phrase dangerous in sound, it was a -living dread reality, fearful in its consequences in the eyes of -those who in their lives worked out that grand old characteristic -of the Irish people, faith in their Church and reverence toward its -rulers. It was reserved for the coming years to bring to the view of -a startled public a people reckless and defiant of priestly control, -because of the teachings of their atheistic and communistic leaders, -and the self-surrender of all their higher and priestly functions by -those who were content to be led by, rather than to lead those whose -consciences were their charge and their responsibility. - - - - -XXI. - - -The arguments were well put, and what was more, they were well timed. -They proved successful. Everything appeared in favour of the new -move; and the re-establishment of the Fenian organisation in Great -Britain on a more compact secret basis, under the title of the _Irish -Republican Brotherhood_, was one of the many satisfactory features of -the moment. Matters, however, moved slowly; and, although actually -established in 1869, it was not until the year 1873 that the movement -became in any way general. Then it was that, merging almost all -other societies in itself, the Clan, now known as the V.C. or United -Brotherhood, established subordinate bodies or “Camps,” as they were -called, almost simultaneously in all the leading centres of the -United States. Secrecy was the text preached in every direction. -Every member was bound by the most solemn of oaths to keep secret all -knowledge of the order and its proceedings which might come to him, -under penalty of death. A Masonic form of ritual was adopted; grips, -passwords, signs, and terrorising penalties were decided upon; and -all the pomp and circumstance of mystery, so dear to the Irish heart -and so effective in such a conspiracy, were called to the aid of -those who now inculcated this new doctrine. - -Undoubtedly, there was no secret made amongst its members as to the -treasonable character of the organisation. The official printed -Constitution set forth the truth of the matter in no uncertain -way. “The object,” it stated, “is to aid the Irish people in the -attainment of the complete and absolute independence of Ireland, by -the overthrow of English domination: a total separation from that -country, and the complete severance of all political connection -with it; the establishment of an independent republic on Irish -soil, chosen by the free votes of the whole Irish people, without -distinction of creed or class, and the restoration to all Irishmen of -every creed and class of their natural privileges of citizenship and -equal rights. It shall prepare unceasingly for an armed insurrection -in Ireland.” - -The Ritual and forms of initiation were framed entirely upon Masonic -precedent; and, to the vast majority of the members of the Clan, -the statement will come no doubt as a great surprise that the much -vaunted secret forms of the Masonic order need be secret to them no -longer, inasmuch as that, when being admitted to a Clan-na-Gael club, -they were going through the same forms and ceremonies as attached -themselves to that great source of mystery and wonderment in the -eyes of the non-elect, the Masonic Brotherhood. I have often laughed -to myself at the surprise shown by some Masons on the occasion of -their initiation to Clan-na-Gael clubs—for there are Masons in the -Clan—at being brought once more into contact with the familiar -procedure. One great feature of similarity exists between the two -ceremonies. In both the candidate is impressed with a deep sense of -awe and respect, to learn subsequently that nothing very mysterious -or wonderful is to come within his knowledge. Though the effect is -the same, however, the causes are very different. In one case, -that of the Mason, nothing very strange happens or is committed to -his secrecy, for the simple reason that the practice of brotherly -love and charity requires no unusual strain either on his powers of -wonder or reserve; while in the other the poor confiding Irishman is -simply intended to play the part of a dupe, to move and subscribe to -order, but to be trusted in no single regard, until by jobbery or -manipulation he works his way to the higher ranks of the organisation. - -The candidates for membership were balloted for in the usual club -manner, three black balls excluding. The successful ones having -answered different queries regarding their age, belief in God, -&c. &c., were, after being blindfolded and shut out from view of -their future associates, brought forward and addressed by the -Vice-President of the meeting as follows:— - - “MY FRIENDS,—Animated by love, duty, and patriotism, you have - sought affiliation with us. We have deemed you worthy of our - confidence and our friendship. You are now within these secret - walls. The men who surround you have all taken the obligations of - our Order, and are endeavouring to fulfil its duties. These duties - must be cheerfully complied with, or not at all undertaken. We are - Jsjtinfo (Irishmen) banded together for the purpose of freeing - Jsfmboe (Ireland) and elevating the position of the Jsjti (Irish) - race. The lamp of the bitter past plainly points our path, and we - believe that the first step on the road to freedom is secrecy. - Destitute of secrecy, defeat will again cloud our brightest hopes; - and, believing this, we shall hesitate at no sacrifice to maintain - it. Be prepared, then, to cast aside with us every thought that may - impede the growth of this holy feeling among Jsjtinfo (Irishmen); - for, once a member of this Order, you must stand by its watchwords - of Secrecy, Obedience, and Love. With this explanation, I ask you - are you willing to proceed?” - -The answer being satisfactory, the candidates were next placed -opposite the President, and addressed by him as follows:— - - “MY FRIENDS,—By your own voluntary act you are now before - us. You have learned the nature of the cause in which we are - engaged—a cause honourable to our manhood, and imposed upon us - by every consideration of duty and patriotism. We would not have - an unwilling member amongst us, and we give you, even now, the - opportunity of withdrawing, if you so desire. Every man here has - taken a solemn and binding oath to be faithful to the trust we - repose in him. This oath, I assure you, is one which does not - conflict with any duty which you owe to God, to your country, - your neighbours, or yourself. It must be taken before you can be - admitted to light and fellowship in our Order. With this assurance, - and understanding, as you do, that the object of this organisation - is the freedom of Jsfmboe (Ireland), will you submit yourself to - our rules and regulations and take our obligation without mental - reservation?” - -At the conclusion of the address, the questions having been put, and -correctly replied to, the candidate took the oath as follows:— - - “I, ————, do solemnly and sincerely swear, in the presence - of Almighty God, that I will labour, while life is left me, - to establish and defend a republican form of government in - Jsfmboe (Ireland). That I will never reveal the secrets of this - organisation to any person or persons not entitled to know them. - That I will obey and comply with the Constitution and laws of the - V.C., and promptly and faithfully execute all constitutional orders - coming to me from the proper authority, to the best of my ability. - That I will foster a spirit of unity, nationality, and brotherly - love among the people of Jsfmboe (Ireland). - - “I furthermore swear that I do not now belong to any other Jsjti - sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society antagonistic to this - organisation, and that I will not become a member of such society - while connected with the V.C., and, finally, I swear that I take - this obligation without mental reservation, and that any violation - hereof is infamous and merits the severest punishment. So help me - God.” (Kiss the book.) - -And then, in conclusion, the President made the following remarks:— - - “The name of this Order is the V.C. Its local sub-divisions are - styled D.’s, and are known by members. This is D. No. —. The - leading object of the V.C. is to co-operate with the J.S.C. (Irish - Republican Brotherhood) in securing the independence of Jsfmboe - (Ireland), and the special object is to secure the union of all - Jsjti Obujpobmjtut (Irish Nationalists). As it is essential for - the safe and efficient working of our organisation to preserve the - strictest secrecy in reference to it, you will never mention the - name of the V.C., or anything connected therewith, to any one whom - you do not know to be a member thereof in good standing. And that - we may be more effectually guarded from exposure, as well as to - secure concentration of effort, you are prohibited by the supreme - authority from contributing money to, or otherwise aiding, any - other Jsjti sfwpmvujpobsz (Irish revolutionary) society. - - “Should you desire to secure some worthy person for membership, - you will first have him proposed here, and, if elected, you may - then indirectly and carefully ascertain his sentiments on the - subject of secret Jsjti Obujpobm (Irish National) organisations, - and, should his views be favourable, you might then intimate that - you believe there is a secret organisation in existence working for - Jsjti (Irish) liberty; and, if he appears inclined to join it, you - may admit that you are a member of it, or acquainted with a member - of it, and that you think you can secure his admission therein; but - no further information must you convey, nor use the name of any - person connected with the Order.... - - “Finally, my brother, be careful that you do not make an improper - use of these instructions, and let not the cause of Jsfmboe - (Ireland) or the interests of the V.C. suffer through any want of - prudence, perseverance, and courage on your part while travelling - onwards on the path to freedom. (Two raps.) - - “Brothers! It affords me great pleasure to introduce to you your - new brother.” (One rap.) - - - - -XXII. - - -Up to the year 1881, when the administration of the conspiracy -underwent a change, with which I will deal at its proper time, the -Clan-na-Gael was governed by an executive body (known in the cypher -as F.C.), presided over by a Chairman elected by the body at the -annual conventions, and a Revolutionary Directory known without any -regard to the cypher by its initial letters R.D. This Revolutionary -Directory was composed of seven men, three of whom were nominated -by the Executive, three by the Irish Republican Brotherhood (known -as the J.S.C.) in Ireland, and a seventh selected by the six when -appointed. The Revolutionary Directory was, as its name implies, a -body dealing directly with revolutionary matters, and it was chiefly -characterised by the autocratic power possessed by its members, about -whose action no detailed information was supplied, and against whose -proceedings there was, in consequence, no basis for appeal. The names -of all these officers were known only to the delegates who elected -them, and to the Presiding Officer of each camp, known as Senior -Guardian. - -To the Executive (or F.C.) was intrusted, amongst other things, the -arrangements regarding the places and dates for holding the biennial -and annual conventions of the order; and their decision in this -respect was carefully guarded, and only at the very last moment -communicated to the high officials, in order to prevent any spies -or agents of the British Government from becoming acquainted with -their proceedings. The head of each subordinate body was informed a -week in advance of the date and place of the convention; and he was -instructed to arrange for the immediate election of a delegate from -his camp. So close was the secret kept, that the delegate, if other -than the presiding officer, did not know till the very hour of his -starting where he was bound for. Like convicts, the members were -known by numbers, never by names. Camps (known as D.’s) were also -numbered; and, in order the better to cover their doings from the -outside world, each camp had a public name by which it was known. For -instance, my own camp was known as the “Emmet Literary Association.” - -During the early years of its existence I was not a member of the -Clan-na-Gael. Although, as I have stated, I was one of the “Knights -of the Inner Circle,” I did not take any prominent part in the -early days, when the V.C. succeeded, or rather absorbed it. There -were reasons for my not doing so. My prominence and action in the -ill-fated Canadian raid had not been altogether forgotten, and I -was still held responsible, in certain minds, for the premature -undertaking of it. Another reason affecting my action was the -difficulty introduced by a clause in the new constitution in regard -to the question of nationality. This clause read as follows:— - - “All persons of Irish birth or descent, or of partial Irish - descent, shall be eligible to membership; but in cases of persons - of partial Irish descent, the camps are directed to make special - inquiries in regard to the history, character, and sentiments of - the person proposed.” - -In view of the whole situation, I determined that I should live down -any ill-feeling which might exist regarding my previous exploits, -and that I should take advantage of the interval thus brought about -by arranging some plan for my election later, on the ground of my -partial Irish descent. I had, of course, hitherto passed myself off -as a Frenchman, strongly sympathising with Irish affairs, though -never laying any claim to connection with the country. Now I had -to change my tactics a little, and so I gradually got it put about -that my mother—poor lady, she is living to-day, and will probably -never know till she reads this of the liberty I took with her -birthright—was of Irish descent. Of course, as the people out there -had never seen or heard of my mother, and it was quite a common thing -for French and Irish to intermarry, the deception was not likely to -be discovered, as indeed it never was. - -There was still yet another reason for my being cautious. The most -insane and implacable enemy of O’Neill’s—and through my friendship -for O’Neill, of myself—Major William M‘Williams, of old Fenian fame, -was now high in the councils of the new organisation. In the O’Neill -_régime_, presumably jealous of my position, he had denounced me -as an adventurer, and the ill-feeling he had for me had culminated -during the sittings of a Fenian congress in an open attack, reported -in the New York papers as follows:— - - “THE FENIAN CONGRESS AND A FENIAN ROW. - - “The Fenian Congress was in session yesterday. A quorum of the - Executive Committee appointed in Chicago was in session all day. - They say they intend to commence work as soon as they obtain - possession of the munitions of war. Major M‘Williams and Major Le - Caron, two of the delegates, had a little onset in front of the - Whitney House last eve, and blood might have flowed had it not been - for the interference of several delegates.” - -The altercation, I may add, on this occasion involved the use of -revolvers, and created too pronounced a feeling between us to allow -of my ever after expecting anything but the bitterest opposition from -M‘Williams. To my relief, however, M‘Williams eventually got into a -personal altercation with a fiercer antagonist than myself, by whom -he was shot in Columbia, S.C., being killed on the spot. His exit -cleared the way of the only difficulty which existed at the time of -his death, and so I considered it prudent to accept the invitation, -often extended to me, to join the Clan-na-Gael. I joined, and an -appointment upon the Military Board of the organisation quickly -followed. It must not, however, be thought that I had been “out of -things” meantime. Not at all. Possessed, as I was, of more than one -confiding friend, I secured information about everything that took -place. - - - - -XXIII. - - -Slowly but surely the Clan-na-Gael was gaining ground, despite all -the forces arrayed against it. Triumphing over Church opposition, -conscientious scruple on the score of joining secret societies, and -the single opposing Revolutionary faction still faithful to the -memory of Stephens, it had, in 1876, a membership exceeding 11,000, -which included amongst its leading names those of Alexander Sullivan, -John Devoy, O’Donovan Rossa, Thomas Clarke Luby, Thomas F. Burke, Dr. -Carroll, James Reynolds, Frank Agnew, Colonel Clingen, Wm. J. Hynes, -P. W. Dunne, Michael Boland, Denis Feeley, J. J. Breslin, Michael -Kirwen, and General Millen. - -These were the men who in the after years were to be in the front -rank of the Clan-na-Gael, and by their position and influence to -model and direct the policy of the organisation. Of them and their -position at this time I shall now have some little to say. - -With Sullivan I have already dealt, and here I need only state that, -having established himself in Chicago, he had taken to the study of -law, in which branch of the profession he was now—in 1876—preparing -to practise. He had been maintaining his questionable reputation, -for he had shot a man in cold blood; and though twice tried, had -been successful in escaping the consequences of his act, owing to -the employing of that process so frequently charged against the -Government in Ireland—packing the jury. Of Devoy and O’Donovan Rossa -I have also spoken before. The former, drifting to New York, had -since we parted with him been engaged on some two or three American -papers, and he was now, if I remember aright, engaged on the _New -York Herald_ staff. Rossa, very much to the front for the moment, in -consequence of his “skirmishing” theory, had meantime been living on -the proceeds of the fund raised for himself and his fellow-exiles on -their arrival in 1871, and a special subscription for himself, which -Ford inaugurated in the _Irish World_. Luby had been a well-known -patriot since 1865, when, in company with John O’Leary and Charles -J. Kickham, he had been sentenced to a long term of penal servitude -for the part he played in Ireland as one of the editors of the _Irish -People_. General Thomas Fras. Burke had served with the Confederate -Army, and had been amongst those who, in 1867, left America to lead -in that most disheartening of fiascos, the Irish rising of 1865, -as the result of his part in which he was sentenced to death, but -subsequently amnestied. - -Dr. William Carroll, one of the principal physicians in Philadelphia, -whose name will appear prominently in the future, and who stood one -of the sponsors for Mr. Parnell on the occasion of his arrival in -America, was best known as the admirer, friend, and associate of -John Mitchell, and was himself nothing if not a Revolutionist. James -Reynolds of New Haven, Conn., whom I first met in connection with the -secret organisation, was by profession a gas- and brass-fitter, and -an avowed advocate of “extreme” measures. He was in fact a member of -the Revolutionary Directory of this period. Frank Agnew had a Fenian -record extending as far back as the Senate period of the Fenian -Brotherhood. Strangely enough, I first came in contact with him when, -on an inspecting tour, I had occasion to inspect a Fenian Company of -which he was captain in Chicago. He was one of those who arrived too -late to be of use in connection with the Fenian raid of ’70. He was -now a contractor of some importance in Chicago, and a great friend -and ally of Sullivan’s. Of Colonel Clingen I need not say much, save -that he had been an old Fenian ally of mine in days gone by, and had -sat with myself on the Military Board during O’Neill’s _régime_. - -Of the others I have mentioned, Hynes and Dunne perhaps deserve -the most prominent place, by reason of the part they have recently -played in the Cronin affair. Both these men, it will be remembered, -came out as very strong opponents of Alexander Sullivan, whom they -roundly accused of causing Dr. Cronin’s death. Hynes I knew as far -back as 1865, when, as a clerk to John O’Neill, he took a very active -part in the work of the Fenian Brotherhood. Owing to a row between -O’Neill and himself, he severed his connection with active Fenianism, -and obtained a clerkship in one of the departments at Washington, -finding his way, after a little time, to Arkansas. Although returned -as a carpet-bag Congressman for the State, he failed to prosper, -and at last he found himself without a dollar in Chicago. Here the -first man to help him was Alexander Sullivan, against whom he is now -arrayed. Through Sullivan’s political influence, Hynes was engaged -as professional juryman at a fee of two dollars a day, from which -position he worked himself forward to that of a prominent politician -and a well-known member of the bar at which he practises. - -P. W. Dunne proved to be a duplicate of O’Donovan Rossa, in -appearance and in many other ways, with this one strong exception, -that, whereas Rossa never sacrificed any of his means for the good of -his countrymen, but rather lived upon them in fact, Dunne sacrificed -an almost princely fortune. In early years he had been a prominent -distiller (a very lucrative business) in Peoria, Illinois; and -he was one of the leading seceders from the Stephens wing of the -Fenian Brotherhood, after the failure of 1865, in which he himself -participated, in company with P. J. Meehan, editor of the _Irish -American_. He was now situated in Chicago, occupying the position of -Superintendent of Streets, and had preceded Sullivan and Clingen upon -the Executive of the Clan-na-Gael. - -As for the remainder, Boland, once a lieutenant in the United States -Army, was now a practising lawyer in Kentucky, having meantime -taken part in the ’66 raid on Canada. He was also one of the most -prominent of Clan-na-Gael officials, and an advocate of extreme -measures. Feeley, also an attorney-at-law, had been a member of the -Royal Irish Constabulary in his early days, and was now, as of yore, -one of the most prominent and bloodthirsty of rebels in the States. -Kirwen had been Brigadier-General and Fenian Secretary of War during -the Canadian raid of 1870, and had preserved his Revolutionary -record unbroken; while Breslin, chiefly remarkable for the part he -had played in helping James Stephens to escape from Richmond prison -(Ireland) in 1866, now, as ever since then, a prominent and avowed -Revolutionist, was occupying his public life in some municipal office -of an important character, while, in secret, playing his part on the -Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael. - -One name I have left to the last, and that is General Millen’s. The -discredited hero of the Jubilee Explosion Scheme of 1887 was at this -time engaged on the editorial staff of the _New York Herald_. Unlike -almost every one whom I have named, his military title was neither -of Fenian nor of American extraction. He had, according to his own -account, gained both his military knowledge and his rank when, out in -Mexico on the part of the _New York Herald_, he had thrown in his lot -with Juarez prior to the overthrow of the government of Maximilian -and the establishment of the First Republic, of which Juarez was -President. Be the claims to military knowledge which he advanced good -or bad, they were accepted with a certain amount of good faith by the -Clan leaders; and his usefulness in this regard being appreciated, -he held a position of some importance at this time, being in fact -Chairman of the Military Board. - - - - -XXIV. - - -My advent in the organisation, though gratifying to a certain extent, -did not satisfy me as fully as I wished. I wanted to know everything -that took place on the inner side of the movement, and I found -that, as one of the rank and file, I could really learn nothing. -Accordingly, I set my wits to work to see how I could accomplish my -desire of gaining such a position as would give me all I wanted. Very -little consideration was needed to show me that, in a large centre -like Chicago, where jealousy and ambition governed every motive, -it would be impossible for a new-comer to get to the front, and so -I decided to work out my designs in a smaller and more unimportant -place, where internal dissensions would find little if any home. -It will be remembered that Braidwood was the place where I had my -drug-store, and where I had had strong evidence of my popularity in -my election as Supervisor by a majority of 103 over my opponents. In -the end, therefore, I determined to establish a camp in Braidwood, -and with the assistance of the official organiser, a most promising -“camp” was got together, to the Senior Guardianship or Presidency of -which I was unanimously elected. Sullivan unconsciously assisted me -in my design. It was through his influence, though at my suggestion, -that the official organiser was sent down in the first instance. - -Having once obtained the position, I spared neither pains nor money -to make myself secure in it. My status and extensive practice as a -doctor permitted of my playing the _rôle_ of the generous patriot, -and there was no subscription list on which my name did not figure in -some capacity as the patriotic, political, charitable, or religious -friend. The latter was not by any means the most infrequent, for -religion of a certain type plays a very large part in Irish politics. -Where money and the other arts failed, then I took to diplomacy. -Year in, year out, I continued president of my camp, though always -at election time asking to be allowed to retire in favour of some -better and more deserving brother. Of course it was simply a case of -“swearing I would ne’er consent, consenting.” - -I was too useful to my brothers of “Camp 463,” now 204, to allow of -their permitting me to retire to the ranks. If no other reason but -the question of money came in, then this of itself alone would have -been sufficient. When a delegate had to be despatched to conventions -or gatherings elsewhere, none were more ready to start than I, -while—more important still for the patriots—my bills for expenses, -instead of being of the large and unjustifiable character usually -associated with such proceedings, could only be got from me under -protest, and with every manifestation of desire to save them outlay. -Of course, this travelling about from centre to centre, this mixing -with many men from many points, and the opportunities thus afforded -for gaining information and opening up new sources of supply, -admirably suited my purpose; and by taking advantage of the varied -openings given me, I was enabled to extend my usefulness as a Secret -Service agent to a very appreciable extent. - -Matters, indeed, were satisfactorily situated for me at every point. -As Senior Guardian of the Braidwood camp, I was in receipt of every -document issued from head-quarters, and through me many of these -found their way to Mr. Anderson on the English side of the water. -My work in connection with these documents taxed all my powers of -resource; and had it not been for the popular and trusted position -which I held, I could have accomplished very little in regard to -them. A stringent regulation of the Executive required that all -documents—when not returned to head-quarters, as many had to -be—should be burned in view of the camp, in order that the most -perfect secrecy should be secured. It was, of course, impossible for -me to retain the originals of those which had to be returned, and of -them I could only keep copies. With those requiring destruction in -the presence of my camp, I was enabled to act differently. Always -prepared for the emergency, I was, by a sleight-of-hand performance, -enabled to substitute old and unimportant documents for those which -really should have been burnt, and to retain in my possession, and -subsequently transmit to England, the originals of all the most -important. I was, of course, shaking hands with danger and discovery -at every turn, and yet so marvellous was my success that I not only -escaped betrayal, but that which would undoubtedly have led to it, -namely, suspicion. - -To this end, I was much assisted by the confidence reposed in me -by my fellow-officials, the Junior Guardians, who exhibited their -trust to the extent of giving me possession of their keys of the -strong-box, of which they held possession during their period of -office. This contained all the papers of the camp; and with a view to -its safety, one key was given to the Senior Guardian, and the other -to the Junior Guardian, the locks being different in construction, -so that the box could only be opened by the concurrence of both -officials. Had I not been able to obtain the confidence of my Junior -Guardians to the extent of possessing their keys, I could never have -brought my designs to such a successful issue. Strangely enough, -when I appeared in the witness-box at the Commission—for I was even -then Senior Guardian of my Clan-na-Gael camp—I had both keys of our -strong-box in my possession, which I jokingly offered to Mr. Houston -as a memento of our strange and unlooked-for meeting. - - - - -XXV. - - -Meantime, events had been developing themselves in a strange -and unlooked-for way. O’Donovan Rossa—speaking to the Irish in -America through the columns of the _Irish World_—had advocated the -establishment of a Skirmishing Fund in the following style:— - - “Five thousand dollars will have to be collected before the - campaign can be started. England will not know how or where she - is to be struck. A successful stroke or any stroke that will do - her 500,000 dollars’ worth of damage will bring us funds enough to - carry on the work: and by working on incessantly and persistently, - the patient dirt and powder shock will bring out enough perhaps to - carry on the war.” - -In the same issue of the _Irish World_, Patrick Ford, in the course -of a commendatory article, said— - - “What will this irregular warfare of our Irish Skirmishers effect? - It will do this much. It will harass and annoy England. It will - help to create her difficulty and hasten our opportunity. It will - not only annoy England, but it will hush her too. This is what we - look for from the Skirmishers. One hundred dollars expended on - skirmishing may cause to England a loss of 100,000,000 dollars. - That would be a damaging blow to the enemy; and what is to prevent - the dealing one of three or four such blows every year?” - -Here I shall drop Rossa and his Skirmishing Fund for the moment, -to say a few words about Ford. The opportunity seems a favourable -one for dealing with a man whose name has been so prominent of late -years, and clearing up a few of the many misconceptions which appear -to exist regarding him. Like O’Donovan Rossa, his colleague at this -time in skirmishing matters, Ford’s position in Irish revolutionary -affairs has been quite misunderstood in British quarters outside the -Parnellite party. As a matter of fact Ford is not, and never has -been, a member of the Clan-na-Gael. True it is that he was a member -of the old Fenian organisations which preceded it—as, for instance, -the Irish Confederation, but in the membership of the last and most -powerful of all the branches of the Irish-American conspiracy, the -editor of the _Irish World_ has had no place. The secret of his -position and influence lies in his paper. This, from the very moment -of its start, has been a pronounced success, reaching a high-water -mark of influence and circulation, which threw the puny efforts -of its competitors completely into the shade. The paper came into -existence at the proper moment for itself; it was well edited, well -printed, and splendidly equipped with news from every quarter, and on -every point. It caught the public fancy and “went” amazingly. Ford, -originally a printer and a man of no mean attainment, gathered round -him a staff of equally clever writers, established correspondents at -every important centre, and working at very high pressure, was on the -point of failing on several occasions, only to escape through the -assistance of friends, politicians, or capitalists, willing to oblige -for certain considerations. Indeed, if I am not very much in error, -matters are not in the most favourable way for the paper at this very -time. - -Patrick Ford, according to Michael Davitt, is a most worthy disciple -of the Christian principles, and a man whose life would serve as a -model for very many of those who criticise this dynamite advocate’s -character in no enthusiastic vein. Speaking of the man simply “on -the view” as the American phrase has it, Davitt’s observations are -not so far-fetched as they would appear to be at the first blush. -In appearance and manner, the editor of the _Irish World_ is quite -the opposite of the man you would figure to yourself after reading -his dynamite appeals and exordiums in his own journal. Quiet and -unobtrusive alike in look and speech, he is as mild a mannered man -as ever scuttled a ship. Of medium height, spare of build and spare -of feature, without any ferocity whatever marking the outer man, he -gives the observer the idea of being a quiet, sedate, and rather -retiring business person. Although a vigorous and effective writer, -he is not remarkable for his platform utterances, and while a good -talker, is by no means an orator. - -Associated with Patrick Ford in his connection with Irish-American -affairs have been his brother Augustine and his nephew Austin. -Augustine, whose name comes into prominence with Rossa in the -Skirmishing Fund affair, was the publisher, as distinct from the -editor, of the _Irish World_; while Austin, then a young fellow, was -afterwards to become a member of the Clan-na-Gael, and to serve as -the medium of communication between the leaders of the Revolutionary -organisation and his uncle, the editor of what was undoubtedly, -though unofficially, their mouthpiece, the _Irish World_. There were -many reasons for an alliance, unofficial though it might be, existing -between the _Irish World_ and those charged with the conduct of the -vast secret conspiracy known to the initiated as the V.C. For what -the _Irish World_, with its extended popularity, its great influence, -and its enormous circulation, championed in public, the Clan-na-Gael -worked for in private. Ford and his fellow-workers, in a different -path, understood each other full well; and when, within a year after -the establishment of the Skirmishing Fund, it became desirable that -the Clan-na-Gael should take charge of it, there was no more ardent -advocate of the change than he. And as in the early, so in the -later years. When the new departure came to the front, Ford and his -Clan-na-Gael friends were of the same mind as to its importance, -and the necessity for supporting it. When dynamite came to be the -order of the day, he was its loud-tongued apostle; and when, later -still, “martyrs” like Brady and Curley suffered in Ireland the just -consequences of their fiendish part in the Phœnix Park murders, the -editor of the _Irish World_ was first to fill the gap with a fund on -behalf of their families, excluding from its benefits all connected -with those who had had the good sense, though bad patriotism, to -plead “guilty” to their part in the fell transaction. - - - - -XXVI. - - -To return, however, to Rossa and his Skirmishing Fund. As a prominent -Fenian of “the old guard,” and a member of the Clan-na-Gael, Rossa’s -influence, backed up by Ford’s advocacy, succeeded in getting -together no less than 23,350 dollars by the 14th March following the -issue of the appeal—in something less than twelve months in fact. -Although, however, this large sum had been accumulating during this -period, and portions of it had been ready at different times for use -if required, no skirmishing or pretence at skirmishing had taken -place, and some little dissatisfaction commenced to manifest itself -at the non-fruition of the many promises which had been held out of -“hurting England.” There then occurred the transfer of the fund to -the Clan-na-Gael under very mysterious circumstances, which have -never been thoroughly explained or understood. The nearest approach -to an explanation was afforded by a communication from Rossa, which -appeared in the _Irish World_ of the 21st April 1877, which, I think, -I cannot do better than quote here. - - “When I started this Skirmishing Fund, the council-men of the two - Irish revolutionary societies in America—the Fenian Brotherhood - and the Clan-na-Gael—took it into their heads that I was going to - interfere with the regular revolutionary work, that I was going to - play the deuce with everything, and they gave me no friendly help. - I have been doing all I could to convince them that I am not the - very desperate character I was in prison or out of prison; and some - six months ago, being telegraphed to visit a convention of one of - those societies, I went there. I there proposed to receive into the - trusteeship and Executive Council of the Skirmishing Fund one or - two of their body, provided that the one or two meant skirmishing - work such as was laid down in our programme. This proposition of - mine was accepted, and all passed off harmoniously. - - * * * * * - - “Here is how things stand now:—Mr. James J. Clancy, who acted as - treasurer of the fund, got married a few weeks ago and ceased his - connection with the _Irish World_. Then Austin Ford wrote me (on - 14th March) the following note:— - - “‘I told you that, at a certain Irish convention, I had - consented to admit to the trusteeship of the fund some members - of their body. They gave me several names to select from; and - looking about for men who meant work, I took the names of John - J. Breslin, who rescued the Australian prisoners, and who was - the principal actor in the rescue of James Stephens in 1865; - of Doctor William Carroll, of Philadelphia, who left his - professional business (and being a particular friend of John - Mitchell), came to New York when Mitchell was going to Ireland - two years ago, went on board the steamer to see him off, went on - the steamer with him to Ireland, having no other idea in his head - but to take care of him. The other name I took was that of James - Reynolds of Newhaven, Connecticut. He is the man in whose name - the _Catalpa_ was registered, and he mortgaged his property to - raise $4000, when it was needed at a crisis in connection with - the expedition. Now Mr. Clancy and Mr. Ford have resigned, I - have in connection with these three men I have mentioned taken - into the trusteeship John Devoy, Thomas Clarke Luby, and Thomas - Francis Bourke.’ - - * * * * * - - “Last night Thomas Clarke Luby went to Washington, carrying - with him $17,500 in American bonds endorsed by me, to have them - transferred for safe keeping to the names of Dr. Carroll, Thomas C. - Luby, John Devoy, Tom Bourke, John Breslin, and James Reynolds.... - John O’Mahony died. It was deemed well to send his remains to - Ireland. There was no money to bear the expenses. I thought I might - trespass on the skirmishing money. I consulted Mr. Ford and Mr. - Clancy about a loan. They said it could be legitimately looked upon - as within the pale of our work, and they paid me $2030 to defray - the expenses. The Clan-na-Gael and the Fenian Brotherhood have - promised to refund the money.” - -No secret was made of the connection which now existed between the -“trustees” and the “fund,” for a public address was issued “to the -Irish people in the United States,” and published in the _Irish -World_ of the 21st April, containing the following passages:— - - “But since the ‘skirmishing’ project was first announced, - circumstances have greatly altered.... Old Europe is threatened - with a general convulsion. War on the most tremendous scale cannot - much longer be staved off by all the artifices and subtleties of - all the diplomatists in the world. Russia and Turkey are equally - resolute to fight the inevitable fight.... The rest of the Great - Powers of Europe will be drawn by an irresistible force into the - arena. England, above all, whether she likes it or not, must draw - her sword once more or meanly confess herself a third-class power. - She is too proud of the part to yield her high place without a - blow. She must first be beaten to her knees. - - “England’s difficulty then has all but come; in other words, - ‘Ireland’s opportunity.’ Is Ireland prepared to seize that - opportunity?... - - “In view of the altered circumstances of the time, ‘big with - fate to us and ours,’ we propose to enlarge the basis of the - ‘Skirmishing Fund,’ established by Rossa, and of the plans it was - intended to further. We propose forthwith to create a ‘Special - National Fund’ to aid the work of Ireland’s deliverance. - - “Action, some may think, has been postponed too long. Be this as it - may, _we_ are determined to lose as little further time as possible - ere we furnish our countrymen with practical results of our work. - But a blow must be followed up by blows. Unhesitatingly then” (they - ask for) “the means to do what may give heart and inspiration - to our brothers at home, and prepare the way for the last grand - struggle. - - ... “We shall only add that it is plain that ‘the Home Rule - Agitation’ has signally failed to satisfy the yearnings of the - Irish people. The O’Mahony funeral demonstration, with its - deep heroic significance, has exercised the vain misleading - phantom. Every true Irishman in Ireland (and shall we not say in - America too?) once more believes in the old creed of our gallant - fathers—that the sole way to free or regenerate Ireland is by - total separation from England; and that total separation can only - be achieved by desperate sacrifices, daring enterprises, and the - strong hand. - - “JOHN J. BRESLIN, } - “THOMAS CLARKE LUBY, } - “JOHN DEVOY, } New York. - “THOMAS FRANCIS BOURKE, } - “JER. O’DONOVAN ROSSA, } - “WM. CARROLL, M.D., Philadelphia, Pa. - “JAMES REYNOLDS, New Haven, Conn.” - - -The names of the trustees will, of course, be familiar, as being -amongst those regarding whom I gave some details some few pages back, -and who were all remarkable for their past Fenian records and present -prominence in the Clan-na-Gael ranks. - - - - -XXVII. - - -While the Skirmishing Fund and its custodians were engaging public -attention in this way, the secret work of the organisation was -by no means being neglected. The ordinary work of shipping arms -to Ireland, and communicating with the sister society as regards -members, organisation, &c., was conducted with regularity and -precision; while operations of an extraordinary character were -indulged in as opportunity offered. Amongst these latter must -be classed the negotiations, commenced about this time, for an -alliance between the Revolutionary party in America and the Russian -Government. Wild and absurd as the idea may at first appear, it is -nevertheless an undoubted fact that these negotiations were not -alone started in sober earnest, but they were in the end finally -completed and developed to the stage of a regular diplomatic compact -at headquarters in Russia. As is well known, the relations between -England and Russia were for some three or four years previous to -1880 of a distinctly strained character, and war at many times -appeared imminent. Filled with the idea that war would actually take -place, the Clan-na-Gael Executive caused overtures to be made to -the representative of the Russian Government, proposing that they -in America should fit out privateers which, sailing with letters of -marque from Russia, should worry English vessels and assist in every -way possible in furthering the designs of Russia, in return for which -Russia should pledge assistance to the Irish in their attempt to -wrest Ireland from English domination. - -The matter assumed the proportions of a really serious proposal, -and Dr. William Carroll, of Philadelphia, about whom I have already -spoken, and who was one of the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund, -as well as Chairman of the Executive Body of the Clan-na-Gael, -was delegated by the Executive to represent their interests in -the negotiation. Dr. Carroll, through the assistance of Senator -Jones of Florida, was placed in communication with the Russian -minister at Washington, and to this gentleman the Clan-na-Gael -ambassador represented that some millionaires—the names of two were -mentioned—were prepared to subsidise the undertaking, and that -several points had been fixed upon for fitting out the privateers, -San Francisco being notably one of them. So satisfactorily did the -negotiations progress for the Clan-na-Gael people, that in a few -months Dr. Carroll left America for the Russian capital, where, it -was subsequently reported in an official way, the treaty between the -Russian Government and the Revolutionary organisation was formally -ratified. - -It was a significant fact that shortly after this the Russian -minister at Washington was recalled. The report in the official ranks -of the Clan-na-Gael was that the proceeding was the result of an -action taken by the British Government in consequence of what had -occurred. Of course, regarding this view of the occurrence, as far as -I can speak, there was neither definite information nor proof. - -This was but one of the many wild schemes indulged in at this period. -Another had to do with the manufacture of a submarine torpedo-boat, -with which it was intended to inflict terrific damage on the British -navy under water. After one failure, the boat was actually built at -the shipyard on the Jersey side of the North River at a cost of some -37,000 dollars; but nothing ever came of it, for it was apparently -completed only to be towed to New Haven, where it lay, and where, -for aught I know, it may be rotting at the present day. Its principal -use, as far as I could make out, was in supplying a certain number -of patriots, charged with the control of its construction, some five -dollars a day each as recognition for their invaluable services. - -On the other plots and schemes I can only touch in the lightest -possible way. They included the assassination of Queen Victoria, the -kidnapping of the Prince of Wales or Prince Arthur, an attack on -Portland Prison, with the rescue of Michael Davitt therefrom, and a -hundred and one odd schemes in which Dhuleep Singh, General Carroll -Thevis, Aylward, and other soldiers of fortune or discontent all -figured. - - - - -XXVIII. - - -The month of September ’78 was remarkable for the arrival in America -of Michael Davitt. He had been released from Portland Prison on -ticket-of-leave several months previously, and having travelled -through Ireland in the meantime, now came to the States with the -ostensible object of lecturing. This first visit of his differed -from the second one paid in 1880 by reason of the change which his -opinions underwent in the interval. When in September 1878 Davitt -landed in America to be met by Devoy and others, and welcomed in an -effusive address, he took pains, in replying, to state he was still -faithful to the principles of his youth, for which he had suffered -imprisonment, and that the dungeon had not changed his political -convictions in the least. Apparently not, for during his visit Davitt -put in an appearance at several Clan-na-Gael camps, and took part in -their proceedings as a duly accredited brother and representative. -Contact with Devoy, however, and with the theories on the subject -of the “New Departure,” to which Devoy at this time was giving -prominence, must have changed Davitt’s views somewhat, for references -to past principles, life-long convictions, &c., soon made way for -pleasant pictures and prophecies of the development known as the “New -Departure,” which was at last to bring the Irish political plotter -within sight of his Mecca. - -There is no need for me at this late day to deal at any great length -with what has since been known as the “New Departure.” It proved to -be nothing more or less than the scheme which found its development -and outcome in the Parnellite movement, viz., the bringing together -the two forces of Irish discontent—the Constitutional and the -Revolutionary sections—and, while allying them for strategic and -financial purposes, yet so arranging the compact that each was -allowed to work in its own way for the accomplishment of the object -which all had in view—the repeal of the Union between Great Britain -and Ireland. - -The exact terms of the treaty or alliance proposed by the American -Fenians, after consultation with Davitt, were set forth in a cable -sent to Mr. Parnell by Devoy and some of his fellow-trustees of the -Skirmishing Fund in the month of October 1878, at a time indeed -while Davitt was still in the country. As the cable has a historic -interest, I will quote it in full here:— - - “The Nationalists here will support you on the following - conditions:— - - “First, abandonment of the federal demand, and substitution of a - general declaration in favour of self-government. - - “Second, vigorous agitation of the Land Question on the basis of a - peasant proprietary, while accepting concessions tending to abolish - arbitrary evictions. - - “Third, exclusion of all sectarian issues from the platform. - - “Fourth, Irish members to vote together on all imperial and home - questions, adopt an aggressive policy, and energetically resist - coercive legislation. - - “Fifth, advocacy of all struggling nationalities in the British - Empire and elsewhere.” - -Following up this proposal, to which, by the way, no direct public -reply was ever given, there appeared in the press letters from John -Devoy advocating the new move in arguments which I think I can best -summarise by using the following extracts from one of his epistles:— - - “The question whether the advanced Irish National party—the party - of separation—should continue the policy of isolation from the - public life of the country, which was inaugurated some twenty - years ago by James Stephens and his associates, or return to - older methods—methods as old at least as the days of the _United - Irishman_—is agitating the minds of Irish Nationalists on both - sides of the Atlantic just now; and certainly no similar incident - has aroused such wide discussion in Ireland for many a day as the - publication of the views of the exiled Nationalists resident in New - York on the subject. - - “The object aimed at by the Irish National party—the recovery of - Ireland’s national independence, and the severance of all political - connection with England—is one that would require the utmost - efforts and the greatest sacrifices on the part of the whole Irish - people.... I am not one of those who despair of Ireland’s freedom, - and am as much in favour of continuing the struggle to-day as - some of those who talk loudest against constitutional agitation. - I am convinced that the whole Irish people can be enlisted in - an effort to free their native land, and that they have within - themselves the power to overcome all obstacles in their way.... I - am also convinced that one section of the people alone can never - win independence; and no political party, no matter how devoted or - determined, can ever win the support of the whole people if they - never come before the public, and take no part in the everyday life - of the country. I have often said it before, and I repeat it now - again, that a mere conspiracy will never free Ireland. I am not - arguing against conspiracy, but only pointing out the necessity - of Irish Nationalists taking whatever public action for the - advancement of the National cause they may find within their reach, - such action as will place the aims and objects of the National - party in a more favourable light before the world, and help to win - the support of the Irish people.” - - - - -XXIX. - - -While the ball was thus rolling in this way, Davitt completed his -tour in America, and returned to Ireland to resume his work there. -He did not return alone, however, for in his wake there travelled -his new colleague, Devoy, who, journeying as one of the secret -agents of the Clan-na-Gael, went to Ireland to inspect and report -on the condition of the Revolutionary organisation there to the -V.C. Convention, to be held in Wilkesbarre, Pennsylvania, in July -1879. Associated with Devoy in this work of inspection was General -Millen, acting in the capacity of military envoy. Devoy, while in -Ireland, made good use of his time. While he organised the Irish -Republican Brotherhood in their secret meetings, he openly advocated -the proposed alliance with all his might and main. In Ireland, -however, as the report which he afterwards made to the Clan-na-Gael -showed, the Fenians were not so ripe as his colleagues in America for -giving up, even temporarily, their secret methods for constitutional -agitation; and the work which he was to accomplish was not destined -to bear too early fruit. - -As the report which Devoy presented of the visit thus made gave an -interesting account of how matters stood in Fenian circles there at -this period, I give a few extracts. They are important as showing the -condition of the Revolutionary forces, which gave Mr. Parnell so much -trouble a year or two later, when, through me, he appealed to Devoy -to come over and cripple the opposition he was receiving from this -quarter:— - - “Three of the best organised counties—Dublin, Louth, and - Wexford—seceded from the S.C. (Supreme Council or Executive of - the Irish Republican Brotherhood), and believing the statements, - so often repeated, that the American organisation supported Mr. - Stephens, transferred their allegiance to that gentleman. There - still remained with the S.C. (Supreme Council), Ulster, Connaught, - Munster, a portion of Leinster, Scotland, and South of England; but - the work in these districts was almost paralysed, and the attention - of the men distracted by repeated visits and communications of a - conflicting nature from contending factions, who all claimed to - be ‘working for Ireland.’ The numbers stood at this time (1878) - as follows:—About 19,000 men stood by the S.C., some 3000 acted - independently in the North of England, and not more than 1500, - chiefly in Leinster, followed Mr. Stephens. No real work could be - done; it was a struggle for existence, and ultimately the majority - prevailed. When your former envoy arrived in Ireland, this was the - state of things he found existing. As you have been informed, he - succeeded, with the help of another member of the V.C. residing in - Ireland, in first gaining over the Leinster men to the S.C., by - telling them the real truth about the state of things in America. - - * * * * * - - “A reorganisation of the S.C. satisfactory to all parties concerned - was then effected, and an efficient secretary elected, who has - since then rendered invaluable service in repairing the damage - done during the short period of turmoil and contention. Some years - before the organisation had been a compact body of over 40,000 men, - acting under its elected council, and making commendable efforts to - arm its members in spite of the most discouraging difficulties. At - the beginning of last year, after the S.C. had triumphed over the - difficulties above mentioned, it was reduced to about 24,000 men, - the confidence of many of its members greatly shaken, and much of - the material accumulated during past years badly damaged through - neglect or entirely lost. - - “It was deemed better to endeavour to weld into a solid mass the - united fragments than to increase its size by the addition of new - members. Some mistakes were made, but, upon the whole, the action - of the S.C. seemed to me judicious and safe. Some 17,000 dollars - had been sent by the F.C. (10,000 dollars came from the National - Fund for arms) for the purpose of introducing arms into the - country; but it was left in the hands of the R.D. until my arrival, - in the belief that the machinery of the movement had undergone too - great a strain to be able to bear much pressure, and the hands - of the S.C. were too full with the work of restoration to allow - them to undertake any more. The organisation was just beginning - to breathe a little freely, and to feel that it was again a solid - living body, when I arrived to confer with the S.C. as to the best - means to infuse new life and vigour into it. - - * * * * * - - “I began with Tipperary, Limerick, and Clare, and continued my tour - till I had a fair idea of the condition of the organisation in all - of the seven provinces.... Besides county and circle meetings, I - attended provincial conventions in Munster, Ulster, Connaught, - North of England, and South of England, and local district meetings - in Dublin, Cork, Limerick, Derry, Ennis, Glasgow, Dundalk, and - other towns. - - “When Leinster and Munster shall have been thoroughly reorganised, - which will take some time, I hope to see 50,000 good members in - Ireland alone, and I should not care to see many more. In Ulster, - Connaught, Tipperary, and Clare the great bulk of the men are small - farmers or farmers’ sons, and, on the whole, there is a much better - representation than in ’65. I am glad to be able to report also the - presence in the organisation, and in positions of trust, of a few - of the smaller landed gentry, a few professional men, and a large - sprinkling of comfortable business men.” - -Nothing calls for further attention in connection with this visit -of Devoy and Millen to Ireland, beyond the fact that the expenses -of it were defrayed out of a sum of 10,000 dollars taken from the -Skirmishing Fund for the purpose. Nor need I speak in any detail of -the proceedings of the Wilkesbarre Convention to which the delegates -reported. There was no incident connected therewith which calls for -any special mention, as particularly affecting events at this period. - - - - -XXX. - - -Though lacking official recognition and support, the scheme of the -“New Departure” was creating a good deal of enthusiasm throughout -the ranks of the Gaels; and the reports which continued to come from -Ireland as to the condition of the Land Question kept the matter -fully alive. The arrival, too, of Mr. Parnell in New York in the -month of January 1880 gave a fresh impetus to the whole thing. And -whatever doubt had heretofore existed as to the possibility of -working the new move, and making it subservient to the requirements -of the Revolutionary organisation, took immediate flight after a -week’s experience of Mr. Parnell in America. In the view of the -conspirators scattered throughout the States, Mr. Parnell had given -himself over, body and soul, to the chiefs of the Clan-na-Gael. At -every point, under every circumstance, without a single exception, -well-known and trusted men of the secret councils were by his -side and at his elbow, pushing him forward into prominence here, -bespeaking a welcome for him there, and answering for his thorough -fealty to the grand old cause at all manner of times. Nor did his -own utterances leave any room for question. Brimful of references of -deep meaning, and constantly lit up with the flashing of bayonets -and rattling of musketry, his speeches breathed the sounds of war -and the policy of the hill-side in every note, till men listening to -his accents thought that at last the hour and the man had come. Poor -fools! They knew not that his enthusiasm was the enthusiasm of the -dollar, or its equivalent in English coin when totted up to £40,000, -and his only weapon the House of Commons lie! - -Mr. Parnell’s efforts in America to collect funds for the -famine-stricken Irish—this was the ostensible object of his -visit—were cut short by the general election which took place in -Ireland in the spring of 1880, and he left hurriedly, but not before -he had laid the foundations of the Land League, and played into the -hands of the secret conspirators by giving them a very leading share -in its control. Exit therefore Mr. Parnell to give way to Michael -Davitt, and enter Mr. Davitt once more on the American stage in quite -a new _rôle_. Flushed with the triumphs of his recent proceedings -in Ireland in the establishment of the Land League organisation, -and the position he had suddenly sprung into, he now came out as -a Constitutionalist pure and simple. There were no more visits to -Clan-na-Gael camps, for the time at least. All was open and above -board. He had his fad; that fad was the Land League; and his fad was -to win in the political race, hands down. No matter where he went, -it was the same story. Travelling Braidwood-way in order to lecture -in my district, he spent three days in my company, part of which -time he was my guest, and fell ill on my hands, when I honestly and -successfully ministered to his needs. In our intercourse at this -period we had many talks over the situation, and with me as with -everybody else, he could only speak of the new movement. At his -request, I told him the whole story of the second Canadian raid; -and so great was his enthusiasm in his new _rôle_, that he seized -upon the fiasco I related as yet another proof for me of the utter -impossibility of doing anything in the way of active operations. -Amused and interested, I watched the dark determined face glowing -with light and enthusiasm, and wondered within me how long this born -conspirator would be content to walk in the trammels of a truly -constitutional path. The opportunity, however, was too good to be -neglected, and I improved it by getting some very useful information -unawares from my patient and guest. - -I was quite _au courant_ with Land League matters, for as an official -of the Clan-na-Gael I had been instructed to develop the movement in -my district, which I accordingly did, following the usual practice -of enrolling my colleagues of the Clan-na-Gael as members of the -League Branch, and thus keeping the control in our own hands. At -public meetings held in favour of the open movement—it will be noted -I speak of the Land League as the “open,” and the Clan-na-Gael as -the “secret” movement—I frequently presided, and when the occasion -arose, introduced Davitt and Devoy. - - - - -XXXI. - - -So matters progressed and developed, the only important incident of -the interval being the discovery that James J. O’Kelly, late M.P. for -Roscommon, after being despatched by the Revolutionary Directory of -the Clan-na-Gael to England with moneys to attend to the shipping of -arms to Ireland, had thrown in his lot with the advocates of the New -Departure in Ireland, and been returned to Parliament with the funds -placed at his disposal by the Revolutionary chiefs in New York. This, -of course, was not the only occasion on which the moneys subscribed -for blowing up England went to subsidise the New Departure. Davitt -and Devoy had both drawn upon them to a large extent, though Davitt -conscientiously paid every farthing of his share back in 1882. - -In the month of November 1880, John Devoy issued a very peculiar -circular to the Senior Guardians of the V.C., or Clan-na-Gael camps, -which was remarkable as showing how loyal after all this author of -the New Departure was to the methods of revolutionary work, and -how he regarded the Land League but as the stepping-stone to more -decisive things. This is how he put the matter:— - - P.O. BOX 4, 479. - - NEW YORK, _November 1, 1880_. - - “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—I propose to give a course of lectures this - winter on the subject of “The Irish National Cause and the Present - Crisis,” with a view to stirring up our people here and increasing - the resources of the National movement. I will stipulate beforehand - that the proceeds shall either go to the Revolutionary Fund of the - V.C. or to the National Fund, so that we may be better prepared to - meet any emergency that may be forced upon us by England. While - believing that all our efforts should be directed to restraining - the people in Ireland from any premature insurrectionary movement, - I think the excitement at home should be utilised for the purpose - of procuring the funds necessary to enable the National party to - complete the preparations for the struggle for independence. The - _time_ for that struggle must be selected by us and not by England; - but one must not forget that our hand may be forced in spite of all - our endeavours; and it therefore behoves us to commence stirring - up our people in America now. I think the Land League has now - money enough for present purposes, and that the state of things - prevailing in Ireland demands that all money that can be got from - our people here should be devoted to revolutionary purposes. I am - convinced, in fact, that the doing of this is the best help we can - at present give the Land League. The prosecutions have already - given the agitation a more decidedly national tone. Let us help to - broaden it into a truly national movement, and make it serviceable - to the cause of independence. - - “If you agree with this view of the situation, I should be glad to - receive your assistance in organising lectures in your vicinity, - _provided your doing so would not be detrimental to the interests - of the V.C._ - - “I intend to begin in the New England States, then to go through a - portion of New York State and Penna, and thence west. Communicate - to the P.O. Box mentioned.—Fraternally yours, - - “JOHN DEVOY.” - -I was only too willing to arrange for such a lecture as Devoy wanted, -for thereby I should be bringing Devoy and myself into contact, with -every probability of getting useful information. Accordingly, Devoy -lectured for me somewhere about January or February ’81, and during -his stay visited and addressed my camp. He made a visit of some three -or four days to my district, and as I had hoped and anticipated, -we had many and long confidential chats together. The position of -affairs was fully discussed. Devoy was very pronounced in his views -about money subscribed for Land League purposes. What had been only -hinted at in his letter, he gave very plain utterance to in his -speech. The money subscribed for the Land League, he contended, -should not all go for bread, and in this connection he outlined to -me the ideas of the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael (of -which he was a member) at this time. These were, to put it shortly, -to strike and damage the British Government where and when they -could. “The organisation on this side,” said he, meaning America, -“have agreed to furnish the means, and the organisation in Ireland -have signified their willingness to carry out a system of warfare, -characterised by all the rigours of Nihilism.” - -All, however, was not plain sailing to him, and with amazing -frankness he explained to me what his fears were. There was, he -admitted, no possibility of a rising, as the leaders in Ireland -were all against such a movement in the weak condition in which -the organisation was. But, on the other hand, all attempts made -to restrain the fire-eating elements would be met with failure, -unless something practical was done. The attitude of Rossa and his -followers had also to be considered. If no active work was done, -some of our best men would flock to Rossa’s standard and so weaken -the organisation (Rossa, I should explain, had by this time taken -up an independent attitude, and was working in connection with the -fragments that remained of the old Fenian Brotherhood). It was -thoroughly understood that work had been done by Rossa’s emissaries -or rather some of them; hence the danger. The name of Boyton, whom -I did not know at the time, but who was, as I learnt, a brother of -Boyton the swimmer, engaged as a League organiser in Ireland, then -came up, and I was informed that Boyton was one of those occupied -in developing the new policy. By this I mean active warfare _aux_ -Clan-na-Gael as distinct from the constitutional work openly -advocated by the Land League. Devoy remarked regarding this active -policy that it was being well looked after, but would take time to -complete. - -Devoy’s confidences were in fact most exhaustive, and enabled -me to send quite an interesting budget by the next mail to Mr. -Anderson. I learnt, as a further item of news, that much trouble -was being experienced in keeping the I.R.B. (the sister society) -men in some parts of Ireland, notably in Mayo, where they had the -best organisation and most arms, from making what Devoy described -as “fools of themselves.” He, it appeared, feared attacks on the -military when the latter were attending evictions. This striking -interview between the Clan-na-Gael leader and the Secret Service -agent concluded with the important announcement on the part of the -former that he had received a letter from Mr. Parnell, through a -friend, in which Mr. Parnell stated he was exasperated and was -willing to do anything. He (Mr. Parnell) had agreed to the calling of -the 1882 Convention, and to its being a National Movement Convention; -and, in conclusion, Devoy said Mr. Parnell’s personal attitude -towards the National (_i.e._, Revolutionary) party was well and -satisfactorily understood. - -This was, indeed, a time of confidences with me. I had communications -with Alexander Sullivan and Meledy within a very short period from -this, and from them—Sullivan being one of the Executive, and -Meledy a leading member of the Clan-na-Gael—I learnt, though at -different times, that a new plan of campaign was coming into force, -nothing more or less indeed than one of cold-blooded murder and -destruction. It appeared that a man called Wheeler had invented a new -hand-grenade, and had offered a supply to the organisation. They were -of such a portable character as to be easily carried in a satchel, -and were especially adapted for the purpose in view. Meledy told me -he had offered to take part in the work of placing them in Ireland -and England. - -The significance of the matter was lost upon me at the time, but -was fully appreciated by me later on, when I learnt of the informer -Carey’s evidence in connection with the Phœnix Park murders and -the Invincible conspiracy, in the course of which he confessed -that he and his confederates had arranged to kill Earl Cowper, the -Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, by a hand bomb just perfected in the -organisation, which could be easily thrown from a window in a house -in Cork Hill, Dublin, which they had selected for the purpose. - - - - -XXXII. - - -My private affairs permitted of my taking a holiday in the early -part of the year 1881, and so I determined to make a trip to Europe. -Happening to communicate my intention to my old friend, Colonel -Clingen, now the commander of the Clan-na-Gael guards in Chicago, -and a very prominent member of the organisation, he gave me to -understand that the Executive would avail themselves of my journey -to send by me documents which could not be trusted to the mails. -Nothing could have suited me better, and I willingly consented to be -of any service I possibly could. Devoy, it subsequently transpired, -was the correspondent whose communications I was to convey, and by -an arrangement of Clingen’s a meeting took place between Devoy and -myself at the Palmer House, Chicago, in the month of March 1881. -Devoy on this occasion handed me sealed packets addressed to John -O’Leary and Patrick Egan in Paris. O’Leary was then regarded as the -representative agent and official means of communication between the -Clan-na-Gael and the Irish Republican Brotherhood in Ireland; Egan -was the treasurer and accredited representative of the Irish Land -League. - -Journeying by way of Liverpool, I reached England on the 12th of -April 1881, and stopping in London in order to see Mr. Anderson -and show him the packets, as well as to receive instructions, I -eventually travelled to Paris. On arrival there I drove to the -Hotel Brighton, where I had learned Egan was located, and where I -determined to take up my abode. The first person I met with in the -hotel was Egan himself. He was coming down the stairs in view of -me, as I asked for him, in company with Mrs. A. M. Sullivan (wife -of the late M.P.), both being bound for the opera, where, on their -invitation, I subsequently joined them. I made myself known to Egan -at once, only to find of course that he had received some hint of my -coming, and was quite expecting me. - -[Illustration: PATRICK EGAN] - -As I washed and prepared to take myself to the opera, to see some -more of this strange man, I endeavoured to recall his appearance, and -to see how far he fitted in with the idea I already held regarding -him. A man of bright cheery presence, stout build, and jovial look -and voice, the latter very marked in its Irish accent, with bright -laughing eyes and warm handshake and a closely cut head of tawny -hair, he was the last person in the world you would take for a -deep conspirator, and a constructor of murder. I was puzzled and -bewildered—I could not make it out; and so giving up all thought of -trying to read the man’s character on the outward view, I determined -I should leave my further studies in this direction to a later date -and go and enjoy the opera, which I did. - -The next morning saw me _en route_ for the residence of John O’Leary, -to whom I wished to deliver my second packet without delay. I -discovered him without much difficulty in his abode at the Hotel de -la Couronne, in the Quartier Latin. I found the old man surrounded by -his books and manuscripts, and from his appearance more fit for the -patient secluded life of the student than the troublous career of the -rebel. Seated in his room, and gazing affectionately on his different -treasures of old and rare editions, he seemed to have little in -common with my friends of the Clan. Yet I found him fully posted, and -as keen to talk with me as possible. At first somewhat suspicious -and uncertain in his manner, he gradually lost his appearance of -distrust, and in the end gossiped with me quite freely. As he opened -Devoy’s packet in my presence, I was enabled to discover that I had -been the bearer of a very long document, with an enclosure, to which -he paid great heed. - -From the very start I found O’Leary opposed to the “active” policy. -He was as strong and bitter an opponent of the murderous idea as -one could wish to meet; and, unlike Irish patriots in general, he -was not without the courage of his convictions. He showed me a copy -of the Dublin _Irishman_ (the unfortunate Pigott’s paper), of some -date in the month previous, containing a letter over his signature, -denouncing all secret warfare. In fact, so far did this really -honest patriot go, that he refused in his official capacity to take -any responsibility for expenditure in connection with the “active” -policy. While condemning such methods, however, he avowed himself -in full accord with an open insurrectionary movement; and he spoke -in the bitterest terms of the way in which J. J. O’Kelly and others -had played false, while acting as paid members of the organisation. -Another point in connection with our talks was the opposition shown -by O’Leary to the Parnellite alliance. He would have nothing to do -with such a joining of forces as was proposed, and he was all against -mixing up the honest rebel movement with one which was, in his -opinion, worthy of great distrust. - -I enjoyed my talks with O’Leary because in him I found a fine, -honest, fearless spirit. The man was old and grey, with furrowed -brow and stooped figure, the result of his long confinement in -English prisons. There was little about him then to remind one of -the bright-eyed daring prisoner who, fifteen years before, had, from -the dock of a Dublin court-house, hurled defiance at judge, jury, -and Government alike; but there still remained with him the same -fearlessness of tone and honesty of conviction which marked him out -then, as now, a prince amongst his fellows of the Irish conspiracy. - - - - -XXXIII. - - -In strong contrast to O’Leary was another old Irish rebel whose -acquaintance I made in Paris for the first time. He was a man whose -name was familiar to me as a household word, but with whom I had -never before been brought directly into contact. I speak of James -Stephens, the leader with whose name it was at one time possible to -conjure in Ireland, who had been the head and front of the Fenian -Brotherhood in Ireland in 1865, whose word was law to its sworn -thousands, and who, after making his escape from Richmond Bridewell -in Dublin, ended his inglorious public career by an unromantic exit -in petticoats. Curious being that he was, he inspired feelings of the -sincerest affection on the part of his immediate followers; and there -were few things that, in their regard for him, they would not seek to -accomplish on his behalf. - -His escape from Richmond Prison, attended with tremendous risk as it -was for all concerned, was a case in point; and as it is a matter -about which present-day folk remember little if anything, I feel -tempted to give the story in the old man’s words, as he told it to me. - -“The two brave men,” said he, “brave men and true, who were -instrumental in releasing me were J. J. Breslin and Daniel Byrne. -Breslin was a man of great expediency, or he never could have -procured the impression of the key which opened my cell, and which -was hung on a nail in the Governor’s safe. He had to distract the -Governor’s attention; steal the key, putting another in its place; -get the impression, and then return the key to its proper place -again. The most singular circumstance connected with my escape was -that while Kickham, who was deaf, occupied the cell on my right, -M‘Leod, a thief, was in the cell on my left. A gong was placed in -his cell communicating with the Governor’s office, in order to allow -of his giving the alarm if necessary; and he could not have helped -hearing me get out, when Breslin and Byrne, at one o’clock in the -morning, stood beside my cell. He did hear me; but that thief, base -as he was, was not base enough to sell me to the British Government. -But then my trouble began. We had only a few minutes to do our work -in. It was pitch dark, and the storm howled furiously. The ladder -provided for my scaling the wall proved too short. Breslin, who was -chief hospital warden, and Byrne, who was night-watchman and ‘lock -up,’ were armed with two revolvers each. They had also provided for -me. Our intention was to fight, if discovered, until killed. - -“The short ladder nearly proved fatal. I could not reach the top of -the wall, which was twenty feet high, so Byrne got a table out of -the dining-room and placed the ladder upon it. Even then it was too -short. I had to come down again. Breslin was fairly wild. Another -table was procured, and again I tried. After a dreadful struggle, -I succeeded in getting outside of the wall. It was no joke to jump -twenty feet into the darkness. I had to do it, however, or be caught. -Breslin gave me directions where to go if I did not break my neck in -falling; and he and Byrne returned to their duty. I let go my hold, -and down I went, fortunately falling on soft ground. - -“My directions were to follow a gravel walk (for I was in a garden) -until I came to another wall twenty feet high, where I was to throw -a stone over as a signal to eleven men, all armed, who were waiting -outside to receive me. - -“I had some difficulty in finding the walk, and could get no stone of -any size in the dark. At last I reached the garden wall, and threw -over a handful of gravel. A rope with a weight attached was thrown -over the wall. I climbed up by its aid, and soon found myself in the -arms of my body-guard. We embraced with joy, and I soon made them -disperse. I went to a house in sight of the jail, and remained there -fourteen days. I afterwards went to a fashionable boarding-house in -the finest part of Dublin and stayed two months. I left Dublin in the -brigantine _Concord_, in company with Flood and Kelly, on the 12th of -March, and landed in Ardrossan on the afternoon of the 15th.” - -Poor Stephens now lives in his humble garret in Paris, an exile -broken in fortune, health, and hope, smoking his short black pipe and -brooding over these days that are no more. - - - - -XXXIV. - - -All this time Egan and I had been constantly together. My desire -was, of course, to make a study of the man, and to get to know as -much about him as I possibly could. Everything played into my hands. -Egan was ignorant both of the geography and the language of the -French capital, and he very largely availed himself of the help which -I was enabled to render him, as the result of my supposed French -nationality and knowledge of the city. My position, altogether, was -a very pleasant one at this period. Egan lived in a most extravagant -fashion, and as he would pay for everything and would not allow me to -share in any outlay, I had the best of all things without any strain -on my pocket whatever. He frequented the most expensive cafés, had -the choicest of dishes, would only be content with the best boxes -at places of entertainment, and, in a word, spent his money right -royally. The information should be pleasant reading for the poor -dupes in America and Ireland who subscribed the funds over which he -was then presiding. - -We cemented a strong friendship, and I was with him almost at all -times. I made a point of being in his rooms when his letters -arrived, and he was certainly very frank and open in acquainting -me with their contents. As a result, I obtained full and accurate -information as to the position and progress of affairs in Ireland -during my stay. There was not the faintest shadow of a suggestion of -secrecy between us as to our attitude towards Revolutionary matters. -I remember well on one occasion Egan summing up his own position in -these words—which I noted at the time—“I am a Land Leaguer, and -something else when the opportunity presents itself.” He boasted -to me of his having been the backbone of the Fenian organisation -in Dublin for many years, and admitted the fact, with which I was -acquainted, that he was a member of the Supreme Council or executive -body there. - -[Illustration: “NUMBER ONE” - -P. J. TYNAN] - -In our talks on Revolutionary organisations, I found Egan an -enthusiastic advocate of the “active” policy spoken of by Devoy, -and he heartily entered into a discussion with me as to the ways -and means of carrying it out. In this connection reference was made -to Mr. Parnell, and he assured me most emphatically that “Parnell -was all right as a Revolutionist.” In support of this statement he -cited the fact that some twelve months previously Mr. Parnell sought -admission into the ranks of the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood, -but was refused. “Parnell,” remarked Egan with a wise look, “thought -a good deal of the organisation, but it was not then in a flourishing -condition, and we thought he would think a great deal more of it by -being on the outside rather than in it.” - -Our conversations naturally tended in the direction of finance; and -when the topic cropped up, Egan dealt with it in no nervous spirit, -regarding me as quite a worthy recipient of his confidence. About -this time a demand was being made for a public audit of the accounts -of the League. He explained that an audit committee of three members -of the League had already gone over his books, and this was all the -audit that could possibly take place. His reasons for such a strong -statement were very frankly given. A public audit would, he said, be -the very thing Dublin Castle—meaning the Irish Government—would -like to have, but this was out of the question. It was impossible for -him to make public many of the items of his expenditure! I laughed to -myself as he said this, wondering whether the expenses of our many -extravagant trips about Paris came under this head. - -But he was dealing with far more dangerous matters. He stated -explicitly, in a very significant way, that the money had been used -for other purposes than those of constitutional agitation. Amongst -these sources of outlay were the expenses of the Dutch officers from -Amsterdam to assist the Boers in their revolt against British control -in South Africa; and coming nearer home, the varied expenditure in -connection with parties attached to the Irish Republican Brotherhood -in Ireland. Altogether our talks on this branch of the subject -enlightened me on many points, and supplied me with sufficient -material to form a fixed belief in my mind that his idea, at least, -was identical with that held in the States—that the open agitation -was but a branch of the movement to obtain the separation of Ireland -from England. - -I use the phrase “his idea,” but to be really accurate I should say -“their idea,” for Egan always spoke on behalf of his colleagues—with -one exception, which I can recall—and represented that a complete -harmony of view prevailed. And in everything that happened -subsequently during my stay in England, I found this representation -of his sustained by fact, save the single exception of which I -speak—namely, in the case of Mr. A. M. Sullivan. I had not long -to wait for an opportunity of putting the statement to the test as -far as several of the M.P.’s were concerned; for very shortly after -this conversation, Egan and I travelled to London, and by him I was -introduced into the House of Commons, and to several Irish M.P.’s, -with the significant description “one of our friends from America.” -I well remember that amongst those I first met in this way was Mr. -Parnell himself, from whom I received a very warm greeting. On this -occasion I was accommodated with a seat under the gallery of the -House. This was but one of several visits I paid to the House at -this time, in the course of which I constantly came in contact with -Egan. When alone I generally sent in my card to Mr. Parnell, and -he obtained the necessary admission for me, much to his disgust, I -am sure, when a later day came and I put in an appearance in the -witness-box of Probate Court No. 1, London. - -At every point I, of course, made careful notes of what occurred, -and, either verbally or in writing, reported them to my chief, -so that the Government were not really so deplorably ignorant as -the Parnellites then proudly hoped and believed. In fact, not one -occurrence of importance with which Egan became acquainted—and he -really knew everything, and kept nothing back from me—was delayed -by a single post from headquarters at the Home Office in London. -To resume, however. After this first visit to London, Egan and I -returned to Paris by different routes and on arriving there the -same close intercourse prevailed between us. I had not been very -long back, when Egan informed me that Mr. Parnell had written him -expressing a very strong desire to see me before my return to -America. Nothing loth, I promised to call upon the Irish leader when -next in London, and I duly carried out my promise. - - - - -XXXV. - - -Making my way down to the House on the occasion of my next appearance -in London, I obtained admission to the Lobby—admission was then -an easier matter than now—and encountered Mr. J. J. O’Kelly in my -search for Mr. Parnell. The late envoy of the Clan-na-Gael, who, -unfaithful to his trust, had got into Parliament with skirmishing -money instead of attending to the shipping of arms for “active” work, -had a long chat with me over the situation, before the Irish leader -put in an appearance. While we talked in this way, O’Kelly complained -bitterly of the opposition which the open or constitutional -movement known as the Land League was still receiving from the -Irish Republican Brotherhood or secret organisation in Ireland, -and he stoutly advocated coercion on the part of the directors of -the American branch of the conspiracy in order to bring the Irish -malcontents into line. - -His remarks, however, were cut short by the appearance of Mr. -Parnell, who, leading the way, conducted us to a corridor outside -the Library of the House, where an interview of over an hour took -place, O’Kelly remaining for a little until the conversation was -well under way. O’Kelly, while he remained, did almost all the -talking. His remarks were a repetition of what he had already said -to me in private. When he left, Mr. Parnell adopted the same line -of complaint, speaking in low tones, as we walked up and down the -corridor, to prevent any one being continually within ear-shot. I -was told detectives were watching us, and that spies held a place -in every corner. As I afterwards learnt, the statement was not -without foundation, for every movement of myself and my companion was -noted, with details as regards time, and duly reported to Government -officials within twenty-four hours. - -The whole matter, said Mr. Parnell, following up O’Kelly’s remarks, -rested in our hands in America. We had the money, he said, and if we -stopped the supplies the home organisation would act as desired. He -expressed his belief that Devoy could do more than any one else to -bring about a clear understanding and alliance; and he commissioned -me to use my influence with Devoy, and to arrange for his presence -in Paris at as early a date as possible. So anxious was he to bring -Devoy over that he undertook to pay all his expenses. Still speaking -in this connection, he asked me to at once proceed from New York, -after seeing Devoy, to other prominent members of the organisation, -mentioning particularly the names of Alexander Sullivan and William -J. Hynes, the presence of either of whom, upon this side of the -water, he desired for the purpose of bringing about a thorough -understanding and complete harmony of working. Special reference was -also made to Dr. William Carroll of Philadelphia, and his attitude -towards the open movement. Dr. Carroll, I may here explain, had been -elected Chairman of the Executive Body at the Wilkesbarre Convention -of 1879, but had resigned in 1880 in consequence of his opposition -to the way in which the New Departure was being worked, and the -treatment he received. This was the same Dr. Carroll who had spent -the previous year in Europe, having been specially charged with the -carriage of negotiations between the V.C. and the Russian Government. - -After arranging these matters with me, Mr. Parnell entered into -details regarding the position of the Irish Question at this time. -His remarks on this point were a veritable bombshell to me. He -started off by stating that he had long since ceased to believe that -anything but the force of arms would accomplish the final redemption -of Ireland. He saw no reason why, when we were fully prepared, -an open insurrectionary movement could not be brought about. He -went carefully into the question of resources and necessaries. He -stated what the League could furnish in the way of men and money, -and informed me as to the assistance which he looked for from the -American organisation. He spoke of having in the League Treasury at -the end of that year an available sum of £100,000. He discussed with -me the details of the position occupied by the home and American -Revolutionary organisations, and defended the American policy for the -time being. I parted with him with the assurance that I would do all -he wished. - -The interview had certainly proved a startling one for me; and as I -proceeded to my seat under the gallery of the House, I pondered over -the manner and method of my late companion, to discover, if I could, -any incident in the course of our hour’s talk which would materially -affect all that he had said. But there was none. The manner of the -League chief had been grave and impassive, as was his wont; he -had been business-like all through; there was no uncertainty, no -indistinctness in his utterance. He had certainly made a plunge, but -it was a plunge taken with all deliberation and premeditation. I went -over all the points in my own mind again, carefully impressed them on -my memory, and took my seat in the house beside General Roberts, with -whom I had an interesting talk in an undertone, and to whom I pointed -out some of the celebrities on both sides. If I remember aright, it -was the occasion of a vote of thanks to General Roberts for his march -on Candahar; and when the vote had been recorded, a large number of -members crowded round to speak to him, whereupon I left. - -Reaching the street, I called a hansom at once, and late hour though -it was, I drove direct to Mr. Anderson’s private house in order to -acquaint him with what had happened, while the facts were fresh in -my memory. Carefully I went into every detail, and as carefully Mr. -Anderson followed, taking a note as I went along of the principal -points. The early dawn had crept upon us ere my report was finished, -and concluding at last, I took my departure, to lose no time in -getting that sleep for which I commenced to pine, and which I -considered I had very fairly earned. - - - - -XXXVI. - - -I saw Mr. Parnell once more. This was when I went to say good-bye to -him. I found him in the tea-room of the House of Commons, as cordial -as ever. Indeed, he was particularly agreeable on this occasion, -presenting me with a photograph of himself, on which he wrote, -“Yours very truly, Charles S. Parnell.” This portrait, which is here -reproduced, I kept as an interesting souvenir for a long time, but -had to surrender it at last to the Special Commission, amongst the -records of which it is now duly numbered. Soon after I left London -for Ireland, not, however, before I had seen a good deal of Egan, -and spent several pleasant evenings in his company, at the house -of Mr. A. M. Sullivan, M.P., who now, poor man! is no more. I well -remember Egan’s impressing upon me the necessity for my covering my -revolutionary sentiments whenever Mr. Sullivan was near. It would -never do, I was told, to talk of revolutionary matters, for he was -ultramontane. This advice I followed, noting the fact in my own mind -to Mr. Sullivan’s credit. - -Talented, witty, and brilliant, Mr. Sullivan made a magnificent -_raconteur_. Even now I can recall many of his happy efforts which -would well bear reproduction. I shall not, however, yield to the -temptation of bringing them in here, but will content myself with -recalling one pleasant story told about the irrepressible Mr. Biggar. -Mr. Biggar, as I was informed by way of preface, was known as the -great objector and “counter-out,” sometimes, sad to relate, moving -that the House be counted when it was not to the interests of the -party to take any notice of the want of a quorum. Very pious in -disposition, he rarely failed to attend early mass, in spite of late -sittings and consequent fatigue. One morning Mr. Biggar, fatigued -after a very heavy night’s sitting, but still devotionally inclined, -attended mass at St. George’s in Southwark. So tired out was he that -he fell fast asleep in his chair as the service proceeded, and so he -remained until all had been concluded and every one had gone. Upon -being vigorously aroused by the verger, Mr. Biggar started up, rubbed -his eyes, looked at the roof, and fancying himself at the moment in -the House of Commons, with the master instinct strong within him, -loudly exclaimed, “Mr. Speaker, I move that the House be counted.” - -[Illustration: (Parnell signature) - - _Yours very truly - Char. S. Parnell_] - -Thanks to Egan, I travelled to Dublin under happy circumstances. -I was the bearer of letters of introduction to Dr. Kenny, M.P., -O’Rorke, Egan’s brother-in-law, and to those in charge at the -Land League head-quarters. I anticipated an interesting time, and -I was not disappointed. Dr. Kenny, though his memory is now very -deficient—shall I say?—proved the most entertaining of men, and I -had both lunch and dinner at his hospitable board in Gardiner Street. -It was in his company I paid my visit to Kilmainham Prison, and -through his kind introduction that I made the acquaintance of John -Dillon, P. J. Sheridan, M. J. Boyton, and the others I met on the -occasion. My visit and its incidents afforded a very good insight -into how matters were conducted, and proved to me how very easy -it was to carry on communication with the outside world—at least -when you were an Irish political prisoner. To my surprise there was -no attempt made by the warder to hear the conversation I had with -Boyton. On the contrary, this interesting official most obligingly -took himself off. - -This meeting with Boyton was full of interest to me. He was the man, -it will be remembered, who had been named by Devoy as carrying out -the arrangements for the “active” policy of Ireland, and who was -best known as the brother of Captain Boyton the swimmer. From him -in the secrecy of conversation, undisturbed by the presence of a -warder or fellow-prisoner, I learnt that the Land League had placed -the Fenian or National cause in a far stronger position than ever in -Ireland. Could the Clan-na-Gael only see the national spirit which -had been developed all over Ireland, they would never oppose it, -he believed. In counties where the Revolutionary organisation had -been dead for years, continued he, there was now material for work, -and men ready to go as far as any one. All these men wanted was -organisation and leaders. He besought my assistance in proving his -claim to be a naturalised American citizen, which, if established, -would mean his release. I left him with no doubt in my mind as to his -being a thorough-paced Revolutionist. When I got outside the prison, -I received from Dr. Kenny a letter which Boyton had intrusted to him -after leaving, containing a couple of his photos. Boyton, need I -state, was a paid Land League organiser like Sheridan, the director -of the Invincibles. My meeting with Sheridan was, by the way, almost -a momentary affair, and that with Dillon in the presence of a warder. - -After a very interesting time in Dublin, I left by North Wall boat, -being “seen off,” as the phrase is, by Egan’s business partner and -brother-in-law, O’Rorke, and Andrew Kettle, both Leaguers remaining -on the bridge of the boat talking to me till we left. The detailed -report of all I had seen and heard was duly submitted to Mr. -Anderson. I was commended for my success, said good-bye to everybody, -and once more took ship for home, in order to get back in time for -the Convention of the Clan-na-Gael, which was to take place very -soon. Of course there was another matter which prompted my speedy -return, and that was the work I had undertaken to do on behalf of -Mr. Parnell. I had to see Devoy and the others, to report the Irish -leader’s views to them, and having acquitted myself of all I had to -do as a Revolutionary envoy, to find out as much as possible of the -result, in order that I might utilise the information in my capacity -as an agent of the Secret Service. - - - - -XXXVII. - - -I reached New York somewhere in the month of June 1881. Devoy was not -there when I arrived, and so I had to telegraph to him at New Haven, -Conn., in order to arrange an interview. My telegram was followed by -a written report of all that had happened; and as Devoy was detained -at New Haven, a lengthy correspondence took place between us. Though -at first reluctant to go to Europe, he eventually undertook to do -so. His consent, however, was conditional on his colleagues agreeing -to the undertaking, and with them he promised to confer immediately -on his return. Later on he telegraphed me to lay his correspondence -before Sullivan and Hynes, when I discussed the matter with them. -The following is one of the letters I had from Devoy in connection -with this matter. It is, unfortunately, the only one I retained in my -possession, the others having been forwarded with my despatches at -this period, as they were of a far more important character. - - “41 ORANGE STREET, NEWHAVEN, - “OFFICE OF MR. REYNOLDS, - “_June 24, 1881_. - - “DEAR FRIEND,—I am sorry I was obliged to leave here for New York - last Saturday, consequently I did not get your letters till my - return last night. They would have been sent on to me, but I was - expected to return. I am much obliged for the information you have - given me, and the interest you have taken in a matter that affects - us all so closely. I have not heard from H. (Hynes), but yesterday - I received a note from E. (Egan) urging me strongly to go over, but - I did not understand for what purpose till I got your explanation. - I should like to go very much if I could spare the time, and if I - thought my visit would produce the effect anticipated, but I am - afraid it would not. I have no authority to speak for anybody, and - no man would undertake to speak for the V.C. without its consent, - and which must take time to get; and none of us, even if we had - that consent, could give any guarantee for the individuals on - the other side, who are hostile, and who, I feel certain, do not - represent the opinion of the home organisation. There can be no - change there until there is a change of persons, and that is sure - to come in time. All I could do would be to tell E. (Egan) and - P. (Parnell), on my own responsibility, what I believe would be - satisfactory to our friends here, and make propositions that I - might have felt morally certain would be approved of; but I would - not, on any consideration, have them pay my expenses; that would - place me in a false position at once. I have asked advice, and - if certain friends here think it the right thing to do, I shall - start next Wednesday; but, at present, I do not think I shall be - so advised. They seem to misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. - It is not their action in Ireland, but the action they allow their - friends to take in their name here. There is little difference of - opinion about the essential point, but we cannot tolerate the kind - of thing begun in Buffalo. Please drop me a line to P.O. box 4,479, - New York City, and even if I should go it will reach me. I will - write again.—Yours in haste, - - “JOHN DEVOY.” - -Before proceeding to Sullivan and Hynes, I took a trip to -Philadelphia, in order to see Dr. Carroll and convey Mr. Parnell’s -views to him. With him I found very little sympathy for the proposal. -He was as antagonistic to the open movement as possible. As for -Davitt, he had lost all faith in him. “When Davitt ceases to be a -Revolutionist,” he remarked, “I have no further use for him.” As for -any practical alliance between the two forces, his idea was that no -two or three people should take upon themselves to decide, but that -the whole question should be brought up before the coming Convention. -Altogether, Dr. Carroll appeared anything but an enthusiast on Mr. -Parnell’s behalf, although in the end he went the length of saying -that he was glad to find by Mr. Parnell’s attitude that there was a -returning sense of reason on his part. From Philadelphia I journeyed -to Chicago, where I saw Alexander Sullivan and William J. Hynes. I -dealt with them separately at first, but in the end a conference -took place between the three of us. The news I brought them appeared -to be a source of gratification. They apparently fully realised the -importance of the situation, and determined in the end that one of -them at least should go. - -I had now completed my part of the work, and so, content with my -labours, I returned home, wrote a full account of my proceedings to -Mr. Anderson, and turned my attention to my business. I communicated -fully with Egan in two lengthy letters, but I did not write Mr. -Parnell, for Egan had purposely asked that I should not communicate -direct with his chief. As far as any further public action on my part -was concerned, I dropped out of the affair at this point. I knew that -I should learn everything in time, and I was quite content to wait. - -As I had anticipated, I did hear the result, and on no less an -authority than that of Sullivan himself. He informed me some time -later that the sanction of the executive body of the Clan-na-Gael -or V.C. had been given to the bringing about of an “understanding.” -Sullivan, however, did not anticipate that it would be all plain -sailing. Even then he expected trouble from the members of the home -organisation, but he pointed out that their opinion was not that of -the organisation in its collective capacity. On one point he was very -strong, and that was the getting rid of poor old O’Leary. The old -man’s independence of mind and speech was not by any means relished, -and so it was determined that he should go. There could be no -radical change brought about, Sullivan confessed, while O’Leary was -there, and, I might depend upon it, a change of the representative -was certain to come very soon. As he talked, Sullivan grew quite -enthusiastic over the new move, and he showed me by his manner that -he had given the subject a great deal of thought. - -“I feel morally certain,” he continued, “that the propositions I will -make will be approved of. I for one am opposed to bringing up this -matter openly at the coming Convention. I shall most certainly object -to Parnell or any of his friends compromising themselves by allowing -such a course. The whole matter must be left to the Revolutionary -Directory and the F.C.” (Executive Body). [As it will be seen later, -this is exactly what happened. There was no public discussion of -the proposal in open convention, but matters were satisfactorily -arranged in the quiet caucuses of the responsible committees.] -Sullivan, continuing, said, “They (that is, the Parnellites) seem to -misunderstand our dissatisfaction here. Our quarrel is not with their -action in Ireland, but with the action they allow their friends here -to take in their name. I know there is but little difference about -essential points, but we cannot tolerate the kind of thing begun in -Buffalo.” - -This reference to Buffalo dealt with some proceedings in connection -with the first American Land League Convention of a few weeks -previously, which had attracted a good deal of attention and comment -at the time. I had no personal knowledge of what took place, owing to -the Convention having been held while I was in Europe, but I heard -fully of the affair on my return. The whole thing was nothing more -or less than an attempt on the part of the clerical element to gain -the controlling power in the League Councils, to the exclusion of the -Clan-na-Gael influence. Certain speeches had been made and action -taken with this view, and although the result had not weakened them, -the Clan-na-Gael leaders felt very bitter on the point. - - - - -XXXVIII. - - -The month of August at length arrived, and with it the Great Dynamite -Convention of 1881. It was pretty well known that “active” work -was to be the order of the day, when the future plans and schemes -of the organisation came to be discussed. Nothing was talked of -throughout the camps but the utter lack of practical effort which had -characterised the past few years; and now, when funds were pretty -large, and the organisation itself in a very flourishing condition -in every way, it was determined that some outward and visible sign -should be given England of its power of doing mischief. The stories -which were daily reaching America of the alleged brutalities being -practised by the British Government, only served to inflame the blood -of the rank and file of the conspirators, and to make them the more -eager to force on some exhibition of their strength. The leaders, -however, were in no sense behindhand in the way of bloodthirsty -sentiment; indeed, as will be seen by what I have already stated -about Devoy and others, arrangements had ere this been completed for -giving expression to the popular desire. - -The Convention, which assembled in the club-room of the Palmer House, -Chicago, lasted from the 3rd to the 10th of August 1881; and although -the word dynamite finds no single place in the official records of -the assembly, it was in the air and in the speeches from start to -finish. The whole question of active operations came up and was -debated at great length in connection with the statement of accounts -furnished by the trustees of the Skirmishing Fund. Many of the -delegates present attacked both the Revolutionary Directory and the -Executive Body for having practically done nothing, while an enormous -amount of money had been spent from this fund; and wild demands were -made for particulars. The fight raged so fiercely that disclosures -were made compromising people on the Irish side of the water; and, -in order to prevent a complete _exposé_, a resolution was suddenly -passed forbidding the mention of names and other compromising -particulars. Explanations were, however, tendered as to the schemes -which had been discussed and in part arranged. These included -the treaty with Russia, the supply of officers to the Boers, the -torpedo-boat, the hand-grenade, the purchase and shipment of arms, -the purchase of 200 six-pound cannons at $25 each, and the attempt to -rescue Michael Davitt on two occasions. - -In the end a resolution in the following terms was adopted which, -read by the light of the many and excited debates, was a clear -instruction to the Executive Body to be up and doing at once in the -way of “active” warfare:— - - “That it is the sense of this Convention that, while we do not - dictate to the F.C., whatever action they may inaugurate, however - decisive, will meet the full approval of the delegates present and - the V.C. at large.” - -This, however, was not the only important resolution they recorded. -While the fight over an active policy was being engaged in, I -secretly attended by request before the Committee of Foreign -Relations, and explained to them the views of Mr. Parnell and Patrick -Egan. As the result of what took place in connection with this -matter, the following resolution was proposed and adopted in open -convention:— - - “That it is the sense of this Convention that both branches of - the S.E. (_i.e._, the Irish and the American members of the - Revolutionary Directory), in so far as they can give their time and - energies to it, should devote themselves to the work of revolution; - and if such bodies cannot give their approval to public movements - that are intended to promote the political and social regeneration - of Jsfmboe (Ireland) when they are supported by a large proportion - of the Jsjti (Irish) people, they will at least refrain from - antagonising them, and that the members of the I.S.C. (the Irish - Republican Brotherhood) and the V.C. (Clan-na-Gael) should not - arbitrarily be prevented from exercising liberty of action in - regard to such movements.” - - - - -XXXIX. - - -In this way did both of Mr. Parnell’s ideas receive recognition -and support. In the first place, the Revolutionary Directory was -instructed to prepare for the rising of which he spoke, while, in -the second, a pretty strong hint was given to the home organisation -that members in their individual capacity should join the League -and support its programme. It is only right that I should state at -this point that I was not the only one charged with representing -Mr. Parnell’s views. My attendance before the Foreign Relations -Committee brought me into contact with John O’Connor, _alias_ Dr. -Clarke, _alias_ Dr. Kenealy, the travelling agent of the Clan-na-Gael -in Europe, who informed me that he specially attended in his -representative capacity to support the “understanding.” This was not -my first meeting with O’Connor by any means. When in Paris I had been -introduced to him by O’Leary, and had frequently met him in the -company of Egan, with whom he was on the most confidential terms, and -working in perfect harmony. O’Connor’s statement was followed by one -on the part of Devoy, who informed me that “the matter was now all -right.” - -This Convention saw the initiation of the Sullivan _régime_, -Alexander Sullivan, ere its close, being elected to the position of -president of the organisation, with head-quarters at Chicago. His -election was attended by many changes in the constitution. Up to -this the executive body, or “F.C.” as it was termed, had consisted -of a chairman, secretary, and treasurer, with eleven district -members or “E.N.’s,” elected to control the society in their several -districts. The Convention now reconstituted the “F.C.” by excluding -these eleven “E.N.’s,” and limiting the number to six, including the -secretary, who was _ex-officio_, but without a vote. This was quite -a revolution in the management of affairs, and Sullivan, in his -new position, acquired a power and prominence never enjoyed by any -previous president. It was after gaining possession of this important -and powerful post that he visited Europe, in accordance with the -arrangement I had been the means of first proposing to him. Of course -it was not publicly announced that Sullivan was in Europe. By some -he was understood to be ill, by others in Florida. It would never -have done for him to have publicly admitted or allowed the fact to be -known that he was so far east as Paris. - -I had very many interesting conversations at this Convention, but -none more so than those with Dr. Gallaher, now in Portland Prison -for complicity in the dynamite outrages, and Mackay Lomasney, who -had just returned from Ireland, where, like Devoy in 1879, he had -been acting as the inspecting envoy of the Clan-na-Gael. Gallaher, -at the time I speak of, was making experiments in the manufacture of -explosives, and advocating their use. He was quite enthusiastic in -their praise, and so carried away by his subject that he expressed -his willingness to personally undertake the carriage of dynamite to -England and to superintend its use there. Lomasney was an equally -ardent dynamitard, not foreseeing then the fate which awaited him -under London Bridge. - -I think I cannot better conclude this chapter than by quoting the -following statement of accounts, furnished at this Convention, of -the Skirmishing Fund, which, in all its details, even to the amount -stolen by the messenger of the _Irish World_, should prove of -interest. - - RECEIPTS, &c. - - Total receipts by _Irish World_ up to May 31, 1881 $88,306 32 - Received by trustees from other sources 1,603 50 - Interest 1,072 50 - Profits on Exchange 471 25 - ---------- - $91,453 57 - ---------- - EXPENSES, &c. - - Purchase of bonds $31,488 87 - Lent per F.C. to S.C. for tools 10,000 0 - Lent to F.C. 5,875 0 - Irish volunteers 1,000 0 - J. J. O’Mahony’s burial 2,030 0 - O’D. Rossa’s defalcations 1,321 90 - Old submarine vessel 4,042 97 - New submarine vessel 23,345 70 - Miscellaneous expense 321 4 - Lent Dr. Carroll 860 0 - Luby and Burke 100 0 - Cheques dishonoured 78 68 - Reception, Condon and Meledy 249 79 - Allowed A. Ford on old money, Rossa’s not cashed 41 90 - _Irish World_ overcharged 5 4 - Subsidising foreign newspapers (J. J. O’Kelly) 2,000 0 - Land League trial (Davitt) 1,532 0 - Special to O’Kelly 177 63 - Author, New Departure 1,003 90 - Stolen by messenger of _Irish World_ 27 50 - Reception of Parnell 165 0 - ---------- - $85,666 92 - ---------- - - ASSETS. - - Balance in bank $5,745 82 - Balance on hands 40 83 - --------- - $5,786 65 - ---------- - - - - -XL. - - -I have found this subject of Irish secret conventions so interesting -to the many people who have talked with me about Clan-na-Gael affairs -since my appearance in the witness-box that I almost think I might -venture on some slight description of the _modus operandi_ of these -gatherings without wearying the reader. Like all proceedings from -which the general public are shut out, a Clan-na-Gael assembly -becomes interesting in proportion to the amount of secrecy by which -it is attended. Not indeed that a Clan-na-Gael Convention is anything -very exciting or terrible after all. It possesses none of the weird -features of that scene in which our three old friends of Macbeth -figure. It is on the contrary very Irish—very Irish indeed. But what -it is and what it is not can best be demonstrated by some few details -by way of description; and so, transforming my gentle reader for the -nonce into a V.C. delegate, I will take him with me for a flying -visit to the Clan Convention of 1881 in the club-room of the Palmer -House, Chicago. - -As we pass along down the corridor to the iron doors of the -club-room, we find our passage barred by two stalwart Irishmen. They -are members of the local camp, stationed as sentinels to prevent the -entry of the unauthorised. We have already presented our credentials -and been intrusted with the necessary passwords, and on giving -the outside password to these guardians of the door, we are duly -admitted. On the other side, however, we are brought face to face -with another couple of trusted Gaels, and to them we have to give the -inside password. ’Tis done, and, freed now from further question, we -enter the charmed assembly. What a sight! What a babel of voices and -a world of smoke! You can scarce see for the clouds which curl and -roll round you as the breath of fresh air is admitted by the opening -door, while, as for hearing, your ears are deafened by the din and -clatter of many tongues and stamping feet. Yes, we are at last in the -Irish Parliament, as it is grandly termed, in full session. These -are the hundred and sixty odd delegates of the great V.C., sworn “to -make Ireland a nation once again,” who are now assembled in the year -of grace 1881 to clamour for dynamite as the only means of achieving -their patriotic ends. - -Let us sit down in the corner and study the scene with attention. -It partakes, on the first view, more of the character of a “free -and easy” entertainment than a grave portentous gathering of -conspirators; but you must not judge by first appearances or -outward characteristics. It is the way these men have of doing their -business, and the dread character of their work is in no way affected -by the almost ludicrous phases of the preliminary performance. Always -you must remember that you are dealing with Irishmen, who in their -wildest and most ferocious of fights still retain that substratum of -childishness of character and playfulness of mood, with its attendant -elements of exaggeration and romance, which make it as difficult for -an ordinary House of Commons member to rightly understand his Irish -colleague when he launches forth in description or invective, as it -is for the civilised foreigner to know where the actual grievance now -comes in. - -Well, we are seated, and we must proceed to make the most of our -time. And so I hurry on with my description. That is the chairman -seated over there on the platform, with his two secretaries in -attendance. The permanent presiding officer, as he is termed, is on -this occasion no other than our friend Wm. J. Hynes, the gentleman -who received his start in Chicago politics as a professional juryman -through the instrumentality of Alexander Sullivan, and who since that -time has put together flesh as well as riches, and is now one of the -strongest-looking men here, possessed of that which, if he had no -other qualification, would yet constitute a strong claim for the -office of chairman—a voice capable of rising above the din caused by -fifty excited patriots all yelling with their greatest might. Seated -round in semi-circular fashion are the different delegates who, in -the language they love so well, may be described as the flower of -Irish-American patriotism. They are a funny crowd, as lolling with -arms akimbo, and thumbs resting in their waistcoat arm-holes, they -hang their feet on the chairs in front, which for comfort’s sake -are tilted to an angle of some 40 or 45 degrees, and puff their -cigars—on such an occasion there is nothing so vulgar as a pipe -indulged in—high up into the air, changing their position now and -again in order to have a pull at those interesting-looking black -bottles, or to disrobe themselves of coat or waistcoat, the better to -cool their heated frames. - -But hark! there is a row on now. Listen to the oaths and foul -epithets which fill the air. These two patriots to our left have -apparently disagreed about something and, want to fight it out. See -how they jump to their feet, kick the chairs about, throw a curse -across the floor at the chairman as he seeks to stop their rowdy -proceedings, and enter into grips with each other. Watch how friends -hurry up on either side, and note the general confusion which now -reigns. The business of the Convention of course is brought to a -standstill, but not for long. See, all is quiet again now. These -incidents are of hourly occurrence, and the fun of it all is that -these two combatants will be drinking whisky in the most amicable -way out of the same black bottle in less than a quarter of an hour’s -time. Do you notice these few men hurrying in with handkerchiefs to -their lips? Thirsty souls! They have been taking advantage of the -interval to pay a visit to the bar. - - - - -XLI. - - -At last we turn to business again. Luckily the topic is an exciting -one—nothing less indeed than the Skirmishing Fund discussion—and -so matters will be interesting. O’Meagher Condon is on his feet, and -he is launching forth in vehement style against the whole of the -governing powers. Condon is one of those men who were mixed up in -the Manchester Martyr affair, and since his arrival here a couple -of years since, on being amnestied, he has been quite a hero. He -has now a position in a Government department at Washington, and is -much esteemed in the ranks of the Gaels. How his face works with -excitement and passion as he attacks Devoy and his fellows on the -Revolutionary Directory for their want of practical work. He finishes -at last, and up jumps Devoy, more sour-looking than ever, with the -perpetual scowl growing heavier and heavier. As he proceeds, the -author of the New Departure has recourse to the usual method of -controversy. He asserts that Condon is a coward, and was guilty of -the grossest neglect at Manchester. If Condon had but distributed the -twenty odd pounds which were found on him on his arrest, many of the -men would have escaped, instead of being captured with empty pockets. -Gruffer and gruffer becomes Devoy’s voice, as losing partial control -of himself he trembles with excitement and flings charge after charge -across the floor. - -We are in for another personal quarrel, and so have to wait patiently -while Condon, for the hundredth time, recites the threadbare -narrative of his glorious deeds in Manchester. Matters are very -electrical when the Rev. George C. Betts of St. Louis craves a -hearing, and with his well-known smile seeks the suffrages of -his fellow-patriots for the moment. Truly, a strange figure in a -strange place. Tall, erect, in the black garb of the Church, with -priest-like face and priest-like form, he woos the assembly to a -strange quietness as his clerical style of utterance falls upon -the audience. He is as hot a dynamitard as any, but he wants no -personalities. If they are to accomplish anything, they really must -be more practical. And so he proceeds, winning applause and spreading -enthusiasm, till Devoy and Condon, and their personalities, are swept -into forgetfulness, and all are engaged in applauding revolutionary -sentiment spiced with religious quotation, and served up in the most -orthodox of fashions. - -The reverend dynamitard concludes, and resumes his seat amidst -most enthusiastic evidences of his popularity. He gives way to an -equally inharmonious figure in this motley gathering. The man who -now rises is one of medium height, whose every movement bespeaks the -professional man, as awhile back the picture presented by the Rev. -Dr. Betts bespoke the cleric. A young man too is this, with his neat -attire, trim beard, and gold-headed cane. No less a person is he than -Dr. Gallaher, who, in this year of 1892, in the convict suit of grey -with its regulation arrows, works out his weary life in Portland -prison. As you watch, and as he speaks in that quiet gentlemanly -fashion of his, you can well believe that he is a man of whom it -might be afterwards boasted that he was introduced to Mr. Gladstone -himself. Save in his sentiments there is nothing of the dynamitard -about him, but in the matter of his speech there is no room for -doubt. Quiet and self-controlled though he be, his talk is the talk -of war, and the enthusiasm which lights up his countenance is that -strong steady flame which will steadily burn till England’s dungeon -doors close upon him and cut short his career of recklessness. - -Following him on the floor is the familiar form of Denis Feeley, -the fellow “Triangler” of Sullivan in later days, and with him the -object of attack on the part of Cronin’s friends. Cool, calm, and -deliberate, he carries his audience with him as he advocates “a -secret blow at the enemy”; while his big form shakes with indignation -as he works himself up to an excited pitch over “the wrongs of their -beloved country.” At last Feeley concludes, and there rises another -well-known figure, that of T. V. Powderly, for years the chief of the -largest working-men’s organisation in America, known as “The Knights -of Labour.” Little doubt can there be as to his views. Listen to what -he says:— - - “The killing of English robbers and tyrants in Ireland, and the - destruction by any and all means of their capital and resources, - which, enables them to carry on their robberies and tyrannies, is - not a needless act. Hence I am in favour of the torch for their - cities and the knife for their tyrants till they agree to let - Ireland severely alone. London, Liverpool, Manchester, and Bristol - in ashes may bring them to view it in another light.” - -And so the talk goes on, and seven hundred years of grievances find -expression from the lips of excited patriots, while quarrelsome -delegates destroy all decorum. There is little purpose in our waiting -further. One hour will be but the repetition of the other. As we rise -to leave, however, one figure catches the eye and impresses itself -upon us. It is that of the arch-plotter Sullivan, who, through all -this din and turmoil, sits and makes no sign. He knows that later on -he will be the candidate for the highest place amongst them, and so -he takes no side. There is no possibility of your missing him as you -pass him by. There he sits, quiet, watchful, and alert. You cannot -mistake the man. There is a sense of power and intelligence in that -clean cut, clean shaven face of his, lit up by its bright daring -eyes. Had you but heard him speak, the lesson of his presence would -have been complete. His clear trumpet voice, rising and falling with -the play of a practised orator, his choice finished diction, his -well-reasoned, well-arranged argument, and the graceful gesture and -movement of his whole body would prove to you that there at least was -a man gifted to command and competent to control. - -And so we terminate our flying visit to the Eighty-one Convention of -the Clan-na-Gael, wherein there were assembled forty lawyers, eight -doctors, two judges, clergymen of both leading religions, merchants, -manufacturers, and working men, all mixed up in glorious confusion, -almost all reduced to the level of the whisky bottle, and none -removed from the struggles of personal avarice and ambition. - - - - -XLII. - - -Nothing of a very stirring character happened for the next couple -of months, and so, much to my satisfaction, I was permitted to -attend for a little without interruption to my private affairs. -They sadly lacked some notice on my part, for business was growing, -my drug-stores were increasing in number, and so was my family. -Patients were very numerous too, but expenses were not without their -increase, for I had to employ a regularly qualified M.D. to take my -place in my absence. If I could have settled down and simply minded -my own business from this henceforth, I would have been in a very -satisfactory position to-day. But ’twas not to be. I was constantly -on the move, and living at high pressure right through. To keep -myself thoroughly posted I had to be here, there, and everywhere, -and, in the end, my ordinary business had to take a very secondary -place. Even at this time my leisure from political affairs was to be -of very short duration, for, in my capacity as Senior Guardian, I -received the following in the month of November 1881:— - - “_Private._ - “For S. G. alone. - - “HEAD-QUARTERS, K., - “_November 21, 1881_. - - “S.G. of D. - - “DEAR SIR AND BROTHER,—It is the desire of the F.C. that as many - members of the V.C. as can possibly attend the Irish National - Convention at Chicago, November 30, 1881, will do so without - entailing expense on the organisation. - - “You will therefore make every effort to get the members of the - V.C. elected as delegates from any Irish society that may have an - existence in your neighbourhood, whether it be as representative of - the Land League Club, the A.O.H., or any other organisation. - - “The F.C. particularly desires your presence as a delegate, if it - is possible for you to attend as such. - - “Fraternally yours, - “K.G.N. OF THE V.C.” - -I thoroughly knew what this meant. Under the new _régime_ of Sullivan -there was to be no more of the “Buffalo business,” and to prevent -it things were to to done in a thoroughly practical manner. The -members of the secret revolutionary organisation were to capture the -representation at the coming Land League Convention, to act unitedly -in the development of a policy in harmony with the Clan-na-Gael, and -to officer the future executive in such a way as to prevent further -misunderstanding. In order to do all this, the Clan-na-Gael men -were to obtain election as League, or Ancient Order of Hibernian, -delegates, the latter organisation being a purely benevolent body, -whose branches had largely affiliated with the League or open -movement from the start. This was accordingly done; and thus it came -about that, when I met my fellow-delegates to the open Land League -Convention of 1881, I found almost every second man a brother from -the camps of the Clan-na-Gael. - -The whole scheme worked in the most perfect manner. On arrival -in Chicago each Clan-na-Gael man reported himself to the chief -officer of the district, to whom credentials were presented. -Official intimation was then given as to what would happen, and each -conspirator learned that, prior to the sessions of the convention, -caucuses of the Brotherhood would be held in the hall of Camp -16, Twenty-second Street, Chicago. The usual precautions were -taken, and admission only gained by passwords exchanged on each -occasion. As the chairman at the first gathering—the Rev. George -C. Betts—humorously put it, “our object was to make things easy for -the Land Leaguers, and to save them as much trouble as possible.” At -each meeting the plan of procedure at the coming session was decided -upon, and the election of temporary and permanent officers arranged. -Nominations for various committees were fixed, and no opportunity -neglected for adapting the constitution and officials to our -requirements. The resolutions subsequently adopted in open convention -were drafted by our committees. - -It therefore came about that John F. Finerty of Chicago, the -well-known dynamite advocate and prominent member of the Clan, -“called the convention to order,” and made the opening speech. -William J. Hynes of the Revolutionary Directory, and the chairman of -the late Clan-na-Gael Convention, was appointed temporary chairman, -and Joseph E. Ronayne, who had acted in a similar capacity at the -Dynamite Convention, was appointed secretary, while T. V. Powderly -of the Clan Executive, whose fiery speech at the same Convention -was given a few pages back, was nominated assistant-secretary. The -nomination of these men led to a trial of strength between the two -forces of the Convention, but the real tug of war was reserved for -the second day, when resolutions previously adopted at the Gael’s -caucus were proposed, nominating the Rev. George C. Betts of St. -Louis as permanent chairman, and Patrick Ford, John Devoy, Mrs. -Parnell, and a number of priests as vice-presidents. Of course the -priests were put forward for politic reasons. The vice-presidents -were not objected to, but the appointment of the Rev. George C. -Betts, a Protestant clergyman, was strongly opposed by the priestly -party. A very excited debate took place, but in the end the -opposition to Betts was withdrawn at the instigation of the Irish -visitors—Messrs. T. P. O’Connor, M.P., T. M. Healy, M.P., and Father -Sheehy—and so at the close this Vice-President of the Clan-na-Gael -was elected, and the secret organisation triumphed all along the line. - -The Irish political controversy was darkened the following year -by the sad event in the Phœnix Park, Dublin, when Lord Frederick -Cavendish and Mr. Burke met their deaths at the hands of the Irish -Invincibles. As regards the Invincible conspiracy, I have little or -nothing to say. It was in no sense an American affair, and no matter -how little or how much certain sympathisers in the States may have -known of the murderous conspiracy, nothing was said on the subject in -public or in secret to connect the Clan-na-Gael in any way with the -proceedings of Carey and his friends. There was, of course, a certain -amount of sympathy with the affair, as was shown by the attitude -taken up by John Devoy in his paper the _Irish Nation_, which was, -by the way, the official organ of the Clan-na-Gael at this time, -and subsidised from its fund. Devoy gave great prominence to the -refusal of Egan to offer a reward for the discovery of the murderers, -printing the following telegram in his issue of 13th May 1882:— - - “PATRICK EGAN ON BLOOD-MONEY. - - “_Paris_, _May 10, 1882_. - - “Mr. Egan, the Treasurer of the Land League, has telegraphed the - following to the _Freeman’s Journal_ of Dublin:— - - “‘EDITOR, _Freeman_, Dublin.—In the _Freeman_ of yesterday Mr. - James F. O’Brien suggests a reward of £2000 out of the Land - League Fund for the discovery of the perpetrators of the terrible - tragedy of Saturday. Remembering, as I do, the number of innocent - victims who in the sad history of our country have been handed - over to the gallows by wretched informers, in order to earn the - coveted blood-money, and foreseeing the awful danger that in the - present excited state of public feeling crime may be added to - crime by the possible sacrifice of guiltless men, I am determined - that if one penny of the Land League Fund were devoted for such a - purpose I would at once resign the treasurership. - - “‘PATRICK EGAN.’” - -And commenting upon it in the following vein:— - - “Patrick Egan has spoken out like a man against the adoption by - Irishmen of the base English policy of suborning informers. He - declares that should a penny of the Land League funds be devoted - to such an object, he will resign the treasurership. Mr. Parnell - should at once repudiate the attempt made from this side to connect - him with action so culpable and un-Irish. By consenting to become - the trustee of the Irish-American blood-money he would forfeit the - sympathies of his warmest admirers.” - -It was in this year, too, that O’Donovan Rossa was finally expelled -from the Clan-na-Gael. He had been in very bad odour for a long -time previously, owing to his unsatisfactory connection with the -Skirmishing Fund; and at last, after a couple of attempts to get rid -of him, he was summarily kicked out, and from henceforth repudiated -by the recognised officials of the secret organisation. - - - - -XLIII. - - -Eighteen hundred and eighty-three proved a very busy time with me. -There was another Land League Convention: Egan, Sheridan, Frank -Byrne, and other Invincibles “on the run” arrived in the country, and -altogether my time was pretty well occupied in obtaining information -and passing it on to my chief. The year opened amidst rumours in -the public press of the secret movement having captured the open -organisation of the League. Mr. Parnell himself had taken action -previously in connection with the Kilmainham Treaty, and in other -ways which were not understood or appreciated, and, as a consequence, -a partial breach had occurred. So strained were matters becoming that -in February it was announced that both Mr. Parnell and Egan would -come to America in April for the purpose of discussing the whole -situation and fixing upon some new mode of operations for the future -which, while equally effective as regards joint working, would not -impair Mr. Parnell’s usefulness. Many weeks, however, had not passed -ere the fight between the clerical and revolutionary elements in the -States began to wax exceedingly hot, and, changing his plans, Mr. -Parnell determined not to interfere, and so failed to put in his -promised appearance. - -Egan, however, thanks to the revelations of Carey, had to make a -speedy and somewhat undignified exit from Dublin, and not waiting -till the month of April, he put himself _en evidence_ in American -life in the month of March. I met him a week or two after his -arrival, when he was the guest of Alexander Sullivan, the President -of the Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago. We renewed our cordial friendship, -and the same close intimacy prevailed between us as had been the -case in Paris. Egan told me that the programme now to be proposed -would give full satisfaction in America; while, as for Sullivan, he -(Sullivan) remarked to me significantly about this time that, though -he had never doubted Egan, he was now more than satisfied. - -The public Convention of the Land League, henceforth to be known as -the National League of America, took place at Philadelphia on the -26th April and following days. The same plan of campaign as had been -developed in 1881 was put in force by the Clan-na-Gael. A secret -circular was issued instructing the camps to send delegates, and -these delegates when assembled in Philadelphia pursued the same line -of policy in their caucus gatherings. The whole thing worked like -an exquisite piece of mechanism, and produced the most satisfactory -results for the Clan leaders. Of course I was a delegate, and of -course I attended all the secret caucuses. Well for Egan that it -was so. He considered it impolitic to appear at any of the secret -gatherings, and so, much to my satisfaction, he asked me to acquaint -him daily with what transpired, which I did, and received in return -many interesting pieces of private information. The Convention -was remarkable for the presence of Egan and Brennan, the runaway -treasurer and secretary of the Irish Land League, both of whom took -part in the proceedings, and of Frank Byrne and his wife, who were -accommodated with seats on the platform. - -In accordance with the arrangements made at one of the caucus -meetings, Alexander Sullivan was appointed president of the new -organisation. He played his part well on the occasion, and succeeded -in entirely overcoming the scruples of those opposed to him in -consequence of his being chief of the Clan-na-Gael. Not once but -twice did this prince of intriguers decline the honour respectfully -but firmly; and not till after repeated appeals from Mrs. Parnell, -the mother of the Irish Home Rule leader, did he consent to take the -office. Another leading Gael was appointed secretary, and out of the -Executive Committee of seven, five were members of the Clan-na-Gael. - -Although Mr. Parnell did not make his promised appearance, he sent a -lengthy and significant telegram, in which he asked that the platform -should be so framed as to enable himself and his friends to continue -to receive help from America, and to work in such harmony as would -allow of their achieving those great objects for which, through many -centuries, the Irish race had struggled. - -This was a pretty plain hint from the leading spirit on the Irish -side to keep matters moderate in appearance, and it was not lost on -those charged with the conduct of affairs, as the following extracts -from my official report to my camp on my return will show:— - - “The various reports were read and routine business transacted. - These developed that the Land League had not increased in members, - but, on the contrary, had decreased during the past year; that a - majority of the patriots of America had become tired of giving - their earnings for ‘Simon Pure agitation;’ of the 900 branches - existing a year ago, 105 had disbanded, and 298 had failed to - report. The total receipts for the past year from all sources were - 79,138 dollars, 40 cents, and the disbursements 74,123 dollars, 40 - cents, leaving on hand a balance of 4915 dollars. - - “There was an evident desire upon the part of clerical delegates - and lady Land Leaguers (who evinced a fear of amalgamating with - dynamiters and secret society Revolutionists) to retain the - organisation intact, dropping the word land, adopting the platform - of the Dublin Convention of last October, electing their officers - for the ensuing year, calling themselves the National League, - and adjourning _sine die_. This policy received an able but - unscrupulous supporter in Miles O’Brien of New York, a renegade - member of the V.C., who exhibited the last circular of instructions - from the F.C. to a number of priests to show them how they were to - be manipulated by the terrible Clan-na-Gaels. Had this source been - successful it would have prevented union, it would have continued - the various factions, and the formidable front presented to-day of - all the societies of the country pledged upon one platform to work - united with one object in view would never have been achieved. - - “Brother Brown of St. Louis moved a substitute for all resolutions - to declare the Land League dissolved after the adjournments of this - Convention, and the delegates to attend the National Convention - the next day. This eventually was practically carried by a large - majority. - - “The Convention, to which I presented credentials from this body - on Thursday morning, presented the grand array of nearly 1200 - delegates upon the floor, the stage being decorated with portraits, - paintings, statues, flags, and flowers, and graced by some fifty - ladies—conspicuous amongst them being Mrs. Parnell and Mrs. Frank - Byrne—the galleries packed to overflowing, some five thousand - interested spectators being present, a sight not soon to be - forgotten. - - “Again the V.C. showed the work of its second conference of - Wednesday night, the proceedings being opened by Brother Sullivan, - and Brother Dorney being unanimously elected temporary presiding - officer, the temporary secretaries being Brothers Roach of Troy, - Brown of St. Louis, Hines of Buffalo, and Gleason of Cleveland. - The appointment of the Committee on Credentials, after the opening - speeches, constituted the first work on hand, and here again the - perfect organisation of the V.C. developed itself; and the first - breeze created by the Rossa-Dunne faction, who moved an amendment - that each society have a member upon the Committee on Credentials, - was promptly voted down. Rossa presented his credentials as a - member of the National Party of New York, but was admitted only - upon a press ticket. - - “The knowledge of a blood and thunder set of resolutions being - in the pocket of Major Horgan of New York, ready to be fired, - regardless of consequences, into the Convention, required the - passage of a resolution that, until permanent organisation - was effected, all resolutions offered should be referred to - the Committee on Resolutions without being read. A permanent - organisation was effected in the afternoon by the unanimous - election of Brother Foran of Cleveland as presiding officer. The - various committees being appointed, the Convention adjourned till - Friday morning, the result of the day’s work summarised showing - that there was nothing to warrant the fear that the Rossa faction - would develop any strength or discord; that the V.C. were in the - majority everywhere; that by every action it was desired to follow - out the instructions of Mr. Parnell as cabled to the Convention on - that day; and at least, so far as the public policy was concerned, - to drop all nitro-glycerine methods of procedure, and to perfect - the union of the united societies of the country and Canada upon - one platform, for the purpose of sustaining Parnell and his policy - by acting and existing permanently as an auxiliary body, or rather - further, to the Irish National League. - - “One straw to show which way the wind blew was the nomination in - committee of P. A. Collins of Boston for permanent chairman. His - candidature was unitedly set down with a will for his action in - offering a reward of 5000 dollars for the discovery of the killers - of Burke and Cavendish last year. - - “Friday morning found the Convention in session with the various - committees on Plan or Organisation, Platform, Resolutions, and - Permanent Organisation ready to report. After some spirited - speech-making by Fathers Boylan and Agnew, and others, Dr. - O’Reilly of Michigan submitted the report of the Committee on - Resolutions, in which was included the platform of the National - League of America. After reading, an attempt was made by Finerty - to adopt them _seriatim_, for the purpose of getting inserted some - more favourable to the turbulent Rossa-Dunne faction. They were, - however, adopted as a whole.... - - “The Committee on Organisation presented their report, which was - unanimously adopted. - - “It was then in order to elect officers for the ensuing year. - Alexander Sullivan nominated Dr. O’Reilly of Michigan as treasurer. - He was elected without opposition, Father Walsh having declined, - stating privately that he had to choose between his parish and the - treasurership; and that being the case, he would have to decline. - - “The nomination for president resulted in the almost unanimous - choice of Brother Alexander Sullivan, who, after twice - diplomatically declining, finally was prevailed upon to accept. - The Executive Council of one from each State was elected, a large - majority of whom were members of the V.C. - - “Brother Hines of Buffalo was unanimously elected permanent - secretary. Various sums of money were subscribed for the new - league, principally by the ladies. Resolutions were passed turning - over the books, balances on hand, and property of the old Land - League to the new League. - - “Speeches expressive of God-speed and goodwill followed by - everybody, and the Convention adjourned to meet again next year at - the call of the Executive. - - “The Executive Council subsequently met and elected the Council of - Seven, five of which are members of the V.C. - - “To briefly summarise the results of the Convention, we find the - unification of all Irish societies pledged under one leadership to - follow the lines laid down by Parnell and the party at home, not - to lead but to follow them whence they may go with all the energy, - practical and financial support possible—a proof to the world - that the ten millions of Irish nationality upon the continent can - be represented in convention by their 1200 delegates, and work - harmoniously and unitedly, and giving to those, and their number - is legion, who believe in force alone, the supreme satisfaction of - knowing that the machinery of the cause is now under the control - and direction of their comrades, who believe, as they do, that - dynamite, or any other species of warfare that can be devised is - perfectly legitimate, so long as it can be made effective, and - accomplish results permanent and tangible. - - * * * * * - - “Michael Boyton arrived upon the second day of the Convention with - two members of the Supreme Council, who, as it will be readily - understood, did not figure publicly upon this occasion.” - - - - -XLIV. - - -It was shortly after this—I think somewhere about the 29th of -May—that I was fortunate enough to learn from Sullivan some -particulars as to what was going on in connection with the Dynamite -Campaign. A demonstration had been arranged at Milwaukie, Wisconsin, -in honour of Patrick Egan, and at Sullivan’s pressing invitation -I accompanied him in order to participate in it. We travelled -together and conversed almost all the way, Sullivan, as was his -wont, supplying me with very interesting details. He told me that -the management of the secret warfare was entirely in the hands of -the Revolutionary Directory in America. Men, it appeared, could not -be obtained at home to do the work, for from some lack of courage or -discipline they could not be relied upon. - -The rule adopted was that no volunteer should be accepted. Special -choice would be made of men without families, and a special course -of instruction in the use of explosives would be necessary after -a man was chosen. So great was the care taken in the selection of -agents, that their whole career and character would be inquired into -beforehand without their knowledge. No new members would be chosen -for the work, because forty of the Royal Irish Constabulary had been -sent on full pay to America to join the organisation with a view to -selling it. Sullivan imparted the further interesting information -that Dr. Gallaher, when on his mission, purposely abstained from -coming in contact with Irish members, and obtained introductions to, -and acquaintance with, English members. He was often in the House, I -was told, and had been even introduced to Mr. Gladstone himself. - -Contrary to expectation and the requirements of the existing -constitution, no Clan-na-Gael Convention took place in this -year—1883. In the ordinary course of events such an assembly should -have met in August 1883. For reasons best known to themselves, -however, Sullivan and his colleagues on the executive of the secret -organisation postponed the gathering, and in the end, by a system -of manipulation which Sullivan developed to a perfect science, in -connection with his management of Irish affairs, the approval of -the organisation was gained to certain changes which included the -putting off of the Convention to the following year, 1884. To allow -of these changes being approved of, it was necessary to hold a -series of district Conventions, and delegates were there elected to -represent the districts at the general Convention which would follow. -Sullivan’s adherents were generally in the majority at such district -assemblies, and so it was a matter of ease for him to have supporters -elected at almost every gathering, which, in other words, meant that -the delegates then elected were nothing more or less than ardent -Sullivanites, who in the future Convention would question nothing, -whereas ordinary delegates would undoubtedly prove curious, if not -embarrassing, in their search for information as to the conduct of -the affairs of the Clan-na-Gael. - -All was not clear sailing, however, and murmurs were heard in several -quarters regarding this attempt to burk discussion and inquiry as -to the work of the past two years. Several of the camps eventually -ceased their allegiance and were immediately expelled, and the -organisation split up into two sections, the one being Sullivanite -and the other anti-Sullivanite. Devoy and his whole camp were amongst -those expelled from the Sullivan wing. The seceders formed a new -organisation under the old name, and the Sullivanites became known -as the U.S. Sullivan was still the strong man, and had the greatest -number of supporters; and, following my usual rule, I acted with the -majority and became a U.S. man. At the start a change was made as -regards the number and title of the governing body. Three members -formed the executive, and they were now known as the Triangle—a -name taken from the △ sign which was used by way of cypher signature -on all documents coming from head-quarters. The fight between the two -sections was now raging bitterly, and the oath of the U.S. was so -drawn as to exclude members of any other Revolutionary body, thereby -denying the right of any person to be a member of both organisations. - -Meantime, under the plea of imminent danger of discovery, the books -of the organisation were all burnt, and no record whatever was left -in existence which would allow of investigation. This had driven -very many men to desperation, and loud and sweeping were the charges -which the seceders made against the Triangle for misappropriation of -funds and other like matters. None were more prominent in leading the -attack on Sullivan and his colleagues than Dr. Cronin, whose murder -has recently been the subject of such lengthy investigation. Indeed, -from this point onwards, almost down to the end of 1888, the history -of the Clan-na-Gael is the history of the dispute between Cronin and -Sullivan. And now, having purposely excluded all special mention of -Dr. Cronin from my story heretofore, in order that I might the more -fully and clearly deal with the matter in a compact form, I shall -proceed to sketch the life and career in Irish-American politics -of this last victim of political assassination. In explaining the -situations in Irish affairs as they affected or were affected by Dr. -Cronin, I shall have to travel rapidly over points already dealt -with; but I think it better to do this than to improperly represent -the ill-fated Cronin by omitting from my reference to his career the -points which told in favour of himself or his adversaries. - - - - -XLV. - - -Philip H. Cronin was born in Ireland, but when very young emigrated -to Canada. From thence when a young man he went to St. Louis, -Missouri, where he studied medicine at the St. Louis College of -Physicians and Surgeons. Before this he had been clerk in a chemist’s -store, and had thus acquired a very considerable practical knowledge -of medicine. He graduated with high honours, and became eventually -Professor of Materia Medica and Therapeutics in the college. He also -attended a medical college from which he secured the degree of M.A. -Cronin was a man of fine presence, good looking, almost six feet in -height, and very well formed. He was a clever man in every way, and a -good forcible speaker, though in style aggressive and combative to -a degree. Very ambitious, like his future enemy Alexander Sullivan, -he was never happy in a back seat, always thrusting himself forward -and fighting for the place of leader. In fact, so pronounced were his -ideas in favour of his supremacy, that where he could not rule he was -quite prepared to ruin. - -He moved to Chicago in the latter part of 1881, and immediately -entered upon the practice of medicine, taking up his residence at 351 -Clark Street, at the corner of Oak Street. At this time he was about -thirty-two years of age, so that he was only some forty years old at -the time of his murder. From the moment of his arrival in Chicago, he -went in enthusiastically for Irish politics, and took a leading part -in both Revolutionary and Land League matters. He identified himself -with the Clan-na-Gael, and was prominent at all gatherings of the -Irish of every kind. He was strong in social instincts, and was quite -a figure at social gatherings, where he used to great advantage the -fine tenor voice of which he was possessed, singing national songs -especially with great spirit and enthusiasm. As a consequence he -rapidly came to the front in Chicago, and in six months was better -known than an ordinary resident would have been in ten years. Towards -the Land League movement he was especially sympathetic, and he -took a very large part indeed in building it up. He was in a short -time elected President of the 18th Ward League, then known as the -“Banner League” of Chicago. Equally active in the secret movement, -he was a guiding spirit of Camp No. 96 of the Clan in Chicago, -publicly known as the “Columbia Literary Association,” and so great -was his influence that, on the appointment of the notorious Frank -Agneau to the position of district member, Cronin succeeded him as -Senior Guardian of the camp. This was the camp which held its weekly -meetings in the well-known Turner Hall on the north side of the city. - -It was at this time that the policy of dynamite had been decided -upon, and that the campaign against English Government buildings and -persons was being inaugurated. Cronin (who was anything but a saint -in character) was an ardent advocate of the policy; and, owing to his -scientific attainments, he was appointed as chief instructor in the -use and handling of explosives, acting all this time, be it marked, -as the President of the Banner League (or Chicago branch of the Land -League) as well. In fact, he held the position of President of the -Land League branch down to the year 1888. Cronin, unfortunately for -himself, succeeded at a very early stage in falling foul of Alexander -Sullivan. Living as he did till 1887 at the corner of Clark and Oak -Streets, within a few doors of Sullivan himself, he gained such an -amount of prominence that he was rapidly throwing Sullivan into the -shade. He threatened to become more powerful than Sullivan, and this -Sullivan, equally ambitious and more unscrupulous, could not brook. -In a short time Sullivan and his adherents came to detest the Doctor, -and as I found—for I lived within a stone’s throw of each, knew them -both intimately, and saw them continuously—the relations between -them were becoming more strained and bitter every day. - -In June 1881, as I have related, Sullivan obtained a victory over -all his rivals by being chosen President of the Clan-na-Gael, or -Revolutionary organisation, at the Dynamite Convention held that year -at the Palmer House, Chicago. It was after this that Cronin gave -the first pronounced sign of his enmity in public. The opportunity -for its display was brought about by the attack made by O’Meagher -Condon upon John Devoy, the principal of the three members of the -Revolutionary Directory, Devoy with his colleagues being charged with -responsibility for the failure of the many schemes of active warfare -proposed by Condon. Devoy, evidently jealous of Sullivan’s election, -indulged in a good deal of incrimination, not confining his attacks -to Condon alone, and he was afterwards supported by Cronin, who was -possessed of the same grievance. The two joined forces, but without -any effect, for Sullivan’s position was assured. From the dispute, -however, which occurred at this Convention, dates the commencement of -undisguised hostility between Sullivan and Cronin. - -Early in 1883, when the call was issued for the Philadelphia -Convention (at which was formed the first branch of the American -National League as distinct from the Land League), a meeting of -Cronin’s branch of the League took place in Chicago for the election -of delegates to the Convention. Sullivan and his friends, determining -to crush Cronin if they could, packed this meeting, and had elected -as delegates Alexander Sullivan himself, his brother, and other -personal adherents, much to the disgust of Cronin and his supporters. - -Sullivan was equally successful later on when, under the new -constitution, the Executive called district Conventions in lieu of -the general convention they had managed to postpone. The Convention -in Cronin’s district was held in Millionaire Smythe’s Hall in -Chicago—Smythe being Senior Guardian of Camp 458; Cronin, as Senior -Guardian of his own camp, attended in the capacity of delegate -therefrom. Mackay Lomasney, my old friend from Detroit, also attended -from his district in a like capacity. Although an attempt was made to -impeach Sullivan’s action, it was not successful. His friends were in -the majority, and his conduct was upheld. All attempts on the part -of Cronin to bring about a different state of things—and they were -not a few—were voted down, and Alexander Sullivan, in company with -Mackay Lomasney, the London Bridge dynamitard, was elected delegate -to the Triangle Convention of 1884. - -Cronin, filled with fury, returned to his camp and made a series of -most sweeping charges against the Triangle. In return charges were -preferred against him of being a traitor, liar, &c. &c., Sullivan -of course being the instigator. A Trial Committee, of which I was -one, was appointed, and by it Cronin was promptly found guilty and -formally expelled. I voted, as I always did, on the side of the -winning party. Cronin on his expulsion immediately joined the ranks -of the seceders, which by this time included such well-known men as -Devoy, Dillon, M‘Cahey, and others, and he immediately obtained a -seat on the executive of the new body. And here, for the moment, I -must leave him. - - - - -XLVI. - - -The next matter of public importance in which I was interested was -the Boston Convention of the Irish National League of America, which -took place in the Fanieul Hall, Boston, on the 13th and following -days of August. Of course I went in my dual capacity as League -delegate and Revolutionary official. The same plan of campaign was -practised with the same successful results. The Rev. Dr. Betts -was again to the front as president of the secret caucuses, while -Egan, grown more bold by this, was a regular attendant. When the -nomination of officials of the League came up, Sullivan was named -for re-election as president. He, however, declined, and made way -for Patrick Egan. Egan, after some refusal on the ground that the -British Government probably knew of his connection with the secret -movement, and that his taking office might compromise Mr. Parnell, -eventually agreed, and so he took the chair vacated by Sullivan. This -Convention was attended by Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., and Mr. William -Redmond, M.P., on the part of the Parnellite party, and by P. J. -Tynan, the famous “No. 1” of the Phœnix Park murders—shall I say on -behalf of the Invincibles? Sullivan undoubtedly was the pet boy of -the period, for he was the object of the most adulatory references on -the part of Mr. Sexton. He was, we were told, a man who did honour -to the race from which he had sprung; a man of whom any race might -well be proud—and so on. Egan, however, came in for his fair share -of attention too. He was, according to another speaker, “that clean -handed, that patriotic, that heroic exile,” although, of course, no -reference was made to the reasons for his exile as supplied by the -Phœnix Park crimes. - -If, however, no reason was given in public for his exile, Egan was -not slow to refer to the matter in private. I had journeyed in his -company to Boston, and had had a very exciting chat with him, in -which the question of his flight had largely figured. His description -of how he was enabled to get away from Dublin was most graphic. He -started off by boasting how he had got information from the Castle; -and to show how readily it could be obtained he said that, within -twenty minutes of the order being issued for the warrant for his -arrest, he knew of the fact. He was at his office at the time, and -at once proceeded to his house and packed his satchel. He had two -children sick then, and Dr. Kenny was attending them. He destroyed -a number of documents which he had in the house, some of them -pertaining to his connection with the Irish Republican Brotherhood, -and also some letters of James Carey. In fact he destroyed all papers -tending to incriminate him in case he was arrested. Fortunately for -him there happened to be in Dublin at the time a Scotch friend in -the Belfast flour trade, who assisted him in getting away. He gave -this friend his rug and valise, and instructed him to purchase a -ticket for Belfast at the Northern Terminus. He himself arrived at -the railway station one moment before the train started, took his -valise and rug from his Scotch friend, slipped into the train, and -that night was in Belfast. On his arrival at Belfast he found that he -could not get out by boat, and he went to an hotel, where he slept. -In the morning he purchased a return ticket to Leeds, travelled with -that as far as Manchester, and then got off the train. There he -purchased another ticket from Manchester to Hull, took the steamer -from Hull to Rotterdam, and thus got out of the country. - -From the account of his own escape, he passed on to tell me how his -fellow-official Brennan, the Secretary of the Irish Land League, had -got away. Brennan, it appeared, gained the first hint of his being -implicated by reading the announcement of Carey’s evidence on a news -sheet displayed on the pavement in the Strand. He was accompanied by -Mr. Thomas Sexton, M.P., at the time, and on reading the announcement -they at once turned down a side street where arrangements were made -for Brennan’s flight. Brennan started off for his lodgings in order -to pack a valise, while Mr. Sexton, going to Charing Cross, purchased -a ticket for Paris. On this ticket he travelled to London Bridge, -and there by arrangement he met Brennan, who immediately proceeded -on the train to the French capital. Egan was very generous in his -confidences on this occasion, and amongst other things he told me -that he was satisfied the new Executive Body would continue the -“active work,” and it would be done by men who would not go further -than their orders, as Dr. Gallaher had done. This was news to me, -and I inquired how. “Why,” replied Egan, “he (Dr. G.) got in with -some of Rossa’s men, and MacDermott (a reputed informer) got it from -them, and gave him away.” Previously to this I had met Egan in camp -gatherings, and knew that he was now an actual member of the American -Revolutionary organisation. It was, by-the-bye, at a camp meeting in -Philadelphia in this year that Egan, addressing some sixty members, -said, “I have been reading up the records of the Italian banditti, -and from them I have come to believe in this rule: Let us meet our -enemies with smiling faces, and with a warm grasp of the hand, having -daggers up our sleeves ready to stab them to the heart.” Strange -words these, and yet I thought when I heard of their being uttered -of the smiling face and warm hand clasp which had puzzled me not a -little on that first night when I met the speaker on the staircase of -a Parisian hotel. - -The Convention of the secret organisation followed immediately after -that of the National League, but as I was not a delegate I had no -intimate connection with it. It was at this Convention, as I learnt -subsequently from Sullivan, that arrangements were made—few, if any, -Anti-Sullivanites were present—for the destruction of the records -of which I have already spoken, and which gave rise to so much -bitterness on the part of the Cronin faction. - -The principal fact worthy of notice in connection with the secret -Convention of 1884 was the acknowledgment by the “Triangle” of -118,000 dollars as the sum received and expended for dynamite -purposes from the date of the holding of the Convention of 1881. No -vouchers or detailed statements were forthcoming, and their absence -was sought to be explained on the ground that it was inexpedient -to supply information in view of the risk and exposure of brave men -engaged in the enterprises. No detailed statement of the expenditure -of this vast sum has ever been made to this day. - -As one result of this unsatisfactory condition of things, a circular -was drawn up by Cronin and his friends, making definite and formal -charges against the “Triangle” of stealing the funds of the -organisation. Cronin was very aggressive in giving currency to these -charges in the most offensive language, and the feeling against him -on the part of Sullivan’s adherents became extremely embittered. As -it grew in intensity it spread to more than Cronin, and soon the -followers of both men were ranged in hostile camps, fighting a wordy -war of the deadliest type. All attempts to heal the breach proved -fruitless, although much outside influence of an important character -was brought to bear upon the different parties concerned. - - - - -XLVII. - - -While the contest raged between the opposing factions, I was up -and doing, travelling about, and gaining as much information as I -possibly could. I made many trips to various points of the country, -and so was enabled to gauge pretty accurately the condition of -public feeling and the probabilities of the future. My pretexts for -all this travelling were admirably adapted to divert suspicion from -my real object. When a journey for my health’s sake was not possible, -I got appointed (through Irish political influence) to a seat on -the Mississippi Valley Sanitary Commission; and when no more work -was to be done under this cover, I connected myself with one of the -largest pharmaceutical houses in the States, and travelled as their -representative in whatever direction suited me. So successful was I -in combining business development with my secret work, that I had -great difficulty in resigning this latter connection, the proprietors -strongly urging my continuance in it, and only parting with me after -many fruitless attempts to change my decision. When at home I was of -course an ardent politician, and a volunteer on every committee in -the Democratic interest. So prominent was I in local politics, that -on one occasion I ran for election for the House of Representatives, -only being defeated by a majority of 128 votes on a poll of several -thousands. It was the cry of “The Fenian General” that lost me the -seat with the English voters. - -I was frequently in communication with Egan through all this period, -for he made many trips to Chicago, both for business purposes—he -had now embarked in the grain trade—and with the object of -consulting with Alexander Sullivan, whose worthy _fidus Achates_ he -proved. It was as the result of one of my interviews with him that -I received the following passport to the faithful, which proved of -such service in the way of corroboration when I appeared before the -Special Commission:— - -[Illustration: (Passport)] - - +----------------------------------------------------------+ - | | - | Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of | - | the handwritten text of this letter. | - | | - | Irish National League of America | - | OFFICES OF PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY | - | | - | Lincoln, Neb., November 24 1885 | - | | - | It affords me great pleasure to introduce to all | - | friends of the Irish National League with whom he | - | may come in contact during his visit in the south my | - | esteemed friend Dr. H Le Caron of Chicago. | - | | - | Dr. Le Caron although French by name and descent has | - | ever proved himself one of the most devoted friends of | - | the Irish National cause and since the formation of the | - | Land and National Leagues has been most indefatigable | - | in promoting the good of those organizations. | - | | - | Patrick Egan | - | President | - +----------------------------------------------------------+ - -Alexander Sullivan meantime occupied himself very busily in purely -American politics, and for the purpose of making his position in this -regard the more favourable, he caused it to be understood that he had -withdrawn from the Clan-na-Gael. This, of course, was only a blind, -for as a matter of fact, for twelve months at least after he had so -announced his withdrawal, his name continued to appear on circulars -and documents. This, however, is immaterial. What is important to -note is that Sullivan warmly advocated the election of J. F. Blaine -to the Presidency, and that he in secret circles made much of the -fact that Blaine’s foreign policy would do all that the Clan-na-Gael -desired. Mr. Blaine paid a high tribute in the public prints to the -services rendered him by Sullivan. - -The year 1886 saw the introduction of the Home Rule Bill by Mr. -Gladstone, and consequent inactivity on the part of the American -conspirators. I therefore had rather an easy time of it. Enthusiasm -ran pretty high, because it was thought that with Home Rule granted -the way to complete separation would be cleared in a wondrous degree, -and that at last we were in sight of the point for which all had -struggled and many had bled, “the making of Ireland a nation once -again.” Mr. Parnell now appeared to have a distinct claim upon Irish -American indulgence, and particular pains were taken to prevent -anything happening which might unfairly affect his position in any -way. So complaisant were “the men beyond the sea” in America, that -the open Convention called for January 1886 was postponed in order -that Mr. Parnell might be present. The gathering eventually took -place in the month of August 1886, but there was no Mr. Parnell, his -place being taken by no less than four of the leading Parnellites -from the English side—Messrs. Michael Davitt, John E. Redmond, M.P., -John Deasy, M.P., and William O’Brien, M.P. As usual, the whole -proceedings were governed by the Sullivanite wing of the secret -organisation. I was myself a delegate, attended the secret caucuses -presided over by Patrick Egan, and assisted in developing affairs in -the interests of the conspirators. - -The fact that Devoy, Cronin, and others were now in opposition was -an element of danger in connection with the satisfactory working of -the intrigue to “nobble” the open movement; but by a system of proxy -voting success was achieved, and the adherents of the Croninites -driven from the field. The way in which this was accomplished was -remarkable, and very suggestive of the position which Egan, the -ex-Land League official, and friend and adviser of Mr. Parnell, -held in the Revolutionary organisation. By a circular issued by -the “Triangle” on the eve of the Convention, it was ordered that -each Senior Guardian should secure proxies for all branches of the -National League in his vicinity unable to send delegates to the open -Convention, and immediately forward such proxies to Patrick Egan. -Here was a clear confession of the close connection between the two -movements—open and secret—existing in the person of the present -United States minister to Chili, the then President of the Irish -National League of America. - - - - -XLVIII. - - -I have already touched at several points on the Dynamite Campaign, -and I will now pause in my narrative for the purpose of dealing in -some detail with the incidents attending the development of the -plot to “blow up England.” Although there had been several attempts -made by O’Donovan Rossa’s adherents to damage public buildings, -notably the Mansion House, London, the barracks at Chester, the -police-station and the Town Hall at Liverpool in 1881 and 1882, the -Dynamite Campaign as organised by the Clan-na-Gael did not really -commence till the latter end of 1882, or rather the beginning of -1883. Indeed the attempts on the part of Rossa’s people were simply -gunpowder explosions, and had no connection with dynamite at all. -They were of a very miserable character, and quite in keeping with -O’Donovan Rossa’s reputation in the States. With him experience -proved that it was always, as the homely phrase has it, a case of -“great cry and little wool.” - -To Dr. Gallaher, our friend of the professional appearance and -gold-headed cane, was intrusted the task of inaugurating the work -undertaken by the Revolutionary Directory of the Clan-na-Gael. At -the time he set out all was enthusiasm in the ranks of the Clan, -and great things were promised. In one secret circular the F.C. (or -governing body) had informed the members “that it had no delicacy -or sentimentality about how it would strike the enemy, or when or -where.... They meant war, they meant that war to be unsparing and -unceasing. They meant it to be effective. Their policy would be to -make assaults in all directions, so that the suffering, bitterness, -and desolation which followed active measures should be felt in every -place.” - -Under the pretence of taking a voyage to Europe for his health’s -sake, Gallaher set out in the steamship _Alaska_ on the 15th October -1882, reaching Liverpool in good time, and from thence travelling to -Glasgow, in order, as he explained, to see some relatives. Glasgow, -by the way, has always had a prominent representative of the British -branch of the Fenians in residence there. From Glasgow he came on to -the London Wall Hotel, and here he remained for a month spying out -the land and making the preliminary arrangements for the work which -was to follow. His work finished, he took a trip to Dublin, where -at the Gresham Hotel he lived as befitted a man of his position. -From thence he proceeded to Donegal to visit more “relatives.” From -Donegal he eventually made his way to Queenstown, where in the -_Bosnia_ he took passage for home on the 10th December, having, as he -subsequently reported, made all necessary arrangements for commencing -his branch of the “active work.” - -He was with Sullivan in Chicago in the following month, and here he -and I met and had many chats together. We were fellow-doctors, and we -“chummed” together in a fashion very agreeable to me. He soon wearied -me, however, for I found he could talk of nothing but dynamite, its -production, its effectiveness, and the great weapon it was soon to -prove against the British Government. He spent the next couple of -months in communication with the powers that were, and placed them in -full possession of all he had done and all he hoped to do. They took -an equally sanguine view of the possibilities of success, and no time -was lost in enlisting the first dynamite band which visited Europe. -By the middle of March there were eight men embarked on the dangerous -enterprise, Gallaher being the leader and paymaster; and at this date -the first of them set out for England in the Cunarder _Parthia_. -Every precaution was taken to avert suspicion, and so much care was -exercised that some travelled as steerage passengers, while the rest, -like Gallaher, journeyed in gentlemanly fashion. The band was made up -of Gallaher and his brother Bernard, Dowd, Wilson, O’Connor, Curtin, -Whitehead, and Norman, all being Clan-na-Gael men, though none save -the doctor held any important position in the organisation. - -The first arrivals of this precious assembly of dynamitards reached -Liverpool on the 27th of March, and, of course, separated at -once. Gallaher went to the Charing Cross Hotel, which he made his -head-quarters. His men were quickly put to work, and in a very short -time a nitro-glycerine factory was established in Birmingham, under -the superintendence of Whitehead. From here large quantities of -liquid were conveyed to some few points in London in rubber bags and -rubber shooting-stockings. All the elaborate arrangements, however, -were destined to come to naught, for before any “active” work -could be done, thanks to the vigilance of the police in London and -Birmingham, Gallaher and his associates were arrested, and the whole -of the nitro-glycerine seized. The month of May 1883 saw the trial -and conviction of the leader and three of his associates, Whitehead, -Curtin, and Wilson, the case for the Crown being completed by the -testimony of Norman, _alias_ Lynch, who played the _rôle_ which -never lacks an exponent in the case of an Irish conspiracy—that -of informer. All of the unfortunate prisoners were sentenced to -penal servitude for life. An interesting feature in connection with -Gallaher’s arrest was the discovery on his person of no less a sum -than £1400. - -What the actual designs of this dynamite band were, are not, and -probably never will be known. Quite sufficient for the public must -be the fact that so enormous was the quantity of nitro-glycerine -discovered that according to experts, it was quite equal to the -blowing up of every house and street in London, from one end to the -other. Pleasant discovery this for the ordinary British citizen who -laughs at dynamite and pooh-poohs the existence of any condition -of things calling for a more elaborate Secret Service. The arrest -and discomfiture of the Gallaher band had one very useful result. -It effectively put an end to all idea of manufacturing dynamite on -English soil. Unfortunately, however, it did not put an end to the -Dynamite Campaign. It simply affected the weapon, not those who were -prepared to employ it. - -The next group of dynamitards who visited England included -Cunningham, Burton, Mackay Lomasney, Luke Dillon, and a man known as -Ryan of Philadelphia. These men did not all come at the same time, -but they worked together in harmony so far as it was possible. During -their visit to London explosions occurred in October 1883 on the -Underground Railway; in February 1884, at Victoria Station; in May -1884, at Scotland Yard; in December 1884, at London Bridge; and in -January 1885, at the House of Commons and the Tower. The dynamite -employed in these cases was all brought from America, secreted about -the persons of the conspirators, and of women who were sent over with -it, as well as by an employé of one of the steamers of the National -Steamship Line, who belonged to the organisation. The explosive was -generally made up in slabs of Atlas powder, obtained from, amongst -other sources, the Atlas Company and the Repauno Chemical Company of -Philadelphia. - -Of the second group, only two men were brought to trial, Cunningham -and Burton; and these men, for the attempts on the House of Commons -and the Tower, were sentenced to penal servitude for life. The -remainder, with the exception of Lomasney, escaped to America. -Lomasney, in company with a man supposed to be named Fleming, met his -fate under London Bridge in his attempt to blow up that structure. -Luckily for the Londoners, the bridge escaped without any injury, -but Mackay and his companion apparently came to their end by the -discharge of the explosive, for they were never seen more. - -There were two other men whose part in the Dynamite Campaign of this -period deserves mention. These were “Jack” Daly, as he was called, -and his confederate, J. F. Egan, who were tried and sentenced at -Warwick in 1884, the former to imprisonment for life, and the latter -to penal servitude for twenty years. Daly was perhaps the most daring -and desperate criminal of all, and his intended crime merits special -reference. This was the blowing up of the House of Commons while in -session, by the throwing of bombs on to the table in front of the -Speaker. So ardent was Daly in planning this foul enterprise that he -twice gained admission to the Strangers’ Gallery of the House. When -arrested, some of these bombs were found upon him, and examination -showed that one of them, if used, would have been quite sufficient -to send every stick and stone, to say nothing of the members of the -House of Commons themselves, heavenwards or thereabouts. Luckily, -this desperate man was arrested in time, for assuredly his character -was quite sufficient to warrant the belief that he would have carried -out his intention.[3] - -Of all the schemes indulged in by the dynamite men, none seems to -have been more far-fetched than that of the theft of a certain stone -from within the walls of Westminster Abbey. This was the famous -“Stone of Scone,” which serves as the seat of the Coronation-chair -in the Abbey. To an outsider the possession of such a stone as this -seems of no importance whatever. Yet, ludicrous as it may appear, the -idea of securing it gave rise to great enthusiasm and led to a very -generous subscription with this object. According to the originators -of the scheme, this “Stone of Destiny” was really the property of -Ireland for a thousand years before Christ, and upon it were crowned -the Irish kings, for hundreds of years, on the sacred Hill of Tara. -Its restoration to the land of its original and only lawful owners, -it was contended, would inspire confidence in the course then being -pursued, and the people would be strengthened by the well-known -tradition “that so long as this stone remained in Ireland, so long -would she remain a united nation,” while its loss to the English -would work wonders. Elaborate preparations were made for carrying -out the scheme. Men were sent from America to work in conjunction -with certain Fenians in London, and it was decided that some of the -conspirators should secrete themselves in the Abbey, and at night -seize the police, remove the stone, and pass it out through a window -to others who would be in waiting outside to take it to a place of -safety. For months these men waited and waited, but the opportunity -never came, for one of the group gave the whole thing away to the -police, and the detectives who surrounded the sacred edifice made the -seizure impossible. In the end the three principals had to leave the -country for fear of arrest, and the whole affair ended in smoke—as -usual! - -The close of the year 1885 brought the announcement of Mr. -Gladstone’s conversion to Home Rule, and the termination of the -Dynamite Campaign for the time being. How the political situation -was viewed at this period, can best be represented by the following -extracts from a secret circular of the Clan-na-Gael, or United -Brotherhood, issued two days before Christmas:— - - “The operations so far conducted have compelled the enemy to - recognise the Constitutional party, and we are now in a fair way - to reap the benefits and results of the heroic work of the members - of the U.S. (United Brotherhood).... We expect to resume active - operations after the present exigencies of the Constitutional - party are passed. We have purposely and advisedly abstained from - doing anything likely to embarrass them during the crisis of the - elections. It is to be hoped that during these operations, members - will abstain from making inquiries or discussing the subject in - any manner, for we cannot say when we undertake to answer members, - but that at the same time we are answering the inquiries of our - enemy, furnishing important information, and giving important clues - to detect and suppress our work. The mystery of an unknown power - striking in the dark, always able to avoid detection, is far more - terrible than the damage inflicted. We caution you, therefore, - above all things, to be silent; but if compelled to speak, disavow - all knowledge, or better still, mislead all inquirers. In the - meantime, we wish to impress on you the necessity of mutual - forbearance and faith.” - -So, for the time, in deference to “the exigencies of the -Constitutional party,” the Dynamite Campaign was brought to a close, -leaving as its record little or no damage to the enemy, but no less -than twenty-five of the unfortunate instruments in prison, sixteen -undergoing life sentences, two, sentences of twenty years’ penal -servitude, and seven, sentences of seven years each. Of course, some -of these prisoners are not men from the American side. In many cases -those coming from America picked up colleagues in England, and, -unfortunately for these latter, the knowledge which the local police -possessed proved disastrous to them. - - - - -XLIX. - - -The secret convention of the Revolutionary organisation—or rather, -of the principal section which had remained faithful to Sullivan—met -in due course, in August 1886, but as I was not a delegate, I had -no personal knowledge of what took place. The spirit of the time, -however, was very fairly reflected in some circulars, issued prior -to its assembly, from which I take the following extracts:— - - “The indications all point to the conclusion that the measure of - Home Rule offered will be emasculated and pared down in such a way - as to make it unacceptable to those for whom it is intended. We - are now preparing for those contingencies, and the estimates for - the cost of making a rigorous campaign with ‘delusion’ (dynamite) - will absorb more funds than are at present available from the - prescribed percentage. The Executive, therefore, in order to meet - the great outlay necessary at this crisis, take this occasion to - request that, in addition to the usual percentage, each camp at - once, by a vote of the camp, send on such additional funds as they - may deem proper.... It is suggested that in voting this fund it be - credited in forwarding it entirely to ‘delusion’ (dynamite). In the - meantime, in the next few months, important operations are likely - to take place; you are cautioned to use every device to mislead - those engaged in tracing our operations.” - -And again:— - - “We have some members who are opposed to the active operations of - the last few years, and who, therefore, favour a more enlarged - representation. It would seem to us that the operations objected to - are fully vindicated by the concessions wrung thereby from England. - However, we offer no suggestions as to what line of policy you - may see fit to pursue. It will be the business of your Convention - to frame that policy, and the business of the Executive Body to - execute them without regard to individual opinions.... - - “The silent secret warfare has been productive of results. It would - be well, therefore, to instruct your delegates as to your wishes on - those points fully and clearly. Having instructed your delegates - which of these policies you wish to pursue, the details will not be - difficult. It would be well, therefore, to put your instructions - to your delegates in one of the following general terms, with such - alterations as you deem proper:— - - “Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour an active secret - policy, similar to recent operations;’ or, in the alternative of - favouring a return to open insurrectionary operations, as follows:— - - “Viz., ‘Our delegate is instructed to favour the planting of - ploughs (distribution of arms) and an open insurrectionary - movement.’ - - “There can then be no insinuations of misrepresentation, and - whatever policy is adopted will have the overwhelming support of - the organisation at its back. It will be well, also, to embody such - changes as are desirable in the constitution in your instructions. - It is to be hoped that, in the short time intervening between this - and the Convention, you will fully, wisely, and carefully consider - the policy of the future, and the character, intelligence, and - experience of your delegates.... - - “The active operations of the U.S. (United Brotherhood) have - brought about the probable granting of Home Rule. It is desirable - that delegates to the National Convention shall be fully informed - of your desire to follow up these operations on the same lines, or - whether you desire to fall back on the old work of putting ploughs - in. The latter course does not seem to us fruitful of results - or practical. The former policy has been vindicated by great - destruction with little loss to us. It is for the Convention to - decide, however, what the future policy shall be.” - -From the official report of the secret Convention which reached me -subsequently, I learnt that the votes in favour of dynamite had been -in the majority, for the policy of the late Executive had been -endorsed, and the new Executive given a free hand for the future. -What, however, was perhaps the most important proceeding of all -at this Convention of the Revolutionists, was the passing of the -following resolution:— - - “Resolved:—That we maintain the same relations in the future to - open societies, working for the same purpose as ourselves, that we - have in the past.” - -If further proof were wanted beyond that already given of the -“understanding” which existed between the open and secret -organisations, it could not be supplied in a more emphatic manner -than this. - -Although the Executive were given full power to act as they thought -best, it was apparently considered undesirable to do anything during -the latter part of 1886, and so nothing of importance came to pass -up to the month of April 1887, when I made another trip to Europe, -without, however, any letters or credentials on this occasion. My -visit was, nevertheless, not of an uneventful character. I visited -the House of Commons more than once, and in the social intercourse -which took place between myself and some of the Irish M.P.’s, learnt -many facts of an interesting character. It was during this visit that -I set myself to find out some particulars regarding Dr. James G. -Fox, M.P. I was rather curious about this gentleman, who now failed -to recognise me in the House of Commons lobby, although we had met -on more than one occasion at Land League Conventions in the States, -where we had been brother delegates. His associations, his position -as State Executive for the League in New York, and his well-known -National proclivities as evinced during his fifteen years’ residence -at Troy and elsewhere in the States, all made me anxious to know -something of the man in his new position of M.P., and of how his -thoughts now inclined. - -I learnt casually that he was in the habit of frequenting Gatti’s -Restaurant in the Adelaide Gallery, Strand, and there I determined -to renew my acquaintance with him. The opportunity for doing so was -not long wanting, for on an early day I found myself seated at the -same table with him, where he was deeply engaged in perusing the -_Irish World_. Making this fact an excuse for opening a conversation -with him, I asked, in an interested way, if I could obtain copies -of the paper he was reading at any place in London. I spoke with -a marked American accent, and my appearance did not belie the -suggestion I wished to convey as regards my nationality. He replied -that he thought not, explaining that he received it regularly from -the other side, asking me in conclusion if I was interested in the -publication. I replied in the affirmative, and then followed his -query as to whether I was not from the United States. To this I made -answer by producing my card, whereupon he looked intently at me as he -remarked, “Why, I ought to know you; I have met you in conventions. -My name is Fox.” The information was rather unnecessary as far as I -was concerned, but, maintaining a quiet face, I thought for a moment, -and in the end confessed to a recollection of him. We were soon on -familiar terms, and discussed American matters with great freedom. - -There was one fact that I wanted particularly to discover, and that -was whether or not Fox was a member of the Clan-na-Gael. I had had -no opportunity of learning this at the open conventions at which we -had previously met, but yet my view very strongly inclined to the -belief that he was. In the course of our conversation, therefore, -I took occasion to give him the “hailing sign,” but he did not -return it, merely remarking significantly that he was not a member -of any secret society, a remark which, taken in connection with my -sign, tickled me not a little. I never ascertained the truth of the -matter, but I remembered the circumstance when, in June 1888, at -the Clan Convention in Chicago, a burly delegate near me mounted his -chair, announced himself from Troy—where Fox had lived—and in a -loud voice demanded recognition by the chair. On this being accorded -him, he said, holding up the _Times_ pamphlet, “Behind the Scenes -in America,” that he held in his hand a little book which had been -sent to him by a Member of Parliament who was a member of his camp. -This book was being sold by the thousand at the price of one penny, -and the information it contained could only have been supplied by -a traitor high up in the ranks of the organisation. He moved for a -committee to inquire into the matter. This committee was appointed, -but their inquiry ended in smoke, the “traitor,” as I was termed, -having another narrow escape. - -While in England on this trip, the authorities learned of the -presence of General Millen in Paris, and to Paris I was despatched, -in order to find out if possible what Millen was doing. I found “le -brave Général” of the Clan-na-Gael very comfortably settled in the -_Hôtel des Anglais_ in the Cour de la Reine, accompanied by his wife -and two interesting daughters. I called upon him, representing that I -had heard of his being in Paris through the _Herald_ office, and was -anxious as an old friend to say “how do you do.” I did not, however, -gain very much by my visit, for the simple reason that at this time -Millen had not, as far as I believe, any close connection with the -dynamite business known as the Jubilee Plot, with which his name was -subsequently associated. At this point his business in Europe had to -do with the bringing about of a reconciliation between the British -and the American branches of the Revolutionary organisation. - -The fact was, that for two or three years previously the relations -between the two sections of the conspirators had been of a very -strained character. Sullivan, finding that the home organisation was -not in favour of dynamite, when the campaign was started, had argued -that they should not have any more money to spend on organisation -and arms, which, for all that was known to the contrary, were simply -rusting away in Ireland; and, accordingly, supplies were stopped, -and the home Fenians were not notified of the last couple of -conventions, with the result that no envoys from Great Britain and -Ireland attended. This led to a very bitter feeling in Ireland, and -the contention was strongly urged that the conduct of the American -Executive was distinctly _ultra vires_. Now, when dissensions raged -in America, Sullivan, long-headed as usual, sought to strengthen his -section by the allegiance of the home organisation; and accordingly, -Millen was despatched to Europe to bring about a more satisfactory -condition of affairs. His mission, in this regard at least, was -unsuccessful. - -As for Millen’s connection with the Jubilee explosion, I know very -little. The whole undertaking was shrouded in mystery, but it is -pretty certain that it was not a Clan-na-Gael affair alone. The -best description that could be given of it would be that it was in -its inception a Rossa undertaking financed by the Clan-na-Gael. -For political reasons the secret organisation could not openly -ally themselves with dynamite for the moment, because tactical -considerations dictated the giving of a free and untrammelled hand -to Mr. Parnell to hoodwink Mr. Gladstone and his supporters. As, -however, the circulars I quoted a few pages back showed, dynamite was -not by any means thrust aside; so, in order to keep a fair front to -the open movement, and yet a satisfactory stand in the eyes of the -fiery rank and file, Rossa was temporarily taken into the good graces -of the Executive, and some of his adherents despatched with funds -from the secret organisation to kick up a row in England. Millen, -at the time I saw him, was not in the plot, which at that moment -indeed had not been hatched; but on his return to America he fell in -with the scheme and returned to Europe to work it out. His bungling, -however, led to his being superseded by John J. Moroney, a tried and -trusted friend of Alexander Sullivan, who was despatched to London -with a large amount of money and distinct orders to show some value -for it. What happened is a matter of too recent history to need -recapitulation here. The introduction of Moroney and his colleagues -to the House of Commons by Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., and the facts -associated with the working of the conspiracy, are of too late a date -to be forgotten so soon.[4] - -I returned to the States in October, only to remain a couple of -months there, and to come back again to Europe at the end of the -year. This time my visit was of a purely private character, and -the sluggishness of affairs allowed of my having a complete rest -from all sorts of investigations and interviews. I came to Europe -in connection with a business speculation which promised highly -satisfactory returns, and I was successful in laying the foundation -for a very encouraging enterprise. Unfortunately for me, however, -I was not to reap the fruits of my work. As a consequence of my -appearance in the witness-box, I was prevented from returning to -the States at the time when the profits were accruing, and so had to -undergo the loss of this as well as many other sources of income. - - - - -L. - - -The following year—1888—was my last in America, and ere its close -I left for the purpose of attending the dying bedside of my father. -I left for England in December with the full purpose of returning -in a month, but as matters turned out I really left my home for the -last time. I had written twice to Mr. Anderson, offering my services -in connection with the Special Commission, but nothing had come -of my proposal, and I had no idea that anything would happen in -connection with the matter. My idea was, as I have explained, that -the Government were really prosecuting the Parnellite party, and I -could not understand how all the information which I knew them to be -possessed of was not appearing. The charges and allegations had made -a great stir in America, and the disclosure of the whole working of -the Clan-na-Gael in the “Behind the Scenes” articles had created such -a sensation as seemed to me to make a full disclosure imperative, -so that the American public might have accurate and complete data -for arriving at a proper conclusion regarding the foul conspiracy -existing in their midst. - -I must not, however, travel too fast; and so shall have to go back -a little, in order to complete the story of the Cronin-Sullivan -dispute, which, in a way, came to a conclusion in the year of which -I write. As I have already stated, the history of the Cronin affair -while it lasted was the history of the Clan-na-Gael for the time -being, and thus in completing my statement of it I shall be bringing -the record of revolutionary matters down to the date at which they -and I parted. To return, therefore, to the Cronin matter, which I -left at the point in 1886 where appeals from outside quarters failed -to heal the breach. As a last resort, a conference was arranged -in September 1887 between committees from each organisation, the -Sullivan section and the Cronin section; and a final effort was made -to settle the differences. Cronin was one of the committee from his -section, but he did not help the settlement. The conference continued -up to April 1888, when a basis of union was arrived at. The rock -upon which the disputants invariably split was the demand made by -the Cronin section for the appointment of a committee to try their -charges of misappropriation against the Executive, and the expulsion -of the Executive from the organisation if found guilty. In the end, -this was conceded; and a united Convention was called in June 1888, -which, meeting first in Maddison Street Theatre, was eventually -moved to Green Baum, in consequence of the allegation that British -detectives had gained admission to the former place of meeting. - -Here was pandemonium let loose for eight days, during which the -Convention sat morning, noon, and night. I was a member of this -assembly, and I never heard such a row in my life. The Sullivanites -had it all their own way at first; but the seceders, with Cronin -at their head, threatened to “bolt” if they did not get fair play; -and they appealed to the patriotism of their countrymen to give -them a chance. They were, accordingly, given a representation on -all committees, but were always in a minority. Cronin perhaps took -as prominent a part in the Convention as any man, and his conduct -naturally incurred the enmity, and eventually the vengeance, of his -opponents. He and Devoy submitted formal charges of fraud, &c., -against Sullivan’s executive.[5] Strong language was used, but -Sullivan’s friends defended him warmly. Finally a Trial Committee -was appointed to try the parties charged. Cronin, strange to say, was -a member of this Trial Committee, though he was one of the persons -making the charges. There was a terrible scene when his appointment -was made known, but the Convention had to put up with him in the end. - -All the Trial Committee were sworn by the oath in the ritual to -truly and justly try the charges submitted to them. The committee -consisted of seven members, and as subsequent events showed, four of -them were Sullivan’s friends. They met in November 1888. Previous to -this, however, Cronin had been playing a very objectionable part. -He spoke against the accused whenever occasion offered, wrote to -the papers in accusation of them, and in no way showed himself the -unbiassed person he had sworn himself to be. Sullivan naturally felt -very bitter over all this, and he fell out with a number of friends -who sided with Cronin in the claim for full investigation. When the -trial came on, it was found that all the vouchers, papers, and indeed -every evidence of expenditure, had been destroyed, in accordance with -the resolution which had been adopted at the Boston Convention. This -increased the uproar, and after two weeks of inquiry the majority, -consisting of Sullivan’s friends, expressed themselves satisfied -with the statements made by the accused; while the minority could -only admit the proper expenditure of 33,000 dollars, which left a -deficiency of 85,000 dollars, or £17,000. The result of the trial -was that Michael Boland was convicted of misappropriation; Sullivan -was acquitted, but censured for the loose way in which the Executive -had done its business, and D. C. Feeley was likewise acquitted but -censured. The details of this finding were given me, by the way, by -Sullivan. - -At the time I left for Europe, the Trial Committee had adjourned, and -Cronin was back in Chicago. The Executive had refused to sustain the -action of the Trial Committee by a majority of one, and there the -affair stood. But Cronin would not let well enough alone. He had -been talking very plainly, and denouncing Sullivan right and left. I -figured in this trial by furnishing Sullivan with affidavits for his -defence. Cronin afterwards charged Sullivan with getting me admitted -into the organisation, and with putting me into a position of trust. -This did not help matters, and altogether Cronin proved himself to be -a very dangerous man in the eyes of Sullivan. Doubtless he possessed -much information, the publication of which would damn Sullivan for -ever. What followed is a matter of recent inquiry. Cronin was foully -murdered, and Sullivan, with others, was charged with participation -in the crime. Sullivan was released, but three men, well-known -members of the Clan, were convicted, and sentenced to penal servitude -for life.[6] The inquiry was fruitful in many ways, and brought to -light a vast amount of corroboration of the most important portions -of my testimony. There were, however, no two more sensational -incidents than those produced by the report issued by Cronin after -the Trial Committee had dissolved, and the positive proof now -supplied for the first time of the statement frequently made, that -Sullivan had in May 1882 received in his position as chief of the -Clan-na-Gael a sum of £20,000 from Patrick Egan, then Treasurer of -the Land League in Paris. - -The report issued by Cronin stated amongst other things— - - “That the Trial Committee appointed at Chicago was unable to elicit - all the facts connected with the charges placed before it, because - of the refusal of several of the witnesses to answer many of the - questions asked, and because of the inability of others to remember - events and figures that might be supposed to be indelibly impressed - on their memories. From the evidence presented, I am obliged to - report— - - “That the family of one who lost his life in the service of this - order was scandalously and shamefully neglected, and continued to - be neglected for two years after their destitute condition was - known, and that Alexander Sullivan, Michael Boland, and D. C. - Feeley are responsible and censurable for that neglect. - - * * * * * - - “That the defendants, Sullivan, Boland, and Feeley, issued a - deceptive report to the Boston Convention, leading the order - to believe that its affairs had been examined by independent - committees, and that the order was $13,000 in debt; that, in fact, - Alexander Sullivan and Michael Boland were on the Committee of - Foreign Affairs, and the Treasurer states that there was a balance - in the treasury, and not a debt. - - “That, prior to the Boston Convention, one hundred and eleven - thousand ($111,000) dollars was expended without any direct or - indirect benefit to the order, and most of it in a manner that - could not in any way have benefited the order, and that the same - three defendants are censurable and responsible for this enormous - and wasteful expenditure. - - * * * * * - - “That the $80,491 reported to the district Convention as having - been spent in active work was not spent for any such work, no such - work having been done or contemplated during the eleven months - within which this large amount was drawn from the treasury. The - active work done between the Boston and district Conventions was - paid for out of the surplus held by the agent of the “Triangle” at - the time of the Boston Convention, and not out of the $87,491 drawn - from the treasury months after such active work had ceased.” - -[Illustration: (Check for $30,000)] - -I give these extracts in order to show the reader how matters stood -between Sullivan and Cronin on the eve of the latter’s murder. Into -the details of the £20,000 transaction I need not enter, beyond -stating the fact that banking officials were called to prove by their -books that on May 15, 1882, Sullivan cashed, through Monroe and -Co. of Paris, two cheques amounting to the sum I name. This, I may -state, was about the date when Sullivan, in response to Mr. Parnell’s -request, crossed to Paris in order to settle the difficulty with the -Revolutionary body on the British side. As the following extracts -will show, the matter had been one around which a great deal of -controversy had raged for many years:— - - “The O’Donovan Rossa resents Mr. Patrick Egan’s imputation against - his character for truth and veracity. The O’Donovan, when in this - city a few days ago, intimated to a _Chicago Tribune_ reporter that - Mr. Patrick Egan, while Parnell, Dillon, Davitt, and other members - of the Executive of the Land League were in jail in Ireland, was - visited in Paris by Revolutionary Irish patriots from this country, - who induced him to give 100,000 dollars of the money contributed - to Land League purposes to them for revolutionary purposes, _i.e._ - making war on the British Empire with dynamite and such things. - Mr. Egan having seen or heard of O’Donovan’s statement, denied - that there was a particle of truth in it, and sent the _Tribune_ - a telegram to that effect from Denver. Now comes O’Donovan with a - rejoinder. We have received from him the following telegram:— - - - “‘_Editor of the “Tribune.”_ - - “‘Mr. Patrick Egan denies my statement. I say my statements are - more worthy of belief than Patrick Egan’s. I stated in Chicago - that money sent from America to support the no-rent movement in - Ireland was followed over by some parties who got 100,000 dollars - of it; that it was not used for any such work in Ireland, and - that Patrick Egan knows all about it. I repeat my assertion. Will - Patrick Egan meet me in the presence of John Finerty and Denis - O’Connor of Chicago, or in the presence of Patrick Ford and Major - Horgan of New York, both answering all questions under oath? - - “‘O’DONOVAN ROSSA, - “‘_Editor_ “_United Irishman_.” - - “‘NEW YORK, _July 15, 1883_.’” - - - - -LII. - - -Long before these final developments, however, I had sailed for -England, and severed for all time my connection with Irish politics -in the United States. I had come, as explained, to my father’s -dying bedside. Unfortunately for me, I was not in time to find him -conscious, and did not reach the house where he lay till the day on -which he died. When the sad offices connected with his death had -been fulfilled, I turned my thoughts again to home, and set about -preparing for another voyage to the States. Everything had been -completed for my departure, when I suddenly learned from Mr. Anderson -that the _Times_ had approached him with a view of obtaining a -witness regarding the American side of the conspiracy. Before this -point was reached, I had chatted over my proposal of going into the -witness-box with Mr. Anderson, but he had very frankly told me that -he had no intention of giving up such a useful informant of his own -initiative; and as he had no connection with the _Times_ case, he did -not think it likely that any approach would be made to him on the -subject. - -Matters, however, turned out differently to what he expected, and on -the eve of my departure for America I learned that my services might, -after all, be utilised, and my desire to drive the truth home given -full play. To be effective, however, my coming appearance should be -kept a profound secret, and so I appealed to Mr. Anderson to make -such arrangements as would allow of this being the case. As a result, -I was informed a little later that the _Times_ people had arranged -that Mr. Houston should be the person with whom I should deal, and -that to him alone should I be known pending my appearance in the -witness-box. This was the first mention I had ever heard of Mr. -Houston, and it was with no little curiosity I made my way to No. 3 -Cork Street in search of the gentleman to whom I bore a single line -of introduction. I remember well how, when I was first ushered into -his now familiar room by his faithful “Rogers,” I gazed suspiciously -at the tall youthful figure which met my view. As Mr. Houston took my -letter of introduction from me and carelessly opened it, answering -my suspicious glance with a slight smile hovering about his face, I -could not help the remark, “Sir, you are a much younger man than I -was led to believe I would meet.” The smile broadened into a laugh as -the reply came back, “I am sorry, but I cannot help being young, you -know. However, I am Mr. Houston.” And so we two people met for the -first time. - -I informed Mr. Houston that it was always an understood thing on -my part that my letters to Mr. Anderson were private property, -and that whenever I liked to ask for them they would be at my -disposal. Accordingly I had, on learning that my evidence would be -accepted, requested that Mr. Anderson should allow me to go over -all my documents and select such as appeared necessary for the -corroboration of my statements, as well as for the assisting of my -memory. To this he had assented, excluding any of the papers which he -had made official by passing them on at the time of their receipt. -It was then arranged between Mr. Houston and myself that I should -get the documents from Mr. Anderson, and go to work at once in the -preparation of my evidence. Much to my disappointment, I learnt there -was not time for me to make a last hurried trip home, and that if -I was to carry out my intention of testifying I should have to be -content with the many losses which would result from my stopping -in England. One thing, however, I stipulated for, and that was the -bringing over of all my family to England before I appeared in the -box. I was willing to let all my private affairs go to ruin by my -non-return; but I was not prepared to leave my wife and family to -bear the brunt of the popular ill-will which would result from what -was to follow. - -One of the first things I did, therefore, was to cable for my wife -and children; and having eased my mind on this score, I went to work -with a will in the preparation of my evidence. For ten long working -days, Mr. Houston and I waded through the hundreds of letters and -Clan-na-Gael documents I had now at my disposal, he taking notes as -he went along, and I dictating many items brought to my recollection -by the letters I was perusing. We worked in this way from ten to six -o’clock each day, undisturbed by visitors of any kind; and when I -left him, Mr. Houston, with the assistance of his clerks, worked far -into the night, copying the circulars, and transcribing the notes -which remained at the end of our day’s work. - -On Tuesday morning, the 5th of February 1889, the curtain was -rung up, and throwing aside the mask for ever, I stepped into the -witness-box and came out in my true colours, as an Englishman, proud -of his country, and in no sense ashamed of his record in her service. -On what followed I need not dwell. While I was under examination, -my old employer, Mr. William Baber of Colchester, was brought into -court by the well-known detective Meiklejohn, in order that he might -identify me. Nothing, of course, came of the incident; but as I once -more saw Mr. Baber, I thought to myself how little he knew of the -part I had played at his father’s death-bed. It was in 1884 that I -was hurriedly called one day to see a patient who was said to be -dying. I found him an old man of eighty, surrounded by his family -and friends. In a few minutes he was dead; and finding that all round -about me were strangers to the grim monster, I performed the last -offices for the body. As I was so employed, the poor people related -to me their history, and then I learned to my surprise that the man -whose eyes I was now closing in death was none other than the father -of my former employer at Colchester, who had emigrated to America -some few years previously. - -Great as was the sensation produced by my strange and weird but -true story, it was as nothing compared to that brought about by the -perfect corroboration afforded by the assassination of poor Cronin, -of whom I have said so much. Little did I think, when day after day I -stood in the witness-box to tell my tale, and morning after morning -read the scoffing references of those who believed it not, that in a -little while the blood of a murdered Gael would cry out in judgment -against those of whom I spoke, and that in the outcome truth would -prevail, and the black foul conspiracy be dragged into the open -light. Yet so it was; and to-day there are none who question the -existence of the murderous alliance to which I testified, and of men -within its ranks prepared to obey its leaders, even unto the shedding -of blood. - - - - -LIII. - - -I have told my story, and little more remains to be done. Yet I -cannot lay down my pen without rendering some little tribute to one -whose care and caution on my behalf I can never repay. I refer to -Mr. Anderson. For twenty-one years I served under this gentleman -in the Secret Service, and no greater honour can I pay him than to -say that during all this time I was never discovered. Only those -who have played my part can fully appreciate what this means. Not -always careful, not always guarded enough in the rattle and bustle -of my life, there were times when, had it not been for my chief’s -watchfulness, discovery might have overtaken me. But he never -wavered or grew lax in his care. He proved indeed to me, not the -ordinary official superior, but a kind trusty friend and adviser, -ever watchful in my interests, ever sympathising with my dangers -and difficulties. To him, and to him alone, was I known as a Secret -Service agent during the whole of the twenty-one years of which I -speak. Therein lay the secret of my safety. If others less worthy of -the trust than he had been charged with the knowledge of my identity, -then I fear I should not be here to-day on English soil quietly -penning these lines. - -If my identity remained undiscovered, it was not for want of attempts -on the part of colleagues of Mr. Anderson to find it out. It was but -natural, of course, that those associated with my chief should seek -to penetrate his reserve regarding such a voluminous correspondent as -myself, and to gain, at first hand, possession of the many important -pieces of information which he alone appeared to be able to supply. -All attempts, however, in this direction, and they were many, proved -fruitless. So determined was a certain public official at one time -to discover my identity, that having in some way got hold of my -Christian name, Thomas—I always wrote in the name of Beach to Mr. -Anderson—and assuming it to be my surname, he despatched a detective -to Chicago to discover the man called Thomas in the organisation -there. Of course there was no chance of getting at me in this way, -but, nevertheless, I was warned in time, and left no possible -loophole for discovery. Imagine, dear reader, the weakness of such -a policy as this, which would commit the safety of an important -informant to the irresponsible knowledge of an ordinary detective! - -When this attempt failed, communications were sought to be opened -up with me by the same official through Sir John Rose and Judge -M‘Micken, with whom I had acted at the time of the Fenian raid -of 1870. So strong, indeed, was the pressure brought upon Judge -M‘Micken, that the old gentleman travelled specially to Chicago to -see me on the point. However, I would have none of it. I was quite -contented, and too well assured of my safety as I was; and so, much -to my own satisfaction, I was left undisturbed in Mr. Anderson’s -charge. - -There was only one thing about which he had frequently to remonstrate -with me, and that was my expenditure. Many a lecture did I receive -from him on the subject of money spending. It was not, of course, his -fault, but rather that of the system. Indeed, so kind and friendly -was he that he at times advanced me money for which he himself had -to wait for repayment for some time, if indeed he ever got all of it -back, which I very much doubt. Of course I could not help spending -the money. I tried to be as sparing as possible, and, whenever I -could, debited my expenses to those other undertakings which I -allied with my Secret Service work. But it was not always possible -to pursue such an economic course, and in very many instances where -Mr. Anderson could not pay, I had to pay myself. I occupied a certain -position; I had to live up to that position. The expenditure of money -amongst the Irish patriotic class was an absolute necessity for my -purpose, and consequently I could never put any money by, but rather -lived up to, if not, indeed, at times beyond every penny of my income. - -On this question of Secret Service money I could say much. The -miserable pittance doled out for the purpose of fighting such an -enemy as the Clan-na-Gael becomes perfectly ludicrous in the light -of such facts as I have quoted in connection with the monetary side -of the Dynamite Campaign. Gallaher, as I have said, had no less -than £1400 on his person when arrested in 1883; while, coming down -to a later date, Moroney, when despatched from New York in 1887, -in connection with the second stage of the Jubilee explosion plot, -carried with him some £1200. How on earth can the English police and -their assistants in the Secret Service hope to grapple with such -heavily financed plots as this, on the miserable sums granted by -Parliament for the purpose? There are, I believe, some thirty men -charged with the special duty of circumventing political crime in -London. All praise and honour to them for the work they have done, -and the sincerest of congratulations to Chief-Inspector Littlechild, -who so ably conducted the arrests of all the principals of the -latter-day dynamite plots. But these policemen have succeeded more by -chance than anything else; events have played into their hands, and, -clever men that they are, they have been sufficiently capable to take -advantage of the little that came to their knowledge, and from small -clues to work out great things. - -Some day, however, a big thing will happen, about which there will be -no leakage beforehand, and then the affrighted and indignant British -citizen will turn on his faithful band of thirty and rant and rave at -them for their want of capacity and performance. The fault will be -the want of a perfect system of Secret Service, properly financed. -If plots are to be discovered in time—and already there are some -whisperings of coming danger—they can only be discovered through -information coming from those associated with them. As I have shown, -the men engaged in them are very highly paid. If it is to be made -worth their while to speak, then the price offered by the British -Government must be higher than that of the other paymasters. There is -no use in thinking that mere tools like Callan and Harkins—the men -now in prison in connection with the Jubilee Explosion Plot—would -be of any service. These men know nothing. It is the Millens and the -Moroneys of the conspiracy who should be in Government pay, and they -have no mean price. Imagine offering either of these men a retainer -of £20 a month with a very odd cheque for expenses thrown in! The -idea is ridiculous. I have heard it urged that the thought of Secret -Service is repugnant to the British heart, wherein are instilled -the purest principles of freedom. The argument has sounded strange -in my ears when I remembered that London, as somebody has said, is -the cesspool of Europe, the shelter of the worst ruffians of every -country and clime. America is called the Land of the Free, but she -could give England points in the working of the Secret Service, for -there there is no stinting of men or money. - - - - -LIV. - - -This, then, is my story; and in it must be found the justification, -if such be needed, for the part I have played. I have no apology to -make for my twenty and odd years’ work in the Secret Service. I took -up that work from a conscientious motive, and in a conscientious -spirit I pursued it to the end. I have in no sense been an informer, -as the phrase is understood. I allied myself with Fenianism in order -to defeat it; I never turned from feelings of greed or gain on the -men with whom I at first worked in sympathy. I never had any sympathy -with Irish Revolutionists. Quite the opposite. Nor have I been an -_agent provocateur_. Although I always voted for politic reasons -on the side of the majority, even to the joining in the vote which -meant dynamite, on no single occasion was I instrumental in bringing -an individual to the commission of crime. True, I had to take many -oaths. But what of that? By the taking of them I have saved many -lives. Which counts the weightiest in the balance of life? And who is -it that sneers at me for my conduct in this regard? An honest man’s -criticism I can accept; but for the judgment of these double-oathed -gentlemen who, having first taken the Fenian oath, then rushed to -Westminster to swear allegiance to the Crown and Constitution they -had aforetime sworn to destroy, I have nothing but contempt and -derision. Away with such rubbish and cant as they indulge in to the -regions where common-sense finds no place. - -I said I have saved lives by my action as a Government agent. I hope -I shall have done more by my appearance in the witness-box. To me -no more satisfactory result could attend my disclosures than the -realisation by the poor deluded Irish in the States of the way in -which they have been tricked and humbugged in the past years. For -these poor weak people, animated by the purest, if the most mistaken -of patriotic motives, who give their little all in the hope and trust -that the day will come in their lives when Ireland will be a land -flowing with milk and honey, I have the deepest and the most sincere -sympathy. To know these people, to come into contact with them, -and to discuss with them the eternal subject of Irish nationality, -is to respect their honesty of purpose, no matter how much we feel -called upon to condemn their methods of procedure. But, for the -blatant loud-voiced agitator, always bellowing forth his patriotic -principles, while secretly filling his pockets with the bribe or the -consequences of his theft, there can be no other feeling but that of -undisguised loathing. - -I speak of what I know from personal experience, when I say there -is no greater fraud in this nineteenth century of ours than the -modern Irish patriotic agitator in America. Gold is his god, his -patriotic principles—save the mark!—his breviary and his beads, -holding aloft which he stands at the corner of the market-place so -that he may be seen of all men, and paid tribute to by some. By -jobbery, trickery, treachery, and delusion of the meanest and most -despicable type he works his way along, rising higher and higher in -the ranks of his fellow-conspirators, till at last, in the position -of responsibility and power, he sells the votes he can command, and -pockets the funds over which he has control. Brave and blustering -in speech, he advocates, in the safety of his American city, three -thousand miles from the seat of danger, the most desperate of -enterprises; and without the slightest pang of compunction or twinge -of conscience he rushes his poor dupes across the water to their fate -on the scaffold or the living death of penal servitude; while his -lips unctuously mumble of the righteousness of their beloved cause, -and his whisky-laden breath blasphemously calls for the blessings of -Heaven upon the foul enterprise. - -It has been in fighting such scoundrels as these that I have spent -the last quarter of a century. From them I would fain deliver their -poor dupes ere I completely efface myself from Irish affairs. I -have no stronger, no sincerer wish than to see an end put once -for all to the delusion which is practised upon thousands of poor -Irishmen throughout the States by the men of whom I have written. -With the rank and file it has assuredly been a case of “theirs not -to reason why, theirs but to do and die.” I hope it may not be so -in the future. I trust that what I have penned, and what the sad -murder of Cronin has writ large upon the page of history, may not be -without its effect; and that to-day men may pause ere they continue -in such a way as I have pictured, the mere tools of an unscrupulous -faction, the miserable dupes of a reckless and improvident executive. -Gallahers, Dalys, and Mackay Lomasneys there always will be—men -inspired with fanatical hatred of all things English, and ready at -all times to risk freedom and life in working out their designs; but, -apart from them, there are thousands whose criminality reaches no -further point than the paying of those subscriptions so frequently -and so persistently demanded. - -With such men I hope these words of mine will have weight; and -if, awakening to a true sense of their situation, and realising -that their combination and support help not Ireland but Ireland’s -professional mendicants, they turn to a better path, and a clearer -and more honest view of Irish matters as they really are, then shall -I feel that I have not struggled or written in vain. - - - - -APPENDIX. - - - - -I. - -THE STORY OF THE JUBILEE PLOT. - - -Fully two months before the celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee in -London, reliable intelligence reached the Scotland Yard authorities -that a gang of skilful and unscrupulous conspirators in America were -devising a plan for carrying out acts of murder and destruction in -London. The names of the principal persons engaged for this purpose -were known to the police, and the individuals were closely watched -even during their voyage across the Atlantic. The headquarters of -the organisation were established in Paris, and both there and in -Boulogne their movements were under strict observation. The direction -of the conspiracy rested with General Millen, a well-known Fenian -agent, who, finding the police espionage unbearable, had latterly -kept out of England. Had he returned, he would have been immediately -arrested. Last Saturday he left Amsterdam for New York, being watched -by English detectives down to the time of the vessel sailing. After -the Jubilee celebration, some of the gang crossed the Channel and -came to London, their plans previous to the Jubilee celebration -having been disconcerted. The most prominent of the arrivals in -London was the man Melville, said to be the shrewdest of the whole -gang. The police do not believe that those conspirators were in -communication with O’Donovan Rossa, or acting with his cognisance. -Cohen’s presence in London was known to the police some time prior -to his death. There was only one of the gang of whose presence they -were not aware. Strangely enough, the police were on their way to -arrest the deceased [Cohen] at the moment of his death, and had they -been twenty minutes earlier they would have captured the unknown -individual who left the death chamber just previously. - -The man Melville came to London as an agent of Millen, and took -modest lodgings in Gladstone Street, but at the time was deficient -in funds. The police, however, watched him closely, and found that -on two occasions he called on Mr. Joseph Nolan, M.P., at the House -of Commons. He had for his companion the man Harkins, and both of -them were seen in company with the dead man Cohen, upon whom an -inquest was held yesterday [26th October 1887]. The police suspicions -of Melville’s business were confirmed. His assertion, that he -represented Mr. Philips, of Philadelphia, proved entirely false. -Afterwards Melville went to Paris, and there met a man named Dennehy, -who, with a man named Maloney, sailed for America on August 17. -Dennehy is a member of the Clan-na-Gael, and his address is known to -the police. Melville then returned to London and stayed at the Hotel -Métropole with a Miss Kennedy, of 53 Charles Street, Boston, with -whom he travelled through Ireland, and afterwards to Paris, where he -called upon General Millen at the Hôtel du Palais, and was also seen -in a cab with a man remarkably like the deceased man Cohen, who was -absent from his lodgings about five weeks ago. He sailed for America -from Havre on September 17, and on reaching New York, his companion, -Miss Kennedy, was arrested for smuggling a large quantity of -valuable goods. Melville’s hurried departure upset the plans of the -Clan-na-Gael, and closely following this Cohen died. Harkins admitted -yesterday that he called at the House of Commons with Melville, and -that he had written for money to Burchall. Melville’s address in -America is known to the police—viz., Mr. J. J. Moroney, 925 Tenth -Avenue, New York.—_Daily Press_, 28th October 1887. - -THOMAS CALLAN, 46, labourer, and Michael Harkins, 30, grocer, were -placed upon their trial at the Central Criminal Court, London, on -February 1, 1888, upon an indictment of various counts, charging them -with maliciously conspiring with Joseph Melville and Joseph Cohen, -and other persons, to cause, by an explosive substance, an explosion -in the United Kingdom of a nature likely to endanger life, and to -cause serious injury to property, and with having in their possession -and under their control an explosive substance with intent by means -thereof to endanger life and cause serious injury to property within -the United Kingdom, and with having in their possession and under -their control an explosive substance in such circumstances as to give -rise to a reasonable suspicion that they did not have it in their -possession and under their control for a lawful object. - -The prisoners were found guilty, and each sentenced to fifteen years’ -penal servitude. - - * * * * * - -The SELECT COMMITTEE appointed to consider the regulations applicable -to the admission of strangers to the HOUSE OF COMMONS met again on -Thursday, the 19th inst., Viscount EBRINGTON presiding. - -Mr. JAMES MONRO, Assistant Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police, -examined by the Chairman, said:—Melville’s real name is Moroney, -of Philadelphia, New York, and a member of the Clan-na-Gael. He was -sent over here in pursuance of instructions, and for the purpose of -committing an outrage in the Jubilee week. He came over with Callan -and Harkins in the steamer _City of Chester_. They did not arrive in -England until June 21. They had missed the previous steamer, all the -berths being engaged, and they did not arrive until the Monday. They -came at once here, only to find that General F. F. Millen had been -rendered powerless by the operations of the police. Melville was the -man who was chief in giving them dynamite, in enabling them to get it -in here. and in giving them instructions how to dispose of it. The -dynamite was brought over by other persons to Melville—two men, and -also a person of the name of Callan, and another man, I believe. The -other man we have not been able to get hold of. But Melville and this -fifth man arrived on May 15; so that when Melville and his associates -came on June 5, Callan was here to meet them. - -The House of Commons was one point in these dynamite operations. -One of these men was sent down on two occasions to Windsor Castle -to “prospect” the State apartments, taking with him a watch for the -purpose of finding out how long it would take him to effect his -purpose and get away. On both occasions the State apartments were -closed. He did not go back again, because I suppose he thought he -would be identified. General Millen was a man known twenty years ago -in Fenian matters. He was connected with the Fenians in 1867. He was -what was called a military member of the Clan-na-Gael, and he was -sent over to this country on a secret mission in 1879. He reported -his progress to his associates under the name of Robinson. - -He was in communication with Melville. That is to say, he met -Melville on one occasion in Paris, not in this country. He met -Melville in Paris in September 1887. Melville was sent over. He left -in April and arrived in France about the end of April. He was in -England before that. He left this country in January 1887, and went -to America. He left America and arrived in this country in April. I -forget the exact date. - -General Millen had no home in England, but he had relatives—his -daughters, living in London for a certain time. On August 4, Melville -and Harkins came to the House of Commons, and sent up their cards, -or rather, Mr. Melville sent up his card to Mr. Joseph Nolan. Mr. -Nolan came out to them and saw them in the central lobby. After a -little conversation they went away. On the 5th of August the visit -was repeated by the same two men. They sent up their card to Mr. -Joseph Nolan. Mr. Nolan came out and disappeared with them; by that -I mean the police did not follow them. He took them, it is believed, -to the gallery. Now it is known that he did so, as the entry in the -Strangers’ Gallery book shows. They were not seen to leave that night -by the ordinary entrance. They were for some time on the terrace. - -They must have gone down with a member?—They were accompanied by Mr. -Joseph Nolan. - -About how long did they remain?—About twenty minutes or half an -hour, as far as I can remember. They were under observation by my -men; they were seen by the House of Commons police. They were under -observation outside. - -At that time were you aware of any business in which they were -engaged in this country?—We had not identified Harkins at that time, -but I knew Melville was a dangerous character. On his visit here my -information was that he might be looked for in the House of Commons. -That information was received in connection with his relation with -Millen. He was met in Paris afterwards, and Melville was actually -in Paris in the month of July, but I am not prepared to say he met -Millen then, but they were connected. There was another man in Paris -in regard to whose movements I was apprised in connection with -Millen’s relations in Ireland; and it is also a fact that General -Millen was in communication with Mr. Joseph Nolan by means of -letters conveyed by Millen’s daughters, who were then in London and -under observation. One of these letters so conveyed was a letter of -introduction to Melville. - -Was that prior to the visit to the House of Commons?—That was prior -to the visit; that was on the 14th of July, on which date Millen’s -daughters visited the House of Commons. They saw Mr. Joseph Nolan and -repeated the visit on the 15th. Millen is their real name. They had -been living here for some time before that. - -THE HOME SECRETARY.—Did they visit the House on that occasion, or -did they remain in the central hall?—Witness: On the first occasion -they were taken by Mr. J. Nolan to the Ladies’ Gallery, and on the -second occasion they were taken by Mr. Nolan to the bar of the House -of Lords, and after they left they were accompanied by Mr. Nolan some -little up the street on both days. - -They did not go over the House of Commons?—I cannot say they did. -They then left for Paris, where Millen then was, and, as I said -before, on the 4th of August Melville then appeared. - -Did you follow up this matter by any inquiries of Melville -himself?—Melville was traced to his lodgings, and on the 8th of -August he was interviewed. After Melville’s interview we interviewed -Mr. Joseph Nolan on the 16th of August. He was asked whether Melville -had visited him and whether he knew him. Mr. Nolan said Melville was -a stranger to him, that he had brought no letter of introduction, -that he had mentioned the names of several gentlemen known to him -(Mr. Nolan) in America, among them a gentleman named Stack, who had -been successful in life and was over in England on a trip; that he -(Stack) seemed to be well acquainted with the oil wells and silver -mines in the Rocky mountains, that he seemed to be a man well read -in history, and altogether was a rather well-informed man; that -he had come with this letter of introduction, and that he (Nolan) -treated him with the same civility that he would expect in America. -We made inquiries, and we came in the Strangers’ Gallery book, upon -an entry which we believed to be in Mr. Nolan’s handwriting. We had -the handwriting submitted to an expert, and he said it was the same -as that on a remittance sent by Mr. Nolan. We had no doubt on the -subject, because when Mr. Nolan was examined he said it was in his -handwriting. We made inquiry of Mr. Stack, and had him interviewed -on the 26th of January this year. He said he did not remember -anything in connection with the registry in the book at the gallery -in the House of Commons, and did not remember anything about the -man Melville. The writing in the book appeared, he said, to be his -own, but he was certain he never gave an order to Mr. Joseph Nolan, -M.P. and Mr. Nolan knew nothing about his signature. It was an -understood thing among the Irish party that everything possible was -to be done for Americans who might wish to see the House of Commons, -and the consequence was that there was scarcely a day passed without -application being made for admission to the House by Americans. This -matter would stop that kind of thing. If the Irish members were aware -of it they would shun an American as they would poison, and it would -be detrimental to the party generally. - -By MR. FORREST FULTON.—One of the letters conveyed by the daughter -of General Millen to Mr. Joseph Nolan, who was in communication with -General Millen, was a letter of introduction of Melville to Mr. -Nolan. Millen introduced Melville as a friend. - -Is there any statement at all as to what Melville was doing in this -country?—No, not so far as I am aware. - -THE CHAIRMAN.—I think you spoke of letters passing?—Yes, more than -one. This was one of the letters conveyed to Mr. Nolan from General -Millen by his daughters. - -And these letters passed on various occasions?—Yes, they passed on -more than one occasion. - -By MR. FULTON.—Mr. Nolan said he knew nothing at all about Melville, -and had not received any letter from him?—Yes. - -MR. FULTON.—You say you know where the daughters of General Millen -reside. Do you know that they were visited by Mr. Nolan at any -time?—Not at the period referred to, so far as I know. - -On other occasions?—On a previous occasion they were. - -When was that?—In January of the previous year; but I had not -commenced observations then. - -The Committee adjourned till three o’clock in order to give MR. -JOSEPH NOLAN, M.P., an opportunity of replying to the evidence of Mr. -Monro. - -THE CHAIRMAN communicated to Mr. Nolan the statements made by Mr. -Monro. Mr. Nolan said he had no wish to go back upon the evidence -he had given in Court in connection with the dynamite trial. He had -received no introduction of any one from General Millen. - -You visited the House with two daughters of General Millen on the -14th or 15th of July, and showed them over the House, and that one of -them gave you a letter from her father introducing a man who would -come subsequently—a man named Melville. Is it true that the two -daughters of General Millen were there on the 14th or 15th of July, -and were shown over the House by you?—It is true that I showed two -ladies named Millen over the House. - -The daughters of General Millen?—I do not know about that. - -Were they strangers to you at that time?—One of them was. - -One of them you did know?—Yes. - -She was the daughter of General Millen?—That I do not know. - -Did you meet her in London?—I met her in London, I think, in 1886. -She has been living in London. - -Did you know General Millen?—I know him by repute. - -As what?—As an officer in the Mexican Army, and as correspondent of -the _New York Herald_. - -Have you ever met him?—Yes. - -When?—In 1886. - -In England or abroad?—In England. - -Was he a stranger to you then?—He was. - -Where did you meet him; at a private house?—He called upon me at my -own house. - -Was that the only occasion on which you ever saw him?—Yes. - -MR. LAWSON.—Called upon you doubtless as many Americans do?—Yes. - -THE CHAIRMAN.—Is it true that the ladies brought a letter of -introduction about Melville?—It is not true. - -Or a letter of any kind?—No. - -The statement was a letter written by the General?—No; not that I -remember; in fact there was no necessity for it, because one of the -ladies knew me. - -It is said they brought a letter to you at the House introducing -Melville to you on a future occasion?—That is not so. One of the -ladies said she had not seen her father for years, and she believed -he was ill at the time in Europe, and that she intended to call upon -him. - -Have you had any communication with him?—No. - -THE HOME SECRETARY.—Are you aware that Melville and Millen had met -each other?—No, and I may say that I had never heard that General -Millen had any connection whatever with what is known as the dynamite -party. It has been stated, I believe, that he has, but I never heard -it previous to the recent case. On the contrary, I heard that General -Millen as an Irish officer was clearly opposed to the policy of that -party. - -THE HOME SECRETARY.—That has nothing to do with it. Did Melville -come from America; he had been in London for some months?—I did not -know that. - -Did Melville speak about Millen?—No. - -Were you aware that they were acquainted?—No. I knew a number of -Irish Americans who have visited me at the House. They asked for -admission, and I have been told that he was among the number. I -remember that a policeman or gentleman who said that he belonged to -the detective force called upon me in the House, and made inquiry -about some one or two men who had visited the House. I told them all -I knew at the time. - -MR. LAWSON.—It is said you did not acknowledge the handwriting on -the Speaker’s Gallery ticket as yours, and you said it was not your -handwriting?—I simply said I could not swear to the writing as being -mine. - -THE HOME SECRETARY.—Have you any doubt about it?—I rather think it -was I who wrote it, but I could not positively swear.—_The Times_, -20 April 1888. - - - - -II. - -THE STORY OF THE CRONIN MURDER. - - -The Cronin murder trial ended yesterday, after prolonged deliberation -on the part of the jury, in the conviction of four of the five -prisoners arraigned. By the laws of the State of Illinois the jury -not only decide the issues of guilty or not guilty, but also award -the punishment of the convicts. To this fact is probably due the long -delay in the present case in the announcement of the verdict. The -jury have acquitted John F. Beggs. They have awarded imprisonment -for life to Daniel Coughlin, Martin Burke, and Patrick O’Sullivan, -whom they convict of murder; and imprisonment for three years to John -Kunze, whose offence is reduced to manslaughter, and whose part in -the crime was shown to be of a very minor kind.[7] Now that the case -is over, it seems desirable to state in a connected form the theory -upon which this remarkable trial was instituted by the State of -Illinois. - -The prisoners, Daniel Coughlin, Martin Burke, John F. Beggs, Patrick -O’Sullivan, and John Kunze, were indicted for the murder of Dr. -Patrick Henry Cronin, on May 4, 1889. The case naturally created -intense excitement throughout the State, affecting as it did many -and complex interests of party, race, and creed. Committees were -formed and funds were raised for the prosecution and for the -defence, and the prisoners were convicted and acquitted on the -platform and in the Press, with that reckless disregard of common -decency which disgraces the partisan warfare of America. American -judicial proceedings are, however, framed to work in a society which -habitually indulges itself in debauches of partisan fury, even while -prisoners stand at trial for their lives, and accordingly the most -elaborate safeguards are employed to secure the impartiality of the -jury. The State and the prisoners exercise the right of challenge -both peremptorily and for cause, in a degree undreamt of in this -country. Each juror, before he is sworn to try the issues, is -subjected to the most merciless examination and cross-examination -by counsel for the State and for the prisoners, and challenges -“for cause” are allowed on grounds which in English eyes appear -ludicrously trivial. The prisoners in the Cronin case were, by law, -entitled to twenty peremptory challenges apiece, or, as they combined -their challenges, to one hundred peremptory challenges in all, and -the State was also entitled to one hundred peremptory challenges. The -work of impanelling the jury began on August 30, and ended on October -22. Seven full working weeks were spent in this preliminary labour. -No fewer than 1115 unfortunate citizens of Cook County were exposed -to the rigid scrutiny of counsel for the State and counsel for the -defence. Of these, 927 were “excused,” to use the American euphemism, -for cause, while 78 were peremptorily challenged by the State, and -97 were similarly challenged by the defence. Thus the State had 22 -challenges unexhausted, and the defence only three when the tale was -completed. At last, on October 24, the State’s Attorney “got down to -trial” and made his opening speech. The case relied upon and proved -by the State depended on the following assertions and inferences. - -Dr. Cronin was summoned from his home at half-past seven on the -evening of May 4, and never returned. On May 22 his naked body, -bearing marks of violence, was found in the catch-basin of a sewer. -The theory of the prosecution was that he was murdered in pursuance -of a conspiracy, and that the accused, together with other persons -not in custody, were members of that conspiracy. The jury by their -verdict have declared that Dr. Cronin was so murdered, and that -all the prisoners save Beggs did conspire to murder him. This -conspiracy arose from a bitter quarrel within the ranks of the United -Brotherhood, or Clan-na-Gael. The history of that organisation was -sketched by State’s Attorney Longenecker in his opening speech. It -was founded in 1869, to “free” Ireland by open warfare. Irishmen -joined it from “patriotism,” Irishmen joined it for the purposes of -American political warfare, and others “for the sake of the money -that was in it.” The organisation grew “until now it stretches from -ocean to ocean in our land.” It was organised by districts, each -with its District Member and District “Camps.” Each “Camp” had a -public name, by which alone it was known to the general public. -Thus, “Camp 20,” to which several of the prisoners belonged, was -called the “Columbia Club,” and other “Camps” were known as “Literary -Clubs,” and so on. Prior to 1881 the organisation was governed by an -Executive Body, which was composed of the District Members. In 1879 -this Board consisted of fifteen members. - -In 1881 a National Convention of the United Brotherhood was held in -Chicago. At that Convention the Executive Body was reduced to five -members, and Alexander Sullivan, Feeley, and Boland were appointed -thereon. These three men constituted a majority of the new Board, -and, in the State’s Attorney’s phrase, “took charge” of it. “They -then adopted,” he says, “what is called the dynamite policy. They -called it ‘active work.’ They adopted a policy to blow up property -and individuals, and that policy was adopted immediately after -they got possession of the Executive Board of the organisation.” -Moreover, this new Executive Body inserted a provision in the oath -of the organisation binding all members to obey the Executive Body -without question. “If they directed a man to go and kill another -man in England it had to be done, and they had no right to question -the order.” In 1884 this controlling Board adopted the symbol of -the Triangle, and issued orders under that designation. The whole -object of this Junta was to steal the funds of the organisation, -and the State’s Attorney roundly accuses them of endeavouring to -effect this object by acts of well-nigh incredible infamy. They -pretended to their organisation that great sums were being expended -upon “active work.” To lend colour to this fiction they procured a -certain amount of such work to be done. They sent emissaries to this -country. But they failed to provide them with the funds indispensable -for their personal safety. The men were referred to an agent of the -organisation in England, and when they had reached this side of the -Atlantic precautions were taken that they should not too speedily -return. When the dynamite emissary landed in the United Kingdom, “I -say to you,” says the State’s Attorney, “that somebody there made -known who the man was, and what he was detailed to do, and he was -immediately arrested and thrown into prison. To-day the prison doors -in England are locked against twenty or more men who were sent there -by that Board.” - -The next trick of the Triangle, to hide their embezzlement of the -funds, was to circulate a rumour that English detectives were -watching the Order, and to get the biennial Convention postponed upon -that plea. A meeting was held of the friends of the Triangle, “and -they destroyed every vestige of work they had done. They destroyed -their books, and then sent out a circular showing that the Order -was indebted to them $13,000, notwithstanding when they took hold -of it they had a fund of $250,000 in the treasury.” Naturally these -proceedings led to great dissension in the Order, and finally to a -split in its ranks. To the quarrel that thus arose, Dr. Cronin, on -the theory advanced by the prosecution, and accepted by the jury, -owed his death. Cronin from the first protested against the action -of the Triangle. In 1885 he was tried for treason to the Order. -Alexander Sullivan prosecuted, and the convict Daniel Coughlin sat -on the Trial Committee. Cronin was convicted and expelled. Thereupon -Cronin joined a new organisation formed by the seceding members of -the Order, and no further steps were taken until June 1888. In that -month a joint convention of the two factions was held in Chicago -with a view to reunion. At that convention Cronin charged the old -Triangle, which had then ceased to exist, with misappropriation of -the funds of the Order, and with misconduct towards their emissaries -to Europe. It was resolved that the charges should be investigated, -and a Trial Committee of six, three from each faction, was appointed -to try Sullivan, Feeley, and Boland. Of that Trial Committee, Cronin -was a member. A memorandum in Cronin’s handwriting, containing the -joint findings of Cronin himself, and one P. M‘Cahey, as members of -the Trial Committee, and also minutes of the evidence adduced at -such trial, were found amongst Cronin’s papers, and proved at the -coroner’s inquest. These documents were, of course, inadmissible -at the actual trial, according to a well-known technical rule of -evidence, but, as they undoubtedly guided the State’s Attorney and -his associates in framing the case against the prisoners, and as, -moreover, they possess a very special and personal interest for -Englishmen, we do not feel constrained to ignore their contents here. - -The Trial Committee, it appears, met at Genesee House, Buffalo, -on August 20, 1888. Alexander Sullivan objected that “one of the -committee was a malignant enemy of his,” and he named Cronin as that -enemy. Feeley and Boland joined in Sullivan’s objection, but Cronin -denied that he had any personal enmity to Sullivan and the objection -was overruled. Boland then charged the notorious John Devoy, who was -a friend of Cronin’s, and attended the Trial Committee, presumably in -his interest, with being a British spy. Cronin defended Devoy, the -committee settled down to work, and the trial proceeded. The minutes -of the evidence taken by this committee, and found in Cronin’s own -handwriting, form one of the most startling documents ever produced -in any Court. Four principal witnesses were examined in support -of the charges made against the Triangle of neglecting to supply -the emissaries actually engaged in dynamiting with funds, and of -neglecting the families of those emissaries who had perished by -explosions, or had been sent to penal servitude in this country. The -first witness was himself one of the London dynamiters. The last was -the widow of Mackey Lomasney, who was blown up while attempting to -destroy London Bridge. The names of the male witnesses are not given. -The first witness swore that after the Boston Convention of 1884, -one Donovan, “who acted as agent for the body,” and “was then in the -employ of General Kerwin,” asked him if “he could furnish enough men -to accomplish a certain amount of active work.” The witness procured -one recruit. Donovan and John J. Moroney paid their steerage passage, -and gave them $100 each “to carry on work.” For further funds they -were referred to “the agent on the other side.” The two dynamiters -crossed to this country, but the funds were not forthcoming. The -agent, it is satisfactory to learn, “was sure he had been betrayed by -some one,” and it is yet more gratifying to know that he “is now in -prison.” The witness then gives the following account of his exploits -in this country, and of the base ingratitude of his employers:— - -“At the agent’s request, work was delayed six weeks. I at last told -him I would do the work. There were four of us.... I finally induced -him to give orders to do the work. This was on Thursday. On Saturday -we did it. After the work was done I met him the same evening. He -remained in capital city seven days afterward. I was so reduced for -funds that I prevailed upon him to give me four pounds of the sixteen -he had left. On landing in this country had three-and-one-half -pounds.... I at once complained to Donovan and Moroney, and through -them to the executive, or General Kerwin, of the treatment I had -received, and the culpable neglect of the F. C. About the last of -February 1885, Donovan furnished me with $10 with which to reach my -home. - -“_Q._ How many operations did you perform?—_A._ Three. We always -bade each other good-bye after each meeting, thinking it might be our -last meeting on earth. I have learned that, in order to get back, -the other man who went over with me had to sell his clothes to get -passage-money. He came with a sprained ankle. In July or August 1885, -he received $7 from Moroney.” - -Subsequently the witness found that the mother of Cunningham, the -dynamiter, was in want. He complained to Moroney and General Kerwin, -whereupon Kerwin told him he ought to be expelled. The munificent -sum of $100 was finally sent by the “F. C.” (Executive Body) to the -mother of their dupe Cunningham, now undergoing in this country the -just but awful punishment of penal servitude for life. The witness -further ascertained that Mrs. Mackey Lomasney, the widow of Captain -Mackey Lomasney, who “was killed in London, and was assured, witness -was told, that his family would never want,” was in great distress. -The relatives of Dr. Gallagher, another dynamite convict under a -life-long sentence, were also in want. A hundred dollars was raised -for Mrs. Gallagher. Then comes this terrible statement, a statement -which should warn the miserable tools of the Clan-na-Gael what kind -of succour they may look for from their chiefs when their “heroism” -lands them in the dock. “I requested,” says this same witness, “that -the men on trial on the other side should be defended. General Kerwin -said that friendless men were better off in such cases.” To the men -who have risked their lives at its bidding, the Order, with its ample -revenues, grudges the few pounds needed for their legal defence, and -coldly abandons them “friendless” to their fate. - -The next witness confirms the above statements as to the conduct of -the organisation towards Mrs. Cunningham. In July 1885, he succeeded -John Moroney as D. M. (District Member), and in October of that year -he “went out as an organiser of the National League in the West.” “I -saw General Kerwin and told him that he should send money to Mrs. -Cunningham, that the lady was hurt on the subject of being neglected -by us. He said he would send it.” - -The cross-examination of this witness was directed to show that he -entertained animus against Kerwin and Boland for endeavouring to -defeat his candidature for the presidency of the National League, -which candidature, he alleges, had been officially adopted by the -Clan-na-Gael. “The slate,” he says, “was Baldwin, Minton, and Carroll -for F. C. (Executive Body), and myself as President of the League.” -Boland asked him why he would not take the secretaryship. - -The third witness, “a member since the beginning of the old -organisation,” knew Mackey Lomasney, and remembers his departure -for Europe in August 1884, with his brother Jim, and a third -conspirator. The witness describes his efforts to obtain relief -from the organisation for Mackey Lomasney’s widow. In 1885 he went -to Newhaven and saw Dr. Wallace (who was then “D.”), Condon, and -Boland. Boland “denied all responsibility,” and alleged that Mrs. -Mackey Lomasney had been supplied with plenty of money. The witness -called on Carroll. “He professed utter ignorance of the whole affair. -I said, ‘By God, you must see her.’ Carroll offered the witness -$100, which he refused. I said, ‘You know how to send this, as you -have the others; if you respect the memory of the dead, and the -widow and the orphan made so by your act, do your duty by all.’” The -witness further states that Mrs. Mackey Lomasney continued to be in a -poverty-stricken state, without coal or clothing, until August 1886. - -The last witness was Mrs. Susan Mackey Lomasney herself. Upon -Alexander Sullivan’s request, made presumably to show his reliance on -the bare word of a dynamiter’s wife, she was not sworn. Mrs. Mackey -Lomasney stated that her husband went away in August 1884, and that -since that date she had received $1000 from the organisation. She -called on Alexander Sullivan in 1885, but did not ask for help. In -August 1886, she again visited Sullivan, explained to him the state -of her affairs, and asked for help. “He asked me for a schedule of -my liabilities—$200. He would attend to the matter. He gave me no -money, nor offered me any.” Sullivan told the witness not to mention -his name to any one. She then called on “James Q.,” who “talked to -her about Father Dorney,” but gave her no help. The witness was -so poor at this time that she borrowed a dress to visit Sullivan. -Several weeks after the witness again called on Sullivan and applied -for a loan of $100, which she obtained. That was all she ever got -from Sullivan. In cross-examination Mrs. Mackey Lomasney admitted -that her husband wrote to her from Europe, saying he had received -money from Mr. Sullivan. The witness did not know the amount. - -“Here,” say the minutes, “Mr. S. admitted that (Mackey) Lomasney was -sent by the organisation.” - -The Trial Committee was divided in opinion as to the guilt or -innocence of the accused. Four members were for an acquittal. Two, -Cronin and M‘Cahey, were for a conviction on the principal charges, -and, in particular, on the charges of “scandalous and shameful -neglect” of “the family of one who lost his life in the service of -this Order,” and on that of issuing a fraudulent financial report and -squandering the funds. - -Dr. Cronin’s documents illustrate many interesting points. Amongst -other things they prove that he, his friends Devoy and M‘Cahey and -their faction, are to the full as wicked scoundrels as Sullivan, -Feeley, Boland, and the party of the Triangle. The minority report -does not condemn the Triangle for dynamiting, but for dishonest -dynamiting. It does not reprobate the despatch of miscreants like -Mackey Lomasney to work slaughter and destruction in the heart -of a great city, but the subsequent neglect of the Order to keep -faith with their emissary, by providing for his widow. It acquits -the Triangle of wilfully omitting to supply the actual authors -of the dynamite explosion with funds to fly from the law, but it -severely censures their “agent” for the omission. Both wings of the -Clan-na-Gael were engaged in the same devilish plots, and while every -one must rejoice that the assassins even of a dynamiter should meet -their lawful doom, Cronin merits no more sympathy as an individual -than “Captain Mackey” himself. He was brutally murdered, while -himself engaged in plotting the wholesale murder of others. - -On the theory of the State’s Attorney, now endorsed by the verdict -of the American jury, it was Cronin’s persistent efforts to have the -evidence taken by the Trial Committee published with the report, that -sealed his doom. That committee, as has been seen, sat in August -1888. The report did not appear while Cronin lived. But on the day -of his murder the Executive Body of the Clan-na-Gael met, and on -the next day, or the next day but one, the report was published to -the Order. The evidence was not then issued with the report, but a -protest from Alexander Sullivan was annexed thereto, in which he -charged Cronin as a perjurer, and a traitor to the Irish cause. All -the prisoners except Kunze were members of the Clan-na-Gael. All -those members belonged to the same “Camp” of the Order, known in -the ranks of the Order as “Camp 20,” and in public as the “Columbia -Club.” The prisoner, John F. Beggs, was “Senior Guardian” of the -“Camp,” and an intimate friend of Alexander Sullivan’s. On February -8, 1889, the “Camp” met, with Beggs in the chair, and from that -meeting the prosecution dates the conspiracy to murder Cronin. A -member got up and said that they should investigate the affairs of -the Triangle, these men who had robbed them of their funds. The -prisoner Coughlin and others demanded the speaker’s authority for -this statement. He replied that he had heard part of the report of -the Trial Committee appointed to try the Triangle read in another -“Camp.” That other “Camp” was Dr. Cronin’s. The State alleged that -Beggs made a violent speech and declared that he would not have these -attacks made upon the Triangle, and that it had to be stopped if it -took blood. Coughlin at once moved that a secret committee of three -be appointed to investigate. The motion was carried, and the prisoner -Beggs, as Senior Guardian, was directed to nominate the committee. -All the accused except O’Sullivan and Kunze attended this meeting of -“Camp 20.” Two days later Beggs wrote to his superior officer, a man -named Spellman, and informed him that “it was charged that the S. -G. of the Columbia Club at a recent meeting read to the assembled -members the proceedings of the Trial Committee.” On February 17, -Spellman disclaimed any jurisdiction “to inflict the penalty” in -the case. On February 18, Beggs replied that the matter had to be -investigated or there would be trouble. The State’s Attorney argued -that this secret committee of three was in fact appointed to try, -and did try, the murdered man, and that Spellman’s disclaimer of -jurisdiction to inflict “the penalty” proves that Cronin had been -convicted and already stood for sentence at the bar of the Order. - -On February 19, a man giving the name of Simonds, who is not in -custody, took rooms at 117 Clark Street, Chicago, immediately -opposite to Dr. Cronin’s office. On the same day he bought some -furniture and a carpet. He asked for goods of the cheapest quality, -and stated that he required them only for temporary use. He also -bought from the same dealers the largest packing trunk they had, a -valise, and a trunk strap. He told the shopman that the first strap -supplied to him was not large enough, and a larger one was procured. -All these articles were put into the rooms at 117 Clark Street. - -On March 20, a man, proved to be the convict Martin Burke, hired -Carlson cottage, under the name of “Frank Williams,” for one month -from Mr. Carlson, who himself lives next door. Burke then went to -the prisoner P. O’Sullivan, whose premises immediately adjoin the -Carlson cottage, and told O’Sullivan that he had taken it. Burke and -another man not in custody next removed all the furniture, the trunk, -the valise, and the carpet from 117 Clark Street into the Carlson -cottage. This removal took place on the evening of March 20, the day -Burke took the cottage. - -O’Sullivan is an ice man by trade. On March 29, nine days after -the taking of the cottage, O’Sullivan tried to find one Justice -Mahoney, to come and make a contract between him and Dr. Cronin. -O’Sullivan did not find the justice on March 29, but some time in -April they went together to Cronin’s office, and a contract was made -between O’Sullivan and Cronin, whereby Cronin agreed to attend to -O’Sullivan’s workmen. O’Sullivan then gave Cronin some cards and -said, “I may be out of town and my card be presented.” O’Sullivan’s -business was not dangerous. No accident had ever occurred amongst his -men. Numbers of doctors lived between O’Sullivan’s place of business -and Dr. Cronin’s office, which is nearly an hour’s drive from -O’Sullivan’s yard. “What,” the State asked, “was the object of this -contract, made after the discussion in ‘Camp 20,’ and after Beggs had -been directed to appoint the secret committee?” - -On April 20, Martin Burke, under the _alias_ of “Frank Williams,” -returned to the Carlson cottage and paid a second month’s rent in -advance. He had never occupied the cottage. He said his sister was in -hospital and could not come to housekeeping. The Carlsons grew uneasy -about their tenants. They inquired of their neighbour O’Sullivan -about these men, who had taken their house but never moved into it. -O’Sullivan said, “You will get your rent; it is all right,” and told -them he knew one of their tenants. Shortly before May 4 the convict -Coughlin was heard to declare in a “saloon” or public bar that a -certain north-side man, a leading Catholic, or a leading Irishman, -would soon bite the ground, or to use words of the like effect. - -On the evening of May 3 there was a meeting of “Camp 20.” A member -asked if the secret committee appointed in February to inquire into -the alleged publication of the report of the Triangle Trial Committee -in Cronin’s “Camp” had itself reported. The State alleged that Beggs, -the Senior Guardian, answered, “That committee is to report to me. -The ‘Camp’ has nothing to do with that.” - -Between eleven and one o’clock on May 4, the convict Coughlin went to -Dinan’s livery stable and ordered a horse and buggy to be ready about -seven that evening “for a friend.” Later he telephoned to the convict -O’Sullivan to go out. About 7.15 in the evening Coughlin’s friend -came and asked for the buggy. The ostler harnessed a white horse. -The stranger objected to the colour, but the ostler said it was the -only horse he could have. The stranger then drove to Dr. Cronin’s. -He reached Cronin’s home about 7.20, gave him one of O’Sullivan’s -cards, saying, “O’Sullivan is out of town, and here is his card”—the -very words used by O’Sullivan himself when he made his contract with -Cronin—and told Cronin that one of O’Sullivan’s men had his leg -crushed, and that the doctor was wanted immediately. The doctor took -his instruments and some cotton with him and drove hastily off in the -buggy. He was never seen alive again. - -The State allege that the convict Burke was at the Carlson cottage on -the night of May 3, together with another man, after the meeting of -“Camp 20.” On the night of May 4 Burke was also there, and he bade -good-night to his landlord and neighbour, old Mr. Carlson, at a late -hour that evening. A casual passer-by saw a man whose description -answers to that of Cronin get out of a buggy and hastily enter -Carlson cottage, and she afterwards heard blows and cries. Between -eight and nine that night, two men, whose descriptions answer to -those of Coughlin and Kunze, were also seen to drive up to Carlson -cottage, and Coughlin was seen to enter it. - -On the night of May 4-5 a waggon was seen at three different points -by policemen and night-watchmen in the neighbourhood of Lake -Michigan. There were three men in the waggon, a driver and two -others, who, when the waggon was first observed, sat on a large -chest which the policemen took to be a tool-chest. At one in the -morning of May 5, the watchman at Edgewater challenged these men in -the waggon, and asked them what they were doing. They said they were -trying to find the lake shore drive. The drive is not continued up -to this point, and the watchman gave them some directions, after -which they drove away. They were seen later on in the same waggon, -but without the chest. The catch-basin in which Dr. Cronin’s body was -subsequently found is half a mile from Edgewater. On the morning of -May 5, a trunk identical in all respects with that purchased by the -tenant of 117 Clark Street, in February, and afterwards removed by -Burke to the Carlson cottage, was found between this catch-basin and -the city, about three-quarters of a mile from the catch-basin. During -the trial Dr. Cronin’s clothes were found in a valise in the sewer -about a quarter of a mile further on from the point where the trunk -was found. This valise corresponded in all respects with that bought -by Simonds and delivered to him at 117 Clark Street, and afterwards -removed by Burke from Clark Street to Carlson cottage. It will be -remembered that Cronin took cotton with him to dress the wounds of -his expected patient on the evening of May 4. Cotton was found in the -trunk on May 5. It was smeared with blood, as also were the sides of -trunk. - -On May 6 the convict Martin Burke called at a tinsmith’s shop, and -asked the smith to solder up a box for him. The smith wanted to raise -the lid to do his work. Martin Burke told him not to do so, and made -him secure the box by passing a metal band round it and soldering -the band. The smith had read some report as to the disappearance of -Dr. Cronin two days before. While he was soldering the box he asked -Burke what he thought of the matter. Burke replied with coarse abuse -of Cronin, denounced him as a spy, and declared he would turn up all -right. - -On May 13, two men called on old Mrs. Carlson, the wife of the owner -of Carlson cottage, and tendered her another month’s rent. She -refused the offer, as she said she wished the cottage to be occupied, -and she added that no rent was due until May 20. Shortly afterwards -the Carlsons received a letter from their tenants saying that they -were sorry to give up the building, and sorry that they had had to -paint the floor, but that that was done for their sister. - -On May 20, the date of the expiry of “Williams’” lease of the -cottage, the Carlsons entered the building by the window. They found -the whole of the house in confusion and signs that a severe struggle -had taken place therein. All the Clark Street furniture was there, -but the trunk was gone, the valise was gone, and the carpet was -gone. The walls and the floor were stained with blood. Paint had -been hastily daubed over the floor. The arm of the rocking-chair was -wrenched off and a key, which afterwards proved to fit the lock of -the bloodstained trunk discovered on May 5 near Edgewater, was found -under a bureau, stained with some of the paint which had been applied -to the floor. - -On May 21, the Carlsons reported the state of their cottage to the -police, and on May 22 some men engaged in cleaning the sewers found -the naked body of Cronin in the catch-basin. Some cotton similar to -that taken away by the doctor on the evening of May 4, and similar -to that found in the bloody trunk on May 5, was also found with the -body in the catch-basin. The head of the corpse was cut in a dozen -different places on the back and temples. - -As soon as the body was identified, Martin Burke fled from Chicago. -He crossed the Canadian frontier, and was finally traced to Winnipeg, -where he was arrested under an assumed name. He had taken a ticket -from Winnipeg to Liverpool. - -Kunze has rightly escaped with a much less severe sentence than his -co-conspirators. The more material of the allegations against him, in -addition to the fact mentioned above of his having driven Coughlin -to the cottage on the night of the murder, are that he was seen in -the rooms hired by Simonds at 117 Clark Street, and that he told a -fellow-workman after the murder, but before the discovery of the -body, that he knew Cronin was murdered, and that the body would never -be found. - -The substantive defence appears to have consisted chiefly of a series -of _alibis_. They were of the familiar Irish type—a type which in -the graphic American tongue is described as “lop-sided.” - -Full reports of the speeches for the defence and of the concluding -arguments for the State have not yet reached this country, and can -hardly be expected for some days. But whatever the line taken by -counsel for the prisoners may have been, it has failed to prevent a -purely American jury of citizens of Cook County from convicting and -sentencing to severe punishment four members of as foul and wicked -a conspiracy as ever was hatched by Irish brains. That conspiracy, -as the evidence shows, was itself the outcome of those intestine -quarrels that by a just retribution ever corrode the heart of the -Irish-American plots against this country. It was the State’s -Attorney’s cue to paint Dr. Cronin as an innocent and patriotic -Irishman, murdered by the hands of villainous rivals. But the true -nature of the patriotic society to which Dr. Cronin belonged, and -to the hands of whose members he owes his dreadful end, can hardly -escape the American public when they come to study the records of -the Cronin trial and the verdict of the Chicago jury. Whether that -study will nerve the honest citizens of the Republic to rise against -the tyranny of Irish machine-men, and purge their name and nation of -the stain of harbouring and tolerating such associations, remains to -be seen. At any rate, the people of Illinois are to be congratulated -on their victory—a victory which, in spite of endless “exceptions” -taken on behalf of the prisoners throughout the case, and the endless -series of appeals allowed by American law, will hardly be affected -in the long run by any fresh proceedings. On the other hand, the -convictions may not improbably result in some of the convicts turning -informers _more patrio_, and thus bringing the real prime movers in -the murder, whose existence is widely believed in in America, in turn -to their doom.—_The Times_, 17th December 1889. - - - - -APPENDIX III. - - -[Illustration: (page 1 of 2 of a handwritten letter)] - -[Illustration: (page 2 of 2 of a handwritten letter)] - -_NOTE.—The above letter was written to me by Sullivan before the -trial of the charges brought against him by Cronin, and refers to -evidence being collected by Sullivan to refute those charges. “D.” -means division, “J. G.” and “S. G.” mean Junior Guardian and Senior -Guardian; and the use of these initials peculiar to the Organization -prove Sullivan’s continued participation in the Clan-na-Gael._ - - H. LE C. - - +------------------------------------------------------------------+ - | | - | Transcriber’s Note: the following is a transcription of the | - | handwritten text of this letter. | - | | - | Aug 30 1888 | - | | - | My Dear Doctor | - | | - | Just rec’d your telegram. Will you, if the enclosed are correct, | - | subscribe to and return them to me? I am not sure whether you | - | were in the ’86 convention. Of course, I know you were in ’84. | - | You can subscribe before a notary or before your J. G. or S. G. | - | Please fill in the blanks. On the first line, your name, on the | - | 2d, no. of D. On line at end, sign your name and write in name | - | of county at the head. | - | In haste | - | Sincerely | - | Alex | - | | - +------------------------------------------------------------------+ - - -INDEX. - - - Agnew, Frank, details of, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael - in 1876, 172. - - American Army, enlisted in, 9; - different engagements with, 11, 12. - - American War, episodes in connection with, 13-19. - - Anderson, Mr., communications with, 60, 100; - my reports to him regarding conversation with Mr. Parnell, 176; - and regarding my visit to Ireland, 181; - informs me of desire of _Times_ for my services, 266; - introduces me to Mr. Houston, 267; - returns me my letters, 268; - my tribute to, 271. - - - Betts, Rev. Dr., at Dynamite Convention, 199; - presides over Clan-na-Gael caucus prior to League conventions, 206, - 227. - - Boland, Michael, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 125; - convicted of misappropriation of Clan-na-Gael funds, 261. - - Bourke, General Thomas, on Executive of Irish Confederation, 104; - further details of, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, 121; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137. - - Boyton, Michael, Devoy’s references to, as League organiser and - Clan-na-Gael emissary, 157; - interview with, at Kilmainham Prison, 179; - his views on situation in Ireland, 180. - - Brennan, Thomas, Secretary of Land League in Ireland, at Philadelphia - Convention, 209; - story of his escape from Dublin, 230. - - Breslin, John J., details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 124; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136; - assists Stephens to escape from Richmond Bridewell, Dublin, 164. - - Buffalo, the row at, 186. - - - Canadian Invasion, story of the first, 31; - story of the second, 82-85. - - Carey, James, evidence of, regarding hand-grenade, 158. - - Carroll, Dr. William, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 122; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136; - action in connection with proposed alliance with Russia, 140; - visit to, on behalf of Mr. Parnell, and his views regarding - position, 182. - - Clan-na-Gael, the beginning of the, 106; - object of, 107; - views which led to formation of, 108; - general principles and methods of the, 110; - form of admission to, 112; - governing body of, 115; - appointed on Military Board of, 119; - leading men of the, 120; - and the Skirmishing Fund, 136; - work of the, 139; - proposed alliance of, with Russia, 139; - controls the Land League, 152; - letter from Devoy regarding same, 154; - Mr. Parnell on difficulties with Irish members of, 175; - Michael Boyton on same, 180; - Alex. Sullivan elected president of, 191; - change of constitution of, 191; - manipulating League organisation, 204; - details of scheme for same, 205; - and Phœnix Park murders, 208; - and Philadelphia Convention of Land League, 211; - Sullivan’s working of, 218; - books and documents burnt, 220; - and League Convention of 1886, 236; - Egan and National League, 237; - and Home Rule Bill, 246-248; - and League movement, 250; - finding of committee of, on Cronin charges, 261. - - Clerkenwell Explosion, references to, 71. - - Clingen, Colonel, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 122; - arranges for my bringing letters from Devoy to Europe, 159. - - Collins, P. A., candidature for presidency of National League in - America unsuccessful, because of his offer of reward for - discovery of Phœnix Park murderers, 215. - - Condon, O’Meagher, at Dynamite Convention, 198. - - Conventions, Fenian, at Philadelphia, 60; - at New York, 76; - Clan-na-Gael, at Pennsylvania, 146; - at Wilkesbarre, 149; - Land League, at Buffalo, 186; - “Dynamite,” at Chicago, 187-194; - Land League, at Chicago, 204; - National League, at Philadelphia, 211; - at Boston, 227; - Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago, 231; - National League, at Chicago, 236; - Clan-na-Gael, at Chicago, 247, 259. - - Cronin, Dr. P. H., reference to, 123; - attacks Sullivan for misappropriation of funds, 220; - sketch of his life, 221; - expelled from Clan-na-Gael, 226; - development of dispute between, and Sullivan, 258; - murder of, 262; - corroboration of my evidence through murder of, 270; - the story of the murder of, Appendix. - - Cross, Colonel, life and methods of, 44-48. - - - Daly, “Jack,” story of, and Dynamite Campaign, 243; - letters to Breslin on Home Office, 244. - - Davitt, Michael, release and arrival of in America, 142; - opinions of, at this time, 143; - visits camps of Clan-na-Gael, 143; - meets with Devoy, 143; - takes up “New Departure,” 143; - returns to Ireland, 146; - second visit to America, 151; - advocates the Land League movement, 152; - takes ill at Braidwood, 152; - gives information unawares, 152; - paid back moneys advanced from Skirmishing Fund, 153; - Dr. Carroll’s views regarding, 183; - speech against, by Devoy, 259. - - Devine, Joseph, story of escape of, from Illinois, 50. - - Devoy, John, arrival and sketch of, 103; - further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, - 76, 121; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137; - and “New Departure,” 143; - letters regarding same, 145; - goes to Ireland as secret agent of Clan-na-Gael, 146; - report regarding position of revolutionary forces in Ireland, 147; - issues circular to Clan-na-Gael camps regarding Land League, 154; - supplies details of plots and plans of Clan-na-Gael, 155; - intrusts me with letters to Egan and O’Leary, 159; - communication with regard to Mr. Parnell’s views, 181; - letter from him regarding same, 182; - at Dynamite Convention, 199; - on Phœnix Park murders, 208; - in opposition to Sullivan, 219; - joins forces with Dr. Cronin, 225; - secedes from Clan-na-Gael, 226; - speech against Davitt, 259. - - Documents, in connection with second Canadian raid, 78; - in connection with Clan-na-Gael, 112; - my procedure with regard to, 128; - telegram regarding “New Departure,” 144; - Devoy’s letter, 145; - Devoy’s letter _re_ League and Clan-na-Gael, 154; - my report to my “camp” of League Convention, 213; - Egan’s letter of introduction to League in America, 234; - Clan-na-Gael circulars _re_ Home Rule Bill, 246, 247; - Clan-na-Gael resolution re National League, 250; - extract from Cronin report on misappropriation of funds, 263. - - Dunne, P. W., details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, - 123. - - Dynamite, invention of hand-grenade, 158; - Convention of 1881, 187; - proceedings at, 188; - description of, 194; - Sullivan supplies particulars of campaign of 1883, 217; - sketch of same in England, 237; - methods of conveying, 240-242. - - - Egan, Patrick, and rescue of Australian prisoners, 73; - Devoy intrusts me with letter to, 159; - first meeting with, in Paris, 160; - description of, 161; - life with, in Paris, 167; - as “a Land Leaguer, and something else besides,” 168; - on Mr. Parnell as a Revolutionist, 169; - on the Land League accounts and audit, 169; - introduces me to M.P.’s, 171; - Devoy on, and Phœnix Park murders, 208; - arrival of, in America, 209; - position as regards matters in America, 211; - and Clan-na-Gael caucus in connection with Philadelphia Convention, - 211; - appointed president of American National League, 227; - a tribute to, 228; - tells the story of his escape from Dublin, 229; - on Dr. Gallaher and Dynamite Campaign, 230; - speech at camp meeting at Philadelphia, 231; - supplies me with general introduction to League in America, 234; - circulars of, as president of League, to camps of Clan-na-Gael, - 237; - charges by Rossa against, in connection with £20,000 paid to - Sullivan, 264. - - England, my first visit to, 36; - my second, 159; - my third, 257; - my fourth and last, 257. - - - Facsimile of Fenian bond, 27. - - Fatalism, thoughts on, 24. - - Feeley, Denis, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 124; - at the Dynamite Convention, 201; - acquitted but censured in connection with Cronin charges, 261. - - Fenianism, state of affairs in connection with, 25; - methods of obtaining money for, 27; - Andrew Johnson’s government and, 28; - my first connection with, 29. - - Fenian Brotherhood, I join the, 38; - I organise a “camp” or “circle” of, 40; - appointed major and military organiser of, 54; - my first speech to, 56; - appointed inspector-general of, 60; - appointed assistant-adjutant-general of, 74; - appointed adjutant-general and brigadier-general of, 82. - - Fenian prisoners, rescue of, from Australia, 72. - - Finerty, John F., and first Canadian invasion, 31; - at League Convention, 206. - - Ford, Austin, medium of communication between Clan-na-Gael and _Irish - World_, 133. - - Ford, Patrick, as editor of _Irish World_, advocates Skirmishing Fund, - 131; - sketch of, 131; - _Irish World_ and Clan-na-Gael, 133. - - Forester, Bill, escape of, from Illinois, 51. - - Fox, Dr. J. G., meeting with, 251. - - - Gallaher, Dr., views on dynamite, 192; - at Dynamite Convention, 200; - introduced to Mr. Gladstone, 218; - organising Dynamite Campaign in England, 238; - with Sullivan in Chicago, 230; - sentence on, 241; - £1400 found on, 241. - - Grant, General, and the second invasion of Canada, 88. - - - Hand-grenade adopted by Clan-na-Gael, 158. - - Home Rule, effects of Mr. Gladstone’s Bill, 235. - - Houston, Mr., first meeting with, 267; - preparation of evidence by, 269. - - Hynes, Wm. J., details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 76, 123; - in communication with, regarding Mr. Parnell’s proposals, 184; - at Dynamite Convention, 196; - at Land League Convention, 206. - - - Inner Circle, Knights of the, 107, 117. - - Ireland, visit to, 177. - - Irish Confederation, formation of, 101; - executive of, 104. - - Irish Republican Brotherhood, establishment of, 109; - John Devoy’s report on, 147; - troubles of Mr. Parnell with, 173; - Boyton’s references to position of, 180; - efforts of Sullivan to capture, 254. - - _Irish World_, Patrick Ford in columns of, advocates Skirmishing Fund, - 130; - reference to position of, 132; - and Clan-na-Gael, 133; - and Skirmishing Fund, 137; - statement of accounts, 193. - - - Johnson, Andrew, and first Canadian raid, 28, 35; - interview with, 57. - - Jubilee Explosion Plot, reference to, 254; - Millen’s connection with, 255; - story of the, Appendix. - - - Kenny, Dr., M.P., introduced to, by Patrick Egan, 179; - assisted by him to interviews with Boyton and others, 179. - - Kerwin, Michael, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 78, 124. - - - Land League and Clan-na-Gael. See latter. - - Lomasney, Thos., first dealings with, 100; - description of, 101; - views on dynamite, 192; - dynamite work in England, 222. - - Luby, Thos. Clarke, on executive of Irish Confederation, 104; - further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, - 121; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 137. - - - M‘Micken, Judge, first communications with, 60; - his kindly treatment of me, 61; - and my troubles in connection with journey to Ottawa, 94; - my last meeting with, 273. - - Medicine, I commence study of, 36; - resume study of, 97; - I enter Detroit College of, 100; - I become a fully qualified doctor of, 105; - I utilise my connection with, 126. - - Meledy, Joseph, supplies details of “active” work of Clan-na-Gael, - 158. - - Millen, General, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 125; - goes to Ireland as military inspector for Clan-na-Gael, 146; - my meeting with, in Paris, 253; - his connection with Jubilee Explosion Plot, 254 and Appendix. - - Moroney, Joseph, and Jubilee Plot, 256; - introduced by J. S. Nolan, M.P., to House of Commons, 256; - in possession of £1200 for dynamite work, 274; - his movements in connection with same, Appendix. - - - New Departure, Devoy and Davitt and, 143; - sketch of, 144; - advocated by Devoy in Ireland, 146; - received with enthusiasm by the Gaels, 149. - [See also “Davitt” and “Devoy.”] - - - O’Connor, John, _alias_ Dr. Clarke, travelling agent for Clan-na-Gael - in Europe and ally of Egan, 190. - - O’Donovan Rossa, arrival of, and sketch of, 102; - further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael, - 121; - advocates “Skirmishing Fund,” 130, 135; - Devoy on difficulties regarding, 156; - expelled from Clan-na-Gael, 209; - work of his agents in England, 237; - controversy with Egan regarding the £20,000, 264. - - O’Kelly, J. J., member of executive of Irish Confederation, 104; - obtains seat in Parliament by misappropriation of Clan-na-Gael - funds, 153; - interview with, in House of Commons, 172. - - O’Leary, John, letter for, given me by Devoy, 159; - my first meeting with, 161; - Sullivan informs me, must be got rid of, 185. - - O’Neill, General John, and Fenianism, 29; - commands first invasion of Canada, 32; - extract of report regarding same, 34; - sketch of his life, 38-40; - my loan to, 77; - general orders of, in connection with second invasion of Canada, - 83; - speech to the invaders, 85; - arrest of, 88; - sentence on, 97; - and the Riel Rebellion, 98; - last days of, 99. - - O’Reilly, John Boyle, arrival in America of, 72; - at invasion of Canada, 88. - - - Parnell, Mr., and the New Departure, 144; - arrival in America, 130; - supported everywhere by Clan-na-Gael representatives, 130; - returns to Ireland for General Election, 151; - Devoy on position of, with regard to Clan-na-Gael, 157; - my first meeting with, 171; - House of Commons interview with, 175; - gives me his portrait, 177; - his request to me carried out, 190; - and Kilmainham Treaty, 210; - cables to American supporters, 212; - subsequent references to, 215, 235, 236, 255. - - Powderly, J. V., speech at Dynamite Convention, 201; - at Land League Convention, 206. - - Phœnix Park murders, Clan-na-Gael and Devoy and, 207. - - - Rebow, Mr. John, communicates my letters regarding Canadian invasion - to Government, 30; - arranges for my joining Secret Service, 37. - - Revolutionary Directory of Clan-na-Gael, details regarding, 116; - Devoy supplies particulars regarding plans of, 155; - referred to with respect to Mr. Parnell’s complaint regarding Irish - Republican Brotherhood, 186; - complaints regarding, 188. - - Reynolds, James, details regarding, and his connection with - Clan-na-Gael, 122; - trustee of Skirmishing Fund, 136. - - Russia, Clan-na-Gael alliance with, 140. - - - Secret Service, I join the, 37; - general references to, 273-276. - - Sheridan, P. J., in Kilmainham Prison, 179; - arrival of, in America, 209. - - Skirmishing Fund and O’Donovan Rossa, 121; - advocated in _Irish World_, 131; - and Clan-na-Gael, 136; - pays for expenses of Devoy and Millen in Ireland, 149; - statement of accounts of, from _Irish World_, 193. - - Special Commission, my offer of evidence for, 259; - I appear as a witness at, 269. - - Speech, my first Irish, 55. - - Stephens, James, brought from France for Irish Confederation, 104; - my first meeting with, 163; - story of his escape from Richmond Bridewell, 164. - - Stone of Destiny, plot to obtain, 224. - - Sullivan, Alexander, my first meeting with, 61; - the early career of, 62; - manipulation of the Irish vote in America by, 63; - appointed collector of internal revenue at Santa Fé, 65; - reporter in Chicago, 65; - further details regarding, and his connection with Clan-na-Gael - in 1876, 120; - supplies details of “active” work of Clan-na-Gael, 158; - my report to, regarding Mr. Parnell’s views, 184; - informs me result of same, 185; - elected president of Clan-na-Gael, 191; - trip to Europe, 191; - at Dynamite Convention, 203; - elected president of Land League, 212; - supplies particulars of Dynamite Campaign of 1883, 217; - charged with misappropriation, 219; - at war with Cronin and Devoy, 225; - Mr. Sexton’s tribute to, 228; - and J. G. Blaine’s candidature, 235; - tried and acquitted but censured in connection with Cronin’s - charges, 261; - proved to have received £20,000 from Egan in Paris in 1882, 263; - alleged connection with Cronin murder, Appendix. - - Sullivan, A. M., the late, reference to, 170; - cautioned regarding, 177; - story about Mr. Biggar, 178. - - - “Times,” the, my first dealings with, 266. - - Triangle, the, formed in connection with split in Clan-na-Gael, 220; - acknowledgments of money received by, 231; - charges against, 232. - - Tynan, P. J., No. One of the Phœnix Park murders, present at Boston - Convention, 228. - - - “United Irishmen,” the, of New York, 107. - - “United Brotherhood,” reference to, 110. - - “U. S.,” formation of, 219. - - - “V. C.” See “Clan-na-Gael.” - - - Walsh, R. P., the father of the Clan-na-Gael, 108. - - -THE END. - - - PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE, HANSON AND CO. - EDINBURGH AND LONDON - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] I was not the only member of the family fighting for Queen and -country then. Two others of my brothers entered the army at home. One -is to-day a commissioned officer in South Africa; the other, poor -fellow, left his bones to whiten on the battlefield of Tel-el-Kebir. - -[2] The Irish for “Do you understand?” - -[3] As this same Daly has more than once been the subject of lengthy -debates in Parliament, and his release demanded by the Irish members -on the ground of his being the victim of a wrong conviction, I think -it well to state that his sentence and the subsequent refusal of the -Home Secretary to accede to these demands, were based on letters -written by him to the notorious J. J. Breslin of the Revolutionary -Committee of the Clan-na-Gael, and now in existence among the records -of the Home Office. - -[4] See Appendix (I.). - -[5] John Devoy, in the course of a speech delivered at Cheltenham -Beach prior to the death of Mr. Parnell, made the following statement -as regards the Cronin affair:— - -“The men to whom I refer and whom I charge to be in alliance with the -men who instigated the murder of Dr. Cronin, are Michael Davitt and -John O’Connor, one of the members from Tipperary. (Cheers and cries -of Hear, hear). I say here that there is a combination between the -coterie which brought about the murder of Dr. Cronin and the Davitt -clique in Ireland, to oust Mr. Parnell from the leadership and place -Michael Davitt in his place. In Michael Davitt’s sworn testimony -before the Parnell Commission, he said, I sought out John Devoy, -because I heard he was going to make trouble in the Convention, -so that I might learn his plans and frustrate them.’ I am glad of -that admission from Michael Davitt himself, and for the payment of -a thousand dollars given to him for one speech in Ogden’s Grove, -and the full proceeds of a lecture tour given throughout the United -States under the auspices of the Triangle. The Cronin murder was as -much a part of the infamous work of this alliance to down Parnell, -and to down every man in this country who believes in giving his -movements a fair, full, and reasonable trial, as the puffs of Michael -Davitt at a thousand a puff.” - -In corroboration of Devoy’s statement, I find in the financial -report of the Clan-na-Gael the sum of one thousand dollars charged; -and while Mr. Davitt had for some years disassociated himself from -the party of violence, he does not appear to have been averse to -receiving a portion of their spoils. Mr. Davitt may plead, as other -well-known Irish patriots have done, that he did not know the source -from whence this money was derived; but no man was in a better -position to have found out than he, had he so desired. - -[6] See Appendix (II.). - -[7] The Coroner’s jury brought in a verdict of “wilful murder” -against Alex. Sullivan, and he was formally arrested, but -subsequently released, for want of sufficient evidence against him. - - - - - * * * * * - * * * * * - - Telegraphic Address: - _Sunlocks, London_. - - _21 BEDFORD STREET, W.C. - OCTOBER 1892._ - - -A LIST OF - -MR WILLIAM HEINEMANN’S - -PUBLICATIONS - -AND - -FORTHCOMING WORKS - - - _The Books mentioned in this List can - be obtained_ to order _by any Bookseller - if not in stock, or will be sent - by the Publisher post free on receipt - of price_. - - - - -Index of Authors. - - - Alexander, 13 - - Arbuthnot, 8 - - Atherton, 13 - - - Balestier, 9 - - Barrett, 9 - - Behrs, 3 - - Bendall, 16 - - Björnson, 9, 11, 12, 15 - - Bowen, 5 - - Brown, 8 - - Brown and Griffiths, 16 - - Buchanan, 8, 9, 10, 14 - - Butler, 5 - - - Caine, 8, 12 - - Caine, 16 - - Cambridge, 9, 12 - - Chester, 7 - - Clarke, 9 - - Colomb, 6 - - Compayre, 5 - - Couperus, 11 - - - Davidson, 5 - - Dawson, 16 - - De Quincey, 7 - - Dilke, 6 - - - Eeden, 6 - - Ellwanger, 7 - - Ely, 8 - - - Farrar, 7 - - Fitch, 5 - - Forbes, 6 - - Fothergill, 9 - - Franzos, 11 - - Frederic, 6, 13 - - - Garner, 6 - - Garnett, 6 - - Gilchrist, 9 - - Gore, 16 - - Gosse, 7, 9 - - Gray, 7 - - Gray (Maxwell), 9 - - Griffiths, 16 - - - Hall, 16 - - Harland, 9 - - Hardy, 12 - - Heine, 4 - - Henderson, 6 - - Henderson, 14 - - Howard, 10 - - Hughes, 5 - - Hungerford, 10, 13 - - - Ibsen, 15 - - Irving, 6 - - Ingersoll, 8 - - Jæger, 7, 15 - - Jeaffreson, 3 - - - Kimball, 16 - - Kipling and Balestier, 9 - - - Lanza, 13 - - Le Caron, 3 - - Lee, 10 - - Leland, 16 - - Lie, 12 - - Lowe, 6 - - Lynch, 13 - - - Maartens, 10 - - Maeterlinck, 15 - - Maude, 6 - - Maupassant, 11 - - Maurice, 6 - - Mitford, 13 - - Murray, 6 - - - Norris, 9 - - - Ouida, 9 - - - Palacio-Valdés, 11 - - Pearce, 10 - - Pennell, 6 - - Philips, 14 - - Phelps, 13 - - Pinero, 14 - - - Rawnsley, 8 - - Richter, 7 - - Riddell, 9 - - Rives, 10 - - Roberts, 8 - - Roberts (V.), 12 - - Robinson, 14 - - - Salaman, 7 - - Scudamore, 6 - - Serao, 11 - - Sienkiewicz, 12 - - - Tasma, 9, 10, 13 - - Terry, 6 - - Thurston, 16 - - Tolstoy, 3, 11, 15 - - Tree, 15 - - - Valera, 12 - - - Warden, 13 - - Waugh, 4 - - Weitemeyer, 8 - - West, 5 - - Whistler, 6 - - Whitman, 3, 8 - - Williams, 7 - - Wood, 9 - - - Zangwill, 6, 9 - - Zola, 9 - - - * * * * * - -VICTORIA: - -QUEEN AND EMPRESS. - -BY - -JOHN CORDY JEAFFRESON, - -Author of “The Real Lord Byron,” etc. - -In Two Volumes, 8vo. With Portraits. [_In October._ - - * * * * * - -TWENTY-FIVE YEARS IN THE SECRET SERVICE. - -_THE RECOLLECTIONS OF A SPY._ - -BY - -MAJOR LE CARON. - -In One Volume, 8vo. With Portraits and Facsimiles. Price, 14_s._ - - * * * * * - -REMINISCENCES OF COUNT LEO NICHOLAEVITCH TOLSTOI. - -BY - -C. A. BEHRS, - -TRANSLATED FROM THE RUSSIAN BY - -PROFESSOR C. E. TURNER. - -In One Volume, Crown 8vo. [_In October._ - - * * * * * - -THE REALM OF THE HABSBURGS - -BY - -SIDNEY WHITMAN, - -Author of “Imperial Germany.” - -In One Volume. Crown 8vo. [_In November._ - - * * * * * - -ALFRED, LORD TENNYSON: - -_A STUDY OF HIS LIFE AND WORK_. - -BY - -ARTHUR WAUGH, B.A. OXON. - -WITH TWENTY-ONE ILLUSTRATIONS. - -_From Photographs Specially Taken for this Work, and Two Portraits._ - -In One Volume, Demy 8vo, 10_s._ 6_d._ - -CONTENTS:—Lincolnshire—Cambridge—Literary troubles and Arthur -Hallam’s Death—Early Years in London—The Beginnings of Fame—From -_The Princess_ to _In Memoriam_—_Maud_—_Idylls of the King_—From -the _Idylls_ to the Dramas—_Queen Mary_ and _Harold_—_The Falcon_ -and _The Cup_—_The Promise of May_ and _Becket_—From _Tiresias_ to -_Demeter_—The Closing Years—The Voice of the Age. - - * * * * * - -=THE WORKS OF HEINRICH HEINE.= Translated by CHARLES GODFREY LELAND, -M.A., F.R.L.S. (Hans Breitmann.) Crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ per Volume. - - I. FLORENTINE NIGHTS, SCHNABELEWOPSKI, THE RABBI OF BACHARACH, and - SHAKESPEARE’S MAIDENS AND WOMEN. [_Ready._ - -_Times._—“We can recommend no better medium for making acquaintance -at first hand with ‘the German Aristophanes’ than the works of -Heinrich Heine, translated by Charles Godfrey Leland. Mr. Leland -manages pretty successfully to preserve the easy grace of the -original.” - - II., III. PICTURES OF TRAVEL. 1823-1828. In Two Volumes. [_Ready._ - -_Daily Chronicle._—“Mr. Leland’s translation of ‘The Pictures of -Travel’ is one of the acknowledged literary feats of the age. As a -traveller Heine is delicious beyond description, and a volume which -includes the magnificent Lucca series, the North Sea, the memorable -Hartz wanderings, must needs possess an everlasting charm.” - - IV. THE BOOK OF SONGS. [_In the Press._ - - V., VI. GERMANY. In Two Volumes. [_Ready_. - -_Daily Telegraph._—“Mr. Leland has done his translation in able and -scholarly fashion.” - - VII., VIII. FRENCH AFFAIRS. In Two Volumes. [_In the Press._ - - IX. THE SALON. [_In preparation._ - -*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Numbered Copies. Particulars -on application._ - - * * * * * - -=The Great Educators.= - -_A Series of Volumes by Eminent Writers, presenting in their entirety -“A Biographical History of Education.”_ - - -_The Times._—“A Series of Monographs on ‘The Great Educators’ should -prove of service to all who concern themselves with the history, -theory, and practice of education.” - -_The Speaker._—“There is a promising sound about the title of Mr. -Heinemann’s new series, ‘The Great Educators.’ It should help to -allay the hunger and thirst for knowledge and culture of the vast -multitude of young men and maidens which our educational system turns -out yearly, provided at least with an appetite for instruction.” - -Each subject will form a complete volume, crown 8vo, 5_s._ - - -_Now ready._ - - =ARISTOTLE, and the Ancient Educational Ideals.= By THOMAS - DAVIDSON, M.A., LL.D. - -_The Times._—“A very readable sketch of a very interesting subject.” - - =LOYOLA, and the Educational System of the Jesuits.= By Rev. THOMAS - HUGHES, S.J. - -_Saturday Review._—“Full of valuable information.... If a -schoolmaster would learn how the education of the young can be -carried on so as to confer real dignity on those engaged in it, we -recommend him to read Mr. Hughes’ book.” - - =ALCUIN, and the Rise of the Christian Schools=. By Professor - ANDREW F. WEST, Ph.D. [_In October._ - - -_In preparation._ - - =ABELARD, and the Origin and Early History of Universities.= By - JULES GABRIEL COMPAYRE, Professor in the Faculty of Toulouse. - - =ROUSSEAU; or, Education according to Nature=. - - =HERBART; or, Modern German Education.= - - =PESTALOZZI; or, the Friend and Student of Children.= - - =FROEBEL.= BY H. COURTHOPE BOWEN, M.A. - - =HORACE MANN, and Public Education in the United States.= By - NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, Ph.D. - - =BELL, LANCASTER, and ARNOLD; or, the English Education of To-Day.= - By J. G. FITCH, LL.D., Her Majesty’s Inspector of Schools. - -_Others to follow._ - - * * * * * - - =THE GREAT WAR OF 189-. A Forecast.= By REAR-ADMIRAL COLOMB, COL. - MAURICE, R.A., MAJOR HENDERSON, STAFF COLLEGE, CAPTAIN MAUDE, - ARCHIBALD FORBES, CHARLES LOWE, D. CHRISTIE MURRAY, F. SCUDAMORE, - and SIR CHARLES DILKE. In One Volume, 4to, Illustrated. [_Nearly - ready._ - -In this narrative, which is reprinted from the pages of _Black -and White_, an attempt is made to forecast the course of events -preliminary and incidental to the Great War which, in the opinion of -military and political experts, will probably occur in the immediate -future. - -The writers, who are well-known authorities on international politics -and strategy, have striven to derive the conflict from its most -likely source, to conceive the most probable campaigns and acts of -policy, and generally to give to their work the verisimilitude and -actuality of real warfare. The work has been profusely illustrated -from sketches by Mr. Frederic Villiers, the well-known war artist. - - =THE GENTLE ART OF MAKING ENEMIES.= As pleasingly exemplified in - many instances, wherein the serious ones of this earth, carefully - exasperated, have been prettily spurred on to indiscretions and - unseemliness, while overcome by an undue sense of right. By J. - M‘NEIL WHISTLER. _A New Edition._ Pott 4to, half cloth, 10_s._ - 6_d._ [_Just ready._ - -_Punch._—“The book in itself, in its binding, print and arrangement, -is a work of art.... A work of rare humour, a thing of beauty and a -joy for now and ever.” - - =THE JEW AT HOME.= Impressions of a Summer and Autumn Spent with - Him in Austria and Russia. By JOSEPH PENNELL. With Illustrations by - the Author. 4to, cloth, 5_s._ [_Just ready._ - - =THE NEW EXODUS.= A Study of Israel in Russia. By HAROLD FREDERIC. - Demy 8vo, Illustrated. 16_s._ [_Just ready._ - - =PRINCE BISMARCK.= An Historical Biography. By CHARLES LOWE, M.A. - With Portraits. Crown 8vo, 6_s._ [_Just ready._ - -_The Times._—“Is unquestionably the first important work which -deals, fully and with some approach to exhaustiveness, with the -career of Bismarck from both the personal and the historical points -of view.” - - =ADDRESSES.= By HENRY IRVING. Small crown 8vo. With Portrait by J. - M‘N. WHISTLER. [_In the Press._ - - =STRAY MEMORIES.= By ELLEN TERRY. 4to. With Portraits. [_In - preparation._ - - =LITTLE JOHANNES.= By FREDERICK VAN EEDEN. Translated from - the Dutch by CLARA BELL. With an Introduction by ANDREW LANG. - Illustrated. [_In preparation._ - -*** _Also a Large Paper Edition._ - - =LIFE OF HEINRICH HEINE.= By RICHARD GARNETT, LL.D. With Portrait. - Crown 8vo (uniform with the translation of Heine’s Works). [_In - preparation._ - - =THE SPEECH OF MONKEYS.= By Professor R. L. GARNER. Crown 8vo, - 7_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._ - -_Daily Chronicle._—“A real, a remarkable, contribution to our common -knowledge.” - -_Daily Telegraph._—“An entertaining book.” - - =THE OLD MAIDS’ CLUB.= By I. ZANGWILL, Author of “The Bachelors’ - Club.” Illustrated by F. H. TOWNSEND. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -_National Review._—“Mr. Zangwill has a very bright and a very -original humour, and every page of this closely printed book is full -of point and go, and full, too, of a healthy satire that is really -humorously applied common-sense.” - -_Athenæum._—“Most strongly to be recommended to all classes of -readers.” - - =WOMAN—THROUGH A MAN’S EYEGLASS.= By MALCOLM C. SALAMAN. With - Illustrations by DUDLEY HARDY. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -_Daily Graphic._—“A most amusing book.” - -_Daily Telegraph._—“Written with brightness and elegance, and with -touches of both caustic satire and kindly humour.” - -_Daily Chronicle._—“It is the very thing for a punt cushion or a -garden hammock.” - - =GIRLS AND WOMEN.= By E. CHESTER. Pott 8vo, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._, or - gilt extra, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -_Literary World._—“We gladly commend this delightful little work.” - - =GOSSIP IN A LIBRARY.= By EDMUND GOSSE, Author of “Northern - Studies,” &c. Second Edition. Crown 8vo, buckram, gilt top, 7_s._ - 6_d._ - -_Athenæum._—“There is a touch of Leigh Hunt in this picture of the -book-lover among his books, and the volume is one that Leigh Hunt -would have delighted in.” - -*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Numbered Copies, 25s. net._ - - =THE LIFE OF HENRIK IBSEN.= By HENRIK JÆGER. Translated by CLARA - BELL. With the Verse done into English from the Norwegian Original - by EDMUND GOSSE. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ - -_Academy._—“We welcome it heartily. An unqualified boon to the many -English students of Ibsen.” - - =DE QUINCEY MEMORIALS.= Being Letters and other Records here - first Published, with Communications from COLERIDGE, The - WORDSWORTHS, HANNAH MORE, PROFESSOR WILSON and others. Edited, with - Introduction, Notes, and Narrative, by ALEXANDER H. JAPP, LL.D. - F.R.S.E. In two volumes, demy 8vo, cloth, with portraits, 30_s._ - net. - -_Daily Telegraph._—“Few works of greater literary interest have of -late years issued from the press than the two volumes of ‘De Quincey -Memorials.’” - - =THE POSTHUMOUS WORKS OF THOMAS DE QUINCEY.= Edited with - Introduction and Notes from the Author’s Original MSS., by - ALEXANDER H. JAPP, LL.D, F.R.S.E., &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ each. - - I. SUSPIRIA DE PROFUNDIS. With other Essays. - -_Times._—“Here we have De Quincey at his best. Will be welcome to -lovers of De Quincey and good literature.” - - II. CONVERSATION AND COLERIDGE. With other Essays. [_In - preparation._ - - =THE WORD OF THE LORD UPON THE WATERS.= Sermons read by His - Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Germany, while at Sea on his - Voyages to the Land of the Midnight Sun. Composed by Dr. RICHTER, - Army Chaplain, and Translated from the German by JOHN R. MCILRAITH. - 4to, cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ - - =THE HOURS OF RAPHAEL, IN OUTLINE.= Together with the Ceiling of - the Hall where they were originally painted. By MARY E. WILLIAMS. - Folio, cloth, £2 2_s._ net. - - =THE PASSION PLAY AT OBERAMMERGAU, 1890.= By F. W. FARRAR, D.D., - F.R.S., Archdeacon and Canon of Westminster, &c. &c. 4to, cloth, - 2_s._ 6_d._ - - =THE GARDEN’S STORY=; or, Pleasures and Trials of an Amateur - Gardener. By G. H. ELLWANGER. With an Introduction by the Rev. C. - WOLLEY DOD. 12mo, cloth, with Illustrations, 5_s._ - - =IDLE MUSINGS=: Essays in Social Mosaic. By E. CONDER GRAY, Author - of “Wise Words and Loving Deeds,” &c. &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ - - =THE COMING TERROR.= And other Essays and Letters. By ROBERT - BUCHANAN. Second Edition. Demy 8vo, cloth, 12_s._ 6_d._ - - =ARABIC AUTHORS=: A Manual of Arabian History and Literature. - By F. F. ARBUTHNOT, M.R.A.S., Author of “Early Ideas,” “Persian - Portraits,” &c. 8vo, cloth, 10_s._ - - =THE LABOUR MOVEMENT IN AMERICA.= By RICHARD T. ELY, Ph.D., - Associate in Political Economy, Johns Hopkins University. Crown - 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ - - =THE LITTLE MANX NATION.= (Lectures delivered at the Royal - Institution, 1891.) By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” “The - Scapegoat,” &c. Crown 8vo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._; paper, 2_s._ 6_d._ - -_World._—“Mr. Hall Caine takes us back to the days of old romance, -and, treating tradition and history in the pictorial style of which -he is a master, he gives us a monograph of Man especially acceptable.” - - =NOTES FOR THE NILE.= Together with a Metrical Rendering of the - Hymns of Ancient Egypt and of the Precepts of Ptahhotep (the oldest - book in the world). By HARDWICKE D. RAWNSLEY, M.A. 16mo, cloth, - 5_s._ - - =DENMARK=: Its History, Topography, Language, Literature, Fine - Arts, Social Life, and Finance. Edited by H. WEITEMEYER. Demy 8vo, - cloth, with Map, 12_s._ 6_d._ - -*** _Dedicated, by permission, to H.R.H. the Princess of Wales._ - - =IMPERIAL GERMANY.= A Critical Study of Fact and Character. By - SIDNEY WHITMAN. New Edition, Revised and Enlarged. Crown 8vo, cloth - 2_s._ 6_d._; paper, 2_s._ - - =THE CANADIAN GUIDE-BOOK.= Part I. The Tourist’s and Sportsman’s - Guide to Eastern Canada and Newfoundland, including full - descriptions of Routes, Cities, Points of Interest, Summer Resorts, - Fishing Places, &c., in Eastern Ontario, The Muskoka District, - The St. Lawrence Region, The Lake St. John Country, The Maritime - Provinces, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland. With an Appendix - giving Fish and Game Laws, and Official Lists of Trout and Salmon - Rivers and their Lessees. By CHARLES G. D. ROBERTS, Professor of - English Literature in King’s College, Windsor, N.S. With Maps and - many Illustrations. Crown 8vo, limp cloth, 6_s._ - - Part II. =WESTERN CANADA.= Including the Peninsula and Northern - Regions of Ontario, the Canadian Shores of the Great Lakes, the - Lake of the Woods Region, Manitoba and “The Great North-West,” - The Canadian Rocky Mountains and National Park, British Columbia, - and Vancouver Island. By ERNEST INGERSOLL. With Maps and many - Illustrations. Crown 8vo, limp cloth. [_In preparation._ - - =THE GENESIS OF THE UNITED STATES.= A Narrative of the Movement - in England, 1605-1616, which resulted in the Plantation of North - America by Englishmen, disclosing the Contest between England and - Spain for the Possession of the Soil now occupied by the United - States of America; set forth through a series of Historical - Manuscripts now first printed, together with a Re-issue of Rare - Contemporaneous Tracts, accompanied by Bibliographical Memoranda, - Notes, and Brief Biographies. Collected, Arranged, and Edited by - ALEXANDER BROWN, F.R.H.S. With 100 Portraits, Maps, and Plans. In - two volumes. Roy. 8vo, buckram, £3 13_s._ 6_d._ - - * * * * * - -=Fiction.= - -In Three Volumes. - - =THE HEAD OF THE FIRM.= By Mrs. RIDDELL, Author of “George Geith,” - “Maxwell Drewett,” &c. [_Just ready._ - - =CHILDREN OF THE GHETTO.= By I. ZANGWILL, Author of “The Old Maids’ - Club,” &c. [_Just ready._ - - =THE TOWER OF TADDEO.= A Novel. By OUIDA, Author of “Two Little - Wooden Shoes,” &c. [_In October._ - - =KITTY’S FATHER.= By FRANK BARRETT. Author of “Lieutenant - Barnabas,” &c. [_In November._ - - =THE COUNTESS RADNA.= By W. E. NORRIS, Author of “Matrimony,” &c. - [_In January._ - - =ORIOLE’S DAUGHTER.= A Novel. By JESSIE FOTHERGILL, Author of “The - First Violin,” &c. [_In February._ - - =THE LAST SENTENCE.= By MAXWELL GRAY, Author of “The Silence of - Dean Maitland,” &c. [_In March._ - - -In Two Volumes. - - =WOMAN AND THE MAN.= A Love Story. By ROBERT BUCHANAN, Author of - “Come Live with Me and be My Love,” “The Moment After,” “The Coming - Terror,” &c. [_In preparation._ - - =A KNIGHT OF THE WHITE FEATHER.= By “TASMA,” Author of “The Penance - of Portia James,” “Uncle Piper of Piper’s Hill,” &c. [_Just ready._ - - =A LITTLE MINX.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man,” “The - Three Miss Kings,” &c. - - -In One Volume. - - =THE NAULAHKA.= A Tale of West and East. By RUDYARD KIPLING and - WOLCOTT BALESTIER. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ Second Edition. [_Just - ready._ - - =THE SECRET OF NARCISSE.= By EDMUND GOSSE. Crown 8vo. [_In October._ - - =THE AVERAGE WOMAN.= By WOLCOTT BALESTIER. With an Introduction by - HENRY JAMES. Small crown 8vo, 3_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._ - - =THE ATTACK ON THE MILL and Other Sketches of War.= By EMILE ZOLA. - With an essay on the short stories of M. Zola by Edmund Gosse. - Small crown 8vo, 3_s._ 6_d._ [_Just ready._ - - =DUST.= By BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON. Translated from the Norwegian. - Small crown 8vo. - - =MADEMOISELLE MISS and Other Stories.= By HENRY HARLAND, Author of - “Mea Culpa,” &c. Small crown 8vo. [_In the Press._ - - =AVENGED ON SOCIETY.= By H. F. WOOD. Small crown 8vo. [_In the - Press._ - - =THE DOMINANT SEVENTH.= A Musical Story. By KATE ELIZABETH CLARKE. - Crown 8vo, cloth, 5_s._ - -_Speaker._—“A very romantic story.” - - =PASSION THE PLAYTHING.= A Novel. By R. MURRAY GILCHRIST. Crown - 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ - -_Athenæum._—“This well-written story must be read to be -appreciated.” - - * * * * * - -=The Crown Copyright Series.= - -Mr. HEINEMANN has made arrangements with a number of the FIRST AND -MOST POPULAR ENGLISH, AMERICAN, and COLONIAL AUTHORS which will -enable him to issue a series of NEW AND ORIGINAL WORKS, to be known -as THE CROWN COPYRIGHT SERIES, complete in One Volume, at a uniform -price of FIVE SHILLINGS EACH. These Novels will not pass through an -Expensive Two or Three Volume Edition, but they will be obtainable -at the CIRCULATING LIBRARIES, as well as at all Booksellers’ and -Bookstalls. - - =ACCORDING TO ST. JOHN.= By AMÉLIE RIVES, Author of “The Quick or - the Dead.” - -_Scotsman._—“The literary work is highly artistic.... It has beauty -and brightness, and a kind of fascination which carries the reader on -till he has read to the last page.” - - =THE PENANCE OF PORTIA JAMES.= By TASMA, Author of “Uncle Piper of - Piper’s Hill,” &c. - -_Athenæum._—“A powerful novel.” - -_Daily Chronicle._—“Captivating and yet tantalising, this story is -far above the average.” - -_Vanity Fair._—“A very interesting story, morally sound, and -flavoured throughout with ease of diction and lack of strain.” - - =INCONSEQUENT LIVES.= A Village Chronicle, shewing how certain folk - set out for El Dorado; what they attempted; and what they attained. - By J. H. PEARCE, Author of “Esther Pentreath,” &c. - -_Saturday Review._—“A vivid picture of the life of Cornish -fisher-folk. It is unquestionably interesting.” - -_Literary World._—“Powerful and pathetic ... from first to last it -is profoundly interesting. It is long since we read a story revealing -power of so high an order, marked by such evident carefulness -of workmanship, such skill in the powerful and yet temperate -presentation of passion, and in the sternly realistic yet delicate -treatment of difficult situations.” - - =A QUESTION OF TASTE.= By MAARTEN MAARTENS, Author of “An Old - Maid’s Love,” &c. - -_National Observer._—“There is more than cleverness; there is -original talent, and a good deal of humanity besides.” - - =COME LIVE WITH ME AND BE MY LOVE.= By ROBERT BUCHANAN, Author of - “The Moment After,” “The Coming Terror,” &c. - -_Globe._—“Will be found eminently readable.” - -_Daily Telegraph._—“We will conclude this brief notice by expressing -our cordial admiration of the skill displayed in its construction, -and the genial humanity that has inspired its author in the shaping -and vitalising of the individuals created by his fertile imagination.” - - =THE O’CONNORS OF BALLINAHINCH.= By Mrs. HUNGERFORD, Author of - “Molly Bawn,” &c. [_In the Press._ - - =A BATTLE AND A BOY.= By BLANCHE WILLIS HOWARD, Author of “Guenn,” - &c. [_In preparation._ - - =VANITAS.= By VERNON LEE, Author of “Hauntings,” &c. [_In - preparation._ - - * * * * * - -=Heinemann’s International Library.= - -EDITED BY EDMUND GOSSE. - - -_New Review._—“If you have any pernicious remnants of literary -chauvinism I hope it will not survive the series of foreign classics -of which Mr. William Heinemann, aided by Mr. Edmund Gosse, is -publishing translations to the great contentment of all lovers of -literature.” - -_Times._—“A venture which deserves encouragement.” - -_Each Volume has an Introduction specially written by the Editor_ - -Price, in paper covers, 2_s._ 6_d._ each, or cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ - - =IN GOD’S WAY.= From the Norwegian of BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON. - -_Athenæum._—“Without doubt the most important and the most -interesting work published during the twelve months.... There are -descriptions which certainly belong to the best and cleverest things -our literature has ever produced. Amongst the many characters, the -doctor’s wife is unquestionably the first. It would be difficult -to find anything more tender, soft, and refined than this charming -personage.” - - =PIERRE AND JEAN.= From the French of GUY DE MAUPASSANT. - -_Pall Mall Gazette._—“So fine and faultless, so perfectly balanced, -so steadily progressive, so clear and simple and satisfying. It is -admirable from beginning to end.” - -_Athenæum._—“Ranks amongst the best gems of modern French fiction.” - - =THE CHIEF JUSTICE.= From the German of KARL EMIL FRANZOS, Author - of “For the Right,” &c. - -_New Review._—“Few novels of recent times have a more sustained and -vivid human interest.” - -_Christian World._—“A story of wonderful power ... as free from -anything objectionable as ‘The Heart of Midlothian.’” - - =WORK WHILE YE HAVE THE LIGHT.= From the Russian of Count LYOF - TOLSTOY. - -_Liverpool Mercury._—“Marked by all the old power of the great -Russian novelist.” - -_Manchester Guardian._—“Readable and well translated; full of high -and noble feeling.” - - =FANTASY.= From the Italian of MATILDE SERAO. - -_National Observer._—“The strongest work from the hand of a woman -that has been published for many a day.” - -_Scottish Leader._—“The book is full of a glowing and living -realism.... There is nothing like ‘Fantasy’ in modern literature.... -It is a work of elfish art, a mosaic of light and love, of right and -wrong, of human weakness and strength, and purity and wantonness, -pieced together in deft and witching precision.” - - =FROTH.= From the Spanish of Don ARMANDO PALACIO-VALDÉS. - -_Daily Telegraph._—“Vigorous and powerful in the highest degree. It -abounds in forcible delineation of character, and describes scenes -with rare and graphic strength.” - - =FOOTSTEPS OF FATE.= From the Dutch of LOUIS COUPERUS. - -_Daily Chronicle._—“A powerfully realistic story which has been -excellently translated.” - -_Gentlewoman._—“The consummate art of the writer prevents this -tragedy from sinking to melodrama. Not a single situation is forced -or a circumstance exaggerated.” - - =PEPITA JIMÉNEZ.= From the Spanish of JUAN VALERA. - -_New Review_ (Mr. George Saintsbury):—“There is no doubt at all that -it is one of the best stories that have appeared in any country in -Europe for the last twenty years.” - - =THE COMMODORE’S DAUGHTERS.= From the Norwegian of JONAS LIE. - -_Athenæum._—“Everything that Jonas Lie writes is attractive and -pleasant; the plot of deeply human interest, and the art noble.” - - =THE HERITAGE OF THE KURTS.= From the Norwegian of BJÖRNSTJERNE - BJÖRNSON. - -_Pall Mall Gazette._—“A most fascinating as well as a powerful book.” - -_National Observer._—“It is a book to read and a book to think -about, for, incontestably, it is the work of a man of genius.” - - -_In the Press._ - - =LOU.= From the German of BARON V. ROBERTS. - - =DONA LUZ.= From the Spanish of JUAN VALERA. - - =WITHOUT DOGMA.= From the Polish of H. SIENKIEWICZ. - - * * * * * - -=Popular 3s. 6d. Novels.= - - =CAPT’N DAVY’S HONEYMOON=, The Blind Mother, and The Last - Confession. By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” “The - Scapegoat,” &c. - - =THE SCAPEGOAT.= By HALL CAINE, Author of “The Bondman,” &c. - -_Mr. Gladstone writes_:—“I congratulate you upon ‘The Scapegoat’ -as a work of art, and especially upon the noble and skilfully drawn -character of Israel.” - -_Times._—“In our judgment it excels in dramatic force all his -previous efforts. For grace and touching pathos Naomi is a character -which any romancist in the world might be proud to have created.” - - =THE BONDMAN.= A New Saga. By HALL CAINE. Twentieth Thousand. - -_Mr. Gladstone._—“‘The Bondman’ is a work of which I recognise the -freshness, vigour, and sustained interest no less than its integrity -of aim.” - -_Standard._—“Its argument is grand, and it is sustained with a power -that is almost marvellous.” - - =DESPERATE REMEDIES.= By THOMAS HARDY, Author of “Tess of the - D’Urbervilles,” &c. - -_Saturday Review._—“A remarkable story worked out with abundant -skill.” - - =A MARKED MAN=: Some Episodes in his Life. By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author - of “Two Years’ Time,” “A Mere Chance,” &c. - -_Morning Post._—“A depth of feeling, a knowledge of the human heart, -and an amount of tact that one rarely finds. Should take a prominent -place among the novels of the season.” - - =THE THREE MISS KINGS.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man.” - -_Athenæum._—“A charming study of character. The love stories are -excellent, and the author is happy in tender situations.” - - =NOT ALL IN VAIN.= By ADA CAMBRIDGE, Author of “A Marked Man,” “The - Three Miss Kings,” &c. - -_Guardian._—“A clever and absorbing story.” - -_Queen._—“All that remains to be said is ‘read the book.’” - - =UNCLE PIPER OF PIPER’S HILL.= By TASMA. New Popular Edition. - -_Guardian._—“Every page of it contains good wholesome food, -which demands and repays digestion. The tale itself is thoroughly -charming, and all the characters are delightfully drawn. We strongly -recommend all lovers of wholesome novels to make acquaintance with it -themselves, and are much mistaken if they do not heartily thank us -for the introduction.” - - =IN THE VALLEY.= By HAROLD FREDERIC. Author of “The Lawton Girl,” - “Seth’s Brother’s Wife,” &c. With Illustrations. - -_Times._—“The literary value of the book is high; the author’s -studies of bygone life presenting a life-like picture.” - - =PRETTY MISS SMITH.= By FLORENCE WARDEN, Author of “The House on - the Marsh,” “A Witch of the Hills,” &c. - -_Punch._—“Since Miss Florence Warden’s ‘House on the Marsh,’ I have -not read a more exciting tale.” - - =NOR WIFE, NOR MAID.= By Mrs. HUNGERFORD, Author of “Molly Bawn,” - &c. - -_Queen._—“It has all the characteristics of the writer’s work, and -greater emotional depth than most of its predecessors.” - -_Scotsman._—“Delightful reading, supremely interesting.” - - =MAMMON.= A Novel. By Mrs. ALEXANDER, Author of “The Wooing O’t,” - &c. - -_Scotsman._—“The present work is not behind any of its predecessors. -‘Mammon’ is a healthy story, and as it has been thoughtfully written -it has the merit of creating thought in its readers.” - - =DAUGHTERS OF MEN.= By HANNAH LYNCH, Author of “The Prince of the - Glades,” &c. - -_Daily Telegraph._—“Singularly clever and fascinating.” - -_Academy._—“One of the cleverest, if not also the pleasantest, -stories that have appeared for a long time.” - - =A ROMANCE OF THE CAPE FRONTIER.= By BERTRAM MITFORD, Author of - “Through the Zulu Country,” &c. - -_Observer._—“This is a rattling tale, genial, healthy, and spirited.” - - =’TWEEN SNOW AND FIRE.= A Tale of the Kafir War of 1877. By BERTRAM - MITFORD. - - =THE MASTER OF THE MAGICIANS.= By ELIZABETH STUART PHELPS and - HERBERT D. WARD. - -_Athenæum._—“A thrilling story.” - - =LOS CERRITOS.= A Romance of the Modern Time. By GERTRUDE FRANKLIN - ATHERTON, Author of “Hermia Suydam,” and “What Dreams may Come.” - -_Athenæum._—“Full of fresh fancies and suggestions. Told with -strength and delicacy. A decidedly charming romance.” - - =A MODERN MARRIAGE.= By the Marquise CLARA LANZA. - -_Queen._—“A powerful story, dramatically and consistently carried -out.” - -_Black and White._—“A decidedly clever book.” - - * * * * * - -=Popular Shilling Books.= - - =MADAME VALERIE.= By F. C. PHILIPS, Author of “As in a - Looking-Glass,” &c. - - =THE MOMENT AFTER=: A Tale of the Unseen. By ROBERT BUCHANAN. - -_Athenæum._—“Should be read—in daylight.” - -_Observer._—“A clever _tour de force_.” - -_Guardian._—“Particularly impressive, graphic, and powerful.” - - =CLUES; or, Leaves from a Chief Constable’s Note-Book.= By WILLIAM - HENDERSON, Chief Constable of Edinburgh. - -_Mr. Gladstone._—“I found the book full of interest.” - - =A VERY STRANGE FAMILY.= By F. W. ROBINSON, Author of - “Grandmother’s Money,” “Lazarus in London,” &c. - -_Glasgow Herald._—“An ingeniously devised plot, of which the -interest is kept up to the very last page. A judicious blending of -humour and pathos further helps to make the book delightful reading -from start to finish.” - - * * * * * - -=Dramatic Literature.= - -THE PLAYS OF ARTHUR W. PINERO. - -With Introductory Notes by MALCOLM C. SALAMAN. 16mo, Paper Covers, -1_s._ 6_d._; or Cloth, 2_s._ 6_d._ each. - - =THE TIMES=: A Comedy in Four Acts. With a Preface by the Author. - (Vol. I.) - -_Daily Telegraph._—“‘The Times’ is the best example yet given of Mr. -Pinero’s power as a satirist. So clever is his work that it beats -down opposition. So fascinating is his style that we cannot help -listening to him.” - -_Morning Post._—“Mr. Pinero’s latest belongs to a high order of -dramatic literature, and the piece will be witnessed again with all -the greater zest after the perusal of such admirable dialogue.” - - =THE PROFLIGATE=: A Play in Four Acts. With Portrait of the Author, - after J. MORDECAI. (Vol. II.) - -_Pall Mall Gazette._—“Will be welcomed by all who have the true -interests of the stage at heart.” - - =THE CABINET MINISTER=: A Farce in Four Acts. (Vol. III.) - -_Observer._—“It is as amusing to read as it was when played.” - - =THE HOBBY HORSE=: A Comedy in Three Acts. (Vol. IV.) - -_St. James’s Gazette._—“Mr. Pinero has seldom produced better or -more interesting work than in ‘The Hobby Horse.’” - - =LADY BOUNTIFUL.= A Play in Four Acts. (Vol. V.) - - =THE MAGISTRATE.= A Farce in Three Acts. (Vol. VI.) - -To be followed by Dandy Dick, The Schoolmistress, The Weaker Sex, -Lords and Commons, The Squire, and Sweet Lavender. - - * * * * * - - =A NEW PLAY.= By HENRIK IBSEN. Translated from the Norwegian. Small - 4to. [_In preparation._ - - =A NEW PLAY.= By BJÖRNSTJERNE BJÖRNSON. Translated from the - Norwegian. [_In preparation._ - - =THE PRINCESSE MALEINE=: A Drama in Five Acts (Translated by - Gerard Harry), and THE INTRUDER: A Drama in One Act. By MAURICE - MAETERLINCK. With an Introduction by HALL CAINE, and a Portrait of - the Author. Small 4to, cloth, 5_s._ - -_Athenæum._—“In the creation of the ‘atmosphere’ of the play M. -Maeterlinck shows his skill. It is here that he communicates to us -the _nouveau frisson_, here that he does what no one else has done. -In ‘The Intruder’ the art consists of the subtle gradations of -terror, the slow, creeping progress of the nightmare of apprehension. -Nothing quite like it has been done before—not even by Poe—not even -by Villiers.” - - =THE FRUITS OF ENLIGHTENMENT=: A Comedy in Four Acts. By Count - LYOF TOLSTOY. Translated from the Russian by E. J. DILLON. With - Introduction by A. W. PINERO. Small 4to, with Portrait, 5_s._ - -_Pall Mall Gazette._—“The whole effect of the play is distinctly -Molièresque; it has something of the large humanity of the master. -Its satire is genial, almost gay.” - - =HEDDA GABLER=: A Drama in Four Acts. By HENRIK IBSEN. Translated - from the Norwegian by EDMUND GOSSE. Small 4to, cloth, with - Portrait, 5_s._ Vaudeville Edition, paper, 1_s._ Also a Limited - Large Paper Edition, 21_s._ _net_. - -_Times._—“The language in which this play is couched is a model of -brevity, decision, and pointedness.... Every line tells, and there is -not an incident that does not bear on the action immediate or remote. -As a corrective to the vapid and foolish writing with which the stage -is deluged ‘Hedda Gabler’ is perhaps entitled to the place of honour.” - - =STRAY MEMORIES.= By ELLEN TERRY. In one volume. Illustrated. [_In - preparation._ - - =SOME INTERESTING FALLACIES OF THE Modern Stage.= An Address - delivered to the Playgoers’ Club at St. James’s Hall, on Sunday, - 6th December, 1891. By HERBERT BEERBOHM TREE. Crown 8vo, sewed, - 6_d._ - - =THE LIFE OF HENRIK IBSEN.= By HENRIK JÆGER. Translated by CLARA - BELL. With the Verse done into English from the Norwegian Original - by EDMUND GOSSE. Crown 8vo, cloth, 6_s._ - -_St. James’s Gazette._—“Admirably translated. Deserves a cordial and -emphatic welcome.” - -_Guardian._—“Ibsen’s dramas at present enjoy a considerable vogue, -and their admirers will rejoice to find full descriptions and -criticisms in Mr. Jæger’s book.” - - * * * * * - -=Poetry.= - - =LOVE SONGS OF ENGLISH POETS, 1500-1800.= With Notes by RALPH H. - CAINE. Fcap. 8vo, rough edges, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -*** _Large Paper Edition, limited to 100 Copies, 10s. 6d. Net._ - - =IVY AND PASSION FLOWER=: Poems. By GERARD BENDALL, Author of - “Estelle,” &c. &c. 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -_Scotsman._—“Will be read with pleasure.” - -_Musical World._—“The poems are delicate specimens of art, graceful -and polished.” - - =VERSES.= By GERTRUDE HALL. 12mo, cloth, 3_s._ 6_d._ - -_Manchester Guardian._—“Will be welcome to every lover of poetry who -takes it up.” - - =MAGONIA=: A Poem. By CHARLES GODFREY LELAND (HANS BREITMANN). - Fcap. 8vo. [_In the Press._ - - =IDYLLS OF WOMANHOOD.= By C. AMY DAWSON. Fcap. 8vo, gilt top, 5_s._ - - * * * * * - -=Heinemann’s Scientific Handbooks.= - - =MANUAL OF BACTERIOLOGY.= By A. B. GRIFFITHS, Ph.D., F.R.S. - (Edin.), F.C.S. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated. 7_s._ 6_d._ - - =MANUAL OF ASSAYING GOLD, SILVER, COPPER, and Lead Ores.= By WALTER - LEE BROWN, B.Sc. Revised, Corrected, and considerably Enlarged, - with a chapter on the Assaying of Fuel, &c. By A. B. GRIFFITHS, - Ph.D., F.R.S. (Edin.), F.C.S. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 7_s._ - 6_d._ - -_Colliery Guardian._—“A delightful and fascinating book.” - -_Financial World._—“The most complete and practical manual on -everything which concerns assaying of all which have come before us.” - - =GEODESY.= By J. HOWARD GORE. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._ - -_St. James’s Gazette._—“The book may be safely recommended to those -who desire to acquire an accurate knowledge of Geodesy.” - -_Science Gossip._—“It is the best we could recommend to all geodetic -students. It is full and clear, thoroughly accurate, and up to date -in all matters of earth-measurements.” - - =THE PHYSICAL PROPERTIES OF GASES.= By ARTHUR L. KIMBALL, of the - Johns Hopkins University. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._ - -_Chemical News._—“The man of culture who wishes for a general and -accurate acquaintance with the physical properties of gases, will -find in Mr. Kimball’s work just what he requires.” - - =HEAT AS A FORM OF ENERGY.= By Professor R. H. THURSTON, of Cornell - University. Crown 8vo, cloth, Illustrated, 5_s._ - -_Manchester Examiner._—“Bears out the character of its predecessors -for careful and correct statement and deduction under the light of -the most recent discoveries.” - - * * * * * - - LONDON: - WILLIAM HEINEMANN - 21 BEDFORD STREET, W.C. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, - when a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Pg vii: The Tynan portrait is at page ‘168’ not ‘228’. - Pg 265: There is no section numbered ‘LI’. - Pg 305: ‘villanous rivals’ replaced by ‘villainous rivals’. - Index: ‘Forrester, Bill’ replaced by ‘Forester, Bill’. - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 68765 *** |
