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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..a54db5d --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #68731 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68731) diff --git a/old/68731-0.txt b/old/68731-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a4299e7..0000000 --- a/old/68731-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2361 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Slavery in Maryland briefly -considered, by John L. Carey - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Slavery in Maryland briefly considered - -Author: John L. Carey - -Release Date: August 12, 2022 [eBook #68731] - -Language: English - -Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY IN MARYLAND BRIEFLY -CONSIDERED *** - - - - - - SLAVERY IN MARYLAND - - BRIEFLY CONSIDERED. - - By JOHN L. CAREY. - - BALTIMORE: - PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY, - 178 MARKET STREET. - 1845. - - - - -ENTERED, according to Act of Congress, in the year one thousand eight -hundred and forty-five, in the clerk’s office of the District Court of -Maryland. - - - - -LETTER I. - - - DODON, March 12th, 1845. - -DEAR SIR,--A short time before the October election, I heard some one -say that it was your intention to devote much of your time, should -you be elected to the House of Delegates, to the subject of the black -population of our State, and to promote, if possible, measures for -their gradual emancipation. It gave me, a slaveholder and citizen of -Maryland, infinite pleasure to hear it; and it was with the deepest -regret I learned soon after that you were not returned to the house. -If I have been correctly informed, I beg leave to say I honor you for -your sentiment, and I hope you will not allow so good a resolution to -die, but will kindle it anew, and seek some other equally practical -means of bringing this subject fully and fairly before the public. It -is one that has long occupied much of my thoughts, and I have watched -anxiously for some one to show his hand in this cause. At this moment -my attention has been more distinctly called to it, by the manly, -high-minded letter of Mr. C. M. Clay, addressed to the people of -Kentucky. There is not a sentiment or a political principle expressed -by him to his fellow citizens that does not with equal force apply -to our noble little State, and every prediction applies _to us_ as -forcibly as it does to them. The time has come, there can be no doubt -of it, to take the needful steps; slaveholders themselves are anxious -for it, and will not be displeased to see the subject _fairly_ taken -into consideration. I have been a planter for five years, and have had -an opportunity of discussing these points with slaveholders of all -parties, and I do not remember a single instance in which objection -was made to the principle of emancipation; some difference, it is -true, exists as to the manner and time, but none as to the necessity. -Heretofore this whole subject has been wrapt in a mystery, as imposing -as the secrets of Free Masonry, and no one, not a member of the order -of slaveholders, has been allowed to open his mouth and say any thing -about it; it is a dangerous question--it is an exciting subject--it -is a matter that belongs to slaveholders themselves--have been the -usual and repeated injunctions laid upon all who honestly and humanely -have desired to inquire into the merits and demerits of this cause. Is -this as it should be? Is it the course that should be pursued by an -educated people, who have at command the means to defend the truth and -expose error? Certainly not. If our State is laboring under an evil, -let the cause and nature of the malady be investigated, and then let -us apply the remedy. If, on the contrary, none can be shown to exist, -at least _agitation_ will receive a check that will be grateful to all -lovers of peace and order. Firmly convinced that such a course will be -displeasing to but few, and that it may promote the general welfare of -Maryland, I beg leave to propose to you the establishment of a paper -devoted to the cause of Emancipation in our State, on the principles of -policy, humanity, and self-interest. I know no one to whom so delicate -a subject could be so safely confided as yourself. Your popularity -as an editor, your established character for sound doctrine and -moderation, are all guarantees for the judicious and successful conduct -of such an undertaking, and, for my own part, I have not the least -doubt of its ultimate success. It would be idle in me to suggest to -you any particulars on this subject; I doubt not it has passed through -your brain long since, and received a due share of your consideration. -I shall therefore conclude, by begging you to excuse the liberty I have -taken in addressing you on so slight a personal acquaintance, and by -hoping, if I am premature in what I have said, that you will impute it -solely to the strong feelings I entertain upon this interesting matter. - - With great respect, I remain - Your obedient servant, - R. S. STEWART. - - JOHN L. CAREY, ESQ., _Baltimore_. - - - - -LETTER II. - - - BALTIMORE, March 17, 1845. - -DEAR SIR,--Your letter, which reached me this morning, relates to a -subject which has, indeed, been much in my mind. Some months ago I -began to put on paper a few thoughts concerning it, in the hope that -a speedy restoration of our State’s financial affairs would leave -the way clear for a fair consideration of Slavery as it exists in -Maryland. Your letter seems to come as an intimation that the time for -considering that matter is already at hand--as such I receive it. I -will write out what I designed, and send it to you. In doing this the -occasion may be taken to refer to some suggestions in your letter, -which in the meantime will remain in my thoughts. Your favorable -regards I appreciate highly, and thank you for the kind expression of -them. - - Very truly, dear sir, - Your obedient servant, - JNO. L. CAREY. - - DR. R. S. STEWART, - _Of Dodon, Anne Arundel County_. - - - - -SLAVERY IN MARYLAND. - - -I propose to treat of Slavery in the State of Maryland, believing -that a fair inquiry into that subject at the present time may lead -to good results. The institution itself has existed long enough in -this community, and has produced consequences sufficiently marked and -decisive to enable an impartial observer to form a definite opinion -of its nature and tendencies. I believe that such an opinion has been -formed by the general mind of the commonwealth. - -Before we proceed to the particular matter in hand, it may be proper -to have an understanding upon some preliminaries. There is so much -sensitiveness with regard to Slavery; so much irritated feeling; it -has been and is the cause of so much ill-judged agitation, giving rise -to unhappy manifestations of moral and political fanaticism,--that -one needs to move very cautiously in touching upon the topic at all, -lest he do more harm than good by meddling with it. But, for my own -part, as I have no design to minister to excitement, nor to deal with -the subject as an advocate of extreme opinions, it shall be my care -to regard the question as one requiring to be practically considered -by those whom it most concerns, and to express as clearly as possible -what it is in my mind now to say about it. Not to be misunderstood is -a thing to be greatly desired by those who would treat justly such a -question as this--or indeed any serious question; but then, indeed, -one ought to have something to say worth the trouble of understanding. -Let us now hasten to get through the preliminaries. - - -I. _Of Slavery itself as a Social Relation._ - -If Slavery be regarded as the subjection of one man, by force, to the -will of another, all other considerations being left out of view, it -must appear to be the most cruel outrage to which humanity is liable. - -But the control of one man over another, of some men over other men, of -individuals over masses, may exist without implying outrage or wrong. - -It is as a representative that man exercises power--as the -representative of truths, principles, sentiments. Thus the officials of -a government, few in number, representing order and justice, personify -the sovereignty of the realm, and rule over millions. - -The will and the understanding constitute the man; the strength and -purity of the one, the capacity of the other, form the measure of his -just influence. Sometimes it may happen, when there is need that a -nation should have the energy of action and singleness of purpose of an -individual mind, that a man shall arise capable of embodying in himself -the intellect and the will of the nation, which he will then control -with despotic sway. Such was Napoleon in the earlier period of his -career, who with some show of truth could have adopted the saying of -one of his predecessors on the throne of France, “_l’état c’est moi_.” - -Slavery, if it implies the degradation of an equal, or the subjugation -by brute force of a superior--what is it but a shocking atrocity, most -monstrous to think of! When we read of the enslaving of Christians, -refined and intelligent persons, by the corsairs of Algiers, as used in -former times to happen, the mind revolts at such violations of right -and justice. - -It is usual, when one speaks of Slavery, to imagine himself in -the condition of servitude, and thence to form his conceptions of -the injustice of that relation, and to express his indignation -accordingly. But this is to take a very partial view of the matter. - -Freedom, in its usual acceptation, means the absence of external -control. But there must be a power to control some where. If it be not -in the will and understanding of the man himself, it must be in the -will and understanding of some one else; if not in one or the other, -after some fashion, then society perishes. In other words, men or -nations who can not govern themselves must be governed. - -A perverted will or an imbecile understanding, at certain stages, works -the forfeit of freedom in the freest communities on earth. Prisons -and penitentiaries are for the one; lunatic asylums for the other. -Children, wanting the power of self-direction, are kept under control -for a period more than half as long as the average duration of human -life. - -With regard to servitude, there are various degrees of it. In some -parts of Europe _serfdom_ exists, with its usages more or less -restrictive. In all the kingdoms of Europe there are subordinations -of ranks, by which some classes are constituted superior and others -are kept in subjection. There is but one principle running through -all these gradations. Control on the one hand; obedience on the -other; these are the correlatives. In whatever forms, modes, customs, -institutions or laws, these relations may be reduced to actual -operation; whether the terms to denote them be king and subject, lord -and vassal, upper classes and lower classes, or master and slave, the -ideas of command and subjugation, in some form or other, are still -presented. - -The question then is of _more_ or _less_ freedom. For if _Freedom_ -be used to denote a positive definite thing, or, in the slang of -metaphysics, an _abstract right_, where is the standard to be fixed -to measure it by? Shall we look to England, and take the half starved -operative as the type of this impalpable entity--the half starved -operative, with freedom only to choose whether he shall be a drudge or -a pauper, and often saved the trouble of deciding by finding himself -both? The English operative! part and parcel of the machinery which -fills the markets of the world with British manufactures--a working -anatomy of bone and muscle, animated by a vital principle instead of -steam, and thereby differing from the other works and running gear of -the mills! - -The relation of master and slave implies the extremes of control on -the one hand, and obedience on the other; some intermediate forms of -which extend throughout all society. Whether the relation be proper -or not, must depend mainly on the greater or less disparity between -the two classes, and the circumstances which mark their connection. If -the masters be of one race, and the slaves of another; if they be of -different complexions; if the former be characterized by great strength -of will and capacity of understanding, while the latter are weak in -both; it is inevitable, if these two races must dwell together in one -community, that the one should occupy the position of masters and the -other that of slaves. They could not hold intercourse together on any -other terms. If the inferior race should prove fierce and intractable, -like our aboriginal Indians, they must disappear as the master power -approaches; if they are docile and gentle, like the negroes, they may -live in domestic servitude, and thrive in that condition. It may be -remarked that the negro is the only race that has ever been able to -abide in contact with the Anglo-Saxon. - - -II. _Of Rights._[1] - -It may be asked, have not all enslaved people a right to freedom? To -which it may be answered that _rights_ are connected with _duties_; or, -to go back to the other definition, the will and the understanding of -a man, the strength of the one and the capacity of the other, combined -together, constitute the measure of his rights, inasmuch as they are -the measure of the sphere which he fills. - -Freedom involves certain responsibilities, which, if a man can not -meet, he is not free. Besides, _Freedom_ is a relative thing--a thing -of degrees. How much of external restraint must be thrown off to -constitute _Freedom_? No one can say; it can not be defined by specific -limits. - -If we go to talking of _abstract rights_, we shall discourse very -vaguely and to little purpose. The phrase itself is unmeaning; for -rights can be considered only as pertaining to _persons_. Thus they can -not be abstract at all. - -Nor will it do to assume the position of the equality of all men, -and to reason from it on this subject. Men are not equal. They are -not born so; they do not become so; they can not be made equal. -Neither in physical endowments, in stature, nor in the gifts of -intellect are they upon an equality. The influence of some over -others results from laws as fixed and as imperative as the laws of -gravitation, of magnetic attraction, or any other laws of nature. The -power of truth over the mind, the force of courage and decision of -character in action, the influence which belongs to superior wisdom -and goodness--these give preeminence to individuals in all forms of -social organization. A civilized people hold ascendency over the -less civilized; the particular nature of which ascendency will be -determined by the circumstances attendant on the contact of the two, -and their characteristics respectively. The sullen Indian, feeling -the superiority of the white man, flies from before it, or is crushed -beneath it; the tractable negro acknowledges its sway, and yields -himself contentedly thereto. - -Men can not associate with children without holding them to obedience; -and children expect such control. If they do not find it, they regard -their weak elders slightingly enough. Tinctured with love and kindness, -this control is a delightful bond of affinity, blending the solicitude -of mature years with the tenderest affections of childhood. - -What other principle can hold in respect to the intercourse of -different classes of men brought into association, no matter by -what means, in one community, the disparity between the two being -as great as that between childhood and maturity? The two elements -of civilization and primitive rudeness entering together into the -social organization, the control of the superior element must take -the permanent form of an institution; the relations of the two must -be fixed upon a firm basis. Otherwise how could there be a permanent -organization? - -If the inferior race should remain in a mass to themselves, it would -be in a position antagonistic to the superior, and must perish. Like -the Helots of Sparta, they might be slaves to the community; but only -so when the community was the only personality, the citizens living in -common, and merging each his individual character in that of the State. -Upon reflection it will be seen that personal servitude to particular -masters would constitute the only mode by which the interests of the -two races could be harmonized; by which the inferior might be diffused -through the other, so as to come most beneficially in contact with it, -by which, in short, the safety of the inferior might be secured, and a -domestic relationship be established in place of implacable hostility. -This, however, presupposes docility in the inferior race. - -The authority of a parent over the child is as absolute as that of the -master over the slave, so far as the power to enforce obedience goes. -The first, however, is mingled with parental affection, which gives -assurance of kindness and the tenderest care. But it may be abused, and -often it is. - -There is no such assurance that the authority of the master will be -tempered and regulated by kindness and solicitude. Hence in due time -come the evils of the relation--the master forgetting the obligations -of his position, and looking upon his servants as so many chattels fit -only to minister to his avarice or his pleasure. - -A further analogy may be stated: that as the control of parental -authority, proper over the child, would be improper after the child has -become a man, so the condition of servitude, rightly to be regarded as -one of tutelage, and proper only in that view, must after a time cease -to be just--because incompatible with progress after a certain point. -It can not be supposed that any race of men, the most humble in the -grade of civilization, are destined to be always slaves. - - -III. _Of Slavery as it relates to the Negroes in the United States._ - -The negro race in the United States have derived great benefits from -their condition of servitude. Let us have done with the wailings of -weak sympathizers who know not what they would be at. No African -has come as a slave to this country who was not a slave before. The -exchange of masters which transferred the service of the negro from -a barbarous owner in Africa to a civilized proprietor in America is -likely to prove the salvation of the race. From time immemorial slavery -has prevailed in Africa. The characteristics of slavery there, so -terrible, so abominable that any condition of existence would seem -preferable--how utterly are they forgotten by those who delight to -dwell upon the “wrongs of the negro!” In the United States the negro -has attained the Pisgah height from which he can look forward into -a land of promise, rich in blessings. No event has happened in the -history of Africa, since her degradation, so likely to result in good -to her as the residence of Africans in this country. At this moment -the negro colonist, conveyed from Maryland to the settlement at Cape -Palmas, stands a superior being among the natives that surround him in -the land of his progenitors. Servitude in the United States has been -the school of discipline and of progress by means of which the black -man may become fit for freedom. - -Here, surrounded by the elements of civilization and Christian -knowledge, the negro has imbibed largely of both. His nature is -admirably adapted to catch the hue and quality of any notable -characteristic of the superior people about him. He is imitative in -a high degree; he is quick of apprehension; docile; easy of control, -without a sense of degradation connected with his service. The -position of servitude, then, in a civilized community is adapted to -him; he improves by it. - -The natives of Africa at this day are just such a people as were the -slaves first brought to America; just such a people as all the slaves -were who have come from Africa to this country. If none had been -brought to our shores; if the progenitors of the negroes now here had -remained in Africa, their descendants would have been of like pattern -with themselves; they would have been in all respects similar to the -native tribes now found in Africa, because they would have been a -portion of them. - -But look at the contrast which is presented when you take one of our -Maryland men of color and compare him with a native African. They -hardly seem to belong to the same race. The colonist of Cape Palmas is -very nearly, if not altogether, as much superior to the natives on the -coast of Africa as the first settlers of America were to the aborigines. - -What has caused this difference? There is but one answer. Through -the ordeal of servitude in the United States the negro has passed -into the threshold of civilization, into the portals of Christianity. -Every moment of his existence among enlightened people has been one of -progress. Like a negative body brought into connection with one fully -charged, he has been continually a recipient; imparting nothing he has -acquired from every surrounding source. - -Let us reverently acknowledge the overruling power of Providence, by -whose dispensation an unrighteous traffic has been made the means of -benefit to a benighted race. Africa herself will hail, on her own -shores, the return of her children who went forth in chains, and the -still heavier bondage of ignorance and barbarism--but restored to her -as freemen; the heralds of civilization; not as Israelites, bearing -away the spoil of the Egyptians, but enriched in knowledge and virtue, -and followed by the good will of their former masters. - -I have deemed it the more important to set forth these views, because -of the style of language so much in vogue when the servitude of the -negroes in this country is spoken of. How incessantly do we hear of the -“wrongs of the African,” with abundance of that sort of phraseology -which makes up so much of the cant of philanthropy. - -I here say nothing of the slave trade. Let those condemn it who -will; it is not for me to utter a word in its defence. But viewing -the negroes in the United States as already here, no matter by what -means brought, there is no question at all but that, as a race, their -condition here has been a fortunate state of existence for them; -whether as compared with their condition in Africa, where they were -slaves, or as taken in connection with their moral and intellectual -state and their adaptation to service. - -It is perhaps too late in the day to hope for any assuaging of that -strong feeling which prevails in some parts of the north on this -subject--a feeling so strong and inflexible, that we see ecclesiastical -organizations rent asunder by it. Yet must we deplore the prevalence -of a spirit which exhibits itself in such unlovely forms of violence; -and the more especially since there is no call for such manifestations. -The race of people in whose behalf this agitation is made have never -asked for it; nothing has done them so much harm already. It is a work -of supererogation, so far as they are concerned--one of gratuitous -injury. No thought seems to have been bestowed upon the condition in -which the colored people would be placed, if abolitionism were every -where successful. The active principle in the whole business, what -has it been but an overpowering, inexorable sentiment of anathema -and condemnation against slaveholders, who are so by the inevitable -circumstances of their position, by the necessity of a transmitted -heritage of social and political relationship? And this relationship -is one for which Paul has given precepts and thus recognised--which -Christianity has embraced as one of the varied features of social -organization, bearing with it its peculiar obligations and duties. - -If it were charged that the duties imposed by this peculiar -relationship had been lost sight of; if the masters were arraigned -for cruelty and injustice in their sphere--then would there be a -charge which could be judged of according to the facts. Master and -servant--both have their respective obligations: the one to render -obedience, not with eye-service, but truly; the other to exercise his -power of direction as one acting in the sight of the great Master of -all men. - -Unfortunately this view is not taken. It is deemed a crime that a man -shall be a master--though by ceasing to be so his servants might be the -chief sufferers. All circumstances, facts, conditions are lost sight -of; denunciation does not stop to discriminate; the slaves are made the -objects of sympathy whether they will or not; and with a self-assumed -superiority of righteousness, these Pharisees, who thank God that they -are not as other men, pronounce judgment of condemnation, because other -men are not as they are. - -It would be well if these displays of superfluous solicitude, these -copious outpourings of random philanthropy, involved nothing more than -the waste of so much of the raw material of sentimental morality. -But the arrogance of some and the vindictiveness of others of the -abolitionists, blended with such exhibitions of phrenzy, has produced -the reaction of disgust in the minds of the southern people--the -reaction of indignation and defiance. In Virginia, the disposition -which had been manifested to hasten the extinction of Slavery in 1832 -was suddenly checked. So also in Kentucky. And, more lamentable still, -the relation between master and slave, previously one of simplicity and -confidence, and of kind domestic regard, was disturbed by the infusion -of a harsher ingredient. The servant became restless and discontented; -the master suspicious. I speak of the result of this abolition movement -in Maryland. Who does not remember the old domestic relation of master -and servant, so full of kindly household sympathies? There yet remain -many specimens of that class of faithful attached servitors, whose -pride in the family name and respectability, whose identification with -the family interests, was affiliated with the strongest personal -affection for the master and his household. Many of those, we say, yet -remain; they are to be found chiefly in the old families of Maryland, -and in those parts of the State farthest removed from the abolition -excitement. In the simple minds of those people no perception ever -entered of the idea that their masters, the objects of their love -and reverence, were robbers, man-stealers, or oppressors; they had -no consciousness that they themselves were degraded by a service of -which they were proud; and as to a deprivation of rights, they would -have esteemed any rights hateful which would have compelled their -separation from the hearth and home to which their affections were -devoted. Is it not clear that in a position like this, so well adapted -to the growth of good affections, a docile, mild, yet rude and simple -people, might find the elements of improvement, might find themselves -in circumstances beautifully suited to their state? What better school -could there be for such a people in which to learn the rudiments of -civilization? What a happy exchange for them to leave a barbarian -master in Africa, a capricious and savage despot, who would inflict -death or mutilation in any fit of passion, for the judicious control -of the civilized white man, at once, a master, teacher, protector, and -friend! How fortunate for the future prospects of the race that their -lot was taken from the dreary barrenness of savage life, in Africa, -with its cruelties, its debasing superstitions, its hideous brutalities -and licentiousness, to be cast in the bosom of a Christian land, amid -the elements of social refinement and political freedom? Of these the -African in the United States has profited much. The well bred colored -man in Maryland appreciates, to the full, the character of a gentleman; -the self-governing colored man at Cape Palmas understands well the -operation of republican institutions. - - -IV. _How Slavery is to be regarded as an Institution: whether permanent -or not._ - -If it is evident, from the foregoing, that the state of servitude has -been well adapted to the condition of the negroes who were brought to -this country; if it appears beyond all doubt that they have improved in -that state; it is no less clear that the condition of Slavery is not -adapted to their continued improvement--that it is in fact incompatible -with their improvement beyond a certain point. - -The uses of Slavery are those of tutelage; in other words, Slavery is -beneficial and proper only in so far as it is a species of tutelage. -But a state of tutelage must have an end; the child in due time grows -beyond it. So of a race in servitude--for it is as a race that we are -considering the negro and his position. - -The law of progress is an inherent principle in every form of social -organization; it is the mark of its vitality and the main element -thereof. Efforts indeed have been made, and long persevered in, to -defeat this tendency to development. Hence the organism of castes in -Hindostan; hence the Chinese policy of prohibiting changes in the most -trivial as well as the most important things. In both instances the -mind is dwarfed, and unnatural exhibitions are produced from which -civilization turns away with disgust. Society can not be petrified in -fixed forms; stereotyped in one immovable aspect, like metal fused and -cast in a mould. It has a vital principle; it is a living organization; -it has powers of growth and expansion which must go on to their -development, or the vital force, suppressed, will generate disorder in -the system and manifest itself in the shapes of maladies and eruptions. - -But what need is there of argument or illustration on so plain a -point? Is it not palpable to the perception of every one that the idea -of Slavery is utterly repugnant to the attainment by man, of his due -stature and proportions in the world, of moral and civil action? The -ascendency which superior intelligence gives may be used to control -the less enlightened, if it is found that control is necessary to the -latter, from the circumstances of their position and their inability to -govern themselves. But the ascendency of superior intelligence should -be itself controlled by superior benevolence and justice; it should -not be made the mere instrument of selfish ends. Slavery, let it be -repeated, when right and proper, is a species of guardianship; a form -of tutelage. In this view a good thing, it becomes, like other good -things, when perverted, a pernicious evil. - -I am aware that some distinguished gentlemen at the south maintain the -doctrine that Slavery, as a permanent institution, is no evil; and -they contend that, as a mode of organizing labor, it is better than -the English system which makes the operatives by the mass the slaves -of a social organization, which, cutting them off from the domestic -sympathies of their employers, leaves them to a cold isolation and to -the slender resources of a pittance, in the shape of scanty wages, and -to the poor rates, contributed by a calculating cupidity, and reduced -to the lowest minimum on this side of starvation. - -It would not be to the purpose to enter into a comparison of these -two systems. It is enough to know that neither can be permanent; -because both are incompatible with the progress of mankind. There is -this, however, to be noted. The aristocracy of Great Britain hold -in servitude men of their own blood, race, and complexion; elements -of Anglo-Saxon hardihood; bone of their bone, flesh of their flesh; -millions worthy of a better state, and capable of appreciating better -things. In this republic the servile class are of a race and complexion -different from ours; just entering upon the borders of civilization, -adapted from their characteristic disposition to service, and rapidly -improving in the service of their superiors; incapable of holding any -other relation, because incapable of being harmoniously blended with -the general mass of society--a class whose condition, if liberated from -the control and protection of individual masters yet remaining in the -community, would be one of exposure to a thousand ills from which they -are now shielded. Gurth, the born thrall of Cedric the Saxon, found -shelter under his master’s roof; in sickness a master’s care; in old -age, sustenance from a master’s hand. He was one of a household sharing -in the life thereof, in its loves and fears, its attachments and -feuds, its domestic endearments, its homefelt enjoyments. The English -operative of this day has no such associations as these. There are -superiors around him; but he finds a protector in none of them. Hence -his feelings towards the wealthy and noble are apt to be characterized -by sullen dislike, or by a mean servility. As for sympathy, he may -look for that to the spinning jenny and the cotton bale, and let his -affections grow to them if they can. - -The world will behold in due time the disruption of that vast -organization of labor by which the ruling class in Great Britain have -concentrated the energies of the empire, and directed the same for so -many years to the extension of British power and dominion, which was -but a generalized mode of aggrandizing themselves. That system has -answered great purposes, has accomplished great results. But it has -generated in its progress a mass of social and political evil which -now clogs its working, and is gradually impairing its inmost springs -of action. Civilization is expanding beyond the narrow basis of a -class government. Humanity cries aloud in the name of her millions. -Men are something more than machines. The object of human existence -is not merely to gain, by incessant toil, the means of subsistence, -that the ability to toil on may be maintained. The mass of mankind -were never designed to be the drudges of a few, and to rest in -that position, as the highest attainment for them. The progress of -freedom is but the progress of individual development; its results -are the results of individual activity, extended more and more to the -integers of society. Men have found that power, in whatever depository -lodged, has been used by rulers in forgetfulness of its true uses, in -forgetfulness of the general good, in a blind persuasion that it was -theirs by an inherent right, to be employed for their aggrandizement -or pleasure. Thus the Priesthood first, as the agents of heaven, and -holding intercourse with the celestial powers; then the monarch, as the -personal representative of Deity; next the highest order of men in the -State, ὁι αριστοι, as possessing the combined wisdom of the wisest; all -these have held the supreme power in succession, in the progress of -freedom, and all have perverted the functions of government. Instead -of shepherds, guarding well the flock, they have been as hirelings, -fleecing the flock. The assumption of sovereign power by the general -body of the people, is the result of continued disappointments--of -continued failures to find a depository where sovereignty might be -safely deposited and righteously and wisely administered. - -It will not do for the rulers of nations nor for the masters of slaves -to regard themselves as the holders of power for their own purposes -merely--but as the holders of a trust which they are to discharge with -fidelity, and which they are to give up, when their agency as the -administrators of authority is no longer productive of good. - - -V. _Of Slavery in Maryland._ - -It is known that Slavery once existed in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, -New York, and the New England States. It has been abolished in those -States, while it continues to exist in Maryland, and in the States -south of the Potomac and the Ohio. - -The disappearance of Slavery from certain States, and its continuance -in others, constitute a notable point of observation. Why has it -happened that Pennsylvania discarded an institution which South -Carolina cherishes? Is the question one of morality or of political -economy? - -If slave labor had proved, upon the whole, profitable in Pennsylvania, -is it likely that Slavery would have been abolished in that State? Let -the same question be asked of New Jersey, New York, and New England. - -There was a _beginning_ of the system in Maryland, Virginia, -the Carolinas, and Georgia. How happened it that the germ of an -institution, planted about the same time in all the colonies, took -root and increased in some of them only, while in others it did not -grow? It could not have been from the superior morality of the northern -people--because at that time there was no question about the morality -of the thing at all. Scruples against the right to hold slaves were not -entertained then; nor was the slave trade regarded as an unrighteous -traffic. - -The operation of causes similar to those which produced emancipation at -the north, will bring about the abolition of Slavery in Maryland. Let -us now consider this point. - -If Slavery be regarded as a matter of political economy, it will be -found, as when viewed in the light of a social relation, to require -conditions and circumstances, in order to its vindication. It is only -when the soil is uncommonly prolific, and calls for no great degree of -skill in the cultivation; or when the productions are so valuable as to -allow of large deductions for waste and bad management, that Slavery -can be said to pay for its own subsistence. - -In the long run, Slavery is always unprofitable. It can be applied -only to one sort of labor--agriculture; and to that in its simplest -forms. Its tendency is to exhaust the soil without providing for its -resuscitation; because wherever Slavery is, there labor is regarded as -drudgery, and the intelligence of the community, which resides with the -masters, is not directed towards labor. Hence there are no improvements -in the modes of labor; no well regulated system of economy; no -foresight. The masters want to enjoy at once the proceeds of their -plantations, for their business is mainly to enjoy; they live for the -present; they leave all concerns of industry to their overseers, who -are not likely to carry out systematic plans for the improvement of -lands, when the owners of the estates are regardless of such things, -and would not be disposed to forego immediate profits for the future -benefit of such improvements. A thoughtful industry will wait some -years for the fruition of its hopes, stinting itself in the meantime. -It will vest in the soil the profits of the year, looking to be repaid -abundantly hereafter. But with a system of Slavery these things can -not be expected. - -As a general remark, then, it may be observed that whenever from -circumstances of soil, climate, and production, there is need of -economy, skill, and careful industry in the cultivation of the ground; -wherever nature, not yielding her fruits to indolent hands, has to -be overcome by sturdy efforts, by labor directed by intelligence and -aided at every turn by the appliances of art which inventive genius has -discovered and adapted to use--there Slavery can not permanently exist, -because it is incompatible with such conditions. - -In this view it may be seen how it has happened that Slavery, once -adopted in the northern States, failed to flourish there--how it was -cast out as an uncongenial element. In this same view it may be seen -also that Slavery must, by and by, cease to exist in Maryland. It -has brought sterility already upon whole districts; it rests like a -paralysing spell upon the enterprise and the active energies of the -commonwealth. Of this, more as we proceed. - -In the sugar and cotton growing States the products of the soil are -so rich and abundant, that Slavery can exist in spite of the slovenly -and wasteful manner in which its agency is employed. Yet even under -these circumstances its profits are for the most part fallacious. -No portion of the United States suffered so severely under the -commercial revulsion of 1837 as the cotton and sugar growing region. -The statistics of bankruptcies in Jamaica, as exhibited in reports to -Parliament from time to time, show the same fact. - -Again, the use of slave labor is deemed essential in hot climates. The -productiveness of the British West India Islands certainly was impaired -by the abolition of Slavery; nor can it be disguised that the British -government is now attempting to substitute another species of Slavery, -or Slavery under another name, in place of that which was abolished. -If the emancipated slaves had shown a willingness to work; if they had -been sufficiently advanced to appreciate freedom so far as to know -that in their own industry lay the real elements of independence--the -result of the Emancipation Act of the British Parliament would have -been different from what it has thus far appeared to be. There would -have been laborers enough; but laborers of such a sort that the white -proprietors, a handful in the general population, would have been -supplanted--and that ere now. The energy which would have impelled the -Jamaica negroes to work of their own accord; the spirit which would -have sustained them; if that energy and spirit had existed; would have -made them masters of the island. - -But in the West Indies the blacks, for the most part, are scarcely -one grade beyond the natives in Africa. They are not so transfused -throughout a white population as our negroes are; they live in gangs or -communities to themselves, where they speak a gibberish dialect, and -retain their native superstitions. They are a far inferior race to the -colored people of the United States. Of course they would not work when -compulsion ceased; their highest ideas of freedom included nothing more -precious than the privilege of being idle. And it is very well for the -existing generation of whites in those islands, that the emancipated -mass preferred torpid repose to activity. - -At present the planters of Jamaica are obtaining laborers from Africa, -under the name of emigrants, who, by a pleasant fiction, are entered -as volunteers in the fields. The British cruisers, when they capture -a slaver at sea, send the cargo to the West Indies, and thus benefit -the plantations, at the expense of the slave captain and owners--the -latter suffering confiscation, and the former running the risk of -being hanged. So, certain of the eagle tribe, disdaining to fish, -sit on a high tree or rock and watch the fishing hawk; and when the -latter secures his prey in his talons and is rising with it, the eagle -darts forth from his eminence and pounces upon the spoil, which he -appropriates without further ceremony to the use of his own nest. - -Nevertheless, it is not my purpose to dwell on this point of the -adaptation of slave labor to hot climates. We may safely leave it -to time and to the progress of the age to determine that matter -as it ought to be determined. It is Slavery in Maryland which we -are considering; and in Maryland the heat of the climate can not -be taken into the account at all, as disqualifying free labor. The -States farther south have their own responsibilities on the subject -of Slavery. They will know of themselves when the system becomes -productive of evil to such an extent as to call for its removal. It is -not for us to judge for them, to judge them. Let each State act for -itself and act only when its judgment and sense of duty dictate. - -For years past our cotton growing States have been exporting their -soil; and with that improvidence which Slavery generates, that love -of present indulgence, careless of what may follow, the south has -received in return the means of enjoyment only--nothing wherewith to -renovate the outraged ground. Such a process long continued must, in -the end, ruin the finest lands in the world. Its effects are apparent -in the Atlantic States of the south, which are losing their population, -the attraction of the new and rich lands in the south-west operating -irresistibly to draw the planters of Carolina and Georgia from their -worn out fields. - -The same general observations will apply to our slaveholding sections -in Maryland, and to many parts of eastern Virginia too, if it were -necessary to pursue the investigation there. Emigration to the west -has kept pace with the impoverishment of our lands. Large tracts have -come into the hands of a few proprietors--too large to be improved, -and too much exhausted to be productive. But this is not the worst. -The traveller, as he journeys through these districts, smitten with -premature barrenness as with a curse, beholds fields, once enclosed -and subject to tillage, now abandoned and waste, and covered with -straggling pines or scrubby thickets, which are fast overgrowing the -waning vestiges of former cultivation. From swamps and undrained -morasses, malaria exhales, and like a pestilence infects the country. -The inhabitants become a sallow race; the current of life stagnates; -energy fails; the spirits droop. Over the whole region a melancholy -aspect broods. There are every where signs of dilapidation, from -the mansion of the planter with its windows half-glazed, its doors -half-hinged, its lawn trampled by domestic animals that have ingress -and egress through the broken enclosures, to the ragged roadside -house where thriftless poverty finds its abode. No neat cottages with -gardens and flowers giving life to the landscape; no beautiful villages -where cultivated taste blends with rustic simplicity, enriching -and beautifying; no flourishing towns, alive with the bustle of -industry--none of those are seen; no, nor any diversified succession of -well cultivated farms with their substantial homesteads and capacious -barns; no well-constructed bridges, no well-conditioned roads. -Neglect, the harbinger of decay, has stamped her impress every where. -Slavery, bringing with it from its African home its characteristic -accompaniments, seems to have breathed over its resting places here the -same desolating breath which made Sahara a desert. - -No one who has passed from a region of free labor to a slaveholding -district can have failed to notice the contrast presented by the change. - -I have been here speaking of those portions of the country where -slavery has existed for a long time, and where it has formed the -prominent feature. In some sections the natural fertility of the soil -withstands for many years the deteriorating influence of slave culture; -in other quarters, the number of slaves being small, the effects of -slavery do not become prominently characteristic. - -Grain growing districts, countries where a scientific agriculture -prevails, where the mind of man as well as the hands of labor, finds -employment in the culture of the ground, the rearing of trees, the -improvement of breeds of cattle, horses, and swine, the refining of the -texture of wool, the care of the dairy--those rural districts, where -Nature, repaying the manifold appliances of judicious care, tasks her -powers of production and puts on her loveliest forms of beauty, as -though grateful to man for his attention, and seeking communion with -his better spirit--_there_ Slavery can not dwell. It is not congenial -with such scenes. - -Nor, again, can Slavery find a congenial abode in those beautiful -undulating regions of green hills and swiftly flowing streams which -afford such conveniences for the arts. In those regions nature invites -the co-operation of intelligent man; she offers her powers to turn the -wheels of his complicated machinery. The rude hands of servile labor -are not adapted to take advantage of such proffers. - -What are all the arts of civilized life, but so many results of -man’s conquests over material things? The active mind, the inventive -intellect, in alliance with its minister, the fashioning hand, never -ceases in its efforts, as it comes in contact with the things of -nature, to turn them to its purposes. The laws of nature are studied -that man may act in unison with them, and through them gain the -mastery. But where Slavery forms the hand of the community, the working -instrument, how is it possible that intelligence should animate it to -give it dexterity, delicacy of touch, variety of powers? No, it is not -possible. The informing principle, the vital force of a perceptive -mind, quickened by its own impulses, can not descend into the form of -Slavery to animate and direct it. There may be great intelligence in a -slaveholding community; but it is not in the working members thereof. -Thus the mind of the South, devoted to political affairs, is shrewd, -active, and powerful, and maintains an ascendency in the republic, -far beyond the physical weight and resources of that section of the -union. The south has given to the United States seven out of the ten -Presidents who have sat at the head of our public affairs. But the mind -of the south can not approach nature to deal with it, to overcome it. -It has not the appliances, the practical instrumentality. Its head is -clear; but its hand is paralytic. If its working agency were endowed -with an inherent intelligence and a self-directing will, the necessary -accompaniments of an inventive genius, it would be servile no longer. - -The south, then, must be content, so long as it retains Slavery, with -the simplest modes of labor; it must expect to have every thing done -in a clumsy, slovenly manner. It may grow cotton and sugar, while -fertility remains to its soil; but it will be dependent on the north -for the most ordinary implements of husbandry, from a cotton gin to -a hoe, a spade, or sugar ladle. Let us here quote the language of a -southern man: - -“My recent visit to the northern states has fully satisfied me that -the true secret of our difficulties lies in the want of energy on -the part of our capitalists, and ignorance and laziness on the part -of those who _ought_ to labor. We need never look for thrift while -we permit our immense timber forests, granite quarries and mines, to -lie idle, and supply ourselves with hewn granite, pine boards, laths, -and shingles, &c., furnished by the lazy dogs at the north--ah, worse -than this, we see our back country farmers, many of whom are too lazy -to mend a broken gate, or repair the fences, to protect their crops -from the neighboring stock, actually supplied with their axe, hoe, and -broom handles, pitchforks, rakes, &c., by the _indolent_ mountaineers -of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. The time was when every old woman -in the country had her gourd, from which the country gardens were -supplied with seeds. We now find it more convenient to permit this duty -to devolve on our careful friends, the Yankees. Even our boat-oars, -and handspikes for rolling logs, are furnished, ready made, to our -hands, and what jimcrack can possibly be invented of which we are -not the purchasers? These are the drains which are impoverishing the -south--these are the true sources of all our difficulties. Need I add, -further to exemplify our excessive indolence, that the Charleston -market is supplied with fish and wild game by northern men, who come -out here as regularly as the winter comes for this purpose, and, from -our own waters and forests, often realize, in the course of one winter, -a sufficiency to purchase a small farm in New England?” - -The newspapers tell us from time to time of the establishment of -manufacturing works in the south. In the western portions of North -Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, where the country is hilly -and water power abundant, cotton factories are beginning to spring -up. Men of enterprise from the north go thither and embark in these -undertakings, which are said, for the most part, to promise well. -In many places in Virginia, manufactures have taken root firmly. In -proportion as this movement goes on and prospers, in such proportion -will Slavery recede; in such proportion will its hold at the south be -loosened. - -For let it be remembered that the blending of the mind of the -community, with the labor of the community, implies necessarily -_freedom_, to the extent of such combination. - -Look at the diversified forms in which the mind of the north finds -development: behold its manifold workings. What exhibitions of -ingenuity! What variety of invention! What astonishing results! -Lowell and Patterson and Pittsburg, each a living trophy of the -achievements of man over the powers of nature, or rather of his -achievements in alliance with the powers of nature. Yet what are these -three illustrations? The number of such is innumerable. Look at the -whole state of Ohio, the growing, gigantic embodiment of practical, -intellectual energy applied to the arts of industry. - -Nor can any limits be assigned to this progression, nor any -restrictions be put upon the variety of its developments. The whole -world of material things lies subject to the controlling hand of man, -when his inquiring mind has discovered the laws of nature; and what can -hold back the free spirit from its incessant investigations? - -But in a slaveholding community there is no such progression, no -such variety. The mind of the community is directed to other things -than labor; nay, labor falls into contempt and is looked upon as -derogatory; for it is _servile_ to labor. How can society, under such -circumstances, advance in the practical arts? Its industry is confined -to one pursuit, and in that there can be no excellence attained, -because slave labor is not imbued with intelligence. Evidently, such a -social state can not be fitted for permanence; it is not in harmony -with the laws of social existence and progress. Things can not be in a -wholesome condition where it is discreditable to work, since with labor -is conjoined every valuable attainment, including soundness of mind and -body. - -It must doubtless, sooner or later, come to pass that the soil of the -Atlantic cotton growing States, worn out by servile culture, will be -unable to sustain Slavery by the side of the competition of the rich -alluvial lands of the south western portions of the Mississippi valley. -Georgia and the Carolinas, not to mention Virginia, where Slavery must -cease at an earlier date than in the more southern States, will find it -necessary to fall upon some other occupation besides cotton growing. -They must cultivate the vine, breed silk worms, rear the olive, turn -to account their manufacturing facilities--these, or other such -things, the inhabitants there must do if they would save the land from -depopulation. - -There is but one element in the agriculture of Maryland to which -Slavery is attached with any affinity; and that is the Tobacco culture. -Nor is this affinity of a very binding nature. Tobacco can be grown -very successfully by free labor, as the statistics of Ohio demonstrate. -One result of the abolition of Slavery in this particular, would be the -subdivision of large plantations into small farms. - -The system of cultivation would improve under this arrangement, and -the product would be increased. I presume it would be no exaggerated -calculation to estimate that the tobacco crop of Prince George’s -county, under a system of small farms and free labor, would be of twice -its present annual value ten years hence. The enhanced value of the -land would be in about the same proportion. - -If the foregoing considerations afford any illustration of the reasons -why Slavery did not continue to exist in the States north of Maryland, -a brief examination of statistics, to say nothing of other things, will -show that the system can not continue much longer to exist in Maryland. -I ask attention to the remarkable facts exhibited by the census -records of our State since 1790.[2] - -In nine counties in Maryland the white population has diminished -since 1790. These are the counties: Montgomery, Prince George, St. -Mary’s, Calvert, Charles, Kent, Caroline, Talbot and Queen Anne’s. -The aggregate white population of those counties in 1790 was 73,352; -in 1840 it was 54,408. Here is a falling off of nearly 20,000; if the -account were carried to the present year the falling off would be more -than 20,000. - -These nine counties include the chief slaveholding sections of the -State. In five of them taken together, viz., Montgomery, Prince George, -St. Mary’s, Calvert, and Charles, the number of slaves exceeds that of -the white population. These are chiefly the tobacco growing counties, -together with the county of Frederick. - -The counties of Allegany, Washington, Frederick and Baltimore and -Baltimore City are the portions of the State in which Slavery has -existed but partially. That is to say, Allegany, with an aggregate -population of 15,704, has but 811 slaves; Washington, in a population -of 28,862, has 2,505 slaves; Frederick has 6,370 slaves to a population -of 36,703; Baltimore county, 6,533 slaves in an aggregate population of -80,256; and Baltimore city includes but 3,212 slaves in its population -of 102,513. - -Now taking these four counties and Baltimore city out of the account, -it will be found that the aggregate white population of the rest of the -State has diminished since 1790. In other words the increase of our -population, which is about one hundred and fifty thousand since the -first census, has been mainly in those counties where Slavery has been -least prominent. In those portions of the State where Slavery prevails -most prominently the white population, during the last fifty years, has -diminished. - -Another remarkable result exhibited by the census statistics of -Maryland since 1790, is the increase of the free colored population, -in contrast with the diminution of slaves. The slave population of -our State amounted in 1790 to 103,036; in 1810 it reached 111,502, -its maximum. Since 1810 it has fallen to 89,619. The free colored -population on the other hand, which in 1790 was only 8,043, has -increased to 61,093. In a few years it must exceed the slave -population, for the one is increasing while the other decreases--a -double process which must soon annihilate the difference of some -twenty-five thousand. - -The number of manumissions reported to the commissioners of the State -Colonization Fund from 1831 to 1845, under the act of the former -year, was 2,988. This shows an average of some two hundred and more -annually. I am not sure that this number exhibits all the manumissions. -It is enough, however, to show the tendency of things. With all the -restrictions which legislation has imposed upon manumissions they still -go on. It may be taken for certain that they will go on; that nothing -can stop them. Year after year the scruples of slaveholders in some -parts of the State prompt to manumission. The death beds of many afford -the occasions for giving these scruples force. It is useless to reason -about a thing of this sort. Emancipation in Maryland must go on. In my -humble judgment it is going on too fast--and for the simple reason that -we are not making adequate preparation for the new condition of things -which must ensue. - -The contrast presented by the progress of the free States, within fifty -years, and by that of the slaveholding States for the same period, -is so familiar that it would be useless to burden these pages with -statistics to illustrate it. It may be sufficient to state, in respect -to the increase of population, that in 1790 the free States, including -Massachusetts and Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, -Vermont, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, had a population of -1,971,455; while the slaveholding States, Delaware, Maryland, with -the District, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, -contained 1,852,494 inhabitants. In 1840 the same free States numbered -a population of 6,761,082, and the same slaveholding States had an -entire population of 3,827,110. The former increased in a ratio more -than double as compared with the latter. - -In our own State, however, where we do not grow cotton, sugar, or rice, -and where there are no new lands to present a fresh soil to the plough, -and to invite settlers from a distance, the increase of population in -our chief slaveholding counties has been nothing at all. There has -been a decrease, and a very marked one. How has this decrease happened -but by a process similar to that which rendered desolate three hundred -thousand acres in the champagne of Naples, in the days of Slavery among -the Romans--which made Italy itself almost one wilderness, reinhabited -by wild boars and other animals, before a single barbarian had crossed -the Alps! - -Let us not conceal the truth from ourselves. Slavery in Maryland is -no longer compatible with progress; it is a dead weight and worse; it -has become a wasting disease, weakening the vital powers--a leprous -distilment into the life blood of the commonwealth. Yet we will have no -quacks to prescribe for our malady. It is only necessary that we should -become aware of our true condition; there are restorative energies in -abundance, rightly directed, to retrieve the State from every disorder -to which she is subject. - - -VII. _Emancipation in Maryland: its difficulties._ - -If we are driven to the conclusion that Slavery in Maryland must -terminate, under the operation of tendencies now at work, it becomes a -matter of great importance to know something about the manner in which -so extensive a change is to be accomplished. Undoubtedly it will not -do to remain entirely passive on this subject. I am persuaded that the -general sentiment in Maryland is fixed in the conviction that Slavery, -here at least, is an evil, and that in some way or other it must be -removed. - -There are two main difficulties which here present themselves. - -In the first place the negroes amongst us, whether emancipated or -enslaved, must remain a distinct class, a servile class, separated from -the whites by differences of color, race and civilization. - -In considering Slavery where such bars of separation between the -classes are not found, one may very well imagine how the system may -be changed without confusion or disorder; how the enslaved class, -gradually admitted to the privileges of freedom, may, after a while, -become incorporated with the general body of society; how, thus, all -distinctions may be finally destroyed, and how the power, resources, -and energy of the State may be vastly increased by the addition of -so much active material to her industrial and moral forces. In Rome -the sons of freedmen were citizens. Europe could alter her system of -Slavery which existed in the middle ages, and which still exists in -Poland, Hungary and Russia; she could admit her serfs to some of the -rights of citizens, though still withholding many of those rights; -she could do this without danger, because serfs and lords were of one -complexion, and of one race. The descendant of a peasant might himself -in time become a lord. - -But when a servile population, emancipated, stands marked by its -peculiarities of race and color, so that it can not be drawn into -the social and political sphere, its position inevitably becomes -hostile. In the midst of the community, but not of it; the old bond of -connection ruptured, with no basis whatever upon which a new one can be -established--what but feelings of suspicion, of distrust, of aversion -and repugnance can prevail between the two classes so far removed and -so entirely dissimilar. - -Nor can any thing be done by the superior class to elevate the -condition of the other; because that would be to strengthen an adverse -power. All efforts to improve an humble population must have reference -to their ultimate admission to a participation in social and political -rights. Of course this could not be contemplated for a moment in any -community where the number of the black population might be at all -considerable. And this brings me, without dwelling farther on this -point, to the second difficulty which has to be considered by us in -Maryland, in view of future emancipation. - -When it was determined to abolish Slavery in Pennsylvania, the thing -could be done easily enough, because of the small number of slaves in -that commonwealth, in comparison with the bulk of the population. The -slaves were a mere handful. They could be set free in the midst of the -general community without the danger of their forming a large class -remaining distinct from the rest of the population, to infect society -by their idleness, or to excite commotion by the rivalry of their labor -with that of the whites. It made no great difference in the social -condition of Pennsylvania, whether the negroes within her borders were -individually slaves or not. Their numbers were too small to affect the -general current of things one way or another. - -But in Maryland the case is otherwise. It would be a serious business -to set free as large a slave population as we have, and leave them -floating among us with a careless disregard of the future. The black -population of Maryland is about one third of the whole population. In -1840 it amounted to 151,556; the white population numbered 316,011. In -an aggregate population, then, of 467,567 the blacks number 151,556. -Of these the slaves are about ninety thousand; the free blacks, about -sixty thousand. - -The question, it may be said, relates not to the aggregate number of -the black population, but only to the slave portion. Sixty thousand -and more are free already; emancipation would affect only the ninety -thousand. - -The latter number would be sufficient to make it a serious business. -But in fact the matter relates to the whole number. For emancipation -would make them all of one class as they are now of one race--would add -the ninety thousand to the sixty thousand and upwards, constituting -altogether a vast heterogeneous element in the social sphere which -could not be assimilated, and which would be too great to remain -unassimilated without great disorder. - -No; the moment the interests of this race are disintegrated from those -of the whites, the two will come into collision, and the weaker must be -sacrificed. The only safety of the black is in the swallowing up of his -personality--the merging of himself and his being, in the overpowering -existence of the master race. - -Why will not those who call themselves the friends of the black people -think of this? - -The ninety thousand slaves of Maryland have now protectors; these -slaves constitute part and parcel of a great interest which their -masters represent. Set them free, and where will they find protectors? -They will not be able to protect themselves; for their freedom would -give them no participation in the political franchise--nor would such -participation avail them if it were given. - -In the competition which arises now between slave labor and free white -labor in our slaveholding counties, the latter is obliged to give -way--because the slave and the master are of one interest, and that -the predominant interest. The laboring white man removes; or, if he -remains, he succumbs to the overpowering force, and, though conscious -of the degradation, he submits to it. - -But if the slave is separated from the master and left to stand alone, -then is he not only deprived of the support which upheld him, but the -very power which protected is now turned against him; the stamp of his -race is upon him; he is isolated. Cut off from the sympathies of the -whites, without any part or lot in the political life of the State, -forming no part of the frame work of society, he is like a parasite -plant torn from the stock to which it clung. The slaveholding interest -is no more; where is the slave-protecting interest to spring up? - -The competition between white labor and that of the blacks, Slavery -being abolished, would now assume a new appearance. The negroes -would have none to befriend them; every white laborer, actually or -prospectively a voter, would bring with him into the competition the -whole force of his connection with the social and political system. -Apart from this, the value of white labor would be greater than that of -negro labor, in almost any pursuit. The conflict of this competition -might be dangerous to domestic peace; it might prove suddenly -destructive to the race which sooner or later it would inevitably -overwhelm. - -The danger of disturbances of tranquillity would arise from the large -mass of the black population amongst us. In the northern States the -negroes are too few to come into competition with the whites; yet even -in those States a hostile feeling is indulged towards them. Witness -the outbreaks in Philadelphia and Cincinnati a few years ago. Here in -Maryland the collision between the two classes of laborers would be -more violent than any which has yet taken place elsewhere. The influx -of foreign laborers, German and Irish, with their superior efficiency, -would add continually to the force pressing upon the negroes. Recollect -that the latter form nearly one-third of our population; and then -consider the probable fate of that multitude of defenceless beings, -aliens in the community, with an active enemy bent on rooting them out, -no sympathies in their favor, no interest to support them, but with -every prejudice of society turned against them. - -Again, passing by these certain provocations of disturbance, the -presence of so large a body of free negroes in the State would render -necessary a series of restrictive laws. At this time our legislation -is thought to be very severe towards the free colored people. It is -painful to contemplate the extremes to which our police severities -might be obliged to go in the event of an act of emancipation. - -I have used the term “free negroes,” to distinguish the emancipated -blacks from the slaves. But the distinction is scarcely worth a -difference so far as servitude is concerned. The emancipated negro can -not emerge from a servile condition; it is impossible that he should do -so in this country, while the distinctions of race and color remain. -If Slavery were abolished in Maryland, the negroes amongst us would -be slaves to the social system, instead of slaves to individuals; the -restrictions of the laws would be more hard than the control of a -master. - -In view, then, of the real facts of our position, as it relates to -our black people, what ought to be our chief concern? To hasten -emancipation? No: that will come at any rate; it may come too soon. -The main thing is to see how we can provide for it so that the new -relations it will bring may be productive of good and not of evil to -both races. - -This, then, is the great matter; the public mind should be turned -to it seriously and at once. Maryland has no precedent to follow. -Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, New England had none of her -difficulties. They could emancipate and leave results to take care -of themselves; or they might have refrained from emancipation with -pretty nearly equal indifference. No strong, deeply rooted slaveholding -interest could ever have grown up in those States; for the same reasons -which prevent any such from fastening itself upon western Maryland and -western Virginia. Slavery never could have become ingrained in the -fibre and texture of the communities north of us, as it has grown into -ours. Hence while the putting of it off by them was a mere rejection -of something uncongenial with the system, it will be with us a serious -alterative process to root out a constitutional malady which has crept -into the blood, and blended itself with the very springs of life. - -If we should rush precipitately upon emancipation, and rest with that -as though it were every thing--let us see what would come of that. One -hundred and fifty thousand black people, deprived of the guardianship -and control of masters, the bonds of domestic relationship which -united them with the community being rent asunder, and that identity -of interest gone which secured them a definite and harmonious, though -humble sphere in the social organism--shall they be left to the mercy -of stringent laws and police restrictions, and have the life worried -out of them by the incessant fretting of petty persecutions? Poor -unfortunates, thrust forth out of the pale of communion to maintain a -separate existence, with no foundation to rest it upon, with no element -of social or political life wherewith to nourish it, with nothing to -cling to, nothing to be engrafted upon, an existence without entity, -miserable, forlorn, who could be so unfeeling as not to commiserate -their condition! Nor would it be the slowly wasting process of petty -persecutions which they would have alone to encounter. Day by day the -pressure of competition would become more and more grievous, driving -them from every avocation in which they could hope to find employment. -Forced from the city into the country, they would be compelled to seek -refuge from the country in the obscure alleys of the city. I have -alluded to the riots in Cincinnati and Philadelphia a few years ago, -the causes of which are too well known. In the city of New York, if -my information is correct, negroes are excluded from cab driving and -similar occupations. If such things are seen in communities where the -number of blacks is comparatively small, what might not be expected in -a community where the blacks are so numerous as they are in ours? - -It may be here remarked that so long as Slavery remains a prominent -institution in a State, its influence upon labor, and upon the -estimation in which labor is held, has the effect of protecting the -class of free negroes to a considerable extent from the competition, -and its results, of white labor. The slaveholding interest is the -bulwark of the whole colored race; it stands between them and -destruction. Here in Baltimore there are no ordinances excluding free -negroes from particular occupations. The competition of white labor, -however, mostly Irish and German, has driven the free negroes from many -sorts of employment on Fell’s Point, especially from the wharves and -coal yards. If Slavery were abolished and the slaveholding interest -extinct, the whole force of an irresistible competition would come -directly upon the colored people, and would overwhelm them utterly. -When we are considering emancipation, therefore, we must consider -other things also, if we would be mindful of our duty as having in -charge a docile inoffensive class, whose fate depends so much upon our -conduct towards them. - -One other thing remains to be here mentioned before we pass to the -next and last division of the subject. In the event of emancipation, -if we trust to the action of our domestic policy to drive the black -population into other parts of the Union, it must be borne in mind that -the reactive policy of our neighbor States, both north and south, will -be immediately operative to repel the influx of blacks, likely to be -poured upon them from Maryland. Can it be supposed that Pennsylvania -will open her arms to receive the exiles rejected from our bosom? Ohio -has already raised the barrier of exclusion as against Kentucky. The -slaveholding States will not take our expelled negroes. We could not -expect that; for Maryland at this moment will not take the free negroes -of any other State. - -Our condition, then, will be one of isolation, to such a degree, at -least, as to throw us wholly upon our own energies. In other words, if -we emancipate we must not expect to slough off the results upon other -States. We must confront them ourselves; we must meet them on our own -soil, and manage them as best we may. It is probable, however, that -an act of prospective emancipation would induce some slaveholders to -emigrate with their slaves to the south-west; and in this way there -would be some diminution of the mass of the colored population. - - -VIII. _Colonization._ - -The law of 1831 which recognised COLONIZATION as a part of the -public policy of Maryland was a compromise, though generally not so -regarded now, between the emancipation tendency then operative and the -slaveholding interest. The fanatical movement of the abolitionists -checked the progress of things here; all sides, all parties, all -tendencies were united to rebuke the insolent demonstrations of that -fanaticism. - -COLONIZATION proposes to convey to the western coast of Africa, and -to establish there, on territory procured for the purpose, the free -colored people of Maryland, with their own consent. To carry out this -design the Legislature of Maryland, in 1831 appropriated ten thousand -dollars annually for twenty years, and constituted the Maryland -State Colonization Society the agent in the business. Three Managers -of the fund are appointed by the State, to act in concert with the -Colonization Board. Neither the managers nor the members of the board -receive any compensation; yet no enterprise was ever prosecuted with -more energy, prudence, and success. - -It is not necessary that I should go into details here to show what -colonization has achieved under the auspices of the Maryland board. The -people of Maryland are familiar with this subject. The Colonization -Journal, published semi-monthly in Baltimore, under the charge of DR. -JAMES HALL, the board’s general agent, makes known to the public all -the particulars connected with colonization, and the affairs of the -settlement in Africa. It may be sufficient at present to say that a -most propitious fortune seems to have accompanied every step of this -great undertaking. The colony was planted by some thirty or forty -emigrants; it now has a population of more than seven hundred. It is -an organized community; in its form, constitution and laws it is a -republic; the governor, appointed by the State board, is a colored -man; the other officers, elected by the people or appointed by the -Executive, are all colored men. The little commonwealth is prosperous; -it has established its influence over the neighboring tribes; and -recently GOV. RUSSWURM procured by purchase a considerable and very -important territory, lying adjacent to Cape Palmas. The colony has its -schools, its houses of worship, its military organization, its tribunal -of justice, its officers of police, its administrative functionaries. -Roads have been opened into the interior, and a trade is carried on -in rice, camwood, palm oil, and other productions of the country. The -language of an eye witness will best testify to the condition of -affairs in our Maryland colony: I quote the Rev. JOHN SEYES, a minister -of the Methodist Episcopal Church, long a resident at the old colony of -Monrovia, and recently a visiter at Cape Palmas: - -“I consider the colony of Maryland in Liberia, known as the one -receiving the exclusive patronage of the Maryland State Colonization -Society of the United States, as decidedly one of the most prosperous -of the American settlements on the western coast of Africa. It could -not have been otherwise. The organization and continued energetic -labors of the board representing the society, would lead us to expect -nothing less. Soon after the colony was founded by Dr. James Hall, -now the society’s general agent in Baltimore, and the machinery of -a colonial government set in motion, the selection of a colored man -as governor was made. This was just as it should be. It was called -an experiment, but it was one of the success of which no reasonable -fears could be entertained. From the commencement, the colony has been -progressing, if not rapidly, yet steadily and onwardly. The population -is now about seven hundred, and they receive an immigration every year. -All necessary preparation is made for the reception of an expedition -before its arrival. There is a public asylum or receptacle, consisting -of a number of separate rooms, and situated in a healthful part of the -colony, into which the new-comers are generally acclimated. Meantime -frame buildings are being erected on lots laid out for them, of -suitable size to afford them a good garden spot, and by the time the -immigrant is through the fever and can begin to take care of himself, -he has a home to go into--a dry, comfortable little framed and shingled -house, where he can have all the necessaries and comforts of life, if -he will only follow up his first advantages with economy and industry. - -“It is a notorious fact _that there is not a single family, of all the -colonists in Maryland in Liberia, occupying a thatched house_; all -have buildings such as I have described. Let it be understood that -there is another point of sound and wise policy in this arrangement of -incalculable advantage to the settler. His house is not _given_ to him; -by no means. He would not value it as much if it were. He is charged -with all the expenses of its erection. When he is able, he is furnished -with work, work is found him by some means, and as he earns his wages, -he receives a part to live on, and a reasonable proportion is stopped -in the hands of the society’s agent to pay the debt due for the house. -As I am not writing a treatise on colonization, reader, I can not stop -here to notice one tithe of the many points of superiority which this -plan possesses over others which have been in vogue in other places. -But that it works well, one must go to Palmas, visit the people as I -did, go to their homes, eat and drink with them, inquire into their -condition, find out their contentedness, without seeming to intend any -such thing, and then he will be satisfied.” - -There is no instance of colonization, that I know of, which has -proved more successful in every respect than this. The history of the -settlement of our own country shows no parallel to it--especially -when we consider the materials with which colonization in Africa -had to work. Yet the colonists, humble indeed, and unaccustomed to -self-government, have acquired from their residence with an Anglo-Saxon -race so much of the rudiments, forms, and habits of a self-governing -people, that, when thrown upon their own exertions, they have exhibited -qualities of patience, endurance and good sense, which give assurance -of their capacity to do well in their new abode. Removed, moreover, -from their position of inferiority, and possessed with a true spirit of -freedom and with a feeling of self-respect thence arising, they behold -themselves _men_, with the power of rising to the highest stature of -humanity. This, in itself, is a great thing; it is the chief thing. A -people who can entertain such feelings and ideas have their destiny -sure and a noble one. - -With the State’s annual appropriation of ten thousand dollars, and -the contributions of individuals, the board has carried on the -operations incident to colonization. The debts contracted by the -outlays necessary for the beginning of the enterprise of founding a new -commonwealth, and of sustaining it in its early days, have all been -paid off. An annual expedition with emigrants sails from Baltimore -to Cape Palmas. An enterprise is now on foot, with every prospect -of success, to start a packet vessel to run regularly between this -city and Cape Palmas. A number of colored persons are engaged in this -undertaking, and when its success is established, it will probably be -surrendered entirely into their hands. The facilities for emigration -will be much increased under this arrangement, by which a regular -communication will be kept up with the colony. The trade between the -two points, it is believed, will give abundant employment to a vessel -of considerable tonnage. - -Now, if we look merely at what colonization has done in the way of -removing the colored population from Maryland, it would seem to be -an utterly hopeless project. But let us see what colonization really -proposes; and for this purpose I quote the language of Mr. LATROBE, -under whose able superintendence, as President of the Colonization -Board, the affairs of the colony have so wonderfully prospered: - -“If colonization proposed by any probable means at its command, even -with the most munificent assistance of Congress, State Legislatures -and individuals, to remove the whole colored population of the United -States to Africa, it would well deserve to be considered visionary, as -idle indeed as to attempt to ladle Lake Erie dry. No means that could -be obtained would be competent to this end. But the means, scant as -they were, continued Mr. L., were ample to establish colonies on the -coast of Africa, capable of self-support and self-government--moral -and religious communities, where wealth and station would be offered -to the colored man as the incentives and rewards for labor--colonies -that would be as attractive to him as America is to the European. In -1832 the immigration to America was said to be upwards of two hundred -thousand, more than double, nearly treble the annual increase of the -entire colored population of the Union. These immigrants, with few -exceptions, came at their own expense. In point of means they were in -no way superior to the corresponding class of free colored people in -the United States--they came, because America presented attractions -which their home did not. It is in the power of colonization to invest -Africa with the same attractions for the colored immigrant, that -America presents to the white one. Where the latter has one inducement -to remove the former has ten. In Europe there are few avenues to -worldly honor which are closed to those, who, nevertheless, leave them -all behind. In America there are few, if any, avenues open to those for -whom colonization labors. - -“The object of colonization, therefore,” said Mr. LATROBE, “may be -stated as the preparation of a home in Africa, for the free colored -people of the State, to which they may remove when the advantages which -it offers, and, above all, the pressure of irresistible circumstances -in this country shall excite them to emigrate.” - -Rightly understood then, as to its views and purposes, colonization -may not be so impracticable a scheme after all. At any rate, whatever -it does accomplish, is so much of good achieved, practical, permanent, -substantial good. What the future may disclose to urge, nay, to compel, -the separation of the two races now dwelling together in this country, -no one can tell. But COLONIZATION looks with an anxious eye to such -a future contingency, and in the meantime it will do all it can to -prepare the way for the easy accomplishment of that consummation, if it -should become inevitable. - -It is the belief of some very intelligent persons that the black -population of the United States will gradually move towards the -south-west, along with the cotton culture, and be finally absorbed in -the mixed races of Central America, and that thus Slavery will cease. -Mr. RIVES, of Virginia, advanced some such idea as this in the Senate -of the United States, a year or so ago. But it seems clear to my mind -that the white master will go as fast in that direction as the negro -laborer, and wherever both are found together, one must be a slave. -There is no spot on this continent where the negro can be put so as -to be removed from the domination of the white man; no remote spot -which the negro will reach unless the white man carries him thither. -The colored race in this country can never exert their energies in an -independent way; they are and must be under the overshadowing influence -of a controlling race. - -What they may become in Africa, their native home, carrying with -them to those shores, the vigorous elements imbibed during their -apprenticeship of servitude here, other generations yet to come will -know better than we of the present. The part which the African is to -perform in the progress of civilization, and the development of the -entire character of humanity, is a problem which has begun to attract -the attention of enlightened men. Mr. KINMONT, whose discourses on the -Natural History of Man show so large and comprehensive a mind, dwells -with much interest upon the characteristics of the African race. A -portion of his remarks, so beautiful, so humane, I can not but quote: - -“It is certainly a remarkable fact that the negro family of the human -species should have been naturally confined to the peninsula of Africa, -and should never have travelled beyond it from voluntary choice. -Philosophers have found a constitutional adaptation in this case to -the climate and local circumstances of this their native and allotted -home, and there can be no question that there is, and that when the -epoch of their _civilization_ arrives, in the lapse of ages, they -will display in their native land some very peculiar and interesting -traits of character, of which we, a distinct branch of the human -family, can at present form no conception. It will be--indeed it must -be--a civilization of a peculiar stamp; perhaps we might venture to -conjecture, not so much distinguished by art as a certain beautiful -nature, not so marked or adorned by science as exalted and refined -by a certain new and lovely theology;--a reflection of the light of -heaven more perfect and endearing than that which the intellects of -the Caucasian race have ever yet exhibited. There is more of the -_child_, of unsophisticated nature, in the negro race than in the -European, a circumstance, however, which must always lower them in -the estimation of a people whose natural distinction is a manly and -proud bearing, and an extreme proneness to artificial society, social -institutions. The peculiar civilization which nature designs for each -is obviously different, and they may impede, but never can promote -the improvement of each other. It was a sad error of the white race, -besides the moral guilt which was contracted, when they first dragged -the African, contrary to his genius and inclination, from his native -regions; a voluntary choice would never have led the negro into exile; -the peninsula of Africa is his home, and the appropriate and destined -seat of his future glory and civilization,--a civilization which, we -need not fear to predict, will be as distinct in all its features from -that of all other races, as his complexion and natural temperament -and genius are different. But who can doubt that here also humanity, -in its more advanced and millenial stage, will reflect, under a sweet -and mellow light, the softer attributes of the divine beneficence? If -the Caucasian race is destined, as would appear from the precocity of -their genius and their natural quickness, and extreme aptitude to the -arts, to reflect the lustre of the divine wisdom, or, to speak more -properly, the divine science, shall we envy the negro, if a later -but far nobler civilization await him,--to return the splendor of -the divine attributes of mercy and benevolence in the practice and -exhibition of all the milder and gentler virtues? It is true, the -present rude lineaments of the race might seem to give little warrant -for the indulgence of hopes so romantic; but yet those who will reflect -upon the natural constitution of the African may see some ground even -for such anticipations. Can we not read an aptitude for this species -of civilization I refer to, in that singular light-heartedness which -distinguishes the whole race,--in their natural want of solicitude -about the future, in them a vice at present, but yet the natural -basis of a virtue,--and especially in that natural talent for music -with which they are pre-eminently endowed, to say nothing of their -willingness _to serve_, the most beautiful trait of humanity, which -we, from our own innate love of dominion, and in defiance of the -Christian religion, brand with the name of _servility_, and abuse -not less to our own dishonor than their injury. But even amid these -untoward circumstances there burst forth occasionally the indications -of that better destiny, to which nature herself will at last conduct -them, and from which they are at present withheld, not less by the -mistaken kindness of their friends, than the injustice of their -oppressors: for so jealous is nature of her freedom, that she repels -all interference, even of the most benevolent kind, and will suffer -only that peculiar _good_ or intelligence to be elicited, of which she -has herself deposited the seeds or rudiments in the human bosom.” - -I have in another place alluded to the consideration that the residence -of a portion of the negro race in this country may be, under the -overruling dispensation of Providence, the means of great good to the -whole race. It may be that the civilization of Africa will receive its -first quickening elements by the return of her sons from a servitude -which proved to them a school of useful acquirements. Some touch -of Caucasian energy thus infused into the African mind may be the -awakening impulse that shall arouse a whole people from the torpor of -ages. - -At all events, leaving these speculations, one thing is certain, -viz. that MARYLAND is doing a good thing in promoting the work of -colonization in Africa. She is providing a home for the bondsmen of her -fields, where they may enjoy in reality the blessings of freedom which -can never be their heritage here. To what extent soever this work is -done, to such extent will positive good be done. We can not now foresee -the circumstances which may, in time, give aspect and character to -colonization; but of this we may be assured, that in proportion as the -home of the emancipated African is more and more enlarged in Africa, -and made more and more attractive, in such proportion will the way be -opened for the deliverance of Maryland from one of her most serious -embarrassments. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] This subject of “Rights,” in connection with servitude, I have -considered more fully in a little treatise entitled “Some Thoughts -concerning Domestic Slavery,” published a few years ago. - -[2] See Table, Appendix. - - - - -LETTER III. - - -In the foregoing pages, my dear sir, I have endeavored to treat of -Slavery in Maryland as it seemed to me the subject required. A matter -so important should have a more full and thorough exposition; indeed, I -am but poorly satisfied with this attempt at one. Yet it was my purpose -to be brief, and, with that design, facts of statistics and details, -not absolutely necessary, were omitted. To those who are willing to -reflect, perhaps, the considerations here submitted, growing out of -organic social and political laws, may be to some extent suggestive, -so that their own minds may fill up the deficiencies of this imperfect -outline. - -I can not hope that by any thing here said the violence of fanaticism -will be assuaged. The assumption of being better than other people is -so full of exalted ideas, the delight of meddling in other people’s -business is so fascinating, that those who have been once seized with -the mania and have confirmed themselves in it, by the belief that they -are discharging a duty to humanity in general, as chosen instruments, -are in a bad way, and not likely to be cured. These are the extreme -agitators who whirl about in the vortex of abstractions; sympathizers -who would ruin the objects of their solicitude for a theory; reformers -of Slavery in communities where it does not exist; martyrs who will -embrace any thing rather than a stake. With these, and such as these, -we of Maryland have nothing to do. They are lashing themselves into an -insane fury about a thing which does not concern them, which they do -not understand, which they can not touch without wounding us--for it is -a domestic affair and relates to our hearths and household relations. -For ourselves I have written on this subject, that it may be considered -among ourselves, with a view to such rational action as may in due time -be proper; and for our true friends at the north also and the friends -of our black people, comprising the great mass of our fellow citizens -there, who do us the justice to believe that we have sense enough to -find out our own condition, to appreciate it truly, and energy and -humanity enough to do in the premises what duty may call for. - -If I had been returned to the House of Delegates on the occasion to -which you refer, my action in reference to Slavery in our State would -have been confined simply to setting forth in a report, or some such -way, the substance of the views contained in this pamphlet. It has -been apparent for some time past that a convention to amend the State -Constitution must assemble before long. That body, representing the -primary sovereignty of the people, will be the most fit to take up -the subject of Slavery. I have no doubt but it will take it up; and -of one other thing I am equally certain, viz. that the clause in the -constitution, which now makes Slavery perpetual in Maryland, will be -stricken out. Most assuredly it will be stricken out, and that for ever. - -With respect to the establishment of a newspaper in Baltimore, devoted -to emancipation, I should think it, my dear sir, not advisable. The -business in hand is of a kind to require calmness of consideration -and of action. Now a newspaper, I fear, would be the instrument of -agitation; it would find its pabulum in excitement. It would be -regarded as the herald of abolition, and the whole body of ultra -fanatics at the north would seek to connect themselves with the -movement. Their contact would be deleterious in the highest degree; we -wish not for their interference in any way; we prefer to manage our own -domestic affairs; there can be no communion, in this matter, between -our knowledge and their ignorance. - -I leave the subject, my dear sir, for the present, and, with it, -many things unsaid, which a full and complete discussion of such a -topic would properly embrace. I might have referred to the effects of -Slavery in connection with popular education and popular ignorance; -but the statistics on that point are not just now at hand. It may be -remarked, however, that no efficient free school system exists in any -slaveholding State. Nor can it be otherwise; because where the land -is held by slave owners, and mostly in large plantations, the white -population is too sparse to allow of compact school districts. Besides, -the planters having the means of educating their own children, either -at home or abroad, they are not likely to be much concerned about the -education of the children of their poorer neighbors. In every point of -view it will be found that the permanent continuance of negro Slavery -is incompatible with the elevation of the humble classes of white -citizens. - -Again, the institution of Slavery might be regarded in its effects upon -social manners and usages. And here we should find many prepossessions -which are strong in the minds of all of us, and which grow out of the -best and most amiable features of the institution we are considering. -To say nothing of those relations of confidence and regard which have -always marked the intercourse of the servants of our halls and fields -with the gentlemen of Maryland, the exemption from labor which Slavery -gave to the whole class of landholders, with wealth in the hands of -many, and a fair competency to all, afforded the leisure and the means -for social enjoyments to any extent which a gay and social disposition -might prompt. Hence that frank and cordial intercourse among friends; -that courteous urbanity to strangers; that generous hospitality of -heart and home to all--which have become the characteristics of -the south. Long may she retain them. She need lose no good quality -attendant upon her connection with Slavery, when, the more primitive -and simple days of that institution having passed away, the institution -itself has become decrepit, inconsistent with the progress of the age, -and prolific of evils. - -At some future time, if an occasion should seem to call for it, I -may resume the discussion of this subject. In matters, however, of -serious reality, and felt to be such, there is generally not need of -many words--provided those which are uttered are to the purpose. With -assurances of high respect, - - I remain, my dear sir, very truly yours, - JNO. L. CAREY. - - DR. R. S. STEWART. - - -_Population of the Counties of Maryland in 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, -1830, and 1840, as shown by the census taken in those years._ - - -CECIL. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 3,407 | 163 | 10,055 | 13,625 - 1800 | 2,103 | 373 | 6,542 | 9,018 - 1810 | 2,467 | 947 | 9,652 | 13,066 - 1820 | 2,342 | 1,783 | 11,821 | 16,046 - 1830 | 1,705 | 2,249 | 11,478 | 15,432 - 1840 | 1,346 | 2,552 | 13,464 | 17,362 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -KENT. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 5,443 | 655 | 6,748 | 12,836 - 1800 | 4,474 | 1,786 | 5,511 | 11,771 - 1810 | 4,249 | 1,979 | 5,222 | 11,450 - 1820 | 4,071 | 2,067 | 5,315 | 11,453 - 1830 | 3,191 | 2,260 | 5,050 | 10,501 - 1840 | 2,741 | 2,586 | 5,513 | 10,840 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -CAROLINE. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 2,057 | 421 | 7,028 | 9,506 - 1800 | 1,865 | 602 | 6,759 | 9,226 - 1810 | 1,520 | 1,001 | 6,932 | 9,453 - 1820 | 1,574 | 1,390 | 7,144 | 10,108 - 1830 | 1,171 | 1,652 | 6,247 | 9,070 - 1840 | 768 | 1,727 | 5,373 | 7,868 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -TALBOT. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 4,777 | 1,076 | 7,221 | 13,084 - 1800 | 4,775 | 1,591 | 7,070 | 13,436 - 1810 | 4,878 | 2,003 | 7,349 | 14,230 - 1820 | 4,769 | 2,234 | 7,386 | 14,389 - 1830 | 4,173 | 2,483 | 6,291 | 12,947 - 1840 | 3,698 | 2,336 | 6,069 | 12,103 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -QUEEN ANNE’S. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 6,674 | 618 | 8,171 | 15,463 - 1800 | 6,517 | 1,025 | 7,315 | 14,857 - 1810 | 6,381 | 2,738 | 7,529 | 16,648 - 1820 | 5,588 | 2,138 | 7,226 | 14,952 - 1830 | 4,872 | 2,866 | 6,559 | 14,397 - 1840 | 3,979 | 2,540 | 6,006 | 12,525 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -SOMERSET. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 7,070 | 268 | 8,272 | 15,610 - 1800 | 7,432 | 586 | 9,340 | 17,358 - 1810 | 6,975 | 1,058 | 9,162 | 17,195 - 1820 | 7,241 | 1,952 | 10,386 | 19,579 - 1830 | 6,556 | 2,239 | 11,371 | 20,166 - 1840 | 5,385 | 2,642 | 11,477 | 19,504 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -DORCHESTER. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 5,377 | 528 | 10,010 | 15,875 - 1800 | 4,566 | 2,365 | 9,415 | 16,346 - 1810 | 5,032 | 2,661 | 10,415 | 18,108 - 1820 | 5,168 | 2,497 | 10,094 | 17,759 - 1830 | 5,001 | 3,000 | 10,685 | 18,686 - 1840 | 4,232 | 3,965 | 10,612 | 18,809 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -WORCESTER. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 3,836 | 178 | 7,626 | 11,640 - 1800 | 4,398 | 449 | 11,523 | 16,370 - 1810 | 4,427 | 1,054 | 11,490 | 16,971 - 1820 | 4,551 | 1,636 | 11,234 | 17,421 - 1830 | 4,032 | 2,430 | 10,197 | 16,659 - 1840 | 3,543 | 3,063 | 11,647 | 18,253 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -ALLEGANY. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 258 | 12 | 4,539 | 4,809 - 1800 | 499 | 101 | 5,703 | 6,303 - 1810 | 620 | 113 | 6,176 | 6,909 - 1820 | 795 | 195 | 7,664 | 8,654 - 1830 | 818 | 222 | 9,569 | 10,609 - 1840 | 811 | 216 | 14,677 | 15,704 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -WASHINGTON. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 1,286 | 64 | 14,472 | 15,822 - 1800 | 2,200 | 342 | 16,108 | 18,650 - 1810 | 2,656 | 483 | 15,591 | 18,730 - 1820 | 3,201 | 627 | 19,247 | 23,075 - 1830 | 2,909 | 1,084 | 21,275 | 25,268 - 1840 | 2,505 | 1,556 | 24,801 | 28,862 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -FREDERICK. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 3,641 | 213 | 26,937 | 30,791 - 1800 | 4,572 | 473 | 26,478 | 31,523 - 1810 | 5,671 | 783 | 27,983 | 34,437 - 1820 | 6,555 | 1,777 | 32,097 | 40,459 - 1830 | 6,370 | 2,716 | 36,703 | 45,789 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -BALTIMORE. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 5,877 | 604 | 18,953 | 25,434 - 1800 | 6,830 | 1,536 | 24,150 | 32,516 - 1810 | 6,697 | 1,537 | 21,021 | 29,255 - 1820 | 6,720 | 2,163 | 24,580 | 33,463 - 1830 | 6,533 | 3,098 | 30,625 | 40,256 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -BALTIMORE CITY. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 1,255 | 323 | 11,925 | 13,503 - 1800 | 2,843 | 2,771 | 20,900 | 26,514 - 1810 | 4,672 | 5,671 | 36,212 | 46,455 - 1820 | 4,357 |10,326 | 48,055 | 62,738 - 1830 | 4,120 |14,790 | 61,710 | 80,620 - 1840 | 3,212 |17,980 | 81,321 |102,513 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -HARFORD. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 3,417 | 775 | 10,784 | 14,976 - 1800 | 4,264 | 1,344 | 12,018 | 17,626 - 1810 | 4,431 | 2,221 | 14,606 | 21,258 - 1820 | 3,320 | 1,387 | 11,217 | 15,924 - 1830 | 2,984 | 2,048 | 11,287 | 16,319 - 1840 | 2,537 | 2,449 | 11,915 | 16,901 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -MONTGOMERY. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 6,030 | 294 | 11,679 | 18,003 - 1800 | 6,288 | 262 | 8,508 | 15,058 - 1810 | 7,572 | 677 | 9,731 | 17,980 - 1820 | 6,396 | 922 | 9,082 | 16,400 - 1830 | 6,447 | 1,266 | 12,103 | 19,816 - 1840 | 5,127 | 1,240 | 8,292 | 14,659 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -PRINCE GEORGE’S. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 |11,176 | 164 | 10,004 | 21,344 - 1800 |12,191 | 648 | 8,346 | 21,185 - 1810 | 9,189 | 4,929 | 6,471 | 20,589 - 1820 |11,285 | 1,096 | 7,835 | 20,216 - 1830 |11,585 | 1,202 | 7,667 | 20,474 - 1840 |10,640 | 1,080 | 7,763 | 19,483 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -SAINT MARY’S. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 6,985 | 343 | 8,216 | 15,544 - 1800 | 6,399 | 622 | 6,678 | 13,699 - 1810 | 6,000 | 636 | 6,158 | 12,794 - 1820 | 6,048 | 894 | 6,032 | 12,974 - 1830 | 6,183 | 1,179 | 6,097 | 13,459 - 1840 | 5,757 | 1,413 | 6,074 | 13,244 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -CALVERT. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 | 4,305 | 136 | 4,161 | 8,502 - 1800 | 4,401 | 307 | 3,889 | 8,297 - 1810 | 3,937 | 388 | 3,860 | 8,005 - 1820 | 3,668 | 694 | 3,716 | 8,078 - 1830 | 3,899 | 1,213 | 3,788 | 8,900 - 1840 | 4,401 | 1,292 | 3,402 | 9,095 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -CHARLES. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 |10,085 | 404 | 10,124 | 20,613 - 1800 | 9,558 | 571 | 9,043 | 19,172 - 1810 |12,435 | 412 | 7,398 | 20,245 - 1820 | 9,419 | 567 | 6,514 | 16,500 - 1830 |10,129 | 851 | 6,789 | 17,769 - 1840 | 9,280 | 817 | 5,915 | 16,012 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - - -ANNE ARUNDEL. - - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - |Slaves.|F. Col.| White. | Total. - 1790 |10,130 | 804 | 11,664 | 22,598 - 1800 | 9,760 | 1,833 | 11,030 | 22,623 - 1810 |11,693 | 2,536 | 12,439 | 26,668 - 1820 |10,328 | 3,382 | 13,455 | 27,165 - 1830 | 9,997 | 4,076 | 14,222 | 28,295 - 1840 | 9,816 | 5,120 | 14,599 | 29,535 - ------+-------+-------+--------+-------- - -NOTE.--Carroll county is not included in this statement, having been -created since 1830, and the population of Baltimore and Frederick -counties, from which Carroll was taken, is not carried out in 1840, -part of their population being then included in the census of Carroll -county. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -Obvious errors in punctuation have been fixed. - -Page 8: “l’etat c’est” changed to “l’état c’est” - -Page 12: “must he fixed” changed to “must be fixed” - -Page 31: The spelling of Allegany County was fixed. - -Page 45: “it views and purposes” changed to “its views and purposes” - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY IN MARYLAND BRIEFLY -CONSIDERED *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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Carey—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover" /> - <style> /* <![CDATA[ */ - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2,h3,h4,h5,h6 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; -} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 2em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -@media print { hr.chap {display: none; visibility: hidden;} } - -hr.r5 {width: 5%; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; margin-left: 47.5%; margin-right: 47.5%;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; -} -table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse; width: 60%;} -table.autotable td, -table.autotable th { padding: 4px; } -.x-ebookmaker table {width: 95%;} - -.tdr {text-align: right;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - left: 92%; - font-size: smaller; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-indent: 0; -} - -.bb {border-bottom: 2px solid;} - -.br {border-right: 2px solid;} - -.bbox {border: 2px solid;} - -.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} - -.right {text-align: right; text-indent: 0em;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.allsmcap {font-variant: small-caps; text-transform: lowercase;} - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: 1px dashed; margin-top: 1em;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 0.9em;} - -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: - none; -} - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:smaller; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif; } - -.big {font-size: 1.2em;} -.small {font-size: 0.8em;} - -abbr[title] { - text-decoration: none; -} - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Slavery in Maryland briefly considered, by John L. Carey</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Slavery in Maryland briefly considered</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: John L. Carey</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: August 12, 2022 [eBook #68731]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY IN MARYLAND BRIEFLY CONSIDERED ***</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[Pg 1]</span></p> - - - - - -<h1>SLAVERY IN MARYLAND</h1> - -<p class="center big p2">BRIEFLY CONSIDERED.</p> - -<hr class="r5" /> -<p class="center big"> By JOHN L. CAREY.</p> -<hr class="r5" /> -<p class="center p4"><span class="big">BALTIMORE:</span><br /> -PRINTED AND PUBLISHED BY JOHN MURPHY,<br /> -<span class="smcap small">178 Market street</span>.<br /> -1845.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p> -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Entered</span>, according to Act of Congress, in the year one -thousand eight hundred and forty-five, in the clerk’s office of the -District Court of Maryland.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Letter_I"><span class="smcap">Letter I.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="right"> -<span class="smcap">Dodon</span>, March 12th, 1845.<br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,—A short time before the October election, I heard -some one say that it was your intention to devote much of your time, -should you be elected to the House of Delegates, to the subject of the -black population of our State, and to promote, if possible, measures -for their gradual emancipation. It gave me, a slaveholder and citizen -of Maryland, infinite pleasure to hear it; and it was with the deepest -regret I learned soon after that you were not returned to the house. -If I have been correctly informed, I beg leave to say I honor you for -your sentiment, and I hope you will not allow so good a resolution to -die, but will kindle it anew, and seek some other equally practical -means of bringing this subject fully and fairly before the public. It -is one that has long occupied much of my thoughts, and I have watched -anxiously for some one to show his hand in this cause. At this moment -my attention has been more distinctly called to it, by the manly, -high-minded letter of <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> C. M. Clay, addressed to the people of -Kentucky. There is not a sentiment or a political principle expressed -by him to his fellow citizens that does not with equal force apply to -our noble little State, and every prediction applies <em>to us</em> as -forcibly as it does to them. The time has come, there can be no doubt -of it, to take the needful steps; slaveholders themselves are anxious -for it, and will not be displeased to see the subject <em>fairly</em> -taken into consideration. I have been a planter for five years, and -have had an opportunity of discussing these points with slaveholders -of all parties, and I do not remember a single instance in which -objection<span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span> was made to the principle of emancipation; some difference, -it is true, exists as to the manner and time, but none as to the -necessity. Heretofore this whole subject has been wrapt in a mystery, -as imposing as the secrets of Free Masonry, and no one, not a member -of the order of slaveholders, has been allowed to open his mouth and -say any thing about it; it is a dangerous question—it is an exciting -subject—it is a matter that belongs to slaveholders themselves—have -been the usual and repeated injunctions laid upon all who honestly and -humanely have desired to inquire into the merits and demerits of this -cause. Is this as it should be? Is it the course that should be pursued -by an educated people, who have at command the means to defend the -truth and expose error? Certainly not. If our State is laboring under -an evil, let the cause and nature of the malady be investigated, and -then let us apply the remedy. If, on the contrary, none can be shown -to exist, at least <em>agitation</em> will receive a check that will -be grateful to all lovers of peace and order. Firmly convinced that -such a course will be displeasing to but few, and that it may promote -the general welfare of Maryland, I beg leave to propose to you the -establishment of a paper devoted to the cause of Emancipation in our -State, on the principles of policy, humanity, and self-interest. I know -no one to whom so delicate a subject could be so safely confided as -yourself. Your popularity as an editor, your established character for -sound doctrine and moderation, are all guarantees for the judicious and -successful conduct of such an undertaking, and, for my own part, I have -not the least doubt of its ultimate success. It would be idle in me -to suggest to you any particulars on this subject; I doubt not it has -passed through your brain long since, and received a due share of your -consideration. I shall therefore conclude, by begging you to excuse -the liberty I have taken in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span> addressing you on so slight a personal -acquaintance, and by hoping, if I am premature in what I have said, -that you will impute it solely to the strong feelings I entertain upon -this interesting matter.</p> - -<p class="center"> -With great respect, I remain<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Your obedient servant,</span></p> -<p class="right"><span class="smcap">R. S. Stewart</span>.</p> -<p><span class="smcap">John L. Carey, <abbr title="esquire">Esq.</abbr></span>, <i>Baltimore</i>.<br /> -</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Letter_II"><span class="smcap">Letter II.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p class="right"> -<span class="smcap">Baltimore</span>, March 17, 1845. -</p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Dear Sir</span>,—Your letter, which reached me this morning, relates -to a subject which has, indeed, been much in my mind. Some months ago -I began to put on paper a few thoughts concerning it, in the hope that -a speedy restoration of our State’s financial affairs would leave -the way clear for a fair consideration of Slavery as it exists in -Maryland. Your letter seems to come as an intimation that the time for -considering that matter is already at hand—as such I receive it. I -will write out what I designed, and send it to you. In doing this the -occasion may be taken to refer to some suggestions in your letter, -which in the meantime will remain in my thoughts. Your favorable -regards I appreciate highly, and thank you for the kind expression of -them.</p> - -<p class="center">Very truly, dear sir,<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 4em;">Your obedient servant,</span></p> -<p class="right"><span class="smcap"><abbr title="John">Jno.</abbr> L. Carey</span>.</p> -<p><span class="smcap"><abbr title="doctor">Dr.</abbr> R. S. Stewart</span>,<br /> -<span style="margin-left: 1em;"><i>Of Dodon, Anne Arundel County</i>.</span><br /> -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="SLAVERY_IN_MARYLAND">SLAVERY IN MARYLAND.</h2> -</div> - -<hr class="r5" /> -<p>I propose to treat of Slavery in the State of Maryland, believing -that a fair inquiry into that subject at the present time may lead -to good results. The institution itself has existed long enough in -this community, and has produced consequences sufficiently marked and -decisive to enable an impartial observer to form a definite opinion -of its nature and tendencies. I believe that such an opinion has been -formed by the general mind of the commonwealth.</p> - -<p>Before we proceed to the particular matter in hand, it may be proper -to have an understanding upon some preliminaries. There is so much -sensitiveness with regard to Slavery; so much irritated feeling; it -has been and is the cause of so much ill-judged agitation, giving rise -to unhappy manifestations of moral and political fanaticism,—that -one needs to move very cautiously in touching upon the topic at all, -lest he do more harm than good by meddling with it. But, for my own -part, as I have no design to minister to excitement, nor to deal with -the subject as an advocate of extreme opinions, it shall be my care -to regard the question as one requiring to be practically considered -by those whom it most concerns, and to express as clearly as possible -what it is in my mind now to say about it. Not to be misunderstood is -a thing to be greatly desired by those who would treat justly such a -question as this—or indeed any serious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span> question; but then, indeed, -one ought to have something to say worth the trouble of understanding. -Let us now hasten to get through the preliminaries.</p> - - -<h3>I. <i>Of Slavery itself as a Social Relation.</i></h3> - -<p>If Slavery be regarded as the subjection of one man, by force, to the -will of another, all other considerations being left out of view, it -must appear to be the most cruel outrage to which humanity is liable.</p> - -<p>But the control of one man over another, of some men over other men, of -individuals over masses, may exist without implying outrage or wrong.</p> - -<p>It is as a representative that man exercises power—as the -representative of truths, principles, sentiments. Thus the officials of -a government, few in number, representing order and justice, personify -the sovereignty of the realm, and rule over millions.</p> - -<p>The will and the understanding constitute the man; the strength and -purity of the one, the capacity of the other, form the measure of his -just influence. Sometimes it may happen, when there is need that a -nation should have the energy of action and singleness of purpose of -an individual mind, that a man shall arise capable of embodying in -himself the intellect and the will of the nation, which he will then -control with despotic sway. Such was Napoleon in the earlier period of -his career, who with some show of truth could have adopted the saying -of one of his predecessors on the throne of France, “<i lang="fr" xml:lang="fr">l’état c’est -moi</i>.”</p> - -<p>Slavery, if it implies the degradation of an equal, or the subjugation -by brute force of a superior—what is it but a shocking atrocity, most -monstrous to think of! When we read of the enslaving of Christians, -refined and intelligent persons, by the corsairs of Algiers, as used in -former times to happen, the mind revolts at such violations of right -and justice.</p> - -<p>It is usual, when one speaks of Slavery, to imagine himself in -the condition of servitude, and thence to form his conceptions of -the injustice of that relation, and to express<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span> his indignation -accordingly. But this is to take a very partial view of the matter.</p> - -<p>Freedom, in its usual acceptation, means the absence of external -control. But there must be a power to control some where. If it be not -in the will and understanding of the man himself, it must be in the -will and understanding of some one else; if not in one or the other, -after some fashion, then society perishes. In other words, men or -nations who can not govern themselves must be governed.</p> - -<p>A perverted will or an imbecile understanding, at certain stages, works -the forfeit of freedom in the freest communities on earth. Prisons -and penitentiaries are for the one; lunatic asylums for the other. -Children, wanting the power of self-direction, are kept under control -for a period more than half as long as the average duration of human -life.</p> - -<p>With regard to servitude, there are various degrees of it. In some -parts of Europe <em>serfdom</em> exists, with its usages more or less -restrictive. In all the kingdoms of Europe there are subordinations -of ranks, by which some classes are constituted superior and others -are kept in subjection. There is but one principle running through -all these gradations. Control on the one hand; obedience on the -other; these are the correlatives. In whatever forms, modes, customs, -institutions or laws, these relations may be reduced to actual -operation; whether the terms to denote them be king and subject, lord -and vassal, upper classes and lower classes, or master and slave, the -ideas of command and subjugation, in some form or other, are still -presented.</p> - -<p>The question then is of <em>more</em> or <em>less</em> freedom. For if -<em>Freedom</em> be used to denote a positive definite thing, or, in the -slang of metaphysics, an <em>abstract right</em>, where is the standard -to be fixed to measure it by? Shall we look to England, and take the -half starved operative as the type of this impalpable entity—the half -starved operative, with freedom only to choose whether he shall be a -drudge or a pauper, and often saved the trouble of deciding by finding -himself both? The English operative! part and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span> parcel of the machinery -which fills the markets of the world with British manufactures—a -working anatomy of bone and muscle, animated by a vital principle -instead of steam, and thereby differing from the other works and -running gear of the mills!</p> - -<p>The relation of master and slave implies the extremes of control on -the one hand, and obedience on the other; some intermediate forms of -which extend throughout all society. Whether the relation be proper -or not, must depend mainly on the greater or less disparity between -the two classes, and the circumstances which mark their connection. If -the masters be of one race, and the slaves of another; if they be of -different complexions; if the former be characterized by great strength -of will and capacity of understanding, while the latter are weak in -both; it is inevitable, if these two races must dwell together in one -community, that the one should occupy the position of masters and the -other that of slaves. They could not hold intercourse together on any -other terms. If the inferior race should prove fierce and intractable, -like our aboriginal Indians, they must disappear as the master power -approaches; if they are docile and gentle, like the negroes, they may -live in domestic servitude, and thrive in that condition. It may be -remarked that the negro is the only race that has ever been able to -abide in contact with the Anglo-Saxon.</p> - - -<h3>II. <i>Of Rights.</i><a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></h3> - -<p>It may be asked, have not all enslaved people a right to freedom? -To which it may be answered that <em>rights</em> are connected with -<em>duties</em>; or, to go back to the other definition, the will and -the understanding of a man, the strength of the one and the capacity -of the other, combined together, constitute the measure of his rights, -inasmuch as they are the measure of the sphere which he fills.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span></p> - -<p>Freedom involves certain responsibilities, which, if a man can not -meet, he is not free. Besides, <em>Freedom</em> is a relative thing—a -thing of degrees. How much of external restraint must be thrown off to -constitute <em>Freedom</em>? No one can say; it can not be defined by -specific limits.</p> - -<p>If we go to talking of <em>abstract rights</em>, we shall discourse very -vaguely and to little purpose. The phrase itself is unmeaning; for -rights can be considered only as pertaining to <em>persons</em>. Thus -they can not be abstract at all.</p> - -<p>Nor will it do to assume the position of the equality of all men, -and to reason from it on this subject. Men are not equal. They are -not born so; they do not become so; they can not be made equal. -Neither in physical endowments, in stature, nor in the gifts of -intellect are they upon an equality. The influence of some over -others results from laws as fixed and as imperative as the laws of -gravitation, of magnetic attraction, or any other laws of nature. The -power of truth over the mind, the force of courage and decision of -character in action, the influence which belongs to superior wisdom -and goodness—these give preeminence to individuals in all forms of -social organization. A civilized people hold ascendency over the -less civilized; the particular nature of which ascendency will be -determined by the circumstances attendant on the contact of the two, -and their characteristics respectively. The sullen Indian, feeling -the superiority of the white man, flies from before it, or is crushed -beneath it; the tractable negro acknowledges its sway, and yields -himself contentedly thereto.</p> - -<p>Men can not associate with children without holding them to obedience; -and children expect such control. If they do not find it, they regard -their weak elders slightingly enough. Tinctured with love and kindness, -this control is a delightful bond of affinity, blending the solicitude -of mature years with the tenderest affections of childhood.</p> - -<p>What other principle can hold in respect to the intercourse of -different classes of men brought into association,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span> no matter by -what means, in one community, the disparity between the two being -as great as that between childhood and maturity? The two elements -of civilization and primitive rudeness entering together into the -social organization, the control of the superior element must take -the permanent form of an institution; the relations of the two must -be fixed upon a firm basis. Otherwise how could there be a permanent -organization?</p> - -<p>If the inferior race should remain in a mass to themselves, it would -be in a position antagonistic to the superior, and must perish. Like -the Helots of Sparta, they might be slaves to the community; but only -so when the community was the only personality, the citizens living in -common, and merging each his individual character in that of the State. -Upon reflection it will be seen that personal servitude to particular -masters would constitute the only mode by which the interests of the -two races could be harmonized; by which the inferior might be diffused -through the other, so as to come most beneficially in contact with it, -by which, in short, the safety of the inferior might be secured, and a -domestic relationship be established in place of implacable hostility. -This, however, presupposes docility in the inferior race.</p> - -<p>The authority of a parent over the child is as absolute as that of the -master over the slave, so far as the power to enforce obedience goes. -The first, however, is mingled with parental affection, which gives -assurance of kindness and the tenderest care. But it may be abused, and -often it is.</p> - -<p>There is no such assurance that the authority of the master will be -tempered and regulated by kindness and solicitude. Hence in due time -come the evils of the relation—the master forgetting the obligations -of his position, and looking upon his servants as so many chattels fit -only to minister to his avarice or his pleasure.</p> - -<p>A further analogy may be stated: that as the control of parental -authority, proper over the child, would be improper after the child has -become a man, so the condition of servitude, rightly to be regarded as -one of tutelage, and proper only in that view, must after a time<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span> cease -to be just—because incompatible with progress after a certain point. -It can not be supposed that any race of men, the most humble in the -grade of civilization, are destined to be always slaves.</p> - - -<h3>III. <i>Of Slavery as it relates to the Negroes in the United -States.</i></h3> - -<p>The negro race in the United States have derived great benefits from -their condition of servitude. Let us have done with the wailings of -weak sympathizers who know not what they would be at. No African -has come as a slave to this country who was not a slave before. The -exchange of masters which transferred the service of the negro from -a barbarous owner in Africa to a civilized proprietor in America is -likely to prove the salvation of the race. From time immemorial slavery -has prevailed in Africa. The characteristics of slavery there, so -terrible, so abominable that any condition of existence would seem -preferable—how utterly are they forgotten by those who delight to -dwell upon the “wrongs of the negro!” In the United States the negro -has attained the Pisgah height from which he can look forward into -a land of promise, rich in blessings. No event has happened in the -history of Africa, since her degradation, so likely to result in good -to her as the residence of Africans in this country. At this moment -the negro colonist, conveyed from Maryland to the settlement at Cape -Palmas, stands a superior being among the natives that surround him in -the land of his progenitors. Servitude in the United States has been -the school of discipline and of progress by means of which the black -man may become fit for freedom.</p> - -<p>Here, surrounded by the elements of civilization and Christian -knowledge, the negro has imbibed largely of both. His nature is -admirably adapted to catch the hue and quality of any notable -characteristic of the superior people about him. He is imitative in -a high degree; he is quick of apprehension; docile; easy of control, -without a sense of degradation connected with his service.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span> The -position of servitude, then, in a civilized community is adapted to -him; he improves by it.</p> - -<p>The natives of Africa at this day are just such a people as were the -slaves first brought to America; just such a people as all the slaves -were who have come from Africa to this country. If none had been -brought to our shores; if the progenitors of the negroes now here had -remained in Africa, their descendants would have been of like pattern -with themselves; they would have been in all respects similar to the -native tribes now found in Africa, because they would have been a -portion of them.</p> - -<p>But look at the contrast which is presented when you take one of our -Maryland men of color and compare him with a native African. They -hardly seem to belong to the same race. The colonist of Cape Palmas is -very nearly, if not altogether, as much superior to the natives on the -coast of Africa as the first settlers of America were to the aborigines.</p> - -<p>What has caused this difference? There is but one answer. Through -the ordeal of servitude in the United States the negro has passed -into the threshold of civilization, into the portals of Christianity. -Every moment of his existence among enlightened people has been one of -progress. Like a negative body brought into connection with one fully -charged, he has been continually a recipient; imparting nothing he has -acquired from every surrounding source.</p> - -<p>Let us reverently acknowledge the overruling power of Providence, by -whose dispensation an unrighteous traffic has been made the means of -benefit to a benighted race. Africa herself will hail, on her own -shores, the return of her children who went forth in chains, and the -still heavier bondage of ignorance and barbarism—but restored to her -as freemen; the heralds of civilization; not as Israelites, bearing -away the spoil of the Egyptians, but enriched in knowledge and virtue, -and followed by the good will of their former masters.</p> - -<p>I have deemed it the more important to set forth these views, because -of the style of language so much in vogue<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span> when the servitude of the -negroes in this country is spoken of. How incessantly do we hear of the -“wrongs of the African,” with abundance of that sort of phraseology -which makes up so much of the cant of philanthropy.</p> - -<p>I here say nothing of the slave trade. Let those condemn it who -will; it is not for me to utter a word in its defence. But viewing -the negroes in the United States as already here, no matter by what -means brought, there is no question at all but that, as a race, their -condition here has been a fortunate state of existence for them; -whether as compared with their condition in Africa, where they were -slaves, or as taken in connection with their moral and intellectual -state and their adaptation to service.</p> - -<p>It is perhaps too late in the day to hope for any assuaging of that -strong feeling which prevails in some parts of the north on this -subject—a feeling so strong and inflexible, that we see ecclesiastical -organizations rent asunder by it. Yet must we deplore the prevalence -of a spirit which exhibits itself in such unlovely forms of violence; -and the more especially since there is no call for such manifestations. -The race of people in whose behalf this agitation is made have never -asked for it; nothing has done them so much harm already. It is a work -of supererogation, so far as they are concerned—one of gratuitous -injury. No thought seems to have been bestowed upon the condition in -which the colored people would be placed, if abolitionism were every -where successful. The active principle in the whole business, what -has it been but an overpowering, inexorable sentiment of anathema -and condemnation against slaveholders, who are so by the inevitable -circumstances of their position, by the necessity of a transmitted -heritage of social and political relationship? And this relationship -is one for which Paul has given precepts and thus recognised—which -Christianity has embraced as one of the varied features of social -organization, bearing with it its peculiar obligations and duties.</p> - -<p>If it were charged that the duties imposed by this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span> peculiar -relationship had been lost sight of; if the masters were arraigned -for cruelty and injustice in their sphere—then would there be a -charge which could be judged of according to the facts. Master and -servant—both have their respective obligations: the one to render -obedience, not with eye-service, but truly; the other to exercise his -power of direction as one acting in the sight of the great Master of -all men.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately this view is not taken. It is deemed a crime that a man -shall be a master—though by ceasing to be so his servants might be the -chief sufferers. All circumstances, facts, conditions are lost sight -of; denunciation does not stop to discriminate; the slaves are made the -objects of sympathy whether they will or not; and with a self-assumed -superiority of righteousness, these Pharisees, who thank God that they -are not as other men, pronounce judgment of condemnation, because other -men are not as they are.</p> - -<p>It would be well if these displays of superfluous solicitude, these -copious outpourings of random philanthropy, involved nothing more than -the waste of so much of the raw material of sentimental morality. -But the arrogance of some and the vindictiveness of others of the -abolitionists, blended with such exhibitions of phrenzy, has produced -the reaction of disgust in the minds of the southern people—the -reaction of indignation and defiance. In Virginia, the disposition -which had been manifested to hasten the extinction of Slavery in 1832 -was suddenly checked. So also in Kentucky. And, more lamentable still, -the relation between master and slave, previously one of simplicity and -confidence, and of kind domestic regard, was disturbed by the infusion -of a harsher ingredient. The servant became restless and discontented; -the master suspicious. I speak of the result of this abolition movement -in Maryland. Who does not remember the old domestic relation of master -and servant, so full of kindly household sympathies? There yet remain -many specimens of that class of faithful attached servitors, whose -pride in the family name and respectability, whose identification with -the family<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span> interests, was affiliated with the strongest personal -affection for the master and his household. Many of those, we say, yet -remain; they are to be found chiefly in the old families of Maryland, -and in those parts of the State farthest removed from the abolition -excitement. In the simple minds of those people no perception ever -entered of the idea that their masters, the objects of their love -and reverence, were robbers, man-stealers, or oppressors; they had -no consciousness that they themselves were degraded by a service of -which they were proud; and as to a deprivation of rights, they would -have esteemed any rights hateful which would have compelled their -separation from the hearth and home to which their affections were -devoted. Is it not clear that in a position like this, so well adapted -to the growth of good affections, a docile, mild, yet rude and simple -people, might find the elements of improvement, might find themselves -in circumstances beautifully suited to their state? What better school -could there be for such a people in which to learn the rudiments of -civilization? What a happy exchange for them to leave a barbarian -master in Africa, a capricious and savage despot, who would inflict -death or mutilation in any fit of passion, for the judicious control -of the civilized white man, at once, a master, teacher, protector, and -friend! How fortunate for the future prospects of the race that their -lot was taken from the dreary barrenness of savage life, in Africa, -with its cruelties, its debasing superstitions, its hideous brutalities -and licentiousness, to be cast in the bosom of a Christian land, amid -the elements of social refinement and political freedom? Of these the -African in the United States has profited much. The well bred colored -man in Maryland appreciates, to the full, the character of a gentleman; -the self-governing colored man at Cape Palmas understands well the -operation of republican institutions.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span></p> - - -<h3>IV. <i>How Slavery is to be regarded as an Institution: whether -permanent or not.</i></h3> - -<p>If it is evident, from the foregoing, that the state of servitude has -been well adapted to the condition of the negroes who were brought to -this country; if it appears beyond all doubt that they have improved in -that state; it is no less clear that the condition of Slavery is not -adapted to their continued improvement—that it is in fact incompatible -with their improvement beyond a certain point.</p> - -<p>The uses of Slavery are those of tutelage; in other words, Slavery is -beneficial and proper only in so far as it is a species of tutelage. -But a state of tutelage must have an end; the child in due time grows -beyond it. So of a race in servitude—for it is as a race that we are -considering the negro and his position.</p> - -<p>The law of progress is an inherent principle in every form of social -organization; it is the mark of its vitality and the main element -thereof. Efforts indeed have been made, and long persevered in, to -defeat this tendency to development. Hence the organism of castes in -Hindostan; hence the Chinese policy of prohibiting changes in the most -trivial as well as the most important things. In both instances the -mind is dwarfed, and unnatural exhibitions are produced from which -civilization turns away with disgust. Society can not be petrified in -fixed forms; stereotyped in one immovable aspect, like metal fused and -cast in a mould. It has a vital principle; it is a living organization; -it has powers of growth and expansion which must go on to their -development, or the vital force, suppressed, will generate disorder in -the system and manifest itself in the shapes of maladies and eruptions.</p> - -<p>But what need is there of argument or illustration on so plain a -point? Is it not palpable to the perception of every one that the idea -of Slavery is utterly repugnant to the attainment by man, of his due -stature and proportions in the world, of moral and civil action? The -ascendency which superior intelligence gives may be used<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span> to control -the less enlightened, if it is found that control is necessary to the -latter, from the circumstances of their position and their inability to -govern themselves. But the ascendency of superior intelligence should -be itself controlled by superior benevolence and justice; it should -not be made the mere instrument of selfish ends. Slavery, let it be -repeated, when right and proper, is a species of guardianship; a form -of tutelage. In this view a good thing, it becomes, like other good -things, when perverted, a pernicious evil.</p> - -<p>I am aware that some distinguished gentlemen at the south maintain the -doctrine that Slavery, as a permanent institution, is no evil; and -they contend that, as a mode of organizing labor, it is better than -the English system which makes the operatives by the mass the slaves -of a social organization, which, cutting them off from the domestic -sympathies of their employers, leaves them to a cold isolation and to -the slender resources of a pittance, in the shape of scanty wages, and -to the poor rates, contributed by a calculating cupidity, and reduced -to the lowest minimum on this side of starvation.</p> - -<p>It would not be to the purpose to enter into a comparison of these -two systems. It is enough to know that neither can be permanent; -because both are incompatible with the progress of mankind. There is -this, however, to be noted. The aristocracy of Great Britain hold -in servitude men of their own blood, race, and complexion; elements -of Anglo-Saxon hardihood; bone of their bone, flesh of their flesh; -millions worthy of a better state, and capable of appreciating better -things. In this republic the servile class are of a race and complexion -different from ours; just entering upon the borders of civilization, -adapted from their characteristic disposition to service, and rapidly -improving in the service of their superiors; incapable of holding any -other relation, because incapable of being harmoniously blended with -the general mass of society—a class whose condition, if liberated from -the control and protection of individual masters yet remaining in the -community, would be one of exposure to a thousand ills from which they -are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span> now shielded. Gurth, the born thrall of Cedric the Saxon, found -shelter under his master’s roof; in sickness a master’s care; in old -age, sustenance from a master’s hand. He was one of a household sharing -in the life thereof, in its loves and fears, its attachments and -feuds, its domestic endearments, its homefelt enjoyments. The English -operative of this day has no such associations as these. There are -superiors around him; but he finds a protector in none of them. Hence -his feelings towards the wealthy and noble are apt to be characterized -by sullen dislike, or by a mean servility. As for sympathy, he may -look for that to the spinning jenny and the cotton bale, and let his -affections grow to them if they can.</p> - -<p>The world will behold in due time the disruption of that vast -organization of labor by which the ruling class in Great Britain have -concentrated the energies of the empire, and directed the same for so -many years to the extension of British power and dominion, which was -but a generalized mode of aggrandizing themselves. That system has -answered great purposes, has accomplished great results. But it has -generated in its progress a mass of social and political evil which -now clogs its working, and is gradually impairing its inmost springs -of action. Civilization is expanding beyond the narrow basis of a -class government. Humanity cries aloud in the name of her millions. -Men are something more than machines. The object of human existence -is not merely to gain, by incessant toil, the means of subsistence, -that the ability to toil on may be maintained. The mass of mankind -were never designed to be the drudges of a few, and to rest in -that position, as the highest attainment for them. The progress of -freedom is but the progress of individual development; its results -are the results of individual activity, extended more and more to the -integers of society. Men have found that power, in whatever depository -lodged, has been used by rulers in forgetfulness of its true uses, in -forgetfulness of the general good, in a blind persuasion that it was -theirs by an inherent right, to be employed for their aggrandizement -or pleasure. Thus the Priesthood first, as the agents of heaven,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span> and -holding intercourse with the celestial powers; then the monarch, as the -personal representative of Deity; next the highest order of men in the -State, ὁι αριστοι, as possessing the combined wisdom of the wisest; all -these have held the supreme power in succession, in the progress of -freedom, and all have perverted the functions of government. Instead -of shepherds, guarding well the flock, they have been as hirelings, -fleecing the flock. The assumption of sovereign power by the general -body of the people, is the result of continued disappointments—of -continued failures to find a depository where sovereignty might be -safely deposited and righteously and wisely administered.</p> - -<p>It will not do for the rulers of nations nor for the masters of slaves -to regard themselves as the holders of power for their own purposes -merely—but as the holders of a trust which they are to discharge with -fidelity, and which they are to give up, when their agency as the -administrators of authority is no longer productive of good.</p> - - -<h3>V. <i>Of Slavery in Maryland.</i></h3> - -<p>It is known that Slavery once existed in Pennsylvania, New Jersey, -New York, and the New England States. It has been abolished in those -States, while it continues to exist in Maryland, and in the States -south of the Potomac and the Ohio.</p> - -<p>The disappearance of Slavery from certain States, and its continuance -in others, constitute a notable point of observation. Why has it -happened that Pennsylvania discarded an institution which South -Carolina cherishes? Is the question one of morality or of political -economy?</p> - -<p>If slave labor had proved, upon the whole, profitable in Pennsylvania, -is it likely that Slavery would have been abolished in that State? Let -the same question be asked of New Jersey, New York, and New England.</p> - -<p>There was a <em>beginning</em> of the system in Maryland, Virginia, -the Carolinas, and Georgia. How happened it that the germ of an -institution, planted about the same time in all the colonies, took -root and increased in some<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span> of them only, while in others it did not -grow? It could not have been from the superior morality of the northern -people—because at that time there was no question about the morality -of the thing at all. Scruples against the right to hold slaves were not -entertained then; nor was the slave trade regarded as an unrighteous -traffic.</p> - -<p>The operation of causes similar to those which produced emancipation at -the north, will bring about the abolition of Slavery in Maryland. Let -us now consider this point.</p> - -<p>If Slavery be regarded as a matter of political economy, it will be -found, as when viewed in the light of a social relation, to require -conditions and circumstances, in order to its vindication. It is only -when the soil is uncommonly prolific, and calls for no great degree of -skill in the cultivation; or when the productions are so valuable as to -allow of large deductions for waste and bad management, that Slavery -can be said to pay for its own subsistence.</p> - -<p>In the long run, Slavery is always unprofitable. It can be applied -only to one sort of labor—agriculture; and to that in its simplest -forms. Its tendency is to exhaust the soil without providing for its -resuscitation; because wherever Slavery is, there labor is regarded as -drudgery, and the intelligence of the community, which resides with the -masters, is not directed towards labor. Hence there are no improvements -in the modes of labor; no well regulated system of economy; no -foresight. The masters want to enjoy at once the proceeds of their -plantations, for their business is mainly to enjoy; they live for the -present; they leave all concerns of industry to their overseers, who -are not likely to carry out systematic plans for the improvement of -lands, when the owners of the estates are regardless of such things, -and would not be disposed to forego immediate profits for the future -benefit of such improvements. A thoughtful industry will wait some -years for the fruition of its hopes, stinting itself in the meantime. -It will vest in the soil the profits of the year, looking to be repaid -abundantly hereafter.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span> But with a system of Slavery these things can -not be expected.</p> - -<p>As a general remark, then, it may be observed that whenever from -circumstances of soil, climate, and production, there is need of -economy, skill, and careful industry in the cultivation of the ground; -wherever nature, not yielding her fruits to indolent hands, has to -be overcome by sturdy efforts, by labor directed by intelligence and -aided at every turn by the appliances of art which inventive genius has -discovered and adapted to use—there Slavery can not permanently exist, -because it is incompatible with such conditions.</p> - -<p>In this view it may be seen how it has happened that Slavery, once -adopted in the northern States, failed to flourish there—how it was -cast out as an uncongenial element. In this same view it may be seen -also that Slavery must, by and by, cease to exist in Maryland. It -has brought sterility already upon whole districts; it rests like a -paralysing spell upon the enterprise and the active energies of the -commonwealth. Of this, more as we proceed.</p> - -<p>In the sugar and cotton growing States the products of the soil are -so rich and abundant, that Slavery can exist in spite of the slovenly -and wasteful manner in which its agency is employed. Yet even under -these circumstances its profits are for the most part fallacious. -No portion of the United States suffered so severely under the -commercial revulsion of 1837 as the cotton and sugar growing region. -The statistics of bankruptcies in Jamaica, as exhibited in reports to -Parliament from time to time, show the same fact.</p> - -<p>Again, the use of slave labor is deemed essential in hot climates. The -productiveness of the British West India Islands certainly was impaired -by the abolition of Slavery; nor can it be disguised that the British -government is now attempting to substitute another species of Slavery, -or Slavery under another name, in place of that which was abolished. -If the emancipated slaves had shown a willingness to work; if they had -been sufficiently advanced to appreciate freedom so far as to know<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span> -that in their own industry lay the real elements of independence—the -result of the Emancipation Act of the British Parliament would have -been different from what it has thus far appeared to be. There would -have been laborers enough; but laborers of such a sort that the white -proprietors, a handful in the general population, would have been -supplanted—and that ere now. The energy which would have impelled the -Jamaica negroes to work of their own accord; the spirit which would -have sustained them; if that energy and spirit had existed; would have -made them masters of the island.</p> - -<p>But in the West Indies the blacks, for the most part, are scarcely -one grade beyond the natives in Africa. They are not so transfused -throughout a white population as our negroes are; they live in gangs or -communities to themselves, where they speak a gibberish dialect, and -retain their native superstitions. They are a far inferior race to the -colored people of the United States. Of course they would not work when -compulsion ceased; their highest ideas of freedom included nothing more -precious than the privilege of being idle. And it is very well for the -existing generation of whites in those islands, that the emancipated -mass preferred torpid repose to activity.</p> - -<p>At present the planters of Jamaica are obtaining laborers from Africa, -under the name of emigrants, who, by a pleasant fiction, are entered -as volunteers in the fields. The British cruisers, when they capture -a slaver at sea, send the cargo to the West Indies, and thus benefit -the plantations, at the expense of the slave captain and owners—the -latter suffering confiscation, and the former running the risk of -being hanged. So, certain of the eagle tribe, disdaining to fish, -sit on a high tree or rock and watch the fishing hawk; and when the -latter secures his prey in his talons and is rising with it, the eagle -darts forth from his eminence and pounces upon the spoil, which he -appropriates without further ceremony to the use of his own nest.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, it is not my purpose to dwell on this point of the -adaptation of slave labor to hot climates.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span> We may safely leave it -to time and to the progress of the age to determine that matter -as it ought to be determined. It is Slavery in Maryland which we -are considering; and in Maryland the heat of the climate can not -be taken into the account at all, as disqualifying free labor. The -States farther south have their own responsibilities on the subject -of Slavery. They will know of themselves when the system becomes -productive of evil to such an extent as to call for its removal. It is -not for us to judge for them, to judge them. Let each State act for -itself and act only when its judgment and sense of duty dictate.</p> - -<p>For years past our cotton growing States have been exporting their -soil; and with that improvidence which Slavery generates, that love -of present indulgence, careless of what may follow, the south has -received in return the means of enjoyment only—nothing wherewith to -renovate the outraged ground. Such a process long continued must, in -the end, ruin the finest lands in the world. Its effects are apparent -in the Atlantic States of the south, which are losing their population, -the attraction of the new and rich lands in the south-west operating -irresistibly to draw the planters of Carolina and Georgia from their -worn out fields.</p> - -<p>The same general observations will apply to our slaveholding sections -in Maryland, and to many parts of eastern Virginia too, if it were -necessary to pursue the investigation there. Emigration to the west -has kept pace with the impoverishment of our lands. Large tracts have -come into the hands of a few proprietors—too large to be improved, -and too much exhausted to be productive. But this is not the worst. -The traveller, as he journeys through these districts, smitten with -premature barrenness as with a curse, beholds fields, once enclosed -and subject to tillage, now abandoned and waste, and covered with -straggling pines or scrubby thickets, which are fast overgrowing the -waning vestiges of former cultivation. From swamps and undrained -morasses, malaria exhales, and like a pestilence infects the country. -The inhabitants become a sallow race; the current of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span> life stagnates; -energy fails; the spirits droop. Over the whole region a melancholy -aspect broods. There are every where signs of dilapidation, from -the mansion of the planter with its windows half-glazed, its doors -half-hinged, its lawn trampled by domestic animals that have ingress -and egress through the broken enclosures, to the ragged roadside -house where thriftless poverty finds its abode. No neat cottages with -gardens and flowers giving life to the landscape; no beautiful villages -where cultivated taste blends with rustic simplicity, enriching -and beautifying; no flourishing towns, alive with the bustle of -industry—none of those are seen; no, nor any diversified succession of -well cultivated farms with their substantial homesteads and capacious -barns; no well-constructed bridges, no well-conditioned roads. -Neglect, the harbinger of decay, has stamped her impress every where. -Slavery, bringing with it from its African home its characteristic -accompaniments, seems to have breathed over its resting places here the -same desolating breath which made Sahara a desert.</p> - -<p>No one who has passed from a region of free labor to a slaveholding -district can have failed to notice the contrast presented by the change.</p> - -<p>I have been here speaking of those portions of the country where -slavery has existed for a long time, and where it has formed the -prominent feature. In some sections the natural fertility of the soil -withstands for many years the deteriorating influence of slave culture; -in other quarters, the number of slaves being small, the effects of -slavery do not become prominently characteristic.</p> - -<p>Grain growing districts, countries where a scientific agriculture -prevails, where the mind of man as well as the hands of labor, finds -employment in the culture of the ground, the rearing of trees, the -improvement of breeds of cattle, horses, and swine, the refining of -the texture of wool, the care of the dairy—those rural districts, -where Nature, repaying the manifold appliances of judicious care, tasks -her powers of production and puts on her loveliest forms of beauty, -as though grateful to man for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span> his attention, and seeking communion -with his better spirit—<em>there</em> Slavery can not dwell. It is not -congenial with such scenes.</p> - -<p>Nor, again, can Slavery find a congenial abode in those beautiful -undulating regions of green hills and swiftly flowing streams which -afford such conveniences for the arts. In those regions nature invites -the co-operation of intelligent man; she offers her powers to turn the -wheels of his complicated machinery. The rude hands of servile labor -are not adapted to take advantage of such proffers.</p> - -<p>What are all the arts of civilized life, but so many results of -man’s conquests over material things? The active mind, the inventive -intellect, in alliance with its minister, the fashioning hand, never -ceases in its efforts, as it comes in contact with the things of -nature, to turn them to its purposes. The laws of nature are studied -that man may act in unison with them, and through them gain the -mastery. But where Slavery forms the hand of the community, the working -instrument, how is it possible that intelligence should animate it to -give it dexterity, delicacy of touch, variety of powers? No, it is not -possible. The informing principle, the vital force of a perceptive -mind, quickened by its own impulses, can not descend into the form of -Slavery to animate and direct it. There may be great intelligence in a -slaveholding community; but it is not in the working members thereof. -Thus the mind of the South, devoted to political affairs, is shrewd, -active, and powerful, and maintains an ascendency in the republic, -far beyond the physical weight and resources of that section of the -union. The south has given to the United States seven out of the ten -Presidents who have sat at the head of our public affairs. But the mind -of the south can not approach nature to deal with it, to overcome it. -It has not the appliances, the practical instrumentality. Its head is -clear; but its hand is paralytic. If its working agency were endowed -with an inherent intelligence and a self-directing will, the necessary -accompaniments of an inventive genius, it would be servile no longer.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span></p> - -<p>The south, then, must be content, so long as it retains Slavery, with -the simplest modes of labor; it must expect to have every thing done -in a clumsy, slovenly manner. It may grow cotton and sugar, while -fertility remains to its soil; but it will be dependent on the north -for the most ordinary implements of husbandry, from a cotton gin to -a hoe, a spade, or sugar ladle. Let us here quote the language of a -southern man:</p> - -<p>“My recent visit to the northern states has fully satisfied me that -the true secret of our difficulties lies in the want of energy on the -part of our capitalists, and ignorance and laziness on the part of -those who <em>ought</em> to labor. We need never look for thrift while -we permit our immense timber forests, granite quarries and mines, to -lie idle, and supply ourselves with hewn granite, pine boards, laths, -and shingles, &c., furnished by the lazy dogs at the north—ah, worse -than this, we see our back country farmers, many of whom are too lazy -to mend a broken gate, or repair the fences, to protect their crops -from the neighboring stock, actually supplied with their axe, hoe, -and broom handles, pitchforks, rakes, &c., by the <em>indolent</em> -mountaineers of New Hampshire and Massachusetts. The time was when -every old woman in the country had her gourd, from which the country -gardens were supplied with seeds. We now find it more convenient to -permit this duty to devolve on our careful friends, the Yankees. Even -our boat-oars, and handspikes for rolling logs, are furnished, ready -made, to our hands, and what jimcrack can possibly be invented of which -we are not the purchasers? These are the drains which are impoverishing -the south—these are the true sources of all our difficulties. Need I -add, further to exemplify our excessive indolence, that the Charleston -market is supplied with fish and wild game by northern men, who come -out here as regularly as the winter comes for this purpose, and, from -our own waters and forests, often realize, in the course of one winter, -a sufficiency to purchase a small farm in New England?”</p> - -<p>The newspapers tell us from time to time of the establishment of -manufacturing works in the south. In the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span> western portions of North -Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, where the country is hilly -and water power abundant, cotton factories are beginning to spring -up. Men of enterprise from the north go thither and embark in these -undertakings, which are said, for the most part, to promise well. -In many places in Virginia, manufactures have taken root firmly. In -proportion as this movement goes on and prospers, in such proportion -will Slavery recede; in such proportion will its hold at the south be -loosened.</p> - -<p>For let it be remembered that the blending of the mind of the -community, with the labor of the community, implies necessarily -<em>freedom</em>, to the extent of such combination.</p> - -<p>Look at the diversified forms in which the mind of the north finds -development: behold its manifold workings. What exhibitions of -ingenuity! What variety of invention! What astonishing results! -Lowell and Patterson and Pittsburg, each a living trophy of the -achievements of man over the powers of nature, or rather of his -achievements in alliance with the powers of nature. Yet what are these -three illustrations? The number of such is innumerable. Look at the -whole state of Ohio, the growing, gigantic embodiment of practical, -intellectual energy applied to the arts of industry.</p> - -<p>Nor can any limits be assigned to this progression, nor any -restrictions be put upon the variety of its developments. The whole -world of material things lies subject to the controlling hand of man, -when his inquiring mind has discovered the laws of nature; and what can -hold back the free spirit from its incessant investigations?</p> - -<p>But in a slaveholding community there is no such progression, no such -variety. The mind of the community is directed to other things than -labor; nay, labor falls into contempt and is looked upon as derogatory; -for it is <em>servile</em> to labor. How can society, under such -circumstances, advance in the practical arts? Its industry is confined -to one pursuit, and in that there can be no excellence attained, -because slave labor is not imbued with intelligence. Evidently, such a -social state can not be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span> fitted for permanence; it is not in harmony -with the laws of social existence and progress. Things can not be in a -wholesome condition where it is discreditable to work, since with labor -is conjoined every valuable attainment, including soundness of mind and -body.</p> - -<p>It must doubtless, sooner or later, come to pass that the soil of the -Atlantic cotton growing States, worn out by servile culture, will be -unable to sustain Slavery by the side of the competition of the rich -alluvial lands of the south western portions of the Mississippi valley. -Georgia and the Carolinas, not to mention Virginia, where Slavery must -cease at an earlier date than in the more southern States, will find it -necessary to fall upon some other occupation besides cotton growing. -They must cultivate the vine, breed silk worms, rear the olive, turn -to account their manufacturing facilities—these, or other such -things, the inhabitants there must do if they would save the land from -depopulation.</p> - -<p>There is but one element in the agriculture of Maryland to which -Slavery is attached with any affinity; and that is the Tobacco culture. -Nor is this affinity of a very binding nature. Tobacco can be grown -very successfully by free labor, as the statistics of Ohio demonstrate. -One result of the abolition of Slavery in this particular, would be the -subdivision of large plantations into small farms.</p> - -<p>The system of cultivation would improve under this arrangement, and -the product would be increased. I presume it would be no exaggerated -calculation to estimate that the tobacco crop of Prince George’s -county, under a system of small farms and free labor, would be of twice -its present annual value ten years hence. The enhanced value of the -land would be in about the same proportion.</p> - -<p>If the foregoing considerations afford any illustration of the reasons -why Slavery did not continue to exist in the States north of Maryland, -a brief examination of statistics, to say nothing of other things, will -show that the system can not continue much longer to exist in Maryland. -I ask attention to the remarkable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span> facts exhibited by the census -records of our State since 1790.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>In nine counties in Maryland the white population has diminished -since 1790. These are the counties: Montgomery, Prince George, St. -Mary’s, Calvert, Charles, Kent, Caroline, Talbot and Queen Anne’s. -The aggregate white population of those counties in 1790 was 73,352; -in 1840 it was 54,408. Here is a falling off of nearly 20,000; if the -account were carried to the present year the falling off would be more -than 20,000.</p> - -<p>These nine counties include the chief slaveholding sections of the -State. In five of them taken together, viz., Montgomery, Prince George, -St. Mary’s, Calvert, and Charles, the number of slaves exceeds that of -the white population. These are chiefly the tobacco growing counties, -together with the county of Frederick.</p> - -<p>The counties of Allegany, Washington, Frederick and Baltimore and -Baltimore City are the portions of the State in which Slavery has -existed but partially. That is to say, Allegany, with an aggregate -population of 15,704, has but 811 slaves; Washington, in a population -of 28,862, has 2,505 slaves; Frederick has 6,370 slaves to a population -of 36,703; Baltimore county, 6,533 slaves in an aggregate population of -80,256; and Baltimore city includes but 3,212 slaves in its population -of 102,513.</p> - -<p>Now taking these four counties and Baltimore city out of the account, -it will be found that the aggregate white population of the rest of the -State has diminished since 1790. In other words the increase of our -population, which is about one hundred and fifty thousand since the -first census, has been mainly in those counties where Slavery has been -least prominent. In those portions of the State where Slavery prevails -most prominently the white population, during the last fifty years, has -diminished.</p> - -<p>Another remarkable result exhibited by the census statistics of -Maryland since 1790, is the increase of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span> free colored population, -in contrast with the diminution of slaves. The slave population of -our State amounted in 1790 to 103,036; in 1810 it reached 111,502, -its maximum. Since 1810 it has fallen to 89,619. The free colored -population on the other hand, which in 1790 was only 8,043, has -increased to 61,093. In a few years it must exceed the slave -population, for the one is increasing while the other decreases—a -double process which must soon annihilate the difference of some -twenty-five thousand.</p> - -<p>The number of manumissions reported to the commissioners of the State -Colonization Fund from 1831 to 1845, under the act of the former -year, was 2,988. This shows an average of some two hundred and more -annually. I am not sure that this number exhibits all the manumissions. -It is enough, however, to show the tendency of things. With all the -restrictions which legislation has imposed upon manumissions they still -go on. It may be taken for certain that they will go on; that nothing -can stop them. Year after year the scruples of slaveholders in some -parts of the State prompt to manumission. The death beds of many afford -the occasions for giving these scruples force. It is useless to reason -about a thing of this sort. Emancipation in Maryland must go on. In my -humble judgment it is going on too fast—and for the simple reason that -we are not making adequate preparation for the new condition of things -which must ensue.</p> - -<p>The contrast presented by the progress of the free States, within fifty -years, and by that of the slaveholding States for the same period, -is so familiar that it would be useless to burden these pages with -statistics to illustrate it. It may be sufficient to state, in respect -to the increase of population, that in 1790 the free States, including -Massachusetts and Maine, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, -Vermont, New York, New Jersey and Pennsylvania, had a population of -1,971,455; while the slaveholding States, Delaware, Maryland, with -the District, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, -contained 1,852,494 inhabitants. In 1840<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span> the same free States numbered -a population of 6,761,082, and the same slaveholding States had an -entire population of 3,827,110. The former increased in a ratio more -than double as compared with the latter.</p> - -<p>In our own State, however, where we do not grow cotton, sugar, or rice, -and where there are no new lands to present a fresh soil to the plough, -and to invite settlers from a distance, the increase of population in -our chief slaveholding counties has been nothing at all. There has -been a decrease, and a very marked one. How has this decrease happened -but by a process similar to that which rendered desolate three hundred -thousand acres in the champagne of Naples, in the days of Slavery among -the Romans—which made Italy itself almost one wilderness, reinhabited -by wild boars and other animals, before a single barbarian had crossed -the Alps!</p> - -<p>Let us not conceal the truth from ourselves. Slavery in Maryland is -no longer compatible with progress; it is a dead weight and worse; it -has become a wasting disease, weakening the vital powers—a leprous -distilment into the life blood of the commonwealth. Yet we will have no -quacks to prescribe for our malady. It is only necessary that we should -become aware of our true condition; there are restorative energies in -abundance, rightly directed, to retrieve the State from every disorder -to which she is subject.</p> - - -<h3>VII. <i>Emancipation in Maryland: its difficulties.</i></h3> - -<p>If we are driven to the conclusion that Slavery in Maryland must -terminate, under the operation of tendencies now at work, it becomes a -matter of great importance to know something about the manner in which -so extensive a change is to be accomplished. Undoubtedly it will not -do to remain entirely passive on this subject. I am persuaded that the -general sentiment in Maryland is fixed in the conviction that Slavery, -here at least, is an evil, and that in some way or other it must be -removed.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span></p> - -<p>There are two main difficulties which here present themselves.</p> - -<p>In the first place the negroes amongst us, whether emancipated or -enslaved, must remain a distinct class, a servile class, separated from -the whites by differences of color, race and civilization.</p> - -<p>In considering Slavery where such bars of separation between the -classes are not found, one may very well imagine how the system may -be changed without confusion or disorder; how the enslaved class, -gradually admitted to the privileges of freedom, may, after a while, -become incorporated with the general body of society; how, thus, all -distinctions may be finally destroyed, and how the power, resources, -and energy of the State may be vastly increased by the addition of -so much active material to her industrial and moral forces. In Rome -the sons of freedmen were citizens. Europe could alter her system of -Slavery which existed in the middle ages, and which still exists in -Poland, Hungary and Russia; she could admit her serfs to some of the -rights of citizens, though still withholding many of those rights; -she could do this without danger, because serfs and lords were of one -complexion, and of one race. The descendant of a peasant might himself -in time become a lord.</p> - -<p>But when a servile population, emancipated, stands marked by its -peculiarities of race and color, so that it can not be drawn into -the social and political sphere, its position inevitably becomes -hostile. In the midst of the community, but not of it; the old bond of -connection ruptured, with no basis whatever upon which a new one can be -established—what but feelings of suspicion, of distrust, of aversion -and repugnance can prevail between the two classes so far removed and -so entirely dissimilar.</p> - -<p>Nor can any thing be done by the superior class to elevate the -condition of the other; because that would be to strengthen an adverse -power. All efforts to improve an humble population must have reference -to their ultimate admission to a participation in social and political<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span> -rights. Of course this could not be contemplated for a moment in any -community where the number of the black population might be at all -considerable. And this brings me, without dwelling farther on this -point, to the second difficulty which has to be considered by us in -Maryland, in view of future emancipation.</p> - -<p>When it was determined to abolish Slavery in Pennsylvania, the thing -could be done easily enough, because of the small number of slaves in -that commonwealth, in comparison with the bulk of the population. The -slaves were a mere handful. They could be set free in the midst of the -general community without the danger of their forming a large class -remaining distinct from the rest of the population, to infect society -by their idleness, or to excite commotion by the rivalry of their labor -with that of the whites. It made no great difference in the social -condition of Pennsylvania, whether the negroes within her borders were -individually slaves or not. Their numbers were too small to affect the -general current of things one way or another.</p> - -<p>But in Maryland the case is otherwise. It would be a serious business -to set free as large a slave population as we have, and leave them -floating among us with a careless disregard of the future. The black -population of Maryland is about one third of the whole population. In -1840 it amounted to 151,556; the white population numbered 316,011. In -an aggregate population, then, of 467,567 the blacks number 151,556. -Of these the slaves are about ninety thousand; the free blacks, about -sixty thousand.</p> - -<p>The question, it may be said, relates not to the aggregate number of -the black population, but only to the slave portion. Sixty thousand -and more are free already; emancipation would affect only the ninety -thousand.</p> - -<p>The latter number would be sufficient to make it a serious business. -But in fact the matter relates to the whole number. For emancipation -would make them all of one class as they are now of one race—would add -the ninety thousand to the sixty thousand and upwards, constituting -altogether a vast heterogeneous element in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span> the social sphere which -could not be assimilated, and which would be too great to remain -unassimilated without great disorder.</p> - -<p>No; the moment the interests of this race are disintegrated from those -of the whites, the two will come into collision, and the weaker must be -sacrificed. The only safety of the black is in the swallowing up of his -personality—the merging of himself and his being, in the overpowering -existence of the master race.</p> - -<p>Why will not those who call themselves the friends of the black people -think of this?</p> - -<p>The ninety thousand slaves of Maryland have now protectors; these -slaves constitute part and parcel of a great interest which their -masters represent. Set them free, and where will they find protectors? -They will not be able to protect themselves; for their freedom would -give them no participation in the political franchise—nor would such -participation avail them if it were given.</p> - -<p>In the competition which arises now between slave labor and free white -labor in our slaveholding counties, the latter is obliged to give -way—because the slave and the master are of one interest, and that -the predominant interest. The laboring white man removes; or, if he -remains, he succumbs to the overpowering force, and, though conscious -of the degradation, he submits to it.</p> - -<p>But if the slave is separated from the master and left to stand alone, -then is he not only deprived of the support which upheld him, but the -very power which protected is now turned against him; the stamp of his -race is upon him; he is isolated. Cut off from the sympathies of the -whites, without any part or lot in the political life of the State, -forming no part of the frame work of society, he is like a parasite -plant torn from the stock to which it clung. The slaveholding interest -is no more; where is the slave-protecting interest to spring up?</p> - -<p>The competition between white labor and that of the blacks, Slavery -being abolished, would now assume a new appearance. The negroes -would have none to befriend them; every white laborer, actually or -prospectively<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span> a voter, would bring with him into the competition the -whole force of his connection with the social and political system. -Apart from this, the value of white labor would be greater than that of -negro labor, in almost any pursuit. The conflict of this competition -might be dangerous to domestic peace; it might prove suddenly -destructive to the race which sooner or later it would inevitably -overwhelm.</p> - -<p>The danger of disturbances of tranquillity would arise from the large -mass of the black population amongst us. In the northern States the -negroes are too few to come into competition with the whites; yet even -in those States a hostile feeling is indulged towards them. Witness -the outbreaks in Philadelphia and Cincinnati a few years ago. Here in -Maryland the collision between the two classes of laborers would be -more violent than any which has yet taken place elsewhere. The influx -of foreign laborers, German and Irish, with their superior efficiency, -would add continually to the force pressing upon the negroes. Recollect -that the latter form nearly one-third of our population; and then -consider the probable fate of that multitude of defenceless beings, -aliens in the community, with an active enemy bent on rooting them out, -no sympathies in their favor, no interest to support them, but with -every prejudice of society turned against them.</p> - -<p>Again, passing by these certain provocations of disturbance, the -presence of so large a body of free negroes in the State would render -necessary a series of restrictive laws. At this time our legislation -is thought to be very severe towards the free colored people. It is -painful to contemplate the extremes to which our police severities -might be obliged to go in the event of an act of emancipation.</p> - -<p>I have used the term “free negroes,” to distinguish the emancipated -blacks from the slaves. But the distinction is scarcely worth a -difference so far as servitude is concerned. The emancipated negro can -not emerge from a servile condition; it is impossible that he should do -so in this country, while the distinctions of race and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span> color remain. -If Slavery were abolished in Maryland, the negroes amongst us would -be slaves to the social system, instead of slaves to individuals; the -restrictions of the laws would be more hard than the control of a -master.</p> - -<p>In view, then, of the real facts of our position, as it relates to -our black people, what ought to be our chief concern? To hasten -emancipation? No: that will come at any rate; it may come too soon. -The main thing is to see how we can provide for it so that the new -relations it will bring may be productive of good and not of evil to -both races.</p> - -<p>This, then, is the great matter; the public mind should be turned -to it seriously and at once. Maryland has no precedent to follow. -Pennsylvania, New Jersey, New York, New England had none of her -difficulties. They could emancipate and leave results to take care -of themselves; or they might have refrained from emancipation with -pretty nearly equal indifference. No strong, deeply rooted slaveholding -interest could ever have grown up in those States; for the same reasons -which prevent any such from fastening itself upon western Maryland and -western Virginia. Slavery never could have become ingrained in the -fibre and texture of the communities north of us, as it has grown into -ours. Hence while the putting of it off by them was a mere rejection -of something uncongenial with the system, it will be with us a serious -alterative process to root out a constitutional malady which has crept -into the blood, and blended itself with the very springs of life.</p> - -<p>If we should rush precipitately upon emancipation, and rest with that -as though it were every thing—let us see what would come of that. One -hundred and fifty thousand black people, deprived of the guardianship -and control of masters, the bonds of domestic relationship which -united them with the community being rent asunder, and that identity -of interest gone which secured them a definite and harmonious, though -humble sphere in the social organism—shall they be left to the mercy -of stringent laws and police restrictions, and have the life worried -out of them by the incessant fretting of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span> petty persecutions? Poor -unfortunates, thrust forth out of the pale of communion to maintain a -separate existence, with no foundation to rest it upon, with no element -of social or political life wherewith to nourish it, with nothing to -cling to, nothing to be engrafted upon, an existence without entity, -miserable, forlorn, who could be so unfeeling as not to commiserate -their condition! Nor would it be the slowly wasting process of petty -persecutions which they would have alone to encounter. Day by day the -pressure of competition would become more and more grievous, driving -them from every avocation in which they could hope to find employment. -Forced from the city into the country, they would be compelled to seek -refuge from the country in the obscure alleys of the city. I have -alluded to the riots in Cincinnati and Philadelphia a few years ago, -the causes of which are too well known. In the city of New York, if -my information is correct, negroes are excluded from cab driving and -similar occupations. If such things are seen in communities where the -number of blacks is comparatively small, what might not be expected in -a community where the blacks are so numerous as they are in ours?</p> - -<p>It may be here remarked that so long as Slavery remains a prominent -institution in a State, its influence upon labor, and upon the -estimation in which labor is held, has the effect of protecting the -class of free negroes to a considerable extent from the competition, -and its results, of white labor. The slaveholding interest is the -bulwark of the whole colored race; it stands between them and -destruction. Here in Baltimore there are no ordinances excluding free -negroes from particular occupations. The competition of white labor, -however, mostly Irish and German, has driven the free negroes from many -sorts of employment on Fell’s Point, especially from the wharves and -coal yards. If Slavery were abolished and the slaveholding interest -extinct, the whole force of an irresistible competition would come -directly upon the colored people, and would overwhelm them utterly. -When we are considering emancipation, therefore, we must consider<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span> -other things also, if we would be mindful of our duty as having in -charge a docile inoffensive class, whose fate depends so much upon our -conduct towards them.</p> - -<p>One other thing remains to be here mentioned before we pass to the -next and last division of the subject. In the event of emancipation, -if we trust to the action of our domestic policy to drive the black -population into other parts of the Union, it must be borne in mind that -the reactive policy of our neighbor States, both north and south, will -be immediately operative to repel the influx of blacks, likely to be -poured upon them from Maryland. Can it be supposed that Pennsylvania -will open her arms to receive the exiles rejected from our bosom? Ohio -has already raised the barrier of exclusion as against Kentucky. The -slaveholding States will not take our expelled negroes. We could not -expect that; for Maryland at this moment will not take the free negroes -of any other State.</p> - -<p>Our condition, then, will be one of isolation, to such a degree, at -least, as to throw us wholly upon our own energies. In other words, if -we emancipate we must not expect to slough off the results upon other -States. We must confront them ourselves; we must meet them on our own -soil, and manage them as best we may. It is probable, however, that -an act of prospective emancipation would induce some slaveholders to -emigrate with their slaves to the south-west; and in this way there -would be some diminution of the mass of the colored population.</p> - - -<h3>VIII. <i>Colonization.</i></h3> - -<p>The law of 1831 which recognised <span class="smcap">Colonization</span> as a part of -the public policy of Maryland was a compromise, though generally not -so regarded now, between the emancipation tendency then operative and -the slaveholding interest. The fanatical movement of the abolitionists -checked the progress of things here; all sides, all parties, all -tendencies were united to rebuke the insolent demonstrations of that -fanaticism.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span></p> - -<p><span class="smcap">Colonization</span> proposes to convey to the western coast of -Africa, and to establish there, on territory procured for the purpose, -the free colored people of Maryland, with their own consent. To carry -out this design the Legislature of Maryland, in 1831 appropriated -ten thousand dollars annually for twenty years, and constituted the -Maryland State Colonization Society the agent in the business. Three -Managers of the fund are appointed by the State, to act in concert with -the Colonization Board. Neither the managers nor the members of the -board receive any compensation; yet no enterprise was ever prosecuted -with more energy, prudence, and success.</p> - -<p>It is not necessary that I should go into details here to show what -colonization has achieved under the auspices of the Maryland board. The -people of Maryland are familiar with this subject. The Colonization -Journal, published semi-monthly in Baltimore, under the charge of -<span class="smcap"><abbr title="doctor">Dr.</abbr> James Hall</span>, the board’s general agent, makes known to the -public all the particulars connected with colonization, and the affairs -of the settlement in Africa. It may be sufficient at present to say -that a most propitious fortune seems to have accompanied every step -of this great undertaking. The colony was planted by some thirty or -forty emigrants; it now has a population of more than seven hundred. -It is an organized community; in its form, constitution and laws it is -a republic; the governor, appointed by the State board, is a colored -man; the other officers, elected by the people or appointed by the -Executive, are all colored men. The little commonwealth is prosperous; -it has established its influence over the neighboring tribes; and -recently <span class="smcap">Gov. Russwurm</span> procured by purchase a considerable and -very important territory, lying adjacent to Cape Palmas. The colony -has its schools, its houses of worship, its military organization, -its tribunal of justice, its officers of police, its administrative -functionaries. Roads have been opened into the interior, and a trade -is carried on in rice, camwood, palm oil, and other productions of -the country. The language of an eye witness<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span> will best testify to the -condition of affairs in our Maryland colony: I quote the <abbr title="reverend">Rev.</abbr> <span class="smcap">John -Seyes</span>, a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church, long a -resident at the old colony of Monrovia, and recently a visiter at Cape -Palmas:</p> - -<p>“I consider the colony of Maryland in Liberia, known as the one -receiving the exclusive patronage of the Maryland State Colonization -Society of the United States, as decidedly one of the most prosperous -of the American settlements on the western coast of Africa. It could -not have been otherwise. The organization and continued energetic -labors of the board representing the society, would lead us to expect -nothing less. Soon after the colony was founded by <abbr title="doctor">Dr.</abbr> James Hall, -now the society’s general agent in Baltimore, and the machinery of -a colonial government set in motion, the selection of a colored man -as governor was made. This was just as it should be. It was called -an experiment, but it was one of the success of which no reasonable -fears could be entertained. From the commencement, the colony has been -progressing, if not rapidly, yet steadily and onwardly. The population -is now about seven hundred, and they receive an immigration every year. -All necessary preparation is made for the reception of an expedition -before its arrival. There is a public asylum or receptacle, consisting -of a number of separate rooms, and situated in a healthful part of the -colony, into which the new-comers are generally acclimated. Meantime -frame buildings are being erected on lots laid out for them, of -suitable size to afford them a good garden spot, and by the time the -immigrant is through the fever and can begin to take care of himself, -he has a home to go into—a dry, comfortable little framed and shingled -house, where he can have all the necessaries and comforts of life, if -he will only follow up his first advantages with economy and industry.</p> - -<p>“It is a notorious fact <em>that there is not a single family, of all -the colonists in Maryland in Liberia, occupying a thatched house</em>; -all have buildings such as I have described. Let it be understood that -there is another point of sound<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span> and wise policy in this arrangement of -incalculable advantage to the settler. His house is not <em>given</em> -to him; by no means. He would not value it as much if it were. He is -charged with all the expenses of its erection. When he is able, he is -furnished with work, work is found him by some means, and as he earns -his wages, he receives a part to live on, and a reasonable proportion -is stopped in the hands of the society’s agent to pay the debt due for -the house. As I am not writing a treatise on colonization, reader, I -can not stop here to notice one tithe of the many points of superiority -which this plan possesses over others which have been in vogue in -other places. But that it works well, one must go to Palmas, visit the -people as I did, go to their homes, eat and drink with them, inquire -into their condition, find out their contentedness, without seeming to -intend any such thing, and then he will be satisfied.”</p> - -<p>There is no instance of colonization, that I know of, which has -proved more successful in every respect than this. The history of the -settlement of our own country shows no parallel to it—especially -when we consider the materials with which colonization in Africa -had to work. Yet the colonists, humble indeed, and unaccustomed to -self-government, have acquired from their residence with an Anglo-Saxon -race so much of the rudiments, forms, and habits of a self-governing -people, that, when thrown upon their own exertions, they have exhibited -qualities of patience, endurance and good sense, which give assurance -of their capacity to do well in their new abode. Removed, moreover, -from their position of inferiority, and possessed with a true spirit of -freedom and with a feeling of self-respect thence arising, they behold -themselves <em>men</em>, with the power of rising to the highest stature -of humanity. This, in itself, is a great thing; it is the chief thing. -A people who can entertain such feelings and ideas have their destiny -sure and a noble one.</p> - -<p>With the State’s annual appropriation of ten thousand dollars, and -the contributions of individuals, the board has carried on the -operations incident to colonization.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span> The debts contracted by the -outlays necessary for the beginning of the enterprise of founding a new -commonwealth, and of sustaining it in its early days, have all been -paid off. An annual expedition with emigrants sails from Baltimore -to Cape Palmas. An enterprise is now on foot, with every prospect -of success, to start a packet vessel to run regularly between this -city and Cape Palmas. A number of colored persons are engaged in this -undertaking, and when its success is established, it will probably be -surrendered entirely into their hands. The facilities for emigration -will be much increased under this arrangement, by which a regular -communication will be kept up with the colony. The trade between the -two points, it is believed, will give abundant employment to a vessel -of considerable tonnage.</p> - -<p>Now, if we look merely at what colonization has done in the way of -removing the colored population from Maryland, it would seem to -be an utterly hopeless project. But let us see what colonization -really proposes; and for this purpose I quote the language of <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> -<span class="smcap">Latrobe</span>, under whose able superintendence, as President of -the Colonization Board, the affairs of the colony have so wonderfully -prospered:</p> - -<p>“If colonization proposed by any probable means at its command, even -with the most munificent assistance of Congress, State Legislatures -and individuals, to remove the whole colored population of the United -States to Africa, it would well deserve to be considered visionary, as -idle indeed as to attempt to ladle Lake Erie dry. No means that could -be obtained would be competent to this end. But the means, scant as -they were, continued <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> L., were ample to establish colonies on the -coast of Africa, capable of self-support and self-government—moral -and religious communities, where wealth and station would be offered -to the colored man as the incentives and rewards for labor—colonies -that would be as attractive to him as America is to the European. In -1832 the immigration to America was said to be upwards of two hundred -thousand, more than double, nearly treble the annual increase of the -entire colored population of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span> Union. These immigrants, with few -exceptions, came at their own expense. In point of means they were in -no way superior to the corresponding class of free colored people in -the United States—they came, because America presented attractions -which their home did not. It is in the power of colonization to invest -Africa with the same attractions for the colored immigrant, that -America presents to the white one. Where the latter has one inducement -to remove the former has ten. In Europe there are few avenues to -worldly honor which are closed to those, who, nevertheless, leave them -all behind. In America there are few, if any, avenues open to those for -whom colonization labors.</p> - -<p>“The object of colonization, therefore,” said <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> <span class="smcap">Latrobe</span>, -“may be stated as the preparation of a home in Africa, for the -free colored people of the State, to which they may remove when -the advantages which it offers, and, above all, the pressure of -irresistible circumstances in this country shall excite them to -emigrate.”</p> - -<p>Rightly understood then, as to its views and purposes, colonization -may not be so impracticable a scheme after all. At any rate, whatever -it does accomplish, is so much of good achieved, practical, permanent, -substantial good. What the future may disclose to urge, nay, to compel, -the separation of the two races now dwelling together in this country, -no one can tell. But <span class="allsmcap">COLONIZATION</span> looks with an anxious eye to -such a future contingency, and in the meantime it will do all it can to -prepare the way for the easy accomplishment of that consummation, if it -should become inevitable.</p> - -<p>It is the belief of some very intelligent persons that the black -population of the United States will gradually move towards the -south-west, along with the cotton culture, and be finally absorbed -in the mixed races of Central America, and that thus Slavery will -cease. <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> <span class="smcap">Rives</span>, of Virginia, advanced some such idea as -this in the Senate of the United States, a year or so ago. But it -seems clear to my mind that the white master will go as fast in that -direction as the negro laborer, and wherever both are found together, -one must be a slave. There is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span> no spot on this continent where the -negro can be put so as to be removed from the domination of the white -man; no remote spot which the negro will reach unless the white man -carries him thither. The colored race in this country can never exert -their energies in an independent way; they are and must be under the -overshadowing influence of a controlling race.</p> - -<p>What they may become in Africa, their native home, carrying with -them to those shores, the vigorous elements imbibed during their -apprenticeship of servitude here, other generations yet to come -will know better than we of the present. The part which the African -is to perform in the progress of civilization, and the development -of the entire character of humanity, is a problem which has begun -to attract the attention of enlightened men. <abbr title="mister">Mr.</abbr> <span class="smcap">Kinmont</span>, -whose discourses on the Natural History of Man show so large -and comprehensive a mind, dwells with much interest upon the -characteristics of the African race. A portion of his remarks, so -beautiful, so humane, I can not but quote:</p> - -<p>“It is certainly a remarkable fact that the negro family of the -human species should have been naturally confined to the peninsula -of Africa, and should never have travelled beyond it from voluntary -choice. Philosophers have found a constitutional adaptation in this -case to the climate and local circumstances of this their native and -allotted home, and there can be no question that there is, and that -when the epoch of their <em>civilization</em> arrives, in the lapse of -ages, they will display in their native land some very peculiar and -interesting traits of character, of which we, a distinct branch of the -human family, can at present form no conception. It will be—indeed it -must be—a civilization of a peculiar stamp; perhaps we might venture -to conjecture, not so much distinguished by art as a certain beautiful -nature, not so marked or adorned by science as exalted and refined -by a certain new and lovely theology;—a reflection of the light of -heaven more perfect and endearing than that which the intellects of -the Caucasian race have ever yet exhibited. There is more of the -<em>child</em>, of unsophisticated nature, in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span> negro race than in -the European, a circumstance, however, which must always lower them in -the estimation of a people whose natural distinction is a manly and -proud bearing, and an extreme proneness to artificial society, social -institutions. The peculiar civilization which nature designs for each -is obviously different, and they may impede, but never can promote -the improvement of each other. It was a sad error of the white race, -besides the moral guilt which was contracted, when they first dragged -the African, contrary to his genius and inclination, from his native -regions; a voluntary choice would never have led the negro into exile; -the peninsula of Africa is his home, and the appropriate and destined -seat of his future glory and civilization,—a civilization which, we -need not fear to predict, will be as distinct in all its features from -that of all other races, as his complexion and natural temperament -and genius are different. But who can doubt that here also humanity, -in its more advanced and millenial stage, will reflect, under a sweet -and mellow light, the softer attributes of the divine beneficence? If -the Caucasian race is destined, as would appear from the precocity of -their genius and their natural quickness, and extreme aptitude to the -arts, to reflect the lustre of the divine wisdom, or, to speak more -properly, the divine science, shall we envy the negro, if a later -but far nobler civilization await him,—to return the splendor of -the divine attributes of mercy and benevolence in the practice and -exhibition of all the milder and gentler virtues? It is true, the -present rude lineaments of the race might seem to give little warrant -for the indulgence of hopes so romantic; but yet those who will reflect -upon the natural constitution of the African may see some ground even -for such anticipations. Can we not read an aptitude for this species -of civilization I refer to, in that singular light-heartedness which -distinguishes the whole race,—in their natural want of solicitude -about the future, in them a vice at present, but yet the natural -basis of a virtue,—and especially in that natural talent for music -with which they are pre-eminently endowed, to say nothing of their -willingness <em>to serve</em>, the most beautiful<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span> trait of humanity, -which we, from our own innate love of dominion, and in defiance of the -Christian religion, brand with the name of <em>servility</em>, and abuse -not less to our own dishonor than their injury. But even amid these -untoward circumstances there burst forth occasionally the indications -of that better destiny, to which nature herself will at last conduct -them, and from which they are at present withheld, not less by the -mistaken kindness of their friends, than the injustice of their -oppressors: for so jealous is nature of her freedom, that she repels -all interference, even of the most benevolent kind, and will suffer -only that peculiar <em>good</em> or intelligence to be elicited, of which -she has herself deposited the seeds or rudiments in the human bosom.”</p> - -<p>I have in another place alluded to the consideration that the residence -of a portion of the negro race in this country may be, under the -overruling dispensation of Providence, the means of great good to the -whole race. It may be that the civilization of Africa will receive its -first quickening elements by the return of her sons from a servitude -which proved to them a school of useful acquirements. Some touch -of Caucasian energy thus infused into the African mind may be the -awakening impulse that shall arouse a whole people from the torpor of -ages.</p> - -<p>At all events, leaving these speculations, one thing is certain, viz. -that <span class="smcap">Maryland</span> is doing a good thing in promoting the work of -colonization in Africa. She is providing a home for the bondsmen of her -fields, where they may enjoy in reality the blessings of freedom which -can never be their heritage here. To what extent soever this work is -done, to such extent will positive good be done. We can not now foresee -the circumstances which may, in time, give aspect and character to -colonization; but of this we may be assured, that in proportion as the -home of the emancipated African is more and more enlarged in Africa, -and made more and more attractive, in such proportion will the way be -opened for the deliverance of Maryland from one of her most serious -embarrassments.</p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> This subject of “Rights,” in connection with servitude, I -have considered more fully in a little treatise entitled “Some Thoughts -concerning Domestic Slavery,” published a few years ago.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> See <a href="#tables">Table, Appendix</a>.</p> - -</div> -</div> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Letter_iii"><span class="smcap">Letter III.</span></h2> -</div> - - -<p>In the foregoing pages, my dear sir, I have endeavored to treat of -Slavery in Maryland as it seemed to me the subject required. A matter -so important should have a more full and thorough exposition; indeed, I -am but poorly satisfied with this attempt at one. Yet it was my purpose -to be brief, and, with that design, facts of statistics and details, -not absolutely necessary, were omitted. To those who are willing to -reflect, perhaps, the considerations here submitted, growing out of -organic social and political laws, may be to some extent suggestive, -so that their own minds may fill up the deficiencies of this imperfect -outline.</p> - -<p>I can not hope that by any thing here said the violence of fanaticism -will be assuaged. The assumption of being better than other people is -so full of exalted ideas, the delight of meddling in other people’s -business is so fascinating, that those who have been once seized with -the mania and have confirmed themselves in it, by the belief that they -are discharging a duty to humanity in general, as chosen instruments, -are in a bad way, and not likely to be cured. These are the extreme -agitators who whirl about in the vortex of abstractions; sympathizers -who would ruin the objects of their solicitude for a theory; reformers -of Slavery in communities where it does not exist; martyrs who will -embrace any thing rather than a stake. With these, and such as these, -we of Maryland have nothing to do. They are lashing themselves into an -insane fury about a thing which does not concern them, which they do -not understand, which they can not touch without wounding us—for it is -a domestic affair and relates to our hearths and household relations. -For ourselves I have written on this subject, that it may be considered -among ourselves, with a view to such rational action as may in due time -be proper; and for our true friends at the north also and the friends -of our black people, comprising the great mass of our<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span> fellow citizens -there, who do us the justice to believe that we have sense enough to -find out our own condition, to appreciate it truly, and energy and -humanity enough to do in the premises what duty may call for.</p> - -<p>If I had been returned to the House of Delegates on the occasion to -which you refer, my action in reference to Slavery in our State would -have been confined simply to setting forth in a report, or some such -way, the substance of the views contained in this pamphlet. It has -been apparent for some time past that a convention to amend the State -Constitution must assemble before long. That body, representing the -primary sovereignty of the people, will be the most fit to take up -the subject of Slavery. I have no doubt but it will take it up; and -of one other thing I am equally certain, viz. that the clause in the -constitution, which now makes Slavery perpetual in Maryland, will be -stricken out. Most assuredly it will be stricken out, and that for ever.</p> - -<p>With respect to the establishment of a newspaper in Baltimore, devoted -to emancipation, I should think it, my dear sir, not advisable. The -business in hand is of a kind to require calmness of consideration -and of action. Now a newspaper, I fear, would be the instrument of -agitation; it would find its pabulum in excitement. It would be -regarded as the herald of abolition, and the whole body of ultra -fanatics at the north would seek to connect themselves with the -movement. Their contact would be deleterious in the highest degree; we -wish not for their interference in any way; we prefer to manage our own -domestic affairs; there can be no communion, in this matter, between -our knowledge and their ignorance.</p> - -<p>I leave the subject, my dear sir, for the present, and, with it, -many things unsaid, which a full and complete discussion of such a -topic would properly embrace. I might have referred to the effects of -Slavery in connection with popular education and popular ignorance; -but the statistics on that point are not just now at hand. It may be -remarked, however, that no efficient free school system exists in any -slaveholding State. Nor can it be otherwise; because where the land -is held by slave<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span> owners, and mostly in large plantations, the white -population is too sparse to allow of compact school districts. Besides, -the planters having the means of educating their own children, either -at home or abroad, they are not likely to be much concerned about the -education of the children of their poorer neighbors. In every point of -view it will be found that the permanent continuance of negro Slavery -is incompatible with the elevation of the humble classes of white -citizens.</p> - -<p>Again, the institution of Slavery might be regarded in its effects upon -social manners and usages. And here we should find many prepossessions -which are strong in the minds of all of us, and which grow out of the -best and most amiable features of the institution we are considering. -To say nothing of those relations of confidence and regard which have -always marked the intercourse of the servants of our halls and fields -with the gentlemen of Maryland, the exemption from labor which Slavery -gave to the whole class of landholders, with wealth in the hands of -many, and a fair competency to all, afforded the leisure and the means -for social enjoyments to any extent which a gay and social disposition -might prompt. Hence that frank and cordial intercourse among friends; -that courteous urbanity to strangers; that generous hospitality of -heart and home to all—which have become the characteristics of -the south. Long may she retain them. She need lose no good quality -attendant upon her connection with Slavery, when, the more primitive -and simple days of that institution having passed away, the institution -itself has become decrepit, inconsistent with the progress of the age, -and prolific of evils.</p> - -<p>At some future time, if an occasion should seem to call for it, I -may resume the discussion of this subject. In matters, however, of -serious reality, and felt to be such, there is generally not need of -many words—provided those which are uttered are to the purpose. With -assurances of high respect,</p> - -<p class="center"> -I remain, my dear sir, very truly yours,</p> -<p class="right"><span class="smcap"><abbr title="John">Jno.</abbr> L. Carey</span>.</p> -<p><span class="smcap"><abbr title="doctor">Dr.</abbr> R. S. Stewart.</span><br /> -</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> -<div class="chapter"> -<h3 id="tables"><i>Population of the Counties of Maryland in 1790, 1800, 1810, 1820, -1830, and 1840, as shown by the census taken in those years.</i></h3> - -</div> -<h4>CECIL.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,407 </td><td class="tdr br">  163 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,055 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,625</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,103 </td><td class="tdr br">  373 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,542 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,018</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,467 </td><td class="tdr br">  947 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,652 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,066</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,342 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,783 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,821 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,046</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,705 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,249 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,478 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,432</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,346 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,552 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,464 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,362</td></tr> -</table> - - -<h4>KENT.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,443 </td><td class="tdr br">  655 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,748 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,836</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,474 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,786 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,511 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,771</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,249 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,979 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,222 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,450</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,071 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,067 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,315 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,453</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,191 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,260 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,050 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,501</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,741 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,586 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,513 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,840</td></tr> -</table> - - -<h4>CAROLINE.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,057 </td><td class="tdr br">  421 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,028 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,506</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 1,865 </td><td class="tdr br">  602 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,759 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,226</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 1,520 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,001 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,932 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,453</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 1,574 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,390 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,144 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,108</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 1,171 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,652 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,247 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,070</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br">  768 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,727 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,373 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,868</td></tr> -</table> - - -<h4>TALBOT.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,777 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,076 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,221 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,084</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,775 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,591 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,070 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,436</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,878 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,003 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,349 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,230</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,769 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,234 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,386 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,389</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,173 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,483 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,291 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,947</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,698 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,336 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,069 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,103</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>QUEEN ANNE’S.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,674 </td><td class="tdr br">  618 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,171 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,463</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,517 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,025 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,315 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,857</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,381 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,738 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,529 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,648</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820 </td><td class="tdr br"> 5,588 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,138 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,226 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,952</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,872 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,866 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,559 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,397</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,979 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,540 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,006 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,525</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>SOMERSET.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 7,070 </td><td class="tdr br">  268 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,272 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,610</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 7,432 </td><td class="tdr br">  586 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,340 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,358</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,975 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,058 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,162 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,195</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 7,241 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,952 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,386 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,579</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,556 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,239 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,371 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,166</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,385 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,642 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,477 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,504</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>DORCHESTER.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,377 </td><td class="tdr br">  528 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,010 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,875</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,566 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,365 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,415 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,346</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,032 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,661 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,415 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,108</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,168 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,497 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,094 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,759</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,001 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,000 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,685 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,686</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,232 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,965 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,612 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,809</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>WORCESTER.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,836 </td><td class="tdr br">  178 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,626 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,640</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,398 </td><td class="tdr br">  449 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,523 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,370</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,427 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,054 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,490 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,971</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,551 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,636 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,234 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,421</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,032 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,430 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,197 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,659</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,543 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,063 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,647 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,253</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>ALLEGANY.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790 </td><td class="tdr br">  258 </td><td class="tdr br">    12 </td><td class="tdr br">  4,539 </td><td class="tdr br">  4,809</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800 </td><td class="tdr br">  499 </td><td class="tdr br">  101 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,703 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,303</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810 </td><td class="tdr br">  620 </td><td class="tdr br">  113 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,176 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,909</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820 </td><td class="tdr br">  795 </td><td class="tdr br">  195 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,664 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,654</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830 </td><td class="tdr br">  818 </td><td class="tdr br">  222 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,569 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,609</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840 </td><td class="tdr br">  811 </td><td class="tdr br">  216 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,677 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,704</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>WASHINGTON.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 1,286 </td><td class="tdr br">    64 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,472 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,822</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,200 </td><td class="tdr br">  342 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,108 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,650</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,656 </td><td class="tdr br">  483 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,591 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,730</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,201 </td><td class="tdr br">  627 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,247 </td><td class="tdr br"> 23,075</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,909 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,084 </td><td class="tdr br"> 21,275 </td><td class="tdr br"> 25,268</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,505 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,556 </td><td class="tdr br"> 24,801 </td><td class="tdr br"> 28,862</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>FREDERICK.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,641 </td><td class="tdr br">  213 </td><td class="tdr br"> 26,937 </td><td class="tdr br"> 30,791</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,572 </td><td class="tdr br">  473 </td><td class="tdr br"> 26,478 </td><td class="tdr br"> 31,523</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,671 </td><td class="tdr br">  783 </td><td class="tdr br"> 27,983 </td><td class="tdr br"> 34,437</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,555 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,777 </td><td class="tdr br"> 32,097 </td><td class="tdr br"> 40,459</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,370 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,716 </td><td class="tdr br"> 36,703 </td><td class="tdr br"> 45,789</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>BALTIMORE.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,877 </td><td class="tdr br">  604 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,953 </td><td class="tdr br"> 25,434</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,830 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,536 </td><td class="tdr br"> 24,150 </td><td class="tdr br"> 32,516</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,697 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,537 </td><td class="tdr br"> 21,021 </td><td class="tdr br"> 29,255</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,720 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,163 </td><td class="tdr br"> 24,580 </td><td class="tdr br"> 33,463</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,533 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,098 </td><td class="tdr br"> 30,625 </td><td class="tdr br"> 40,256</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>BALTIMORE CITY.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,255 </td><td class="tdr br">  323 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,925 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,503</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,843 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,771 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,900 </td><td class="tdr br"> 26,514</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,672 </td><td class="tdr br"> 5,671 </td><td class="tdr br"> 36,212 </td><td class="tdr br"> 46,455</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,357 </td><td class="tdr br">10,326 </td><td class="tdr br"> 48,055 </td><td class="tdr br"> 62,738</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,120 </td><td class="tdr br">14,790 </td><td class="tdr br"> 61,710 </td><td class="tdr br"> 80,620</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,212 </td><td class="tdr br">17,980 </td><td class="tdr br"> 81,321 </td><td class="tdr br">102,513</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>HARFORD.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,417 </td><td class="tdr br">  775 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,784 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,976</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,264 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,344 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,018 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,626</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,431 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,221 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,606 </td><td class="tdr br"> 21,258</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,320 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,387 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,217 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,924</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,984 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,048 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,287 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,319</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 2,537 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,449 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,915 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,901</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>MONTGOMERY.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,030 </td><td class="tdr br">  294 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,679 </td><td class="tdr br"> 18,003</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,288 </td><td class="tdr br">  262 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,508 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,058</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 7,572 </td><td class="tdr br">  677 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,731 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,980</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,396 </td><td class="tdr br">  922 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,082 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,400</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 6,447 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,266 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,103 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,816</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 5,127 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,240 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,292 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,659</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>PRINCE GEORGE’S.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br">11,176 </td><td class="tdr br">  164 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,004 </td><td class="tdr br"> 21,344</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br">12,191 </td><td class="tdr br">  648 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,346 </td><td class="tdr br"> 21,185</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,189 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,929 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,471 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,589</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br">11,285 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,096 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,835 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,216</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br">11,585 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,202 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,667 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,474</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br">10,640 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,080 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,763 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,483</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>SAINT MARY’S.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,985 </td><td class="tdr br">  343 </td><td class="tdr br">  8,216 </td><td class="tdr br"> 15,544</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,399 </td><td class="tdr br">  622 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,678 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,699</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,000 </td><td class="tdr br">  636 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,158 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,794</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,048 </td><td class="tdr br">  894 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,032 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,974</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830 </td><td class="tdr br"> 6,183 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,179 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,097 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,459</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840 </td><td class="tdr br"> 5,757 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,413 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,074 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,244</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>CALVERT.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,305 </td><td class="tdr br">  136 </td><td class="tdr br">  4,161 </td><td class="tdr br"> 8,502</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,401 </td><td class="tdr br">  307 </td><td class="tdr br">  3,889 </td><td class="tdr br"> 8,297</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,937 </td><td class="tdr br">  388 </td><td class="tdr br">  3,860 </td><td class="tdr br"> 8,005</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,668 </td><td class="tdr br">  694 </td><td class="tdr br">  3,716 </td><td class="tdr br"> 8,078</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 3,899 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,213 </td><td class="tdr br">  3,788 </td><td class="tdr br"> 8,900</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 4,401 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,292 </td><td class="tdr br">  3,402 </td><td class="tdr br"> 9,095</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>CHARLES.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br">10,085 </td><td class="tdr br">  404 </td><td class="tdr br"> 10,124 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,613</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,558 </td><td class="tdr br">  571 </td><td class="tdr br">  9,043 </td><td class="tdr br"> 19,172</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br">12,435 </td><td class="tdr br">  412 </td><td class="tdr br">  7,398 </td><td class="tdr br"> 20,245</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,419 </td><td class="tdr br">  567 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,514 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,500</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br">10,129 </td><td class="tdr br">  851 </td><td class="tdr br">  6,789 </td><td class="tdr br"> 17,769</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,280 </td><td class="tdr br">  817 </td><td class="tdr br">  5,915 </td><td class="tdr br"> 16,012</td></tr> - -</table> - - -<h4>ANNE ARUNDEL.</h4> - -<table class="autotable bbox"> -<tr class="bb"><th></th><th>Slaves.</th><th><abbr title="free coloreds">F. Col.</abbr></th><th>White.</th><th>Total.</th></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1790</td><td class="tdr br">10,130 </td><td class="tdr br">  804 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,664 </td><td class="tdr br"> 22,598</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1800</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,760 </td><td class="tdr br"> 1,833 </td><td class="tdr br"> 11,030 </td><td class="tdr br"> 22,623</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1810</td><td class="tdr br">11,693 </td><td class="tdr br"> 2,536 </td><td class="tdr br"> 12,439 </td><td class="tdr br"> 26,668</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1820</td><td class="tdr br">10,328 </td><td class="tdr br"> 3,382 </td><td class="tdr br"> 13,455 </td><td class="tdr br"> 27,165</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1830</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,997 </td><td class="tdr br"> 4,076 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,222 </td><td class="tdr br"> 28,295</td></tr> -<tr><td class="tdr br">1840</td><td class="tdr br"> 9,816 </td><td class="tdr br"> 5,120 </td><td class="tdr br"> 14,599 </td><td class="tdr br"> 29,535</td></tr> -</table> - -<p><span class="smcap">Note.</span>—Carroll county is not included in this statement, -having been created since 1830, and the population of Baltimore and -Frederick counties, from which Carroll was taken, is not carried out -in 1840, part of their population being then included in the census of -Carroll county.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Transcribers_Notes">Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - - -<p>Obvious errors in punctuation have been fixed.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_8">Page 8</a>: “l’etat c’est” changed to “l’état c’est”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_12">Page 12</a>: “must he fixed” changed to “must be fixed”</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_31">Page 31</a>: The spelling of Allegany County was fixed.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_45">Page 45</a>: “it views and purposes” changed to “its views and purposes”</p> - -</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK SLAVERY IN MARYLAND BRIEFLY CONSIDERED ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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