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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of An historical and moral view of the
-origin and progress of the French revolution;, by Mary Wollstonecraft
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: An historical and moral view of the origin and progress of the
- French revolution;
- and the effect it has produced in Europe
-
-Author: Mary Wollstonecraft
-
-Release Date: August 10, 2022 [eBook #68724]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Richard Tonsing and the Online Distributed Proofreading
- Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from
- images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK AN HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
-OF THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS OF THE FRENCH REVOLUTION; ***
-
-
-[Illustration: Mary Wollstonecraft]
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION;
- AND THE
- EFFECT IT HAS PRODUCED
- IN
- EUROPE.
-
-
- BY MARY WOLLSTONECRAFT.
-
- VOLUME THE FIRST.
-
- LONDON:
- PRINTED FOR J. JOHNSON, IN ST. PAUL’S CHURCH-YARD.
-
- 1794.
-
-
-
-
- ADVERTISEMENT.
-
-
-This history, taking in such a variety of facts and opinions, has grown
-under my hand; especially as in writing I cannot avoid entering into
-some desultory disquisitions, and descriptions of manners and things
-which, though not strictly necessary to elucidate the events, are
-intimately connected with the main object; I have also been led into
-several theoretical investigations, whilst marking the political effects
-that naturally flow from the progress of knowledge. It is probable,
-therefore, that this work will be extended to two or three more volumes,
-a considerable part of which is already written.
-
-
-
-
- PREFACE.
-
-
-The revolution in France exhibits a scene, in the political world, not
-less novel and interesting than the contrast is striking between the
-narrow opinions of superstition, and the enlightened sentiments of
-masculine and improved philosophy.
-
-To mark the prominent features of this revolution, requires a mind, not
-only unsophisticated by old prejudices, and the inveterate habits of
-degeneracy; but an amelioration of temper, produced by the exercise of
-the most enlarged principles of humanity.
-
-The rapid changes, the violent, the base, and nefarious assassinations,
-which have clouded the vivid prospect that began to spread a ray of joy
-and gladness over the gloomy horizon of oppression, cannot fail to chill
-the sympathizing bosom, and palsy intellectual vigour. To sketch these
-vicissitudes is a task so arduous and melancholy, that, with a heart
-trembling to the touches of nature, it becomes necessary to guard
-against the erroneous inferences of sensibility; and reason beaming on
-the grand theatre of political changes, can prove the only sure guide to
-direct us to a favourable or just conclusion.
-
-This important conclusion, involving the happiness and exaltation of the
-human character, demands serious and mature consideration; as it must
-ultimately sink the dignity of society into contempt, and its members
-into greater wretchedness; or elevate it to a degree of grandeur not
-hitherto anticipated, but by the most enlightened statesmen and
-philosophers.
-
-Contemplating then these stupendous events with the cool eye of
-observation, the judgement, difficult to be preserved unwarped under the
-pressure of the calamitous horrours produced by desperate and enraged
-factions, will continually perceive that it is the uncontaminated mass
-of the french nation, whose minds begin to grasp the sentiments of
-freedom, that has secured the equilibrium of the state; often tottering
-on the brink of annihilation; in spite of the folly, selfishness,
-madness, treachery, and more fatal mock patriotism, the common result of
-depraved manners, the concomitant of that servility and voluptuousness
-which for so long a space of time has embruted the higher orders of this
-celebrated nation.
-
-By thus attending to circumstances, we shall be able to discern clearly
-that the revolution was neither produced by the abilities or intrigues
-of a few individuals; nor was the effect of sudden and short-lived
-enthusiasm; but the natural consequence of intellectual improvement,
-gradually proceeding to perfection in the advancement of communities,
-from a state of barbarism to that of polished society, till now arrived
-at the point when sincerity of principles seems to be hastening the
-overthrow of the tremendous empire of superstition and hypocrisy,
-erected upon the ruins of gothic brutality and ignorance.
-
-
-
-
- CONTENTS.
-
-
- _BOOK I._
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
-
- _Introduction. Progress of society. End of government. Rise of
- political discussion amongst the french. Revolution in
- America. Virtue attempted to be built on false principles.
- The croisades, and the age of chivalry. Administration of
- Richelieu, and of Cardinal Mazarin. Theatrical
- entertainments, and dramatic poets of the
- french—Moliere,—Corneille,—Racine. Louis XIV. The
- regency.—Louis XV._ page 1.
-
-
- CHAP. II.
-
- _Marie-Antoinette. Louis XVI. Administration of Necker, and of
- Calonne. Notables convened. Calonne disgraced,—and obliged to
- flee the kingdom. His character. Causes of the enslaved state
- of Europe._ p. 33.
-
-
- CHAP. III.
-
- _Administration of de Brienne. Dissolution of the notables.
- Land tax and stamp duty recommended by them, but refused to
- be sanctioned by the parliament. Bed of justice. The
- parliament banished to Troyes,—but soon compromised for its
- recall. Struggles of the court party to prevent the
- convocation of the states-general. Banishment of the duke of
- Orleans, and two spirited members of the parliament. Cour
- pléniere. Remarks on the parliaments. Imprisonment of the
- members. Deputies of the Province of Britanny sent to the
- Bastille. The soldiery let loose upon the people._ p. 48.
-
-
- CHAP. IV.
-
- _Necker recalled. His character. Notables convened a second
- time. Coalition of the nobility and clergy in defence of
- their privileges. Provincial assemblies of the people.
- Political publications in favour of the tiers-etat. General
- reflections on reform,—on the present state of Europe,—and on
- the revolution in France._ p. 59.
-
-
- _BOOK II._
-
-
- CHAP. I.
-
- _Retrospective view of grievances in France—the nobles—the
- military—the clergy—the farmers general. Election of deputies
- to the states-general. Arts of the courtiers. Assembly of the
- states. Riots excited at Paris. Opening of the
- states-general. The king’s speech. Answer to it by the keeper
- of the seals. Speech of Mr. Necker. Contest respecting the
- mode of assembling. Tacit establishment of the liberty of the
- press. Attempt of the court to refrain it. The deputies
- declare themselves a national assembly._ p. 75.
-
-
- CHAP. II.
-
- _The national assembly proceed to business. Opposition of the
- nobles, bishops, and court. A séance royale proclaimed, and
- the hall of the assembly surrounded by soldiers. The members
- adjourn to the tennis-court, and vow never to separate till a
- constitution should be completed. The majority of the clergy
- and two of the nobles join the commons. Séance royale. The
- king’s speech. Spirited behaviour of the assembly. Speech of
- Mirabeau. Persons of the deputies declared inviolable.
- Minority of the nobles join the commons. At the request of
- the king the minority of the clergy do the same,—and are at
- length followed by the majority of the nobles. Character of
- the queen of France,—of the king,—and of the nobles. Lectures
- on liberty at the palais royal. Paris surrounded by troops.
- Spirit of liberty infused into the soldiers. Eleven of the
- french guards imprisoned because they would not fire on the
- populace, and liberated by the people. Remonstrance of the
- national assembly. The king proposes to remove the assembly
- to Noyon, or Soissons. Necker dismissed. City militia
- proposed. The populace attacked in the garden of the
- Thuilleries by the prince of Lambesc. Nocturnal orgies at
- Versailles._ p. 109.
-
-
- CHAP. III.
-
- _Preparations of the parisians for the defence of the city. The
- guards, and city watch join the citizens. The armed citizens
- appoint a commander in chief. Conduct of the national
- assembly during the disturbances at Paris. They publish a
- declaration of rights,—and offer their mediation with the
- citizens,—which is haughtily refused by the king. Proceedings
- at Paris on the 14th of July. Taking of the bastille. The
- mayor shot. Proceedings of the national assembly at
- Versailles. Appearance of the king in the assembly. His
- speech._ p. 165.
-
-
- CHAP. IV.
-
- _Reflections on the conduct of the court and king. Injurious
- consequences of the complication of laws. General diffusion
- of knowledge. State of civilization amongst the ancients.
- It’s progress. The croisades, and the reformation. Early
- freedom of Britain. The british constitution. State of
- liberty in Europe. Russia. Decline of the Aristotelian
- philosophy, Descartes. Newton. Education improved. Germany.
- Frederick II. of Prussia._ p. 215.
-
-
- _BOOK III._
-
-
- CHAP. I.
-
- _A deputation of the national assembly arrives at Paris.
- Baillie chosen mayor, and La Fayette commander in chief of
- the national guards. Resignation of the ministry. Necker
- recalled. The king visits Paris. Character of the parisians.
- The revolution urged on prematurely. Emigrations of several
- of the nobility and others. Calonne advises the french
- princes to stir up foreign powers against France. Foulon
- killed._ p. 241.
-
-
- CHAP. II.
-
- _The duke of Liancourt chosen president. The people arm for the
- defence of the country. The municipal officers appointed
- under the old government superseded by committees. Some
- people treacherously destroyed by springing a mine at a civic
- feast. The genevese resident taken up by the patrole. The
- french suspicious of the designs of Britain. Necker returns.
- General amnesty resolved by the debtors of Paris. Debate on a
- declaration of rights. Declaration of rights separate from
- the constitution determined on. Sacrifices made by the
- nobles, clergy, &c._ p. 263.
-
-
- CHAP. III.
-
- _Reflections on the members of the national assembly. Secession
- of several pseudo-patriots. Society ripe for improvement
- throughout Europe. War natural to men in a savage state.
- Remarks on the origin and progress of society. The
- arts—property—inequality of conditions—war. Picture of
- manners in modern France._ p. 295.
-
-
- _BOOK IV._
-
- CHAP. I.
-
- _Opinions on the transactions of the fourth of August.
- Disorders occasioned by those transactions. Necker demands
- the assembly’s sanction to a loan. A loan decreed. Tithes
- abolished. Debate on the declaration of rights. The formation
- of a constitution. Debate on the executive power. The
- suspensive veto adopted. Pretended and real views of the
- combination of despots against France. Debate on the
- constitution of a senate. Means of peaceably effecting a
- reform should make a part of every constitution._ p. 313.
-
-
- CHAP. II.
-
- _Observations on the veto. The women offer up their ornaments
- to the public. Debate whether the spanish branch of the
- Bourbons could reign in France. Conduct of the king
- respecting the decrees of the fourth of August. Vanity of the
- french. Debates on quartering a thousand regulars at
- Versailles. Individuals offer their jewels and plate to make
- up the deficiency of the loan. The king sends his rich
- service of plate to the mint. Necker’s proposal for every
- citizen to give up a fourth of his income. Speech of Mirabeau
- on it. His address to the nation._ p. 359.
-
-
- CHAP. III.
-
- _Reflections on the new mode of raising supplies. No just
- system of taxation yet established. Paper money. Necessity of
- gradual reform._ p. 388.
-
-
- _BOOK V._
-
-
- CHAP. I.
-
- _Errour of the national assembly in neglecting to secure the
- freedom of France. It’s conduct compared with that of the
- american states. Necessity of forming a new constitution as
- soon as an old government is destroyed. The declaring of the
- king inviolable a wrong measure. Security of the french
- against a counter-revolution. The flight of the king
- meditated._ p. 399.
-
-
- CHAP. II.
-
- _Entertainment at Versailles. The national cockade trampled
- under foot. A mob of women proceed to the hôtel-de-ville—and
- thence to Versailles. The king’s reply to the national
- assembly’s request, that he would sanction the declaration of
- rights and the first articles of the constitution. Debates on
- it. Arrival of the mob at Versailles. The king receives a
- deputation from the women, and sanctions the decree for the
- free circulation of grain. The assembly summoned. La Fayette
- arrives with the parisian militia. The palace attacked by the
- mob—who are dispersed by the national guards. Reflections on
- the conduct of the duke of Orleans._ p. 420.
-
-
- CHAP. III.
-
- _The mob demand the king’s removal to Paris. This city
- described. The king repairs to the capital, escorted by a
- deputation of the national assembly and the parisian militia.
- The king’s title changed. Proceedings of the national
- assembly. Reflections on the declaration of rights._ p. 470.
-
-
- CHAP. IV.
-
- _Progress of reform. The encyclopedia. Liberty of the press.
- Capitals. The french not properly qualified for the
- revolution. Savage compared with civilized man. Effects of
- extravagance—of commerce—and of manufactures. Excuse for the
- ferocity of the parisians._ p. 492.
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION.
-
-
-
-
- _BOOK I._
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
-INTRODUCTION. PROGRESS OF SOCIETY. END OF GOVERNMENT. RISE OF POLITICAL
- DISCUSSION AMONGST THE FRENCH. REVOLUTION IN AMERICA. VIRTUE ATTEMPTED
-TO BE BUILT ON FALSE PRINCIPLES. THE CROISADES, AND THE AGE OF CHIVALRY.
- ADMINISTRATION OF RICHELIEU, AND OF CARDINAL MAZARIN. THEATRICAL
- ENTERTAINMENTS, AND DRAMATIC POETS OF THE
- FRENCH,—MOLIERE,—CORNEILLE,—RACINE. LOUIS XIV. THE REGENCY. LOUIS XV.
-
-
-When we contemplate the infancy of man, his gradual advance towards
-maturity, his miserable weakness as a solitary being, and the crudeness
-of his first notions respecting the nature of civil society, it will not
-appear extraordinary, that the acquirement of political knowledge has
-been so extremely slow; or that public happiness has not been more
-rapidly and generally diffused.
-
-The perfection attained by the ancients, it is true, has ever afforded
-the imagination of the poetical historian a theme to deck with the
-choicest flowers of rhetoric; though the cool investigation of facts
-seems clearly to prove, that the civilization of the world, hitherto,
-has consisted rather in cultivating the taste, than in exercising the
-understanding. And were not these vaunted improvements also confined to
-a small corner of the globe, whilst, the political view of the wisest
-legislators seldom extending beyond the splendour and aggrandizement of
-their individual nation, they trampled with a ferocious affectation of
-patriotism on the most sacred rights of humanity? When the arts
-flourished in Greece, and literature began to shed it’s blandishments on
-society, the world was mostly inhabited by barbarians, who waged eternal
-war with their more polished neighbours, the imperfection of whose
-government sapping it’s foundation, the science of politics necessarily
-received a check in the bud—and when we find, likewise, the roman empire
-crumbling into atoms, from the germ of a deadly malady implanted in it’s
-vitals; whilst voluptuousness stopped the progress of civilization,
-which makes the perfection of the arts the dawn of science; we shall be
-convinced, that it demanded ages of improving reason and experience in
-moral philosophy, to clear away the rubbish, and exhibit the first
-principles of social order.
-
-We have probably derived our great superiority over those nations from
-the discovery of the polar attraction of the needle, the perfection
-which astronomy and mathematics have attained, and the fortunate
-invention of printing. For, whilst the revival of letters has added the
-collected wisdom of antiquity to the improvements of modern research,
-the latter most useful art has rapidly multiplied copies of the
-productions of genius and compilations of learning, bringing them within
-the reach of all ranks of men: the scientific discoveries also have not
-only led us to new worlds; but, facilitating the communication between
-different nations, the friction of arts and commerce have given to
-society the transcendently pleasing polish of urbanity; and thus, by a
-gradual softening of manners, the complexion of social life has been
-completely changed. But the remains of superstition, and the unnatural
-distinction of privileged classes, which had their origin in barbarous
-folly, still fettered the opinions of man, and sullied his native
-dignity; till several distinguished english writers discussed political
-subjects with the energy of men, who began to feel their strength; and,
-whilst only a rumour of these sentiments roused the attention and
-exercised the minds of some men of letters in France, a number of
-staunch disputants, who had more thoroughly digested them, fled from
-oppression, to put them to the test of experience in America.
-
-Locke, following the track of these bold thinkers, recommended in a more
-methodical manner religious toleration, and analyzed the principles of
-civil liberty: for in his definition of liberty we find the elements of
-_The Declaration of the Rights of Man_, which, in spite of the fatal
-errours of ignorance, and the perverse obstinacy of selfishness, is now
-converting sublime theories into practical truths.
-
-The revolution, it is true, soon introduced the corruption, that has
-ever since been corroding british freedom.—Still, when the rest of
-Europe groaned under the weight of the most unjust and cruel laws, the
-life and property of englishmen were comparatively safe; and, if an
-impress-warrant respected the distinction of ranks, when the glory of
-England was at stake, splendid victories hid this flaw in the best
-existing constitution; and all exultingly recollected, that the life or
-liberty of a man never depended on the will of an individual.
-
-Englishmen were then, with reason, proud of their constitution; and, if
-this noble pride have degenerated into arrogance, when the cause became
-less conspicuous, it is only a venial lapse of human nature; to be
-lamented merely as it stops the progress of civilization, and leads the
-people to imagine, that their ancestors have done every thing possible
-to secure the happiness of society, and meliorate the condition of man,
-because they have done much.
-
-When learning was confined to a small number of the citizens of a state,
-and the investigation of it’s privileges was left to a number still
-smaller, governments seem to have acted, as if the people were formed
-only for them; and, ingeniously confounding their rights with
-metaphysical jargon, the luxurious grandeur of individuals has been
-supported by the misery of the bulk of their fellow creatures, and
-ambition gorged by the butchery of millions of innocent victims.
-
-The most artful chain of despotism has ever been supported by false
-notions of duty, enforced by those who were to profit by the cheat. Thus
-has the liberty of man been restrained; and the spontaneous flow of his
-feelings, which would have fertilized his mind, being choked at the
-source, he is rendered in the same degree unhappy as he is made
-unnatural. Yet, certain opinions, planted by superstition and despotism,
-hand in hand, have taken such deep root in our habits of thinking, it
-may appear daringly licentious, as well as presumptuous, to observe,
-that what is often termed virtue, is only want of courage to throw off
-prejudices, and follow the inclinations which fear not the eye of
-heaven, though they shrink from censure not founded on the natural
-principles of morality. But at no period has the scanty diffusion of
-knowledge permitted the body of the people to participate in the
-discussion of political science; and if philosophy at length have
-simplified the principles of social union, so as to render them easy to
-be comprehended by every sane and thinking being; if appears to me, that
-man may contemplate with benevolent complacency and becoming pride, the
-approaching reign of reason and peace.
-
-Besides, if men have been rendered unqualified to judge with precision
-of their civil and political rights, from the involved state in which
-sophisticating ignorance has placed them, and thus reduced to surrender
-their reasoning powers to noble fools, and pedantic knaves, it is not
-surprizing, that superficial observers have formed opinions unfavourable
-to the degree of perfection, which our intellectual faculties are able
-to attain, or that despotism should attempt to check the spirit of
-inquiry, which, with colossian strides, seems to be hastening the
-overthrow of oppressive tyranny and contumelious ambition.
-
-Nature having made men unequal, by giving stronger bodily and mental
-powers to one than to another, the end of government ought to be, to
-destroy this inequality by protecting the weak. Instead of which, it has
-always leaned to the opposite side, wearing itself out by disregarding
-the first principle of it’s organization.
-
-It appears to be the grand province of government, though scarcely
-acknowledged, so to hold the balance, that the abilities or riches of
-individuals may not interfere with the equilibrium of the whole. For, as
-it is vain to expect, that men should master their passions during the
-heat of action, legislators should have this perfection of laws ever in
-view, when, calmly grasping the interest of humanity, reason assures
-them, that their own is best secured by the security of the commonweal.
-The first social systems were certainly founded by passion; individuals
-wishing to fence round their own wealth or power, and make slaves of
-their brothers to prevent encroachment. Their descendants have ever been
-at work to solder the chains they forged, and render the usurpations of
-strength secure, by the fraud of partial laws: laws that can be
-abrogated only by the exertions of reason, emancipating mankind, by
-making government a science, instead of a craft, and civilizing the
-grand mass, by exercising their understandings about the most important
-objects of inquiry.
-
-After the revolution in 1688, however, political questions were no
-longer discussed in England on a broad scale; because that degree of
-liberty was enjoyed, which enabled thinking men to pursue without
-interruption their own business; or, if some men complained, they
-attached themselves to a party, and descanted on the unavoidable misery
-produced by contending passions.
-
-But in France the bitterness of oppression was mingled in the daily cup,
-and the serious folly of superstition, pampered by the sweat of labour,
-stared every man of sense in the face. Against superstition then did the
-writers contending for civil liberty principally direct their force,
-though the tyranny of the court increased with it’s viciousness.
-
-Voltaire leading the way, and ridiculing with that happy mixture of
-satire and gaiety, calculated to delight the french, the inconsistent
-puerilities of a puppet-show religion, had the art to attach the bells
-to the fool’s cap, which tinkled on every side, rousing the attention
-and piquing the vanity of his readers. Rousseau also ranged himself on
-the same side; and, praising his fanciful state of nature, with that
-interesting eloquence, which embellishes reasoning with the charms of
-sentiment, forcibly depicted the evils of a priest-ridden society, and
-the sources of oppressive inequality, inducing the men who were charmed
-with his language to consider his opinions.
-
-The talents of these two writers were particularly formed to effect a
-change in the sentiments of the french, who commonly read to collect a
-fund for conversation; and their biting retorts, and flowing periods,
-were retained in each head, and continually slipped off the tongue in
-numerous sprightly circles.
-
-In France, indeed, new opinions fly from mouth to mouth, with an
-electrical velocity, unknown in England; so that there is not such a
-difference between the sentiments of the various ranks in one country,
-as is observable in the originality of character to be found in the
-other. At our theatres, the boxes, pit, and galleries, relish different
-scenes; and some are condescendingly born by the more polished part of
-the audience, to allow the rest to have their portion of amusement. In
-France, on the contrary, a highly wrought sentiment of morality,
-probably rather romantic than sublime, produces a burst of applause,
-when one heart seems to agitate every hand.
-
-But men are not content merely to laugh at oppression, when they can
-scarcely catch from his gripe the necessaries of life; so that from
-writing epigrams on superstition, the galled french began to compose
-philippics against despotism. The enormous and iniquitous taxes, which
-the nobles, the clergy, and the monarch, levied on the people, turned
-the attention of benevolence to this main branch of government, and the
-profound treatise of the humane M. Quesnai produced the sect of the
-_economists_, the first champions for civil liberty.
-
-On the eve of the american war, the enlightened administration of the
-comptroller general Turgot, a man formed in this school, afforded France
-a glimpse of freedom, which, streaking the horizon of despotism, only
-served to render the contrast more striking. Eager to correct abuses,
-equally impolitic and cruel, this most excellent man, suffering his
-clear judgment to be clouded by his zeal, roused the nest of wasps, that
-rioted on the honey of industry in the sunshine of court favour; and he
-was obliged to retire from the office, which he so worthily filled.
-Disappointed in his noble plan of freeing France from the fangs of
-despotism, in the course of ten years, without the miseries of anarchy,
-which make the present generation pay very dear for the emancipation of
-posterity, he has nevertheless greatly contributed to produce that
-revolution in opinion, which, perhaps, alone can overturn the empire of
-tyranny.
-
-The idle caprices of an effeminate court had long given the tone to the
-awe-struck populace, who, stupidly admiring what they did not
-understand, lived on a _vive le roi_, whilst his blood-sucking minions
-drained every vein, that should have warmed their honest hearts.
-
-But the irresistible energy of the moral and political sentiments of
-half a century, at last kindled into a blaze the illuminating rays of
-truth, which, throwing new light on the mental powers of man, and giving
-a fresh spring to his reasoning faculties, completely undermined the
-strong holds of priestcraft and hypocrisy.
-
-At this glorious era, the toleration of religious opinions in America,
-which the spirit of the times, when that continent was peopled with
-persecuted europeans, produced, aided, not a little, to diffuse these
-rational sentiments, and exhibited the phenomenon of a government
-established on the basis of reason and equality. The eyes of all Europe
-were watchfully fixed on the practical success of this experiment in
-political science; and whilst the crowns of the old world were drawing
-into their focus the hard-earned recompense of the toil and care of the
-simple citizens, who lived detached from courts, deprived of the
-comforts of life, the just reward of industry, or, palsied by
-oppression, pined in dirt and idleness; the anglo-americans appeared to
-be another race of beings, men formed to enjoy the advantages of
-society, and not merely to benefit those who governed; the use to which
-they had been appropriated in almost every state; considered only as the
-ballast which keeps the vessel steady, necessary, yet despised. So
-conspicuous in fact was the difference, that, when, frenchmen became the
-auxiliaries of those brave people, during their noble struggle against
-the tyrannical and inhuman ambition of the british court, it imparted to
-them that stimulus, which alone was wanting to give wings to freedom,
-who, hovering over France, led her indignant votaries to wreak their
-vengeance on the tottering fabric of a government, the foundation of
-which had been laid by benighted ignorance, and it’s walls cemented by
-the calamities of millions that mock calculation—and, in it’s ruins a
-system was entombed, the most baneful to human happiness and virtue.
-
-America fortunately found herself in a situation very different from all
-the rest of the world; for she had it in her power to lay the first
-stones of her government, when reason was venturing to canvass
-prejudice. Availing herself of the degree of civilization of the world,
-she has not retained those customs, which were only the expedients of
-barbarism; or thought that constitutions formed by chance, and
-continually patched up, were superiour to the plans of reason, at
-liberty to profit by experience.
-
-When society was first regulated, the laws could not be adjusted so as
-to take in the future conduct of it’s members, because the faculties of
-man are unfolded and perfected by the improvements made by society:
-consequently the regulations established as circumstances required were
-very imperfect. What then is to hinder man, at each epoch of
-civilization, from making a stand, and new modelling the materials, that
-have been hastily thrown into a rude mass, which time alone has
-consolidated and rendered venerable?
-
-When society was first subjugated to laws, probably by the ambition of
-some, and the desire of safety in all, it was natural for men to be
-selfish, because they were ignorant how intimately their own comfort was
-connected with that of others; and it was also very natural, that
-humanity, rather the effect of feeling than of reason, should have a
-very limited range. But, when men once see, clear as the light of
-heaven,—and I hail the glorious day from afar!—that on the general
-happiness depends their own, reason will give strength to the fluttering
-wings of passion, and men will “_do unto others, what they wish they
-should do unto them_.”
-
-What has hitherto been the political perfection of the world? In the two
-most celebrated nations it has only been a polish of manners, an
-extension of that family love, which is rather the effect of sympathy
-and selfish passions, than reasonable humanity. And in what has ended
-their so much extolled patriotism? In vain glory and barbarity—every
-page of history proclaims. And why has the enthusiasm for virtue thus
-passed away like the dew of the morning, dazzling the eyes of it’s
-admirers? Why?—because it was factitious virtue.
-
-During the period they had to combat against oppression, and rear an
-infant state, what instances of heroism do not the annals of Greece and
-Rome display! But it was merely the blaze of passion, “live smoke;” for
-after vanquishing their enemies, and making the most astonishing
-sacrifices to the glory of their country, they became civil tyrants, and
-preyed on the very society, for whose welfare it was easier to die, than
-to practise the sober duties of life, which insinuate through it the
-contentment that is rather felt than seen. Like the parents who forget
-all the dictates of justice and humanity, to aggrandize the very
-children whom they keep in a state of dependence, these heroes loved
-their country, because it was their country, ever showing by their
-conduct, that it was only a part of a narrow love of themselves.
-
-It is time, that a more enlightened moral love of mankind should
-supplant, or rather support physical affections. It is time, that the
-youth approaching manhood should be led by principles, and not hurried
-along by sensations—and then we may expect, that the heroes of the
-present generation, still having their monsters to cope with, will
-labour to establish such rational laws throughout the world, that men
-will not rest in the dead letter, or become artificial beings as they
-become civilized.
-
-We must get entirely clear of all the notions drawn from the wild
-traditions of original sin: the eating of the apple, the theft of
-Prometheus, the opening of Pandora’s box, and the other fables, too
-tedious to enumerate, on which priests have erected their tremendous
-structures of imposition, to persuade us, that we are naturally inclined
-to evil: we shall then leave room for the expansion of the human heart,
-and, I trust, find, that men will insensibly render each other happier
-as they grow wiser. It is indeed the necessity of stifling many of it’s
-most spontaneous desires, to obtain the factitious virtues of society,
-that makes man vicious, by depriving him of that dignity of character,
-which rests only on truth. For it is not paradoxical to assert, that the
-social virtues are nipt in the bud by the very laws of society. One
-principal of action is sufficient—Respect thyself—whether it be termed
-fear of God—religion; love of justice—morality; or, self-love—the desire
-of happiness. Yet, how can a man respect himself; and if not, how
-believe in the existence of virtue; when he is practising the daily
-shifts, which do not come under the cognisance of the law, in order to
-obtain a respectable situation in life? It seems, in fact, to be the
-business of a civilized man, to harden his heart, that on it he may
-sharpen the wit; which, assuming the appellation of sagacity, or
-cunning, in different characters, is only a proof, that the head is
-clear, because the heart is cold.
-
-Besides, one great cause of misery in the present imperfect state of
-society is, that the imagination, continually tantalized, becomes the
-inflated wen of the mind, draining off the nourishment from the vital
-parts. Nor would it, I think, be stretching the inference too far, to
-insist, that men become vicious in the same proportion as they are
-obliged, by the defects of society, to submit to a kind of self-denial,
-which ignorance, not morals, prescribes.
-
-But these evils are passing away; a new spirit has gone forth, to
-organise the body-politic; and where is the criterion to be found, to
-estimate the means, by which the influence of this spirit can be
-confined, now enthroned in the hearts of half the inhabitants of the
-globe? Reason has, at last, shown her captivating face, beaming with
-benevolence; and it will be impossible for the dark hand of despotism
-again to obscure it’s radiance, or the lurking dagger of subordinate
-tyrants to reach her bosom. The image of God implanted in our nature is
-now more rapidly expanding; and, as it opens, liberty with maternal wing
-seems to be soaring to regions far above vulgar annoyance, promising to
-shelter all mankind.
-
-It is a vulgar errour, built on a superficial view of the subject,
-though it seems to have the sanction of experience, that civilization
-can only go as far as it has hitherto gone, and then must necessarily
-fall back into barbarism. Yet thus much appears certain, that a state
-will infallibly grow old and feeble, if hereditary riches support
-hereditary rank, under any description. But when courts and
-primogeniture are done away, and simple equal laws are established, what
-is to prevent each generation from retaining the vigour of youth?—What
-can weaken the body or mind, when the great majority of society must
-exercise both, to earn a subsistence, and acquire respectability?
-
-The french revolution is a strong proof how far things will govern men,
-when simple principles begin to act with one powerful spring against the
-complicated wheels of ignorance; numerous in proportion to their
-weakness, and constantly wanting repair, because expedients of the
-moment are ever the spawn of cowardly folly, or the narrow calculations
-of selfishness. To elucidate this truth, it is not necessary to rake
-among the ashes of barbarous ambition; to show the ignorance and
-consequent folly of the monarchs, who ruled with a rod of iron, when the
-hordes of european savages began to form their governments; though the
-review of this portion of history would clearly prove, that narrowness
-of mind naturally produces ferociousness of temper.
-
-We may boast of the poetry of those ages, and of those charming flights
-of imagination, which, during the paroxysms of passion, flash out in
-those single acts of heroic virtue, that throw a lustre over a whole
-thoughtless life; but the cultivation of the understanding, in spite of
-these northern lights, appears to be the only way to tame men, whose
-restlessness of spirit creates the vicious passions, that lead to
-tyranny and cruelty. When the body is strong, and the blood warm, men do
-not like to think, or adopt any plan of conduct, unless broken-in by
-degrees: the force that has often spent itself in fatal activity becomes
-a rich source of energy of mind.
-
-Men exclaim, only noticing the evil, against the luxury introduced with
-the arts and sciences; when it is obviously the cultivation of these
-alone, emphatically termed the arts of peace, that can turn the sword
-into a ploughshare. War is the adventure naturally pursued by the idle,
-and it requires something of this species, to excite the strong emotions
-necessary to rouse inactive minds. Ignorant people, when they appear to
-reflect, exercise their imagination more than their understanding;
-indulging reveries, instead of pursuing a train of thinking; and thus
-grow romantic, like the croisaders; or like women, who are commonly idle
-and restless.
-
-If we turn then with disgust from ensanguined regal pomp, and the
-childish rareeshows that amuse the enslaved multitude, we shall feel
-still more contempt for the order of men, who cultivated their
-faculties, only to enable them to consolidate their power, by leading
-the ignorant astray; making the learning they concentrated in their
-cells, a more polished instrument of oppression. Struggling with so many
-impediments, the progress of useful knowledge for several ages was
-scarcely perceptible; though respect for the public opinion, that great
-softner of manners, and only substitute for moral principles, was
-gaining ground.
-
-The croisades, however, gave a shake to society, that changed it’s face;
-and the spirit of chivalry, assuming a new character during the reign of
-the gallant Francis the first, began to meliorate the ferocity of the
-ancient gauls and franks. The _point d’honneur_ being settled, the
-character of a _gentleman_, held ever since so dear in France, was
-gradually formed; and this kind of bastard morality, frequently the only
-substitute for all the ties that nature has rendered sacred, kept those
-men within bounds, who obeyed no other law.
-
-The same spirit mixed with the sanguinary treachery of the Guises, and
-gave support to the manly dignity of Henry the fourth, on whom nature
-had bestowed that warmth of constitution, tenderness of heart, and
-rectitude of understanding, which naturally produce an energetic
-character.—A supple force, that, exciting love, commands esteem.
-
-During the ministry of Richelieu, when the dynasty of _favouritism_
-commenced, the arts were patronized, and the italian mode of governing
-by intrigue tended to weaken bodies, polished by the friction of
-continual finesse. Dissimulation imperceptibly slides into falshood, and
-Mazarin, dissimulation personified, paved the way for the imposing pomp
-and false grandeur of the reign of the haughty and inflated Louis 14th;
-which, by introducing a taste for majestic frivolity, accelerated the
-perfection of that species of civilization, which consists in the
-refining of the senses at the expence of the heart; the source of all
-real dignity, honour, virtue, and every noble quality of the mind.
-Endeavouring to make bigotry tolerate voluptuousness, and honour and
-licentiousness shake hands, sight was lost of the line of distinction,
-or vice was hid under the mask of it’s correlative virtue. The glory of
-France, a bubble raised by the heated breath of the king, was the
-pretext for undermining happiness; whilst politeness took place of
-humanity, and created that fort of dependance, which leads men to barter
-their corn and wine, for unwholesome mixtures of they know not what,
-that, flattering a depraved appetite, destroy the tone of the stomach.
-
-The feudal taste for tournaments and martial feasts was now naturally
-succeeded by a fondness for theatrical entertainments; when feats of
-valour became too great an exertion of the weakened muscles to afford
-pleasure, and men found that resource in cultivation of mind, which
-renders activity of body less necessary to keep the stream of life from
-stagnating.
-
-All the pieces written at this period, except Moliere’s, reflected the
-manners of the court, and thus perverted the forming taste. That
-extraordinary man alone wrote on the grand scale of human passions, for
-mankind at large, leaving to inferiour authors the task of imitating the
-drapery of manners, which points out the _costume_ of the age.
-
-Corneille, like our Dryden, often tottering on the brink of absurdity
-and nonsense, full of noble ideas, which, crouding indistinctly on his
-fancy, he expresses obscurely, still delights his readers by sketching
-faint outlines of gigantic passions; and, whilst the charmed imagination
-is lured to follow him over enchanted ground, the heart is sometimes
-unexpectedly touched by a sublime or pathetic sentiment, true to nature.
-
-Racine, soon after, in elegant harmonious language painted the manners
-of his time, and with great judgement gave a picturesque cast to many
-unnatural scenes and factitious sentiments: always endeavouring to make
-his characters amiable, he is unable to render them dignified; and the
-refined morality, scattered throughout, belongs to the code of
-politeness rather than to that of virtue[1]. Fearing to stray from
-courtly propriety of behaviour, and shock a fastidious audience, the
-gallantry of his heroes interests only the gallant, and literary people,
-whose minds are open to different species of amusement. He was, in fact,
-the father of the french stage. Nothing can equal the fondness which the
-french suck in with their milk for public places, particularly the
-theatre; and this taste, giving the tone to their conduct, has produced
-so many stage tricks on the grand theatre of the nation, where old
-principles vamped up with new scenes and decorations, are continually
-represented.
-
-Their national character is, perhaps, more formed by their theatrical
-amusements, than is generally imagined: they are in reality the schools
-of vanity. And, after this kind of education, is it surprising, that
-almost every thing is said and done for stage effect? or that cold
-declamatory extasies blaze forth, only to mock the expectation with a
-show of warmth?
-
-Thus sentiments spouted from the lips come oftner from the head than the
-heart. Indeed natural sentiments are only the characters given by the
-imagination to recollected sensations; but the french, by the continual
-gratification of their senses, stifle the reveries of their imagination,
-which always requires to be acted upon by outward objects; and seldom
-reflecting on their feelings, their sensations are ever lively and
-transitory; exhaled by every passing beam, and dissipated by the
-slightest storm.
-
-If a relish for the broad mirth of _fun_ characterize the lower class of
-english, the french of every denomination are equally delighted with a
-phosphorical, sentimental gilding. This is constantly observable at the
-theatres. The passions are deprived of all their radical strength, to
-give smoothness to the ranting sentiments, which, with mock dignity,
-like the party-coloured rags on the shrivelled branches of the tree of
-liberty, stuck up in every village, are displayed as something very
-grand and significant.
-
-The wars of Louis were, likewise, theatrical exhibitions; and the
-business of his life was adjusting ceremonials, of which he himself
-became the dupe, when his grandeur was in the wane, and his animal
-spirits were spent[2]. But, towards the close even of his reign, the
-writings of Fenelon, and the conversation of his pupil, the duke of
-Burgundy, gave rise to different political discussions, of which the
-theoretical basis was the happiness of the people—till death, spreading
-a huge pall over the family and glory of Louis, compassion draws his
-faults under the same awful canopy, and we sympathize with the man in
-adversity, whose prosperity was pestiferous.
-
-Louis, by imposing on the senses of his people, gave a new turn to the
-chivalrous humour of the age: for, with the true spirit of quixotism,
-the french made a point of honour of adoring their king; and the glory
-of the _grand monarque_ became the national pride, even when it cost
-them most dear.
-
-As a proof of the perversion of mind at that period, and the false
-political opinions which prevailed, making the unhappy king the slave of
-his own despotism, it is sufficient to select one anecdote.
-
-A courtier assures us,[3] that the most humiliating circumstance that
-ever happened to the king, and one of those which gave him most pain,
-was the publication of a memorial circulated with great diligence by his
-enemies throughout France. In this memorial the allies invited the
-french to demand the assembling of their ancient _states-general_. They
-tell them, “that the ambition and pride of the king were the only causes
-of the wars during his reign; and that, to secure themselves a lasting
-peace, it was incumbent on them not to lay down their arms till the
-states-general were convoked.”
-
-It almost surpasses belief to add, that, in spite of the imprisonment,
-exile, flight, or execution of two millions of french, this memorial
-produced little effect. But the king, who was severely hurt, took care
-to have a reply written[4]; though he might have comforted himself with
-the recollection, that, when they were last assembled, Louis XIII
-dismissed them with empty promises, forgotten as soon as made.
-
-The enthusiasm of the french, which, in general, hurries them from one
-extreme to another, at this time produced a total change of manners.
-
-During the regency, vice was not only bare-faced, but audacious; and the
-tide completely turned: the hypocrites were now all ranged on the other
-side, the courtiers, labouring to show their abhorrence of religious
-hypocrisy, set decency at defiance, and did violence to the modesty of
-nature, when they wished to outrage the squeamish puerilities of
-superstition.
-
-In the character of the regent we may trace all the vices and graces of
-false refinement; forming the taste by destroying the heart. Devoted to
-pleasure, he so soon exhausted the intoxicating cup of all it’s sweets,
-that his life was spent in searching amongst the dregs, for the novelty
-that could give a gasp of life to enjoyment. The wit, which at first was
-the zest of his nocturnal orgies, soon gave place, as flat, to the
-grossest excesses, in which the principal variety was flagitious
-immorality. And what has he done to rescue his name from obloquy, but
-protect a few debauched artists and men of letters? His goodness of
-heart only appeared in sympathy. He pitied the distresses of the people,
-when before his eyes; and as quickly forgot these yearnings of heart in
-his sensual stye.
-
-He often related, with great pleasure, an anecdote of the prior de
-Vendôme, who chanced to please a mistress of Charles II, and the king
-could only get rid of his rival by requesting Louis XIV to recall him.
-
-At those moments he would bestow the warmest praises on the english
-constitution; and seemed enamoured of liberty, though authorising at the
-time the most flagrant violations of property, and despotic arts of
-cruelty. The only good he did his country[5] arose from this frivolous
-circumstance; for introducing the fashion of admiring the english, he
-led men to read and translate some of their masculine writers, which
-greatly contributed to rouse the sleeping manhood of the french. His
-love of the fine arts, however, has led different authors to strew
-flowers over his unhallowed dust—fit emblem of the brilliant qualities,
-that ornamented only the soil on which they grew.
-
-The latter part of the reign of Louis XV is notorious for the same
-atrocious debaucheries, unvarnished by wit, over which modesty would
-fain draw a veil, were it not necessary to give the last touches to the
-portrait of that vile despotism, under the lash of which twenty-five
-millions of people groaned; till, unable to endure the increasing weight
-of oppression, they rose like a vast elephant, terrible in his anger,
-treading down with blind fury friends as well as foes.
-
-Impotence of body, and indolence of mind, rendered Louis XV the slave of
-his mistresses, who sought to forget his nauseous embraces in the arms
-of knaves, who found their account in caressing them. Every corner of
-the kingdom was ransacked to satiate these cormorants, who wrung the
-very bowels of industry, to give a new edge to sickly appetites;
-corrupting the morals whilst breaking the spirit of the nation.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
- MARIE-ANTOINETTE. LOUIS XVI. ADMINISTRATION OF NECKER, AND OF CALONNE.
- NOTABLES CONVENED. CALONNE DISGRACED,—AND OBLIGED TO FLEE THE KINGDOM.
- HIS CHARACTER. CAUSES OF THE ENSLAVED STATE OF EUROPE.
-
-
-During this general depravation of manners, the young and beautiful
-_dauphine_ arrived; and was received with a kind of idolatrous
-adoration, only to be seen in France; for the inhabitants of the
-metropolis, literally speaking, could think and talk of nothing else;
-and in their eagerness to pay homage, or gratify affectionate curiosity,
-an immense number were killed.
-
-In such a voluptuous atmosphere, how could she escape contagion? The
-profligacy of Louis XIV, when love and war were his amusements, was
-soberness, compared with the capricious intemperance of the inebriated
-imagination at this period. Madame du Barry was then in the zenith of
-her power, which quickly excited the jealousy of this princess, whose
-strongest passion was that intolerable family pride, which heated the
-blood of the whole house of Austria. An inclination for court intrigue,
-under the mask of the most profound dissimulation, to preserve the
-favour of Louis XV, was instantly called into action; and it soon became
-the only business of her life, either to gratify resentment, or cheat
-the satiety, which the continual and unrestrained indulgence of pleasure
-produced.
-
-Her character thus formed, when she became absolute mistress, the court
-of the passive Louis, not only the most dissolute and abandoned that
-ever displayed the folly of royalty, but audaciously negligent with
-respect to that attention to decency, which is necessary to delude the
-vulgar, was deserted by all persons, who had any regard for their moral
-character, or the decorum of appearances. Constrained by the
-_etiquette_, which made the principal part of the imposing grandeur of
-Louis XIV, the queen wished to throw aside the cumbersome brocade of
-ceremony, without having discernment enough to perceive, that it was
-necessary to lend mock dignity to a court, where there was not
-sufficient virtue, or native beauty, to give interest or respectability
-to simplicity. The harlot is seldom such a fool as to neglect her
-meretricious ornaments, unless she renounces her trade; and the
-pageantry of courts is the same thing on a larger scale. The lively
-predilection, likewise, of the queen for her native country, and love
-for her brother Joseph, to whom she repeatedly sent considerable sums,
-purloined from the public, tended greatly to inspire the most ineffable
-contempt for royalty, now stript of the frippery which had concealed
-it’s deformity: and the sovereign disgust excited by her ruinous vices,
-completely destroying all reverence for that majesty, to which power
-alone lent dignity, contempt soon produced hatred.
-
-The infamous transaction of the necklace, in which she was probably the
-dupe of the knaves she fostered, exasperated also both the nobility and
-the clergy; and, with her messalinian feasts at _Trianon_, made her the
-common mark of ridicule and satire.
-
-The attention of the people once roused was not permitted to sleep; for
-fresh circumstances daily occurred, to give a new spring to discussions,
-that the most iniquitous and heavy taxes brought home to every bosom;
-till the extravagance of the royal family became the general subject of
-sharpening execrations.
-
-The king, who had not sufficient resolution to support the
-administration of Turgot, whom his disposition for moderation had
-chosen, being at a loss what measures to take, called to the helm the
-plausible Necker. He, only half comprehending the plans of his able
-predecessor, was led by his vanity cautiously to adopt them; first
-publishing his _Comte-rendu_, to clear the way to popularity. This work
-was read with astonishing rapidity by all ranks of men; and alarming the
-courtiers, Necker was, in his turn, dismissed. He retired to write his
-observations on the administration of the finances, which kept alive the
-spirit of inquiry, that afterwards broke the talisman of courts, and
-showed the disenchanted multitude, that those, whom they had been taught
-to respect as supernatural beings, were not indeed men—but monsters;
-deprived by their station of humanity, and even sympathy.
-
-Several abortive attempts were then made by two succeeding ministers, to
-keep alive public credit, and find resources to supply the expenditure
-of the state, and the dissipation of the court, when the king was
-persuaded to place the specious Calonne at the head of these embarrassed
-affairs.
-
-During the prodigal administration of this man, who acted with an
-audacity peculiar to the arrogance common in men of superficial yet
-brilliant talents, every consideration was sacrificed to the court; the
-splendid folly and wanton prodigality of which eclipsing all that has
-been related in history, or told in romance, to amuse wondering fools,
-only served to accelerate the destruction of public credit, and hasten
-the revolution, by exciting the clamourous indignation of the people.
-Numberless destructive expedients of the moment brought money into the
-state coffers, only to be dissipated by the royal family, and it’s train
-of parasites; till all failing, the wish of still supporting himself in
-a situation so desirable as that of comptroller general of the finances,
-determined him to convene an assembly of _notables_: whose very
-appellation points them out as men in the aristocratical interest.
-
-Louis XVI, with a considerable portion of common sense, and a desire to
-promote useful reformation, though always governed by those around him,
-gave without hesitation the necessary orders for calling together the
-assembly, that afforded the wearied nation the most pleasing prospect,
-because it was a new one; but conveyed to their astonished minds at the
-same time the knowledge of the enormity of a _deficit_, which a series
-of vice and folly had augmented beyond all precedent.
-
-The immoralities of Calonne, however, had created a general distrust of
-all his designs: but with an overweening presumption, the characteristic
-of the man, he still thought, that he could dexterously obtain the
-supplies wanted to keep the wheels of government in motion, and quiet
-the clamours of the nation, by proposing the equalization of taxes;
-which, humbling the nobility and dignified clergy, who were thus to be
-brought down from their privileged height, to the level of citizens,
-could not fail to be grateful to the rest of the nation. And the
-parliaments, he concluded, would not dare to oppose his system, lest
-they should draw on themselves the distrust and hatred of the public.
-
-Without canvassing Calonne’s intentions, which the most enlarged
-charity, after his former extravagance, can scarcely suppose to have
-been the interest of the people, moderate men imagined this project
-might have been productive of much good; giving the french all the
-liberty they were able to digest; and, warding off the tumults that have
-since produced so many disastrous events, whilst coolly preparing them
-for the reception of more, the effervescence of vanity and ignorance
-would not have rendered their heads giddy, or their hearts savage. Yet
-some sensible observers, on the contrary, rather adopted the opinion,
-that as the people had discovered the magnitude of the _deficit_, they
-were now persuaded, that a specific remedy was wanting, _a new
-constitution_; to cure the evils, which were the excrescences of a
-gigantic tyranny, that appeared to be draining away the vital juices of
-labour, to fill the insatiable jaws of thousands of fawning slaves and
-idle sycophants. But though the people might, for the present, have been
-satisfied with this salutary reform, which would gradually have had an
-effect, reasoning from analogy, that the financier did not take, into
-his account, the nobility were not sufficiently enlightened to listen to
-the dictates of justice or prudence. It had been, indeed, the system of
-ministers, ever since Richelieu, to humble the nobles, to increase the
-power of the court; and as the ministry, the generals, and the bishops,
-were always noble, they aided to support the favourite, who depressed
-the whole body, only for the chance of individual preferment. But this
-bare-faced attempt to abolish their privileges raised a nest of hornets
-about his ears, eager to secure the plunder on which they lived; for by
-what other name can we call the pensions, places and even estates of
-those who, taxing industry, rioted in idleness duty free[6]?
-
-An approaching national bankruptcy was the ostensible reason assigned
-for the convening of the _notables_ in 1787; but the convocation, in
-truth, ought to be ascribed to the voice of reason, founded through the
-organ of twenty-five millions of human beings, who, though under the
-fetters of a detestable tyranny, felt, that the crisis was at hand, when
-the rights of man, and his dignity ascertained were to be enthroned on
-the eternal basis of justice and humanity.
-
-The _notables_, once assembled, being sensible, that their conduct would
-be inspected by an awakened public, now on the watch, scrupulously
-examined into every national concern; and seriously investigated the
-causes, that had produced the _deficit_, with something like the
-independent spirit of freemen. To their inquiries, however, the minister
-gave only the evasive reply, ‘that he had acted in obedience to the
-pleasure of the king:’ when it was notorious to all Europe, that his
-majesty was merely a cipher at Versailles; and even the accusation
-brought against Calonne, by La Fayette, of exchanging the national
-domains, and appropriating millions of it’s revenue to gratify the
-queen, the count d’Artois, and the rest of the cabal, who kept him in
-place, was generally believed. In fact, the state had been fleeced, to
-support the unremitting demands of the queen; who would have dismembered
-France, to aggrandize Austria, and pamper her favourites. Thus the court
-conniving at peculation, the minister played a sure game; whilst the
-honest labourer was groaning under a thousand abuses, and yielding the
-solace of his industry, or the hoards, which youthful strength had
-reserved for times of scarcity or decrepit age, to irritate the
-increasing wants of a thoughtless, treacherous princess, and the avarice
-of her unprincipled agents.
-
-This artful, though weak, machiavelian politician suffered no other
-person to approach the king; who, seduced into confidence by his
-colloquial powers, could not avoid being dazzled by his plausible
-schemes. He had, nevertheless, a powerful enemy to contend with, in M.
-de Breteuil; who, having gratified some of the little passions of the
-dauphine, during her first struggles for dominion, was now protected by
-the absolute power of the queen. Endeavouring to measure his strength
-with her’s, the minister was discomfited; and the whole swarm of
-flatterers, who had partaken of the spoil of rapine, were instantly
-alert to open the eyes of Louis, over which they had long been
-scattering poppies, and soon convinced him of the perfidy of his
-favourite; whilst the two privileged orders joined their forces, to
-overwhelm their common enemy, attending to their vengeance at the very
-time they followed the dictates of prudence.
-
-The accusations of La Fayette served, perhaps, as the ostensible reason
-with the public, and even with the king; yet it can hardly be supposed,
-that they had any effect on the cabal, who invented, or connived at the
-plans necessary to raise a continual supply for their pleasures. The
-fact is, that, most probably being found unequal to the task, or no
-longer choosing to be a docile instrument of mischief, he was thrown
-aside as unfit for use.
-
-Disgraced, he quickly retired to his estate; but was not long permitted
-to struggle with the malady of exiled ministers, in the gloomy silence
-of inactivity; for, hearing that he had been denounced by the
-parliament, he fled in a transport of rage out of the kingdom, covered
-with the execrations of an injured people, in whose hatred, or
-admiration, the mellowed shades of reflection are seldom seen.
-
-The extravagance of his administration exceeded that of any other
-scourge of France; yet it does not appear, that he was actuated by a
-plan, or even desire, of enriching himself. So far from it, with wild
-prodigality he seems to have squandered away the vast sums he extorted
-by force or fraud, merely to gratify or purchase friends and dependents;
-till, quite exhausted, he was obliged to have recourse to Necker’s
-scheme of loans. But not possessing like him the confidence of the
-public, he could not with equal facility obtain a present supply, the
-weight of which would be thrown forward to become a stumbling-block to
-his successors. Necker, by the advantageous terms which he held out to
-money-holders, had introduced a pernicious system of stock-jobbing, that
-was slowly detected, because those who could best have opened the eyes
-of the people were interested to keep them closed.—Still Calonne could
-not induce the same body of men to trust to his offers; which, not
-choosing to accept, they made a point of discrediting, to secure the
-interest and exorbitant premiums that were daily becoming due.
-
-With an uncommon quickness of comprehension, and audacity in pursuing
-crude schemes, rendered plausible by a rhetorical flow of words,
-Calonne, a strong representative of the national character, seems rather
-to have wanted principles than feelings of humanity; and to have been
-led astray more by vanity and the love of pleasure, which imperceptibly
-smooth away moral restraints, than by those deep plans of guilt, that
-force men to see the extent of the mischief they are hatching, whilst
-the crocodile is still in the egg. Yet, as mankind ever judge by events,
-the inconsiderate presumption, if not the turpitude of his conduct,
-brought on him universal censure: for, at a crisis when the general
-groans of an oppressed nation proclaimed the disease of the state, and
-even when the government was on the verge of dissolution, did he not
-waste the treasures of his country, forgetful not only of moral
-obligations, but the ties of honour, of that regard for the tacit
-confidence of it’s citizens, which a statesman ought to hold sacred?
-since which he has been caressed at almost every court in Europe, and
-made one of the principal agents of despotism in the croisades against
-the infant liberty of France.
-
-Reflecting on the conduct of the tools of courts, we are enabled in a
-great measure to account for the slavery of Europe; and to discover,
-that it’s misery has not arisen more from the imperfection of
-civilization, than from the fallacy of those political systems, which
-necessarily made the favourite of the day a knavish tyrant, eager to
-amass riches sufficient to save himself from oblivion, when the honours,
-so hardly wrestled for, should be torn from his brow. Besides, whilst
-ministers have found impunity in the omnipotence, which the seal of
-power gave them, and in the covert fear of those who hoped one day to
-enjoy the same emoluments, they have been led by the prevalence of
-depraved manners, to the commission of every atrocious folly. Kings have
-been the dupes of ministers, of mistresses, and secretaries, not to
-notice sly valets and cunning waiting-maids, who are seldom idle; and
-these are most venal, because they have least independence of character
-to support; till in the circle of corruption no one can point out the
-first mover. Hence proceeds the great tenacity of courts to support
-them; hence originates their great objection to republican forms of
-government, which oblige their ministers to be accountable for
-delinquency; and hence, likewise, might be traced their agonizing fears
-of the doctrine of civil equality.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
-ADMINISTRATION OF DE BRIENNE. DISSOLUTION OF THE NOTABLES. LAND TAX AND
- STAMP DUTY RECOMMENDED BY THEM, BUT REFUSED TO BE SANCTIONED BY THE
-PARLIAMENT. BED OF JUSTICE. THE PARLIAMENT BANISHED TO TROYES,—BUT SOON
-COMPROMISED FOR IT’S RECALL. STRUGGLES OF THE COURT PARTY TO PREVENT THE
- CONVOCATION OF THE STATES-GENERAL. BANISHMENT OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS,
- AND TWO SPIRITED MEMBERS OF THE PARLIAMENT. COUR PLENIERE. REMARKS ON
- THE PARLIAMENTS. IMPRISONMENT OF THE MEMBERS. DEPUTIES OF THE PROVINCE
- OF BRITANNY SENT TO THE BASTILLE. THE SOLDIERY LET LOOSE UPON THE
- PEOPLE.
-
-
-After the dismission of Calonne, M. de Brienne, a man whose talents
-Turgot had overrated, was now chosen by the queen, because he had
-formerly seconded her views, and was still the obsequious slave of that
-power, which he had long been courting, to obtain the so much envied
-place of minister. Having taken more pains to gain the post than to
-prepare himself to fulfil it’s functions, his weak and timid mind was in
-a continual tumult; and he adopted with head-long confusion the taxes
-proposed by his predecessor; because money must be had, and he knew not
-where to turn to procure it by an unhacknied mode of extortion.
-
-The _notables_ were now dissolved; and it would have been a natural
-consequence of the dismission of the minister who assembled them, even
-if their spirited inquiries had not rendered their presence vexatious to
-the court. This, however, was an impolitic measure; for they returned
-highly disgusted to their respective abodes, to propagate the free
-opinions, to which resentment and argumentation had given birth.
-
-Before the breaking up of the _notables_, they were nevertheless
-prevailed upon to recommend a land and stamp tax; and the edicts were
-sent to the parliament to be enregistered. But these magistrates, never
-forgetting that they enjoyed, in virtue of their office, the privileged
-exemption from taxes, to elude sanctioning the first, which was to have
-been an equal impost, took advantage of the public odiousness of the
-second; thus avoiding, with a show of patriotism, an avowed opposition
-to the interest of the people, that would clearly have proved, how much
-dearer they held their own.
-
-The gaudy and meretricious pageantry of the court was now displayed, to
-intimidate the parliament, at what was termed a bed of justice, though
-in reality of all justice a solemn mockery; and, whilst pretending to
-consult them, the edicts were enregistered by a mandate of state. The
-parliament, in the mean time, making a merit of necessity, declared,
-that the right of sanctioning the impost belonged only to the
-states-general, the convocation of which they demanded. Provoked by
-their sturdy opposition, the court banished them to Troyes; and they
-compromised for their recall by enregistering the prolongation of the
-_deuxieme vingtieme_, a cowardly desertion of their former ground.
-
-A century before (a proof of the progress of reason) the people,
-digesting their disappointment, would have submitted, with brutal
-acquiescence, to the majestic WILL of the king, without daring to scan
-it’s import; but now, recognizing their own dignity, they insisted, that
-all authority, which did not originate with them, was illegal and
-despotic, and loudly resounded the grand truth—That it was necessary to
-convoke the states-general. The government, however, like a dying wretch
-cut off by intemperance, whilst the lust of enjoyment still remaining
-prompts him to exhaust his strength by struggling with death, fought
-some time longer inauspiciously for existence, depending on the succour
-of the court empirics, who vainly flattered themselves, that they could
-prevent it’s dissolution. From the moment, indeed, that Brienne
-succeeded Calonne, all the machinery, which the demon of despotism could
-invent, was put in motion, to divert the current of opinion, bearing on
-it’s fair bosom the new sentiments of liberty with irresistible force,
-and overwhelming, as it swelled, the perishing monuments of venerable
-folly, and the fragile barriers of superstitious ignorance.
-
-But supplies were still wanting; and the court, being fruitful in
-stratagems to procure a loan, which was the necessary lever of it’s
-insidious designs, coalesced with some of the members of the parliament,
-and the agreement was to have been ratified in a _séance royale_. Yet,
-as the parliament had determined to be governed by a clear majority, the
-scheme of the keeper of the seals, who intended to have the business
-hurried over without telling the votes, was completely defeated.
-
-The discovery of this unfair attempt made the indignant magistrates,
-glad to seize an occasion to recover their popularity, maintain with
-boldness their own character, and the interest of the people. The duke
-of Orleans, also, somewhat tauntingly suggesting to the king, that this
-was only another bed of justice, was exiled, with two other members, who
-had remonstrated with courage. These magistrates, now become the objects
-of public adoration, were considered by the grateful public as their
-only bulwark against the attacks of the ministry; which continued to
-harrass invention, to contrive means to counteract a concurrence of
-circumstances, that were driving before them all opposition.
-
-The court, for I consider the government, at this period, completely at
-an end, continued to stumble out of one blunder into another, till at
-last they rested all their hopes on the popular reforms projected by
-Brienne, in conjunction with Lamoignon, a man with more strength of
-character, to cajole the people and crush the parliament. Several
-strokes, the feeble blows of angry men, who wished still to retain the
-stolen sweets of office, were aimed at this body, calculated to mislead
-the people, who were also promised a reformed code of penal laws. But
-the time when partial remedies would have been eagerly swallowed was
-past, and the people saw distinctly, that their will would soon be law,
-and their power omnipotent. But the minister, Brienne, not aware of
-this, to steer clear of further opposition, proposed the plan of a _cour
-pléniere_: an heterogeneous assembly of princes, nobles, magistrates,
-and soldiers. A happy substitute, as he imagined, for the parliament;
-and which, by restoring the ancient forms of the kings of France, would
-awe and amuse the people. He did not consider, that their minds were now
-full of other objects, and their enthusiasm turned into another channel.
-
-This conduct proved more destructive to the court than any former folly
-it’s advisers had committed. Imbecility now characterized every measure.
-The parliament however fell into the snare, and forfeited the esteem and
-confidence of the people by opposing some popular edicts; particularly
-one in favour of the protestants, which they themselves had demanded ten
-years before, and to which they now objected, only because it came from
-another quarter. Yet the court, regardless of experience, endeavoured to
-restore it’s credit by persecution; whilst, making all the clashing
-movements that fear could dictate to manifest it’s power and overawe the
-nation, it united all parties, and drew the whole kingdom to one point
-of action.
-
-The despotic and extravagant steps taken, to give efficiency to the
-_cour pléniere_, awakened the sensibility of the most torpid; and the
-vigilance of twenty-five millions of centinels was roused, to watch the
-movements of the court, and follow it’s corrupt ministers, through all
-the labyrinths of sophistry and tergiversation, into the very dens of
-their nefarious machinations. To prevent the different parliaments from
-deliberating, and forming in consequence a plan of conduct together, the
-edict to sanction this packed cabinet was to be presented to them all on
-the same day; and a considerable force was assembled, to intimidate the
-members, who should dare to prove refractory. But, they were forewarned
-in time, to avoid being surprised into acquiescence: for, having
-received an intimation of the design, a copy of the edict had been
-purloined from the press, by means of the universal engine of
-corruption, money.
-
-Warmed by the discovery of this surreptitious attempt to cheat them into
-blind obedience, they bound themselves by an oath, to act in concert;
-and not to enregister a decree, that had been obtained through a medium,
-which violated the privilege they had usurped of having a share in the
-legislation, by rendering their sanction of edicts necessary to give
-them force: a privilege that belonged only to the states-general. Still,
-as the government had often found it convenient to make the parliaments
-a substitute for a power they dreaded to see in action, these
-magistrates sometimes availed themselves of this weakness, to
-remonstrate against oppression; and thus, covering usurpation with a
-respectable veil, the twelve parliaments were considered by the people
-as the only barriers to resist the encroachments of despotism. Yet the
-sagacious chancellor L’Hôpital, not deceived by their accidental
-usefulness, guarded the french against their illegal ambition: for was
-it not a dangerous courtesy of the people, to allow an aristocracy of
-lawyers, who bought their places, to be as it were the only
-representatives of the nation? Still their resistance had frequently
-been an impediment in the way of tyranny, and now provoked a discussion,
-which led to the most important of all questions—namely, in whose hands
-ought the sovereignty to rest?—who ought to levy the impost, and make
-laws?—and the answer was the universal demand of a fair representation,
-to meet at stated periods, without depending on the caprice of the
-executive power. Unable to effect their purpose by art or force, the
-weak ministry, stung by the disappointment, determined at least to wreak
-their vengeance on two of the boldest of the members. But the united
-magistrates disputing the authority of the armed force, it was necessary
-to send to Versailles, to make the king sign an express order; and
-towards five o’clock the next morning the sanctuary of justice was
-profaned, and the two members dragged to prison, in contempt of the
-visible indignation of the people. Soon after, to fill up the measure of
-provocations, a deputation sent by the province of Brittany, to
-remonstrate against the establishment of the _cour pléniere_, were
-condemned to silence in the Bastille.
-
-Without money, and afraid to demand it, excepting in a circumlocutory
-manner, the court, like mad men, spent themselves in idle exertions of
-strength: for, whilst the citizens of Paris were burning in effigy the
-two obnoxious ministers, who thus outraged them in the person of their
-magistrates, they were delivered up to the fury of the hired slaves of
-despotism, and trampled under foot by the cavalry; who were called in to
-quell a riot purposely excited.
-
-Cries of horrour and indignation resounded throughout the kingdom; and
-the nation, with one voice, demanded justice—Alas! justice had never
-been known in France. Retaliation and vengeance had been it’s fatal
-substitutes. And from this epoch we may date the commencement of those
-butcheries, which have brought on that devoted country so many dreadful
-calamities, by teaching the people to avenge themselves with blood!
-
-The hopes of the nation, it is true, were still turned towards the
-promised convocation of the states-general; which every day became more
-necessary. But the infatuated ministers, though unable to devise any
-scheme to extricate themselves out of the crowd of difficulties, into
-which they had heedlessly plunged, could not think of convening a power,
-which they foresaw, without any great stretch of sagacity, would quickly
-annihilate their own.
-
-The ferment, mean time, continued, and the blood that had been shed
-served only to increase it; nay, the citizens of Grenoble prepared with
-calmness to resist force by force, and the myrmidons of tyranny might
-have found it a serious contest, if the intelligence of the dismission
-of the ministers had not produced one of those moments of enthusiasm,
-which by the most rapid operation of sympathy unites all hearts. Touched
-by it, the men who lived on the wages of slaughter threw down their
-arms, and melting into tears in the embraces of the citizens whom they
-came to murder, remembered that they were countrymen, and groaned under
-the same oppression: and, their conduct, quickly applauded with that
-glow of sensibility which excites imitation, served as an example to the
-whole army, forcing the soldiers to think of their situation, and might
-have proved a salutary lesson to any court less depraved and insensible
-than that of Versailles.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IV.
- NECKER RECALLED. HIS CHARACTER. NOTABLES CONVENED A SECOND TIME.
- COALITION OF THE NOBILITY AND CLERGY IN DEFENCE OF THEIR PRIVILEGES.
-PROVINCIAL ASSEMBLIES OF THE PEOPLE. POLITICAL PUBLICATIONS IN FAVOUR OF
- THE TIERS-ETAT. GENERAL REFLECTIONS ON REFORM,—ON THE PRESENT STATE OF
- EUROPE,—AND ON THE REVOLUTION IN FRANCE.
-
-
-Such were the measures pursued to exasperate a people beginning to open
-their eyes, and now clamourously demanding the restitution of their
-long-estranged rights; when the court, having in vain attempted to
-terrify or deceive them, found it expedient to still the storm by
-recalling Necker. This man had the confidence of France, which he in
-some degree merited for the light he had thrown on the state of the
-revenue, and for the system of economy, that he had endeavoured to adopt
-during his former administration: but unfortunately he did not possess
-talents or political sagacity sufficient to pilot the state in this
-perilous season. Bred up in a counting-house, he acquired that knowledge
-of detail, and attention to little advantages, so necessary when a man
-desires to amass riches with what is termed a fair character: and,
-having accumulated a very large fortune by unremitting industry; or, to
-borrow the commercial phrase, _attention to the main chance_, his house
-became the resort of the men of letters of his day.
-
-The foibles of a rich man are always fostered, sometimes perhaps
-insensibly, by his numerous dependents and visitants, who find his table
-amusing or convenient. It is not then surprizing, that, with the
-abilities of a tolerable financier, he was soon persuaded, that he was a
-great author, and consummate statesman. Besides, when the manners of a
-nation are very depraved, the men who wish to appear, and even to be,
-more moral than the multitude, in general become pedantically virtuous;
-and, continually contrasting their morals with the thoughtless vices
-around them, the artificial, narrow character of a sectary is formed;
-the manners are rendered stiff, and the heart cold. The dupes also of
-their flimsey virtue, many men are harshly called hypocrites, who are
-only weak; and popularity often turns the head giddy, that would have
-soberly fulfilled the common duties of a man in the shade of private
-life.
-
-Having adopted with a timid hand many of the sagacious plans of his
-model, the clear headed, unaffected Turgot, Necker was considered by the
-greater part of the nation as a consummate politician: neither was it
-surprizing, that the people, snatched from despondency, should have
-mistaken the extent of his political knowledge, when they had estimated
-it by that of the greatest statesman, which France, or, perhaps, any
-other country, ever produced.
-
-Having written on a subject, that naturally attracted the attention of
-the public, he had the vanity to believe, that he deserved the
-exaggerated applause he received, and the reputation of wise, when he
-was only shrewd. Not content with the fame he acquired by writing on a
-subject, which his turn of mind and profession enabled him to
-comprehend, he wished to obtain a higher degree of celebrity, by forming
-into a large book various metaphysical shreds of arguments, which he had
-collected from the conversation of men, fond of ingenious subtilties;
-and the style, excepting some declamatory passages, was as inflated and
-confused as the thoughts were far fetched and unconnected[7].
-
-As it is from this period, that we must date the commencement of those
-great events, which, outrunning expectation, have almost rendered
-observation breathless, it becomes necessary to enter on the task with
-caution; as it ought not to be more the object of the historian to fill
-up the sketch, than to trace the hidden springs and secret mechanism,
-which have put in motion a revolution, the most important that has ever
-been recorded in the annals of man. This was a crisis that demanded
-boldness and precision; and no man in France, excepting Necker, had the
-reputation of possessing extensive political talents; because the old
-system of government scarcely afforded a field, in which the abilities
-of men could be unfolded, and their judgment matured by experience. Yet,
-whilst the kingdom was in the greatest fermentation, he seems to have
-thought of none but those timid half-way measures, which always prove
-disastrous in desperate cases, when the wound requires to be probed to
-the quick.
-
-The old government was then only a vast ruin; and whilst it’s pillars
-were trembling on their baseless foundations, the eyes of all France
-were directed towards their admired minister. In this situation, with
-all his former empiricism he began his second career, like another
-Sangrado. But the people could no longer bear bleeding—for their veins
-were already so lacerated, it was difficult to find room to make a fresh
-incision; and the emollient prescriptions, the practice of former times,
-were now insufficient to stop the progress of a deadly disease. In this
-situation, listening to the voice of the nation, because he was at a
-loss what step to take to maintain his popularity, he determined to
-hasten the convocation of the states-general: first recalling the exiled
-magistrates, and restoring the parliaments to the exercise of their
-functions. His next care was to dissipate all apprehension of a famine;
-a fear that had been artfully excited by the court agents, in order to
-have a pretext to form magazines of provision for an army, which they
-had previously resolved to assemble in the vicinity of Paris.
-
-Thus far he seems to have acted with some degree of prudence, at least;
-but, inattentive to the robust strength which the public opinion had
-then acquired, he wavered as to the mode of constituting the
-states-general, whilst the parliament passed a decree to prevent their
-assembling in any other manner than they did in 1614. This obstinate
-pretention to legislate for the nation was no longer to be tolerated,
-when they opposed the wishes of the people: yet, with the common
-instinct of corporate bodies, they wrapped themselves up in the
-precedents that proved their winding-sheet, provoking universal
-contempt; for the herculean force of the whole empire was now clearing
-away every obstacle to freedom.
-
-At this critical moment, the minister, enjoying great popularity, had it
-in his power, could he have governed the court, to have suggested a
-system, which might ultimately have proved acceptable to all parties;
-and thus have prevented that dreadful convulsion, which has shook the
-kingdom from one extremity to the other. Instead of that, he convened a
-second time the _notables_, to take their opinion on a subject,
-respecting which the public had already decided, not daring himself to
-sanction it’s decision. The strongest proof he could give, that his mind
-was not sufficiently elastic to expand with the opening views of the
-people; and that he did not possess the eye of genius, which, quickly
-distinguishing what is possible, enables a statesman to act with firm
-dignity, resting on his own centre.
-
-Carried away by the general impulsion, with the inconsiderate fervour of
-men, whose hearts always grow hard as they cool, when they have been
-warmed by some sudden glow of enthusiasm or sympathy, the _notables_
-showed, by their subsequent conduct, that, though they had been led by
-eloquence to support some questions of a patriotic tendency, they had
-not the principles necessary to impel them to give up local advantages,
-or personal prerogatives, for the good of the whole community, in which
-they were only eventually to share. Indeed romantic virtue, or
-friendship, seldom goes further than professions; because it is merely
-the effect of that fondness for imitating great, rather than acquiring
-moderate qualities, common to vain people.
-
-The _notables_ had now two essential points to settle; namely, to
-regulate the election of the deputies, and how they were afterwards to
-vote. The population and wealth of several provinces, from commercial
-advantages and other causes, had given a new face to the country since
-the former election; so much so, that, if the ancient division were
-adhered to, the representation could not fail to be very unequal. Yet if
-the natural order of population were followed, the grand question of
-voting by orders or by voices seemed to be prejudged by the great
-increase of the members of the _tiers-etat_.
-
-The nobles and the clergy immediately rallied round the standard of
-privileges, insisting, that France would be ruined, if their _rights_
-were touched: and so true were they now to their insulated interest,
-that all the committees into which the _notables_ were divided,
-excepting that of which _monsieur_ was president, determined against
-allowing the _tiers-etat_ that increase of power necessary to enable
-them to be useful. Whilst, however, these disputes and cabals seemed to
-promise no speedy determination, the people, weary of procrastination,
-and disgusted with the obstacles continually thrown in the way of the
-meeting of the states-general, by a court that was ever secretly at
-work, to regain the trifling privileges, which it pretended to sacrifice
-to the general good, began to assemble, and even to decide the previous
-question, by deliberating together in several places. Dauphine set the
-example; and the three orders uniting sketched a plan for the
-organization of the whole kingdom, which served as a model for the other
-provincial states, and furnished grounds for the constituent assembly to
-work on when forming the constitution. Though the rumour was spread
-abroad, the court, still so stupidly secure as not to see, that the
-people, who at this period dared to think for themselves, would not now
-be noosed like beasts, when strength is brought into subjection by
-reason, beheld with wonder the arrival of deputations from different
-quarters, and heard with astonishment the bold tones of men speaking of
-their rights, tracing society to it’s origin, and painting with the most
-forcible colours the horrid depredations of the old government. For
-after the minds of men had been fatigued by the stratagems of the court,
-the feeble measures of the minister, and the narrow, selfish views of
-the parliaments, they examined with avidity the productions of a number
-of able writers, who were daily pouring pamphlets from the press, to
-excite the _tiers-etat_, to assert it’s rights on enlarged principles,
-and to oppose vigorously the exorbitant claims of the privileged orders,
-who stood up for ancient usurpations, as if they were the natural rights
-of a particular _genus_ of man. Those of the abbé Sieyes and the marquis
-de Condorcet were the most philosophical; whilst the unctuous eloquence
-of Mirabeau softened these dry researches, and fed the flame of
-patriotism.
-
-In this posture of affairs, Necker, perceiving that the people were
-grown resolute, prevailed on the council to decree, that the number of
-the deputies of the _tiers-etat_ should be equal to that of the two
-other orders taken together: but whether they were to vote by chambers,
-or in the same body, was still left undetermined.
-
-The people, whose patience had been worn out by injuries and
-insults, now only thought of preparing instructions for their
-representatives.—But, instead of looking for gradual improvement,
-letting one reform calmly produce another, they seemed determined to
-strike at the root of all their misery at once: the united mischiefs
-of a monarchy unrestrained, a priesthood unnecessarily numerous, and
-an over grown nobility: and these hasty measures, become a subject
-worthy of philosophical investigation, naturally fall into two
-distinct subjects of inquiry.
-
-1st. If, from the progress of reason, we be authorized to infer, that
-all governments will be meliorated, and the happiness of man placed on
-the solid basis, gradually prepared by the improvement of political
-science: if the degrading distinctions of rank born in barbarism, and
-nourished by chivalry, be really becoming in the estimation of all
-sensible people so contemptible, that a modest man, in the course of
-fifty years would probably blush at being thus distinguished: if the
-complexion of manners in Europe be completely changed from what it was
-half a century ago, and the liberty of it’s citizens tolerably secured:
-if every day extending freedom be more firmly established in consequence
-of the general dissemination of truth and knowledge: it then seems
-injudicious for statesmen to force the adoption of any opinion, by
-aiming at the speedy destruction of obstinate prejudices; because these
-premature reforms, instead of promoting, destroy the comfort of those
-unfortunate beings, who are under their dominion, affording at the same
-time to despotism the strongest arguments to urge in opposition to the
-theory of reason. Besides, the objects intended to be forwarded are
-probably retarded, whilst the tumult of internal commotion and civil
-discord leads to the most dreadful consequence—the immolating of human
-victims.
-
-But, 2dly, it is necessary to observe, that, if the degeneracy of the
-higher orders of society be such, that no remedy less fraught with
-horrour can effect a radical cure; and if enjoying the fruits of
-usurpation, they domineer over the weak, and check by all the means in
-their power every humane effort, to draw man out of the state of
-degradation, into which the inequality of fortune has sunk him; the
-people are justified in having recourse to coercion, to repel coercion.
-And, further, if it can be ascertained, that the silent sufferings of
-the citizens of the world under the iron feet of oppression are greater,
-though less obvious, than the calamities produced by such violent
-convulsions as have happened in France; which, like hurricanes whirling
-over the face of nature, strip off all it’s blooming graces; it may be
-politically just, to pursue such measures as were taken by that
-regenerating country, and at once root out those deleterious plants,
-which poison the better half of human happiness. For civilization
-hitherto, by producing the inequality of conditions, which makes wealth
-more desirable than either talents or virtue, has so weakened all the
-organs of the body-politic, and rendered man such a beast of prey, that
-the strong have always devoured the weak till the very signification of
-justice has been lost sight of, and charity, the most specious system of
-slavery, substituted in it’s place. The rich have for ages tyrannized
-over the poor, teaching them how to act when possessed of power, and now
-must feel the consequence. People are rendered ferocious by misery; and
-misanthropy is ever the offspring of discontent. Let not then the
-happiness of one half of mankind be built on the misery of the other,
-and humanity will take place of charity, and all the ostentatious
-virtues of an universal aristocracy. How, in fact, can we expect to see
-men live together like brothers, when we only see master and servant in
-society? For till men learn mutually to assist without governing each
-other, little can be done by political associations towards perfecting
-the condition of mankind.
-
-Europe will probably be, for some years to come, in a state of anarchy;
-till a change of sentiments, gradually undermining the strongholds of
-custom, alters the manners, without rousing the little passions of men,
-a pack of yelping curs pampered by vanity and pride. It is in reality
-these minor passions, which during the summer of idleness mantle on the
-heart, and taint the atmosphere, because the understanding is still.
-
-Several acts of ferocious folly have justly brought much obloquy on the
-grand revolution, which has taken place in France; yet, I feel confident
-of being able to prove, that the people are essentially good, and that
-knowledge is rapidly advancing to that degree of perfectibility, when
-the proud distinctions of sophisticating fools will be eclipsed by the
-mild rays of philosophy, and man be considered as man—acting with the
-dignity of an intelligent being.
-
-From implicitly obeying their sovereigns, the french became suddenly all
-sovereigns; yet, because it is natural for men to run out of one extreme
-into another, we should guard against inferring, that the spirit of the
-moment will not evaporate, and leave the disturbed water more clear for
-the fermentation. Men without principle rise like foam during a storm
-sparkling on the top of the billow, in which it is soon absorbed when
-the commotion dies away. Anarchy is a fearful state, and all men of
-sense and benevolence have been anxiously attentive, to observe what use
-frenchmen would make of their liberty, when the confusion incident to
-the acquisition should subside: yet, whilst the heart sickens over a
-detail of crimes and follies, and the understanding is appalled by the
-labour of unravelling a black tissue of plots, which exhibits the human
-character in the most revolting point of view; it is perhaps, difficult
-to bring ourselves to believe, that out of this chaotic mass a fairer
-government is rising than has ever shed the sweets of social life on the
-world.—But things must have time to find their level.
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION.
-
-
-
-
- _BOOK II._
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
- RETROSPECTIVE VIEW OF GRIEVANCES IN FRANCE—THE NOBLES—THE MILITARY—THE
-CLERGY—THE FARMERS GENERAL. ELECTION OF DEPUTIES TO THE STATES-GENERAL.
- ARTS OF THE COURTIERS. ASSEMBLY OF THE STATES. RIOTS EXCITED AT PARIS.
- OPENING OF THE STATES-GENERAL. THE KING’S SPEECH. ANSWER TO IT BY THE
- KEEPER OF THE SEALS. SPEECH OF MR. NECKER. CONTEST RESPECTING THE MODE
-OF ASSEMBLING. TACIT ESTABLISHMENT OF THE LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. ATTEMPT
-OF THE COURT TO RESTRAIN IT. THE DEPUTIES DECLARE THEMSELVES A NATIONAL
- ASSEMBLY.
-
-
-Before we enter on the grand business produced by the meeting of the
-states-general, it is necessary to take a retrospective glance over the
-oppressions of which frenchmen so loudly complained; and, whilst we
-trace their justness, the question will only be, why they did not sooner
-raise their shoulders to heave off the mighty load. To ascertain this
-truth, we need not enter into deep researches, though it may be
-difficult to collect all the parts of the feudal chain, which linked the
-despotism of sixty thousand nobles, who not only exercised all the
-tyranny that the system authorized, but countenanced the still more
-extensive depredations of their numerous dependents. What, indeed, could
-equal the slavery of the poor husbandman; not only pillaged by the tythe
-and game laws, but even obliged to let whole flocks of pigeons devour
-his grain, without daring to destroy them, because those pigeons
-belonged to the chateau; and afterwards forced to carry the scanty crop
-to be tolled at the mill of _monseigneur_, which, to follow a
-frenchman’s staff of life through all it’s stages of taxation, must then
-be baked at the privileged oven?
-
-It would be captious, perhaps, to dwell on some of the abominable
-tenures of personal servitude, which, though grown obsolete, were not
-abrogated; especially as more specious, if not less grinding, not less
-debasing exactions were in force, to deprave every moral feeling of the
-two divisions of society; the governing, and governed.
-
-When chased from the country, of which the chief charm is independence,
-by such worrying restraints, a man wished to pursue any occupation in a
-town, he must previously purchase a patent of some privileged person, to
-whom this tax had been sold by a farmer-general, or the parasite of a
-minister.
-
-All lived by plunder; and it’s universality gave it a sanction, that
-took off the odium, though nothing could varnish the injustice. Yet,
-such was the insensibility of the great, the pleasures these extortions
-procured were not less grateful to the senses, because paid by the sweat
-of industry.—No; like Vespasian’s obnoxious tax, money was money; and
-who cared on what it was levied? Thus the rich necessarily became
-robbers, and the poor thieves. Talking of honour, honesty was
-overlooked; and, custom giving a soft name to different atrocities, few
-thought it a duty to investigate disregarded principles; or to
-relinquish their share of the plunder, to satisfy a romantic singularity
-of opinion, which excited ridicule rather than imitation.
-
-The military, a pest in every country, were here also all noble, and
-leagued with a hundred thousand privileged persons, of different
-descriptions, to support their prerogative of receiving a revenue, which
-was a dead weight on agriculture; whilst they were not obliged, in a
-direct way, to advance any thing towards defraying the public
-expenditure.
-
-The gabelle, the corvée, the obligation to supply horses to transport
-the troops from one part of the kingdom to another, even when most
-necessary at the farm; clogs on husbandry, equally unjust and vexatious;
-were riveted only on the ankles of labour. Activity then being
-continually damped by such various restrictions, instead of being braced
-by encouragement, an invincible impediment was thrown in the way of
-agricultural improvements; for each individual, insulated by oppression,
-lived, strictly speaking, from hand to mouth; not caring to store up
-comforts, at the expence of extraordinary toil, when the enjoyment
-depended on so many casualties. Yet, never beginning to be sensible of
-the effect, the people were not, probably, aware of the cause; and only
-exclaimed against new impositions, because they did not think
-sufficiently deep to detect the old.
-
-Beside which, France maintained two hundred thousand priests, united in
-the same spirit of licentiousness; who indulged themselves in all the
-depraved pleasures of cloaked immorality, at the same time they embruted
-the people by sanctifying the most diabolical prejudices; to whose
-empire every consideration of justice and political improvement was
-sacrificed.
-
-Added to evils of this magnitude, there were the canker-worms that
-lurked behind monastic walls. For sixty thousand persons, who by
-renouncing the world cut the thread of nature, served as a prop to the
-priesthood that enjoyed more than a fourth of the produce of all France;
-independent of the estates it possessed, which were immense. And this
-body of men, the leeches of the kingdom, the idols of the ignorant, and
-the palladium of tyranny, contributed not a farthing to the support of
-the hydra, whom they were anxious to protect, as a guard to themselves.
-Ostentatiously boasting of their charity, whilst revelling on the spoil
-of fraud, by a sacrilege the most nefarious, their whole lives were a
-mockery of the doctrines, which they taught, and pretended to reverence.
-Beside these, and other vexations, almost innumerable, one entangled in
-another; each petty monopoly contributed to strengthen the massy fabric
-of despotism, which reared it’s head in defiance of time and reason.
-Much, indeed, depended on the caprice of the individuals of the
-privileged orders, whom the court could actuate at will, giving them
-occasionally a sop to silence any peevish growl.
-
-There were also the farmers general, with their army of fifty thousand
-collectors, who, by their manner of levying and amassing the revenue,
-gave an additional gripe to an oppression, the most wringing that could
-be invented, because it’s very principles led to the exercise of the
-vilest peculation; and impunity was secured by a coalition of robbers,
-that multitude of men in office, whose families and flatterers all
-lived, and fattened on the spoil of their continual war with justice.
-And, whilst the interest of the people was continually sacrificed by the
-parliaments, the inferiour courts of law were still more venal, because
-composed of those litigious practitioners, who thicken like spawn on
-putrid bodies, when a state is become corrupt.
-
-Such were the grievances!—Such the impositions, ‘that, taken together,
-levied a tax on the kingdom,’ says Rabaud, ‘which the imagination is
-afraid to calculate.’ This body of men we may consider as constituting
-France, till the great bulk of the people, who were slaves and dwarfs,
-bursting their shackles and rising in stature, suddenly appeared with
-the dignity and pretentions of human beings: Yes; With the same
-feelings; or perhaps stronger, because more natural; and claiming equal
-rights with those nobles, who, like the giants of old, were only great
-by the courtesy of the imagination. Who is so callous to the interest of
-humanity as to say it was not a noble regeneration? Who is so benumbed
-by selfish fears, as not to feel a glow of warmth, at seeing the
-inhabitants of a vast empire exalted from the lowest state of beastly
-degradation to a summit, where, contemplating the dawn of freedom, they
-may breathe the invigorating air of independence; which will give them a
-new constitution of mind? Who is so much under the influence of
-prejudice, as to insist, that frenchmen are a distinct race, formed by
-nature, or by habit, to be slaves; and incapable of ever attaining those
-noble sentiments, which characterize a free people? When the dawn of
-them appeared conspicuously at the elections for the states-general,
-which were the preparatory struggles to make a change of opinion produce
-an essential alteration in government.
-
-Six millions of men were now in motion to choose the deputies, and
-prepare their instructions; and in these assemblies the commons
-commenced their political career; discussing, on new ground, subjects
-that quickly became the only interesting topics throughout the kingdom.
-
-In some few places, the three orders meeting together seemed to decide
-the important question respecting the equality of the representatives
-but, in general, the first two chambered themselves to guard tenaciously
-their trembling prerogatives; and the third, with a cautious jealousy,
-to demand the redress of grievances, which they could scarcely expect
-the others to denominate by so harsh a name.
-
-Great decorum reigned in the chamber of the nobility, though split into
-various ranks; the lower of which had ill brooked, for a long time, the
-overbearing insolence of those princes and peers, who haughtily
-contested every step of honour. Still all agreed, to resign their
-pecuniary privileges, and joined in vague terms, with the public voice,
-to demand a constitution.
-
-The same divisions produced more visible effects amongst the clergy: for
-considerable tumults were the consequence of the struggle of the
-parish-priests, the commons of this order, to have their due weight in
-the scale; and their success seemed a sure prognostic of the turn things
-were going to take in the nation. In fact, every diocess was become the
-centre of a petty despotism, more galling than the great, because at
-each man’s elbow; and the parish-priests, who were not in the high road
-to preferment, most oppressed, led the van in the new contest for
-equality; whilst disrespect for the mitre paved the way to a contempt
-for the crown.
-
-Indivisible as had hitherto been the clerical body, the indecent pride
-of the dignitaries of the church, at this juncture, produced the schism,
-which induced the majority of the clergy to side with the people; whilst
-only a small minority of the nobility deserted the common cause of the
-party. The parish-priests, in fact, appeared, from the time of their
-election, a corps in reserve for the third-estate; where they sought for
-the consequence they were denied in their own chamber, finding
-themselves more nearly allied by interest, as well as inclination, to
-this order than to the rich pastors, who, separating the sheep from the
-goats, bade them stand aloof, as possessing less riches—the holiness of
-that body, as of all others. The electing of so many of the inferiour
-clergy, in spite of the menaces and intrigues of their numerous
-superiours, was a striking proof, that the power of the church was in
-the wane; and that the people were beginning to feel their own strength.
-The disturbances at this time seemed the rumbling of the approaching
-tempest; and orators, formed in these provincial assemblies, to figure
-afterwards in national, were encouraged by applause to persevere.
-
-Having the same mark in view, an uniformity of sentiment breathed
-throughout the instructions of the third-estate; principally levelled at
-the privileges of the two other orders: for on these abuses the most
-popular publications had hinged, rivetting conviction in the minds of
-the suffering people. A celebrated pamphlet, written by the abbé Sieyes,
-went through sixty editions; and the duke of Orleans, piqued at the
-royal family, took great pains to spread abroad opinions, which were far
-from being congenial with his own; thus, with purblind ambition,
-labouring to overturn a court, the ruins of which have rebounded on his
-own head.
-
-But the temper of the nation, sore with suffering, and warmed by these
-discussions, so ran a-head of their judgment, as to lead the electors,
-with hasty zeal, to instruct their representatives, to demand the
-immediate suppression of a host of abuses, without guarding against the
-consequences.—Such, unfortunately, is always the conduct pursued by
-exasperated passions; for, during the rage to correct abuses, one is,
-too frequently, only exchanged for another. So difficult is it to
-impress the salutary lessons of experience on irritated minds!—And so
-apt are men, in the moment of action, to fly from one extreme to the
-other, without considering, that the strongest conviction of reason
-cannot quickly change a habit of body; much less the manners that have
-been gradually produced by certain modes of thinking and acting.
-
-With one voice, however, the whole nation called for a constitution, to
-establish equal rights, as the foundation of freedom; and to guard
-against the depredations of favourites, whether they attacked person or
-property. So that the liberty of the press, and the abolition of
-_lettres de cachet_, were, in general, the articles that followed the
-positive injunction of confining the right of taxation to the
-representative body of the nation. The institution of juries was
-recommended, and the deputies were requested to take into consideration,
-whether the number of capital punishments could not be lessened, or
-totally abolished; remarks were made on the evil tendency of lotteries,
-and on the vexatious impediments thrown in the way of trade, by barriers
-and monopolies. In short, against the tyranny and injustice of the
-court, the nobility, and the clergy, all remonstrated; unmasking one
-species of oppression, and dilating on another; yet, among these
-numerous animadversions, prayers and praises alone were addressed to the
-king; and nothing like a glance at republicanism rendered their
-sincerity doubtful.
-
-To divert the gathering storm from breaking over their heads, the cabal
-determined to rest all their hopes on the aid of the foreign troops;
-which they were collecting from different parts of the kingdom, not
-caring to trust to the french soldiery, who were assuming the character
-of citizens. Mean while, with the usual chicanery of courtiers, they
-continued to amuse the deputies, till they could crush them at once; and
-effectually blast the hopes of the people. The human heart is naturally
-good, though so often the dupe of passion.—For though it’s feelings be
-sophisticated, or stifled; though the head contrives the blackest
-machinations; even in the silence of solitude, who will whisper to
-himself that he is a villain? Will he not rather try, like Milton’s
-devil, to find out a damned plea of necessity, to cover his
-guilt?—paying homage, in spite of himself, to the eternal justice he
-violates under the pretext of self-preservation. But, it is not alone
-the virtues of man, those changing hues, of which the colour is
-undecided, that proclaim his native dignity. No; his vices have the same
-stamp of the divinity: and it is necessary to pervert the understanding,
-before the heart can be led astray. Men, likewise, indolently adopt the
-habits of thinking of their day, without weighing them. Thus these very
-courtiers, who could coolly contemplate the massacre, which must be the
-consequence of assembling the foreign troops, because it was a
-continuance of the established course of things, have since started,
-probably with real horrour, from the contemplation of the butcheries,
-which their very tenacity produced. Such is the deceitfulness of the
-human heart, and so necessary is it to render the head clear to make the
-principles of action pure.
-
-The deputies, however, who were mostly collected from remote parts of
-the country, had become in their villages the hale sons of independence.
-And, though the french mania, of adoring their monarch, extended to
-every part of the kingdom, it only gave hilarity to the cheering glass
-at the homely tables of which they were masters; or activity to the
-dance, that was a real burst of animal spirits. Very different from the
-lascivious provocations to vice, exhibited at the opera, which, by
-destroying the social affections that attach men to each other, stifle
-all public spirit; for what is patriotism but the expansion of domestic
-sympathy, rendered permanent by principle? Besides, the writings that
-had awakened the spirit of these men had a little inebriated their
-brain. Such is, for the most part, the baneful effect of eloquence,
-that, persuading instead of convincing, the glory of the enthusiasm it
-inspires is sullied by that false magnanimity, which vanity and
-ignorance continually mistake for real elevation of soul; though, like
-the scorching rays of the sun after rain, it dries into sterility the
-heart, whose emotions are too quickly exhaled.
-
-The courtiers, despising their rusticity, and still considering the
-people as ciphers, continued to discharge the usual routine of office,
-by adjusting the ceremonials of reception; all which tended to insult
-the third-estate, and show, that the deputies of the privileged orders
-were to be still treated as if they were a distinct class of beings. The
-insolence of such proceedings could not fail to provoke the honest
-indignation, and pique the vanity of those, who had been discussing on a
-broad scale the rights of man; whilst a little disconcerted by the
-ceremony that constrained them, they were obliged, every moment, to
-recollect, that they were the equals of these courtiers; and blushed
-even to own to themselves, that they could for an instant have been awed
-by such childish pomp. Nor were they more astonished at the pageantry of
-Versailles, than disgusted with the haughtiness of a court, whose
-magnificence was a proof how much they had impoverished the people, who
-now demanded emancipation. Full, therefore, of the new notions of
-independence, which made them spurn at every idea of a distinction of
-men, they took advantage of the majority accorded them by the council,
-and began to rally their forces. Perceiving also, as they acted
-decidedly, that they possessed the confidence of the people, who,
-forgetting _vive le roi_, exclaimed only vive le tiers-etat!—they every
-day became more firm.
-
-The courtiers immediately fixed on a house of rendezvous, where they
-were regularly to concert the best measures to crush the rising power of
-the commons; and these, not without a portion of the mistrust, which
-characterizes the nation, assembled in different places, till a mutual
-interest united them in that chosen by the deputies from Brittany. The
-disrespect, likewise, which the orders relative to their dress
-announced, prepared them for the contempt they were destined to receive,
-when separated like the indian casts, amongst whom a man fears to be
-polluted by the touch of an inferiour: for true to the inveterate
-prejudice in favour of precedents[8], the nobility were gaudily
-caparisoned for the show, whilst the commons were stupidly commanded to
-wear the black mantle, that distinguishes the lawyers. But, the tide of
-opinion once turned, every thing contributes to accelerate it’s course.
-
-Before the meeting of the states-general, the question that was first to
-agitate the various interests, whether they were to vote by orders or
-poll, had been so thoroughly discussed, that it made, in many of the
-instructions, one of the foremost articles. For it was evident to the
-nation, were the different orders allowed to assemble in their separate
-chambers, each invested with the old privilege of putting a negative on
-the decisions of the other two, that they should be gulled with promises
-of reform, whilst the coffers of the court were replenished with a show
-of legality. It was, in fact, prudent in the court party to maintain
-this ground, because it appeared to be the only way to render abortive
-all the plans of reformation that struck at their authority. This then
-was the prefatory business, by which they were to measure their
-strength; and, would to God! the vigour manifested on this occasion had
-always been displayed by the representatives of those misled people.
-
-We have seen the plots of this weak, headstrong cabinet every where
-defeated, and traced their bloody footsteps; but we shall find them
-still true to their scent, having recourse again to violence, when fraud
-was of no avail.
-
-To furnish a pretext to introduce adroitly a considerable military
-force, at the time of the assembling of the states-general, two or three
-riots had been excited at Paris, in which many of the thoughtless
-populace were killed. One in particular, though still involved in the
-shades of mystery, occasioned great confusion and considerable
-slaughter, just at the eve of their meeting.
-
-A respectable manufacturer in the suburbs of Paris, with the fairest
-character, employed a number of poor, whom he paid liberally; yet
-against this man some idle stories were industriously circulated, well
-contrived to mislead and exasperate the people, because they touched
-their vanity, and their most pressing want, the want of bread. The
-scarcity, real or factitious, of this article, has always been taken
-advantage of by those who wished to excite tumults in Paris; and at this
-juncture the duped parisians rose, at the instigation of the court
-agents, to destroy themselves. The riot was permitted to get a-head
-before any serious attempts to quell it were taken, which rendered the
-interference of a little army, the point aimed at, necessary; and
-established an opinion, that the turbulent mob required to be awed by
-the presence of troops, whilst the states-general deliberated.
-
-During this effervescence, or, at least, when it was subsiding, the
-states-general was opened, the 5th of may, 1789, by a speech from the
-throne, to which courtiers, in the usual phraseology, would naturally
-tack the epithet—_gracious_. The king commenced with a heartless
-declaration of his satisfaction at seeing himself surrounded by the
-representatives of the people; and then enumerating the heavy debts of
-the nation, a great part of which had been accumulated during his reign,
-he added one of those idle falsehoods, which swelled his declamation
-without throwing dust into any one’s eyes, _that it was in an honourable
-cause_; when it was notorious, that the cause ought to have been
-reckoned most dishonourable, if power had not hitherto been the true
-philosopher’s stone, that transmuted the basest actions into sterling
-honour. He afterwards alluded to the spirit of innovation, that had
-taken possession of the minds of the people, and the general discontent
-that agitated the nation: but, in the true cant of courts, dictating
-whilst complimenting, he assured them, that he depended on their wisdom
-and moderation; concluding with the words of course, _the humble servant
-of kings_, a declaration of his attachment to the public welfare.
-
-The disregarded speech of the keeper of the seals was, like the reply
-usually made to the king’s, in the house of commons in England, merely
-an echo of his majesty’s, recommending moderation in the measures
-adopted to reform the abuses of government, with the necessary quantum
-of panegyric on the goodness of the king.
-
-Attention and applause, however, awaited Necker, though followed by
-weariness and disgust. He spoke for three hours, introducing, with his
-customary pomp of words, a number of trivial observations; trying thus
-to escape, in a mist of rhetorical flourishes, from the subject he
-feared to bring forward, because he was equally apprehensive of
-offending the court, and desirous of maintaining his reputation with the
-people. Not a word was uttered relative to the sole right of the
-states-general to levy taxes, the first demand of the nation. And men
-who for some time had been talking of nothing but liberty and reform,
-were astonished, and dissatisfied, that he avoided all mention of a new
-constitution. Leaning to the side of the privileged orders, he asserted,
-that the mode of deliberating and voting in separate assemblies was the
-pillar of the nation—yet, cautiously adding a salvo, to have a pretext
-to use another language should it be necessary, he remarked, that
-_sometimes_ it was better to poll. This ill-timed management naturally
-displeased both parties, as is always the case, when men of weak,
-compound characters, who have not the courage to act right, want
-effrontery to brave the censure, that would follow an open avowal of
-their undecided opinions; or rather, their determination to keep well
-with the strongest. Dwelling on the arrangement of the finances, he
-assured them, that a public bankruptcy might easily be avoided; and that
-even the _deficit_, which had been exaggerated by France, and Europe,
-was only fifty-six millions; and would appear of less consequence, when
-they recollected, that, since _his_ administration, the revenue was
-augmented twenty-five millions. It is true, that, on entering into
-details, the greater part of this sum was found to be still in
-perspective; and at the same time was to be raised by taxes, which all
-good citizens hoped would soon disappear. In short, the french, after
-applauding with rapture this brilliant bird’s-eye view, observed, with
-the shrug of _sang froid_, ‘that these hypothetical resources were
-merely faith and hope, on condition that they should be charitable.’
-With respect to the abolishing of privileges, that warred with humanity,
-he made use of some of the same species of jesuitical arguments, which
-are employed by the opposers of the abolition of the infamous traffic
-for slaves; that, as these privileges were a kind of property, it was
-necessary to find out a compensation, an indemnity, before they could be
-done away—with justice.
-
-Thus has the spirit of justice—it is difficult to keep down indignation
-when attacking such sophisms—been always outraged by the mock respect of
-selfishness; for, without parrying off tergiversation, it is sufficient
-to prove, that certain laws are not just, because no government had a
-right to make them; and, though they may have received what is termed a
-legal sanction during the times of ignorance, “the duty lies in the
-breach and not in the observance.” Besides, these pitiful arguments are
-an insult to the common sense, and to the distress of a people.—Where,
-indeed, could the french, or english, find a fund to indemnify the
-privileged orders or the planters? The abuses then, must continue to the
-end of time—out of sheer respect to the sacredness of public faith!
-
-Thus spoke the king and Necker; but these addresses, instead of
-conciliating, only rendered both parties more obstinate; so that the
-smothering dispute respecting the manner of voting broke out
-immediately, when they met to constitute themselves a legal assembly.
-For the next day, even the deputies of the third-estate repaired to the
-common hall, and agreed, that the three orders should proceed to verify
-their powers together; clearly perceiving, that, were the orders once
-allowed to do business separately, an union would be impracticable, and
-all their efforts to obtain a constitution null, should they attempt to
-make equality of rights the basis. The nobility and clergy not joining
-the commons, they resolved to renew their meeting the following morning;
-only as an aggregate of individuals, who had no power to act, not having
-yet a political character. This very contest seemed to call upon them to
-support their claim to equality, because it emphatically warned them,
-that all their operations would be rendered perfectly nugatory, should
-they permit the orders to be a check on each other. The most sensible
-men of the commons being of opinion, that all expectations of a
-permanent reform were chimerical, unless the whole representation was
-formed into an indivisible assembly, encouraged the more undecided to
-persevere; though the nobles signified to them, the 13th, that they had
-ascertained the legality of their election.
-
-The clergy, however, divided in their interest, proceeded with more
-caution; and the most discerning of them, perceiving that their order
-was becoming obnoxious to the people, who now deified the third-estate,
-proposed a committee of conciliation, with a view, as they pretended, to
-promote a good understanding between all parties. The king also, in his
-turn, when the nobles rejected the mediation of the clergy, offered a
-plan of accommodation; a mighty nothing, that the court brought
-forth.—But this tub, thrown out to the whale, did not divert the
-attention of either party from the main object; though the nobles, many
-of whom were in the secret of the approach of the army, should things be
-carried to extremes, pretended to acquiesce; yet guarding carefully at
-the same time all their ancient pretentions: and this insincerity drew
-on them the universal odium they merited, mixed with the contempt which
-ineffectual struggles always produce. Conciliatory measures, in fact,
-were only a solemn farce at this time; though the clergy, rather
-insidiously, to ingratiate themselves with the people, lamenting the
-high price of bread, requested, that deputies from the three orders
-should meet to deliberate how this grievance might be lessened. The
-deputies of the commons, with becoming dignity, tempered with prudence,
-adhered to their point; and dexterously parrying off the artful stroke
-levelled at their popularity, they represented to the clergy, that this
-was another powerful motive, to make them entreat all parties to rally
-round the same point, to remedy evils, which excited equal sympathy in
-their bosoms.
-
-The inactivity occasioned by these disputes could not fail to inflame
-the public mind, especially as fresh publications were daily affording
-it fuel. For the liberty of the press was now tacitly established, and
-the freest sentiments uttered, with the heat of superficial knowledge,
-in defiance of court manifestoes. Still, as a proof that the court
-merely endured, for a season, what they could not prevent, the journal
-of the proceedings of the states-general was stopped, by an express
-order; to evade which it was continued in the form of letters from
-Mirabeau to his constituents.
-
-This prohibition was probably dictated by a desire of keeping the
-provinces quiet in the stupor of ignorance, in which they had so long
-dozed; but it was injudicious to awaken attention by rigorous steps,
-that, quickly abandoned, had the very contrary effect, exciting, instead
-of intimidating, the spirit of opposition. In reality, the eyes of all
-France were at present directed towards the commons. The hopes of the
-nation rested on their magnanimity; and the future happiness of millions
-depended upon their perseverance. It was in this state of things, that
-they afforded a convincing proof to the whole world, and to posterity,
-that vigour and precision alone are requisite in the representatives of
-a people, to give dignity to their proceedings, and to secure them
-against the machinations of all the combined powers of despotism.
-
-Almost five weeks having elapsed, and the patience of the nation being
-quite exhausted by the delay, the commons resolved to present an address
-to the king, written by Mirabeau, explanatory of their motives, and then
-to proceed to business. But, previously, they sent a deputation to the
-other orders, for the last time, to invite them once more to repair to
-the common hall, that their powers might be verified together; adding,
-that in default of their appearance, they should constitute themselves,
-and act accordingly. This determination was a deadly blow to the power
-of the two other chambers, and struck directly at the root of all
-distinction.
-
-The nobles, whose inveterate pride and ignorance had prevented them from
-joining the third-estate at the first assembling of the deputies, now
-saw with dismay, that their power and influence, like the musty rolls of
-their pedigree, were mouldering into common dust. The clergy, however,
-more adroit, or rather a few of the parochial priests, by degrees,
-attended the summons, and repaired to the hall. There can be little
-doubt, but that the commons, at the first meeting, and for a long time
-after, would gladly have coalesced with the nobles; by which means the
-latter would have retained many of their privileges, and preserved a
-weight in the nation, necessary to hinder that preponderance, on the
-side of the people, which it was easy to foresee would be productive of
-many excesses. This conclusion continual experience warranted; because
-it generally happens, that men, who are not directed by practical
-knowledge, in whatever business they engage, run precipitately from one
-extreme to the other. And certainly, from the state of servility in
-which the french nation was sunk, retaliation was to be expected; or, at
-least, dreaded, from unbridled liberty. Like boys dismissed from school,
-they might wish to ascertain their freedom by acts of mischief; and by
-showing a total disregard of the arbitrary commands, that kept down
-their spirits without exercising their understandings. However, the
-stupid arrogance of the nobles stript them, before the time reason would
-have determined, of those idle distinctions of opinion, the symbols of
-barbarism, which were not completely worn out of esteem.
-
-The minister, still afraid to act independent of the court, blamed this
-spirited conduct of the commons, as an act of temerity, which the king
-ought not to sanction. Yet they, firm and resolute, though fearing that
-the court, like a dying savage, mortally wounded by his enemy, might,
-during the agonies of death, aim a desperate stroke at them, took the
-most prudent precautions, to avoid exasperating the falling foe. But
-these mild resolutions having been mistaken by the infatuated nobles,
-who confounded the true fortitude of moderation with cowardice, the die
-was cast, and the deputies declared themselves a _NATIONAL ASSEMBLY_.
-
-Enthusiasm fired every heart, and extended itself like thought from one
-end of the kingdom to the other. The very novelty of this measure was
-sufficient to animate a people less volatile than the french; and,
-perhaps, it is impossible to form a just conception of the transports
-which this decision excited in every corner of the empire. Europe also
-heard with astonishment what resounding through France excited the most
-lively emotions; and posterity must read with wonder the recital of the
-follies and atrocities committed by the court and nobles at that
-important crisis.
-
-The Social Contract of Rousseau, and his admirable work on the origin of
-the inequalities amongst mankind, had been in the hands of all France,
-and admired by many, who could not enter into the depth of the
-reasoning. In short, they were learned by heart, by those whose heads
-could not comprehend the chain of argument, though they were
-sufficiently clear to seize the prominent ideas, and act up to their
-conviction. Perhaps, the great advantage of eloquence is, that,
-impressing the results of thinking on minds alive only to emotion, it
-gives wings to the slow foot of reason, and fire to the cold labours of
-investigation. Yet it is observable, that, in proportion as the
-understanding is cultivated, the mind grows attached to the exercise of
-investigation, and the combination of abstract ideas. The nobles of
-France had also read these writings for amusement; but they left not on
-their minds traces of conviction sufficiently strong to overcome those
-prejudices self-interest rendered so dear, that they easily persuaded
-themselves of their reasonableness. The nobility and clergy, with all
-their dependents under the influence of the same sentiments, formed a
-considerable proportion of the nation, on the rest of which they looked
-down with contempt, considering them as merely the grass of the land,
-necessary to clothe nature; yet only fit to be trodden under foot. But
-these despised people were beginning to feel their real consequence, and
-repeated with emphasis the happy comparison of the abbé Seiyes, ‘that
-the nobility are like vegetable tumours, which cannot exist without the
-sap of the plants they exhaust.’ Nevertheless, in treating with the
-nobles, the angles of pride, which time alone could have smoothed
-silently away, were, perhaps, too rudely knocked off, for the folly of
-distinctions was rapidly wearing itself out, and would probably have
-melted gradually before the rational opinions, that were continually
-gaining ground, fructifying the soil as they dissolved; instead of which
-it was drifted by a hurricane, to spread destruction around as it fell.
-
-Many of the officers, who had served in America during the late war, had
-beheld the inhabitants of a whole empire living in a state of perfect
-equality; and returned, charmed with their simplicity and integrity, the
-concomitants of a just government, erected on the solid foundation of
-equal liberty, to scan the rectitude, or policy of a different system.
-Convinced of their inutility as nobles, these, when fired with the love
-of freedom, seconded the views of the commons with heart and voice. But
-the sycophants of the court, and the greater part of the nobility, who
-were grossly ignorant of every thing that was not comprised in the art
-of living in a continual round of pleasure, insensible of the precipice
-on which they were standing, would not, at first, recede a single step
-to save themselves; and this obstinacy was the chief cause that led to
-the entire new organization of the constitution, framed by the national
-assembly. The french in reality were arrived, through the vices of their
-government, at that degree of false refinement, which makes every man,
-in his own eyes, the centre of the world; and when this gross
-selfishness, this complete depravity, prevails in a nation, an absolute
-change must take place; because the members of it have lost the cement
-of humanity, which kept them together. All other vices are, properly
-speaking, superfluous strength, powers running to waste; but this morbid
-spot shows, that there is death in the heart. Whatever, indeed, may be
-the wisdom or folly of a mixed government of king, lords, and commons,
-is of no consequence in the present history; because it appears
-sufficiently obvious, that the aristocracy of France destroyed itself,
-through the ignorant arrogance of it’s members; who, bewildered in a
-thick fog of prejudices, could discern neither the true dignity of man,
-nor the spirit of the times.
-
-It also deserves to be noted, that the regeneration of the french
-government, at this crisis, depended on the fortitude of the national
-assembly at the outset of the contest for, if the court party had
-prevailed, the commons would have rested in their usual state of
-insignificancy, and their whole proceedings proved only a solemn farce.
-They would have wrapped themselves up in their black mantles, like the
-herd of undertaker’s men at a funeral, merely to follow with servile
-steps the idle cavalcade to it’s resting place; and the people would
-only have seen their ancient tyranny revive, tricked out in new
-habiliments.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
- THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY PROCEED TO BUSINESS. OPPOSITION OF THE NOBLES,
- BISHOPS, AND COURT. A SEANCE ROYALE PROCLAIMED, AND THE HALL OF THE
- ASSEMBLY SURROUNDED BY SOLDIERS. THE MEMBERS ADJOURN TO THE TENNIS
- COURT, AND VOW NEVER TO SEPARATE TILL A CONSTITUTION SHOULD BE
- COMPLETED. THE MAJORITY OF THE CLERGY AND TWO OF THE NOBLES JOIN THE
- COMMONS. SEANCE ROYALE. THE KING’S SPEECH. SPIRITED BEHAVIOUR OF THE
- ASSEMBLY. SPEECH OF MIRABEAU. PERSONS OF THE DEPUTIES DECLARED
- INVIOLABLE. MINORITY OF THE NOBLES JOIN THE COMMONS. AT THE REQUEST OF
- THE KING, THE MINORITY OF THE CLERGY DO THE SAME,—AND ARE AT LENGTH
- FOLLOWED BY THE MAJORITY OF THE NOBLES—CHARACTER OF THE QUEEN OF
- FRANCE,—OF THE KING,—AND OF THE NOBLES. LECTURES ON LIBERTY AT THE
-PALAIS ROYAL. PARIS SURROUNDED BY TROOPS. SPIRIT OF LIBERTY INFUSED INTO
-THE SOLDIERS. ELEVEN OF THE FRENCH GUARDS IMPRISONED BECAUSE THEY WOULD
- NOT FIRE ON THE POPULACE, AND LIBERATED BY THE PEOPLE. REMONSTRANCE OF
- THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. THE KING PROPOSES TO REMOVE THE ASSEMBLY TO
- NOYON, OR SOISSONS. NECKER DISMISSED. CITY MILITIA PROPOSED. THE
- POPULACE ATTACKED IN THE GARDEN OF THE THUILLERIES BY THE PRINCE OF
- LAMBESC. NOCTURNAL ORGIES AT VERSAILLES.
-
-
-The third-estate, having constituted themselves a national assembly, now
-proceeded to business, with calm prudence, taking into consideration the
-urgent necessities of the state. Closely also attending to their
-instructions, they first pronounced, that all taxes not enacted by the
-consent of the representatives of the people were illegal; and
-afterwards gave a temporary sanction to the present levies, to avoid
-dissolving one government before they had framed another. They then
-turned their attention to the object next in importance, and declared,
-that, as soon as, in concert with his majesty, they should be able to
-fix the principles of national regeneration, they would employ
-themselves to examine and liquidate the national debt; mean time the
-creditors of the state were declared to be under the safe-guard of the
-honour of the french nation. These decrees concluded with a resolve,
-that the assembly, now become active, should dedicate it’s first moments
-to inquire into the cause of the scarcity that afflicted the kingdom;
-and to search for a remedy the most prompt and effectual.
-
-The nobles, bishops, and, in fact, the whole court, now seriously began
-to rally all their forces; convinced that it was become necessary, to
-oppose their united strength against the commons, to prevent their
-carrying every thing before them.
-
-The chamber of the clergy had been engaged for several days, in
-discussing the question, where they should verify their powers. A number
-of them, during this discussion, appear to have advanced, feeling their
-way; for when they now came to divide, the majority decided to join the
-national assembly.
-
-Alarmed by the prospect of this junction, one of the members of the
-chamber, which almost arrogated to itself the prerogative of
-legislation, that of the nobles, proposed an address to the king,
-beseeching him to dissolve the states-general; whilst the cause of the
-people was there vigorously supported by a minority, feeble as to
-numbers, but powerful in argument, animated by the popularity, which
-their bold declaration could not fail to produce during the reign of
-enthusiasm.
-
-This was a moment pregnant with great events. The court still trusted to
-subterfuge, and, holding the representatives of the people in
-superlative contempt, affected in some degree to yield to the prayer of
-the nation; though signifying, that the king was the only fountain of
-justice, and that he would grant every thing which his faithful subjects
-could reasonably demand. A trick as palpable as the design was flagrant;
-for at the instant they were pretending to see some reason in their
-requisitions, they were guarding against their obtaining the only thing
-that could secure their rights, an equal representation; holding for
-this purpose mischievous councils, composed of characters most obnoxious
-in the eyes of the people. In these meetings it was resolved, to amuse
-the commons, until the army could be assembled; and then, in case of
-obstinacy, they would draw on themselves the consequence. Accordingly
-the 20th of june, the day on which the majority of the clergy was to
-join the commons, the herald proclaimed a _séance royale_; and a
-detachment of guards surrounded the hall of the national assembly, to
-take care (such was the shallow pretext) that it should be properly
-prepared for the reception of the king. The deputies came to the door at
-the usual hour; but only the president (Baillie) and the secretaries
-were permitted to enter to take away their papers; and they saw, that
-the benches were already removed, and that all the entrances were
-guarded by a great number of soldiers.
-
-Courage is seldom relaxed by persecution; and the firm and spirited
-proceedings of the assembly on this day, gave the decided blow to the
-stratagems of the court. During the first tumult of surprise, it is
-true, some of the deputies talked of going immediately to Marly, to
-invite the king to come among them, and in a truly paternal manner to
-unite his power with their’s to promote the public good; and thus by an
-energetic appeal to his heart and understanding, to convince him that
-they spoke the language of truth and reason. But others, more
-experienced in ministerial wiles, calmly advised to adjourn the sittings
-to the neighbouring tennis-court. For they knew, that the hearts of
-courtiers are fortified with icy prejudices; and that, though a moment
-of sympathy, a flow of life-blood, may thaw them at the instant, it is
-only to render them more hard, when the glow of genial heat is passed.
-
-Assembled at the tennis-court, they encouraged each other; and one mind
-actuating the whole body, in the presence of an applauding crowd, they
-joined hands solemnly, and took God to witness, that they would not
-separate, till a constitution should be completed. The benedictions that
-dropped from every tongue, and sparkled in tears of joy from every eye,
-giving fresh vigour to the heroism which excited them, produced an
-overflow of sensibility that kindled into a blaze of patriotism every
-social feeling. The dungeons of despotism and the bayonets sharpened for
-massacre, were then equally disregarded even by the most fearful; till,
-in one of those instants of disinterested forgetfulness of private
-pursuits, all devoted themselves to the promotion of public happiness,
-promising to resist, to the last extremity, all the efforts of such an
-inveterate tyranny. The absent deputies were sent for; and one, who
-happened to be sick, had himself carried to unite his feeble voice with
-the general cry. The very soldiers also, disobeying their officers, came
-to be willing centinels at the entrance of the sanctuary of liberty,
-eagerly imbibing the sentiments, which they afterwards spread through
-their garrisons.
-
-This indignity offered to the third-estate could not fail to excite new
-sensations of disgust at Paris; and give a fresh spring to the animation
-of the people at large. Yet, this spirited behaviour of the commons
-excited only supercilious contempt at court. For the gay circles there
-were so far sunk in fastidious delicacy, and squeamish respect for
-polished manners, that they could not even discover magnanimity in the
-conduit of a peasant, or a shopkeeper; much less grandeur in an assembly
-regardless of ceremonials. And not to be deficient themselves in these
-respects, the _séance royale_ was put off another day, in order that the
-galleries, which had been erected for the accommodation of spectators by
-the national assembly, might be removed.
-
-This was another injudicious step on the part of the cabinet; because it
-afforded time for the clergy to unite with the commons, who were in
-search of a place sufficiently capacious to contain such a body. At
-length, collected in a church, the clergy, with several bishops at their
-head, and two nobles of Dauphine, joined them; and the place, seeming to
-reflect a sanctity on their union, tended to consolidate, under a nobler
-concave, the resolution taken in the tennis-court.
-
-The following day, the _séance royale_ really took place, with all the
-exteriour splendour usually exhibited at these shows; which hitherto
-could scarcely be termed empty, because they produced the desired
-effect. But the public, having their attention turned to other things,
-now viewed with contempt, what had formerly inspired almost idolatrous
-respect. The deputies of the third-estate were again ordered to enter by
-a separate door, and even left a considerable time standing exposed to a
-heavy shower. The people, who were totally excluded, formed themselves
-into groups, making indignant comments on the repeated affronts offered
-to their representatives, whole minds likewise recoiled at the idle
-attempt to impress them with an opinion of their insignificancy; when
-the very pains taken to do it proclaimed their growing importance in the
-state.
-
-The object of the king’s speech, on this occasion, was to annul the
-whole proceedings of the national assembly, and to hold out certain
-benefits, as lures to submission, which the king meant to grant to the
-people; as if, observes Mirabeau, ‘the rights of the people, were the
-favours of the king.’ A declaration of his sovereign will and pleasure
-was then read, in which, making an insidious attempt to withdraw from
-the assembly the confidence of the public, he declared, that, is they
-abandoned him, he would provide for the happiness of his people, without
-their assistance, knowing the purport of the instructions given to the
-deputies. The first article of the king’s benevolent _intentions_, was
-to grant to the states-general the power of furnishing supplies;
-carefully specifying, however, that it was to consist of the three
-orders, who were to vote according to the ancient mode. Some other
-salutary plans of reform were also brought forward; but always with
-artful modifications, that would enable the old abuses to keep a sure
-footing. For example, the taxes were to be levied equally; yet a
-cautious respect for property sanctioned almost every other feudal
-privilege; and the absolute abolition of _lettres de cachet_,[9] though
-his majesty wished to secure personal freedom, was hinted at as
-incompatible with public safety, and the preservation of the honour of
-private families. The liberty of the press was allowed to be necessary;
-but the states-general were requested to point out a mode of rendering
-it compatible with the respect due to religion, to morality, and to the
-honour of the citizens. The tenour of all the rest of the articles was
-the same; commencing with a plan of reform, and concluding with the
-_ifs_ and _buts_, that were to render it void.—Then, winding round to
-the grand object of the meeting, the king terminated his discourse, with
-saying, forgetful that this was not the period to imagine himself
-reigning at Constantinople, ‘I _command_ you to separate immediately,
-and to attend, each of you, to-morrow, at the chamber appropriated for
-your order, there to resume your sittings; and I have commanded, in
-consequence, the grand master of the ceremonies to order the halls to be
-prepared.’
-
-The majority of the nobles, and the minority of the clergy, obeyed this
-peremptory order, and obsequiously followed the king, like the trained
-horses of his court. The members of the national assembly, however,
-remained sitting, preserving a silence, more menacing and terrible, than
-the _I will_, or _I command_, of the cabinet; when the grand master of
-the ceremonies entered, and addressing himself to the president,
-reminded him, in the king’s name, of the order given to separate
-immediately. The president answered, ‘that the assembly was not
-constituted to receive orders from any person;’ but Mirabeau, who
-thought this reply too tame, started up, and addressing the messenger,
-said: ‘yes; we have heard the intentions which the king has been induced
-to utter; and you cannot be his organ in this assembly.—You, who have
-neither seat, nor right to speak, ought not to remind us of his
-discourse. However, to avoid all equivocation or delay, I declare to
-you, that if you are charged to make us go from hence, you should demand
-orders to employ force; for only the bayonet can oblige us to quit our
-places.’ It is difficult to conceive the ardour inspired by this prompt
-eloquence. It’s fire flew from breast to breast, whilst a whisper ran
-round, that what Mirabeau had just uttered, gave a finishing stroke to
-the revolution.
-
-A warm debate ensued; and the assembly declaring their adherence to
-their former decrees, the abbé Sieyes said, in his dry, cogent manner:
-‘gentlemen, you are to day what you were yesterday.’ A motion was then
-made, by Mirabeau, who suggested, as a prudent precaution against the
-measures of a desperate cabal, that the person of each deputy should be
-pronounced inviolable; and, after a slight discussion, it was carried
-unanimously.
-
-From this moment we may consider the nation and court at open war. The
-court had at their command the whole military force of the empire,
-amounting, at least, to 200,000 men. The people, on the contrary, had
-only their bare arms, invigorated, it is true, by the new-born love of
-freedom, to oppose to the various weapons of tyranny. But the army,
-partaking of the common misery, were not deaf to the complaints or
-arguments of their fellow citizens: and they were particularly led to
-consider them with complacency, because a just apprehension, or prudent
-foresight, had induced many of the popular assemblies, to insert a
-clause in their instructions, recommending, that the pay of the soldiers
-should be augmented. Thus recognized as fellow citizens, this class of
-men, whom it had been the policy of the despots of Europe to keep at a
-distance from the other inhabitants, making them a distinct class, to
-oppress and corrupt the rest, began to feel an interest in the common
-cause. But the court, who either could not, or would not, combine these
-important facts, rashly precipitated themselves into the very quicksand,
-into which they were vainly endeavouring to drive the commons.
-
-As Necker had not attended in his place, at the _séance royale_, it gave
-colour to the rumour, which had for some time prevailed, that he
-purposed to retire from the ministry: so that, when the king returned,
-he was followed by an immense crowd, who could not conceal their
-discontent. Under the influence also of the same fear, a number of the
-deputies hastened to Necker, to entreat him not to resign. And the
-consternation increasing, the queen, who has ever been the first to
-desert her own plans, when there appeared a shadow of personal danger,
-sent for him; and, the better to cover the project of the cabinet,
-prevailed on him not to quit his post. The object of the cabinet he
-either had not the penetration to discover; or he had not sufficient
-magnanimity to resign a place, that gratified equally his pride and his
-avarice. This measure tended to tranquillize the minds of the people,
-though it was undermining their cause; for trusting to the integrity of
-this minister, who promised, ‘to live or die with them,’ they did not
-perceive, that he wanted the energy of soul necessary to enable him to
-act up to the principles he professed. However, the cause of liberty, as
-circumstances have proved, did not depend on the talents of one or two
-men.—It was the fiat of the nation; and the machinations of the tyrants
-of Europe have not yet been able to overturn it; though false patriots
-have led them, in their ardour for reform, to the commission of actions
-the most cruel and unjust. Every thing was effected by natural causes;
-and we shall find, is we take a cursory view of the progress of
-knowledge, that it’s advance towards simple principles is invariably in
-a ratio, which must speedily change the tangled system of european
-politics.
-
-The _séance royale_ produced so little effect, that the assembly, as if
-their sittings had never been interrupted, met the next day at the old
-hall; and the day after, the minority of the nobles, which consisted of
-forty-seven members, came to incorporate themselves with the commons.
-All of these, and particularly the duke of Orleans, who led them,
-acquired by this popular conduct, the love and confidence of the nation.
-How far they merited it, deceiving the public, or themselves, their
-future conduct will best explain.
-
-The interesting events, in fact, which almost daily occurred, at the
-commencement of the revolution, fired the fancies of men of different
-descriptions; till, forgetting every selfish consideration, the rich and
-poor saw through the same focus. But, when the former had time to cool,
-and felt more forcibly than the latter the inconveniences of anarchy,
-they returned with fresh vigour to their old ground; embracing, with
-redoubled ardour, the prejudices which passion, not conviction, had
-chased from the field, during the heat of action. This was a strong
-reinforcement for the staunch aristocrats; because these were mostly
-good, but short-sighted people, who really wished, that justice might be
-established, as the foundation of the new government, though they
-flinched when their present ease was disturbed; and it was necessary to
-give more than good wishes.
-
-This minority of nobles must certainly be allowed to have acted more
-prudently than their peers; and several of them, the most respectable
-men of that class, both in talents and morals, were probably actuated by
-half comprehended principles. The great body of the nobles,
-nevertheless, and the minority of the clergy, continued to meet in
-different chambers, where their idle deliberations marked their decayed
-influence. For, shrinking into nothing, their present struggles to
-regain their power were as fruitless, as their former efforts had been
-presumptuous. Yet the jealousies and contumely of the nobility continued
-to agitate the commons; who, animated by a consciousness of the justice
-of their cause, and feeling, that they possessed the confidence of the
-public, determined to proceed with the objects of their meeting, without
-the concurrence of the first order; proving to them, when it was too
-late to preserve their factitious distinctions, that their power and
-authority were at an end. In vain were they told, that they were acting
-contrary to their true interest, and risking the salvation of their
-privileges. In vain did one of the most moderate of the deputies[10]
-remonstrate with them, on what, most probably, would be the consequence
-of their obstinacy. No argument could move them; and, blind to the
-danger with which they were threatened, they persisted to attend their
-councils, without any determinate rule of action. It is true, the duke
-of Luxembourg declared, in a private committee held by the king, the
-26th of june, that ‘the division of the orders would controul the
-exorbitant claims of the people, and preserve those of the monarch;
-united,’ added he, ‘they know no master, divided, they are your
-subjects:’ and he concluded, with emphatically saying, that ‘it would
-save the independence of the crown, and stamp with nullity the
-proceedings of the national assembly.’ These were manly, though not
-patriotic sentiments; and if the court had rallied round them, and
-defended them to the last extremity, they would at any rate have
-prevented their disgrace, by avoiding the crooked path of treachery. But
-abandoning all dignity of conduct, they trusted to the art of
-manœuvring, which defeated by the people, they were left entirely at
-their mercy.
-
-With respect to the improvement of society, since the destruction of the
-roman empire, England seems to have led the way, rendering certain
-obstinate prejudices almost null, by a gradual change of opinion. This
-observation, which facts will support, may be brought forward, to prove,
-that just sentiments gain footing only in proportion as the
-understanding is enlarged by cultivation, and freedom of thought,
-instead of being cramped by the dread of bastilles and inquisitions. In
-Italy and France, for example, where the mind dared to exercise itself
-only to form the taste, the nobility were, in the strictest sense of the
-word, a cast, keeping aloof from the people; whilst in England they
-intermingled with the commercial men, whose equal or superiour fortunes
-made the nobles overlook their inequality of birth: thus giving the
-first blow to the ignorant pride that retarded the formation of just
-opinions respecting true dignity of character. This monied interest,
-from which political improvement first emanates, was not yet formed in
-France; and the ridiculous pride of her nobles, which led them to
-believe, that the purity of their families would be sullied, if they
-agreed to act in the same sphere with the people, was a prevailing
-motive, that prevented their junction with the commons. But the more
-licentious part of the clergy, who followed with a truer scent their own
-interest, thought it expedient to espouse, in time, the cause of the
-power, from whence their influence derived its greatest force; and from
-which alone they could hope for support. This schism proved, as it
-promised, dangerous to the views of the court.
-
-The desertion of the clergy rendered the mobility outrageous, and
-hastened the crisis when the important contest was to be brought to an
-issue.—Then it was that the king perceived how contemptible his
-undecided conduct had been, and exclaiming, it is said confidently,
-‘that he remained _ALONE_ in the midst of the nation, occupied with the
-establishment of concord.’ Vain words! and this affectation was
-particularly reprehensible, because he had already given orders for the
-assembling of the foreign troops: the object of which was to establish
-concord with the point of the bayonet.
-
-This total want of character caused him to be flattered by all parties,
-and trusted by none. Insignificancy had distinguished his manners in his
-own court. Actions without energy, and professions without sincerity,
-exhibiting a conduct destitute of steadiness, made the cabinet concert
-all their measures regardless of his opinion, leaving to the queen the
-task of persuading him to adopt them. The evil did not rest even here;
-for the different parties following separate views, the flexibility of
-his temper led him to sanction things the most at variance, and most
-dangerous to his future honour and safety. For it appears obvious, that
-whatever party had prevailed, he could only be considered as an
-instrument; which, becoming useless when the object should be achieved,
-would be treated with disrespect. Periods of revolution drawing into
-action the worst as well as the best of men; and as audacity, in
-general, triumphs over modest merit, when the political horizon is
-ruffled by tempest; it amounted to a moral certainty, that the line of
-conduct pursued by the king would lead to his disgrace and ruin.
-
-Seeing, however, that the people were unanimous in their approbation of
-the conduct of their representatives, and watchful to discover the
-designs of their enemies; it could not but occur to the cabinet, that
-the only way to lull attention to sleep, was to affect to submit to
-necessity. Besides, fearing, if they continued to resort to their
-different chambers, that their plot would take wind before all the
-agents were assembled, a fresh instance of dissimulation evinced, that
-their depravity equalled their stupidity. For the king was now prevailed
-on to write to the presidents of the nobility, and the minority of the
-clergy, requesting them, to represent to those two orders the necessity
-of uniting with the third, to proceed to the discussion of his
-proposals, made at the _séance royale_.
-
-The clergy immediately acquiesced; but the nobility continued to oppose
-a junction so humiliating, till the court invented a pretext of honour
-to save the credit of their mock dignity, by declaring, that the life of
-the king would be in imminent danger, should the nobles continue to
-resist the desire of the nation. Pretending to believe this report, for
-the secret of the cabinet was buzzed amongst them, and appearing to wish
-to bury all rivalry in royalty, they attended at the common hall, the
-27th. Yet even there, the first step they took was to enter a protest,
-in order to guard against this concession being made a precedent.
-
-A general joy succeeded the terrour which had been engendered in the
-minds of the people by their contumelious perverseness; and the
-parisians, cherishing the most sanguine expectations, reckoned, that an
-unity of exertions would secure to them a redress of grievances.
-
-It is perhaps unnecessary to dwell, for a moment, on the insensibility
-of the court, and the credulity of the people; as they seem the only
-clues, that will lead us to a precise discrimination of the causes,
-which completely annihilated all confidence in the ministers, who have
-succeeded the directors of those infamous measures, that swept away the
-whole party; measures which involved thousands of innocent people in the
-same ruin, and have produced a clamour against the proceedings of the
-nation, that has obscured the glory of her labours. It is painful to
-follow, through all their windings, the crimes and follies produced by
-want of sagacity, and just principles of action. For instance, the
-_séance royale_ was held on the 23d, when the king, not deigning to
-advise, commanded the deputies to repair to their different chambers;
-and only four days after he implored the nobility and clergy to wave
-every consideration, and accede to the wish of the people. Acting in
-this contradictory manner, it is clear, that the cabal thought only of
-rendering sure the decided blow, which was to level with the dust the
-power, that extorted such humiliating concessions.
-
-But the people, easy of belief, and glad to be light-hearted again, no
-sooner heard that an union of the orders had taken place, by the desire
-of the king, than they hurried from all quarters, with good-humoured
-confidence, called for the king and queen, and testified, in their
-presence, the grateful joy this acquiescence had inspired. How different
-was this frankness of the people, from the close hypocritical conduct of
-the cabal!
-
-The courtly, dignified politeness of the queen, with all those
-complacent graces which dance round flattered beauty, whose every charm
-is drawn forth by the consciousness of pleasing, promised all that a
-sanguine fancy had pourtrayed of future happiness and peace. From her
-fascinating smiles, indeed, was caught the careless hope, that,
-expanding the heart, makes the animal spirits vibrate, in every nerve,
-with pleasure:—yet, she smiled but to deceive; or, if she felt some
-touches of sympathy, it was only the unison of the moment.
-
-It is certain, that education, and the atmosphere of manners in which a
-character is formed, change the natural laws of humanity; otherwise it
-would be unaccountable, how the human heart can be so dead to the tender
-emotions of benevolence, which most forcibly teach us, that real or
-lasting felicity flows only from a love of virtue, and the practice of
-sincerity.
-
-The unfortunate queen of France, beside the advantages of birth and
-station, possessed a very fine person; and her lovely face, sparkling
-with vivacity, hid the want of intelligence. Her complexion was
-dazzlingly clear; and, when she was pleased, her manners were
-bewitching; for she happily mingled the most insinuating voluptuous
-softness and affability, with an air of grandeur, bordering on pride,
-that rendered the contrast more striking. Independence also, of whatever
-kind, always gives a degree of dignity to the mien; so that monarchs and
-nobles, with most ignoble souls, from believing themselves superiour to
-others, have actually acquired a look of superiority.
-
-But her opening faculties were poisoned in the bud; for before she came
-to Paris, she had already been prepared, by a corrupt, supple abbé, for
-the part she was to play; and, young as she was, became so firmly
-attached to the aggrandizement of her house, that, though plunged deep
-in pleasure, she never omitted sending immense sums to her brother, on
-every occasion. The person of the king, in itself very disgusting, was
-rendered more so by gluttony, and a total disregard of delicacy, and
-even decency in his apartments: and, when jealous of the queen, for whom
-he had a kind of devouring passion, he treated her with great brutality,
-till she acquired sufficient finesse to subjugate him. Is it then
-surprizing, that a very desirable woman, with a sanguine constitution,
-should shrink abhorrent from his embraces; or that an empty mind should
-be employed only to vary the pleasures, which emasculated her circean
-court? And, added to this, the histories of the Julias and Messalinas of
-antiquity, convincingly prove, that there is no end to the vagaries of
-the imagination, when power is unlimited, and reputation set at
-defiance.
-
-Lost then in the most luxurious pleasures, or managing court intrigues,
-the queen became a profound dissembler; and her heart hardened by
-sensual enjoyments to such a degree, that when her family and favourites
-stood on the brink of ruin, her little portion of mind was employed only
-to preserve herself from danger. As a proof of the justness of this
-assertion, it is only necessary to observe, that, in the general wreck,
-not a scrap of her writing has been found to criminate her; neither has
-she suffered a word to escape her to exasperate the people, even when
-burning with rage, and contempt. The effect that adversity may have on
-her choked understanding time will show[11]; but during her prosperity,
-the moments of languor, that glide into the interstices of enjoyment,
-were passed in the most childish manner; without the appearance of any
-vigour of mind, to palliate the wanderings of the imagination.—Still she
-was a woman of uncommon address; and though her conversation was
-insipid, her compliments were so artfully adapted to flatter the person
-she wished to please or dupe, and so eloquent is the beauty of a queen,
-in the eyes even of superiour men, that she seldom failed to carry her
-point when she endeavoured to gain an ascendancy over the mind of an
-individual. Over that of the king she acquired unbounded sway, when,
-managing the disgust she had for his person, she made him pay a kingly
-price for her favours. A court is the best school in the world for
-actors; it was very natural then for her to become a complete actress,
-and an adept in all the arts of coquetry that debauch the mind, whilst
-they render the person alluring.
-
-Had the hapless Louis possessed any decision of character, to support
-his glimmering sense of right, he would from this period have chosen a
-line of conduct, that might have saved his life by regulating his future
-politics. For this returning affection of the people alone was
-sufficient to prove to him, that it was not easy to eradicate their love
-for royalty; because, whilst they were contending for their rights with
-the nobility, they were happy to receive them as acts of beneficence
-from the king. But the education of the heir apparent of a crown must
-necessarily destroy the common sagacity and feelings of a man; and the
-education of this monarch, like that of Louis XV, only tended to make
-him a sensual bigot.
-
-Priests have, in general, contrived to become the preceptors of kings;
-the more surely to support the church, by leaning it against the throne.
-Besides; kings, who without having their understandings enlarged, are
-set above attending to the forms of morality, which sometimes produce
-it’s spirit, are always particularly fond of those religious systems,
-which, like a sponge, wipe out the crimes that haunt the terrified
-imagination of unsound minds.
-
-It has been the policy of the court of France, to throw an odium on the
-understanding of the king, when it was lavishing praises on the goodness
-of his heart. Now it is certain, that he possessed a considerable
-portion of sense, and discernment; though he wanted that firmness of
-mind, which constitutes character; or, in more precise words, the power
-of acting according to the dictates of a man’s own reason. He was a
-tolerable scholar; had sufficient patience to learn the english
-language; and was an ingenious mechanic. It is also well known, that in
-the council, when he followed only the light of his own reason, he often
-fixed on the most sage measures, which he was afterwards persuaded to
-abandon. But death seems to be the sport of kings, and, like the roman
-tyrant, whose solitary amusement was transfixing flies, this man, whose
-milkiness of heart has been perpetually contrasted with the pretended
-watriness of his head, was extremely fond of seeing those grimaces, made
-by tortured animals, which rouse to pleasure sluggish, gross sensations.
-The queen, however, prevailed on him not to attempt to amuse her, or
-raise a forced laugh, in a polite circle, by throwing a cat down the
-chimney, or shooting an harmless ass. Taught also to dissemble, from his
-cradle, he daily practised the despicable shifts of duplicity; though
-led by his indolence to take, rather than to give the tone to his
-domineering parasites.
-
-The french nobility, perhaps, the most corrupt and ignorant set of men
-in the world, except in those objects of taste, which consist in giving
-variety to amusement, had never lived under the controul of any law, but
-the authority of the king; and having only to dread the Bastille for a
-little time, should they commit any enormity, could not patiently brook
-the restraints, the better government of the whole society required.
-Haughtily then disregarding the suggestions of humanity, and even
-prudence, they determined to subvert every thing, sooner than resign
-their privileges; and this tenacity will not appear astonishing, if we
-call to mind, that they considered the people as beasts of burden, and
-trod them under foot with the mud. This is not a figure of rhetoric; but
-a melancholy truth! For it is notorious, that, in the narrow streets of
-Paris, where there are no footways to secure the walkers from danger,
-they were frequently killed, without slackening, by the least emotion of
-fellow-feeling, the gallop of the thoughtless being, whose manhood was
-buried in a factitious character.
-
-I shall not now recapitulate the feudal tyrannies, which the progress of
-civilization has rendered nugatory; it is sufficient to observe, that,
-as neither the life nor property of the citizens was secured by equal
-laws, both were often wantonly sported with by those who could do it
-with impunity. Arbitrary decrees have too often assumed the sacred
-majesty of law; and when men live in continual fear, and know not what
-they have to apprehend, they always become cunning and pusillanimous.
-Thus the abject manners, produced by despotism of any species, seem to
-justify them, in the eyes of those who only judge of things from their
-present appearance. This leads, likewise, to an observation, that partly
-accounts for the want of industry and cleanliness in France; for people
-are very apt to sport away their time, when they cannot look forward,
-with some degree of certainty, to the consolidation of a plan of future
-ease.
-
-Every precaution was taken to divide the nation, and prevent any ties of
-affection, such as ought always to unite man with man, in all the
-relationships of life, from bringing the two ranks together with any
-thing like equality to consolidate them. If, for instance, the son of a
-nobleman happened so far to forget his rank, as to marry a woman of low
-birth; what misery have not those unfortunate creatures
-endured!—confined in prisons, or hunted out of the common nest, as
-contagious intruders. And if we remember also, that, while treated with
-contempt, only a twentieth part of the profit of his labour fell to the
-share of the husbandman, we shall cease to inquire, why the nobles
-opposed innovations, that must necessarily have overturned the fabric of
-despotism.
-
-The inveterate pride of the nobles, the rapacity of the clergy, and the
-prodigality of the court, were, in short, the secret springs of the
-plot, now almost ripe, aimed at the embryo of freedom through the heart
-of the national assembly. But Paris, that city which contains so many
-different characters—that vortex, which draws every vice into it’s
-centre—that repository of all the materials of voluptuous
-degeneracy—that den of spies and assassins—contained likewise a number
-of enlightened men, and was able to raise a very formidable force, to
-defend it’s opinions.
-
-The cabinet saw it’s rising spirit with suspicion; and, resorting to
-their old wiles, produced a scarcity of bread, hoping that, when the
-people should be disheartened, the approaching army under Broglio would
-bring the whole affair to a speedy issue. But circumstances seemed
-favourable to the people; for the electors of Paris, after they had
-chosen their deputies, the election having been protracted very late,
-continued to meet at the _Hôtel-de-Ville_, to prepare the instructions,
-which they had not time to digest before the assembling of the
-states-general.
-
-At this juncture also, a spacious square, equally devoted to business
-and pleasure, called the _Palais Royal_, became the rendezvous of the
-citizens. There the most spirited gave lectures, whilst more modest men
-read the popular papers and pamphlets, on the benefits of liberty, and
-the crying oppressions of absolute governments. This was the centre of
-information; and the whole city flocking thither, to talk or to listen,
-returned home warmed with the love of freedom, and determined to oppose,
-at the risk of life, the power that should still labour to enslave
-them—and when life is put on the cast, do not men generally gain that
-for which they strive with those, who, wanting their enthusiasm, set
-more value on the stake?
-
-The turbulence of the metropolis, produced in great measure by the
-continual arrival of foreign troops, furnished, nevertheless, a
-plausible pretext for blockading it; and thirty-five thousand men, at
-least, mostly consisting of hussars and mercenary troops, were drawn
-from the frontiers, and collected round Versailles. Camps were traced
-out for still more; and the posts, that commanded the roads leading to
-Paris, were filled with soldiers. The courtiers, then unable to repress
-their joy, vaunted, that the national assembly would soon be dissolved,
-and the rebellious deputies silenced by imprisonment, or death. And
-should even the french soldiers abandon them, among whom there were some
-symptoms of revolt, the court depended on the foreign troops, to strike
-terrour into the very heart of Paris and Versailles. The gathering army
-was already a very formidable force; but the spirit of enthusiasm, and a
-keen sense of injuries, rendered more sharp by insults, had such an
-effect on the people, that, instead of being intimidated, they coolly
-began to prepare for defence.
-
-All had heard, or were now informed, of the efforts made by the
-americans to maintain their liberty.—All had heard of the glorious
-firmness of a handful of raw bostonian militia, who, on Bunker’s-hill,
-resisted the british disciplined troops, crimsoning the plains of
-Charles-town with the blood of the flower of their enemy’s army. This
-lesson for tyrants had resounded through the kingdom; and it ought to
-have taught them, that men determined to be free are always superiour to
-mercenary battalions even of veterans.
-
-The popular leaders had also taken the surest means to ingratiate
-themselves with the soldiery, by mixing with them, and continually
-insinuating, that citizens ought not to allow the base ministers of
-power, to treat them like passive instruments of mischief. Besides, it
-was natural to expect, that the military, the most idle body of men in
-the kingdom, should attend to the topics of the day, and profit by the
-discussions, that disseminated new political principles. And such an
-influence had the arguments in favour of liberty on their minds, that,
-so early as the 23d of june, during a slight riot, two companies of the
-grenadiers refused to fire on the people, whom they were sent to
-disperse. But these symptoms of refractoriness roused the resentment of
-the court, instead of putting it on it’s guard: consequently several
-were sent to prison, and the troops were confined to their barracks;
-yet, regardless of these orders, they came in crowds to the _Palais
-Royal_, a day or two after, eager to unite their voices with the general
-shout, _vive la nation_, which spoke the present sentiments of the
-people. The regiments of french, also, that now arrived, to be stationed
-with the foreign troops round Paris, were conducted to this hot-bed of
-patriotism; and, meeting with the most cordial reception, they listened
-with interest to the lively representations of the enormities committed
-by their old government, and of the meanness of those men, who could
-live on the bread earned by butchering their fellow citizens.
-
-Whilst these opinions were taking root, the people heard, that eleven of
-the french guards, confined in the abbey, because they would not obey
-the order to fire on the populace, were to be transferred to the
-_Bicetre_, the most ignominious of all the prisons. The contest now
-commenced; for the people hastened to deliver them, and, forcing their
-way, emancipated their friends; and even the hussars, who were called
-out to quell the disturbance, laid down their arms. Yet, attentive to
-justice, they sent back to confinement a soldier, who had been
-previously committed by the police, for some other misdemeanour.
-
-Exasperated as they were, the people, not yet become lawless, guarded
-the men they had rescued; whilst they sent a deputation to the national
-assembly, to intercede with the king in their behalf. This spirited, yet
-prudent, behaviour produced the desired effect; and the assembly named a
-certain number of the deputies, who with scrupulous decorum were to
-demand this grace of the king: and he accordingly granted their pardon,
-laying a cautious stress on it’s being the first request made by the
-assembly. But it was still questionable, whether this extorted act of
-lenity were not done, like the other actions of the court, only to blind
-the preparations that were making, to humble effectually the soldiery,
-the metropolis, and the assembly.
-
-During this period of general suspicion, the presence of such a
-considerable force, as now was encamped on every side of the capital,
-particularly alarmed the electors, who held their deliberations very
-constantly to watch over the public peace; and, in order to avert the
-threatening storm, they proposed raising the city militia. Yet, before
-they determined, they sent to apprise the national assembly of their
-intention; wishing the king to be informed, that, if an armed force were
-necessary to secure the public tranquillity, the citizens themselves
-were the most proper persons to be entrusted with the commission.
-
-The unsettled state of Paris, now suffering from a scarcity of bread,
-furnished, however, a plausible pretext for the augmentation of the
-troops, which increased the calamity. ‘When it is with the greatest
-difficulty,’ says one of the electors, ‘that we can procure provision
-for the inhabitants, was it necessary to increase the famine and our
-fears, by calling together a number of soldiers, who were dispersed
-through all the provinces? These troops,’ he adds, ‘were destined to
-guard the frontiers, whilst the representatives of the nation are
-deliberating on the formation of a constitution. But this constitution,
-desired by the king, and demanded by all the provinces of France, has to
-cope with dangerous interiour enemies.’
-
-The national assembly, likewise, could not but perceive, that more
-soldiers were stationed near them, than would have been sufficient to
-repel a foreign invasion; and Mirabeau, with his usual fervour, animated
-them to action, by a lively picture of their situation. ‘Thirty-five
-thousand men,’ he observed, ‘are now distributed between Paris and
-Versailles; and twenty thousand more are expected. Trains of artillery
-follow them; and places are already marked out for batteries. They have
-made sure of all the communications.—All our entrances are intercepted;
-our roads, our bridges, and our public walks, are changed into military
-posts. The notorious events, the secret orders, and precipitate
-counter-orders—in short, preparations for war, strike every eye, and
-fill with indignation every heart. Gentlemen, if the question were only
-the insulted dignity of the assembly, it would demand the attention of
-the king himself; for should he not take care, that we be treated with
-decency, since we are deputies of the nation from which his glory
-emanates, which alone constitutes the splendour of the throne?—Yes; of
-that nation, who will render the person of the king honourable in
-proportion as he respects himself? Since his wish is to command free
-men, it is time to banish the old odious forms, those insulting
-proceedings, which too easily persuade the courtiers, who surround the
-prince, that royal majesty consists in the abasing relation of master
-and slave; that a legitimate and beloved king ought on all occasions to
-show himself with the aspect of an irritated tyrant; or, of those
-usurpers condemned by their melancholy fate, to mistake the tender and
-flattering sentiments of confidence.—And who will dare to say, that
-circumstances have rendered necessary these menacing measures? On the
-contrary, I am going to demonstrate, that they are equally useless and
-dangerous, considered either with respect to good order, the quieting of
-the public, or the safety of the throne: and, far from appearing the
-fruit of a sincere attachment to the person of the monarch, they can
-only gratify private passions, and cover perfidious designs. Undoubtedly
-I do not know every pretext, every artifice of the enemies of
-reformation, since I cannot divine with what plausible reason they have
-coloured the pretended want of troops, at a moment, when not only their
-inutility, but their danger strikes every mind.
-
-‘With what eye will the people, harassed by so many calamities, see this
-swarm of idle soldiers come to dispute with them their morsel of bread?
-The contrast of the plenty enjoyed by one, with the indigence of the
-other; of the security of the soldiers, to whom the manna falls, without
-it’s being necessary for them to think of to-morrow, with the anguish of
-the people, who obtain nothing but by hard labour and painful sweat; is
-sufficient to make every heart sink with despondency. Added to this,
-gentlemen, the presence of the troops heats the imagination of the
-populace; and, by continually presenting new fears, excites an universal
-effervescence, till the citizens are at their very fire-sides a prey to
-every kind of terrour. The people, roused and agitated, form tumultuous
-assemblies; and, giving way to their impetuosity, precipitate themselves
-into danger—for fear neither calculates nor reasons!’ He concluded with
-moving an address to the king, representing, that the people were
-extremely alarmed by the assembling of such a number of troops, and the
-preparations made to form camps during this season of scarcity; and to
-remonstrate respecting the conduct of those, who sought to destroy the
-confidence that ought to subsist between the king and the
-representatives of the people—a confidence, which alone can enable them
-to fulfil their functions, and establish the reform expected from their
-zeal by a suffering nation.
-
-This speech produced the desired effect; and the motion being carried,
-Mirabeau was requested to prepare an address for their consideration.
-
-The purport of the address was an abridgement of the above speech;
-respectful; nay, even affectionate; but spirited and noble.
-
-Yet this remonstrance, so well calculated to preserve the dignity of the
-monarch, and appease the agitation of the public, produced no other
-effect than a supercilious answer, that only tended to increase the want
-of confidence, to which disgust gave a new edge. For, instead of
-attending to the prayer of the nation, the king asserted, that the
-tumultuous and scandalous scenes, which had passed at Paris, and at
-Versailles, under his own eyes, and those of the national assembly, were
-sufficient to induce him, one of whose principal duties it was to watch
-over the public safety, to station troops round Paris.—Still, he
-declared, that, far from intending to interrupt their freedom of debate,
-he only wished to preserve them even from all apprehension of tumult and
-violence. If, however, the necessary presence of the troops continue to
-give umbrage, he was willing, at the request of the assembly, to
-transfer the states-general to Noyon or Soissons; and to repair himself
-to Compiégne, in order to maintain the requisite intercourse with the
-assembly. This answer signified nothing; or, rather, it formally
-announced, that the king would not send away the troops. Obvious as was
-the meaning, and contemptible as was the dissimulation; yet, as it came
-from the sovereign, the fountain of fortune and honours, some of the
-supple hands of the deputies applauded.—But, Mirabeau was not to be
-cajoled by such shallow fallacy. ‘Gentlemen,’ said he, impatiently, ‘the
-goodness of the king’s heart is so well known, that we might tranquilly
-confide in his virtue, did he always act from himself.—But, the
-assurances of the king are no guarantee for the conduct of his
-ministers, who have not ceased to mislead his good disposition.—And have
-we yet to learn, that the habitual confidence of the french in their
-king is less a virtue than a vice, if it extend to all parts of the
-administration?
-
-‘Who amongst us is ignorant, in fact, that it is our blind, giddy
-inconsideration, which has led us from century to century, from fault to
-fault, to the crisis that now afflicts us, and which ought at last to
-open our eyes, if we have not resolved to be headstrong children and
-slaves, till the end of time?
-
-‘The reply of the king is a pointed refusal. The ministry would have it
-regarded only as a simple form of assurance and goodness; and they have
-affected to think, that we have made our demand, without attaching much
-interest to it’s success, and only to appear to have made it. It is
-necessary to undeceive the ministry—Certainly, my opinion is, not to
-fail in the confidence and respect which we owe to the virtues of the
-king; but I likewise advise, that we be no more inconsistent, timid, and
-wavering in our measures.—Certainly, there is no need to deliberate on
-the removal proposed; for, in short, notwithstanding the king’s answer,
-we will not go to Noyon, nor to Soissons—We have not demanded this
-permission; nor will we, because it is scarcely probable, that we should
-ever desire to place ourselves between two or three bodies of troops;
-those which invest Paris, and those which might fall upon us from
-Flanders and Alsace. We have demanded the removal of the troops—that was
-the object of our address!—We have not asked permission to flee before
-them; but only that they should be sent from the capital. And it is not
-for ourselves, that we have made this demand; for they know very well,
-that it was suggested by a concern for the general interest, not by any
-sentiment of fear. At this moment, the presence of the troops disturbs
-the public order, and may produce the most melancholy events.—Our
-removal, far from preventing, would, on the contrary, only aggravate the
-evil. It is necessary, then, to restore peace, in spite of the friends
-of disorder; it is necessary, to be consistent with ourselves; and to be
-so, we have only to adhere to one line of conduct, which is to insist,
-without relaxing, that the troops be sent away, as the only sure way to
-obtain it.’
-
-This speech, delivered on the 11th of july, produced no further decision
-in the assembly, though it kept the attention of the members fixt to a
-point.
-
-But things were now drawing rapidly to a crisis; for this very day
-Necker, who had been retained in place, only to hoodwink the people, was
-dismissed, with an injunction not to mention his dismission; and to
-leave the kingdom in twenty-four hours. These orders he servilely
-obeyed; and, with all the promptitude of personal fear, said, without
-the least emotion, to the nobleman, who brought the king’s commands, ‘we
-shall meet this evening at the council;’ and continued to converse, in
-his usual strain of smoothness, with the company at dinner. Miserable
-weakness! This man, who professed himself the friend of the people, and
-who had so lately promised ‘to live or die with them,’ had not, when,
-brought to the test, sufficient magnanimity to warn them where danger
-threatened.—For he must have known, that this dismission was the signal
-of hostilities: yet, fleeing like a felon, he departed in disguise,
-keeping the secret with all the caution of cowardice.[12]
-
-The next day, the appointment of the new ministry, men particularly
-obnoxious to the public, made it known to the people; who viewed with
-melancholy horrour the awful horizon, where had long been gathering the
-storm, now ready to burst on their devoted heads. The agitation of the
-public mind, indeed, resembled a troubled sea; which, having been put in
-motion by a raging tornado, gradually swells, until the whole element,
-wave rolling on wave, exhibits one unbounded commotion. All eyes were
-now opened, all saw the approaching blast; the hollow murmurs of which
-had inspired a confused terrour for some time past.
-
-It had been proposed on the 10th, at the _Hôtel-de-Ville_, as a
-regulation of the _Garde-Bourgeoise_, that twelve hundred men should be
-raised at a time, to be relieved every week; and the capital having been
-divided, at the election, into sixty districts, only twenty would be
-called out of each. And it was further resolved, that the districts
-should rest embodied until the entire evacuation of the troops,
-excepting those who formed the common compliment of the guards. The
-following day it was decreed; an address was voted to the national
-assembly, to request their mediation with the king, to sanction
-immediately the city militia; and the sittings of the committee were
-adjourned till monday, the 13th. But some of the electors, having heard
-on sunday, that the populace were all repairing to the _Hôtel-de-Ville_,
-hastened there about six o’clock in the evening, and found the hall
-indeed crowded with people of all conditions. A thousand confused voices
-demanded arms, and orders to found the _tocsin_.
-
-At eight o’clock, the patrol guard was relieved, at the
-_Hôtel-de-Ville_, and the multitude pressed on the soldiers to disarm
-them; redoubling the cry for arms at the moment; and even threatened to
-set fire to the hall. But, still observing some respect for
-subordination, they demanded, a little imperiously, it is true, an
-order, in virtue of which, the citizens might arm themselves to repulse
-the danger that menaced the capital—and amidst these clamours, several
-precipitate reports painted, in the most lively colours, this danger.
-
-One of the crowd said, that, no sooner had the news of the dismission of
-Necker reached Paris, than the people hastened to a sculptor’s, and,
-seizing the bulls of that minister, and of the duke of Orleans, they
-were now actually carrying them through the streets:—Another informed
-them, that the multitude had rushed into the different theatres, at the
-hour of opening them, and required, that they should be instantly
-shut;[13] and that in consequence all the spectators had been sent
-away:—A third announced four cannons, placed at the entrance of the
-_Champs Elysées_, with their cannoneers ready to light their matches,
-which were to begin the combat; and that these four cannons were
-supported by a regiment of cavalry, which, advancing under the command
-of the prince de Lambesc to the place of Louis 15th, was stationed by
-the bridge that leads to the Thuilleries. He added also, that a
-_cavalier_ of this regiment, passing by a soldier of the french guards,
-had fired his pistol at him; and, that the prince de Lambesc himself had
-galloped into the garden, sabre in hand, followed by a detachment, who
-put to flight the old men, women, and children, that were peaceably
-taking their customary walk; nay, that he had actually killed, with his
-own hand, an old man, who was escaping from the tumult. The reporter, it
-is true, forgot to notice, that the populace had begun to pelt the
-prince with the stones, that were lying ready, near the buildings which
-were not finished. Startled, perhaps, by this resistance, and despising
-the mob, that he expected, only by his presence, to have intimidated, in
-a delirium, most probably, of terrour and astonishment, he wounded an
-unarmed man, who fled before him. Be that as it may, this wanton outrage
-excited the indignation necessary to fire every spirit.
-
-The electors being still pressed for arms, and unable to furnish them,
-at eleven o’clock decreed, that the districts should be immediately
-convoked; and that they would repair to all the posts of armed citizens,
-to beg them, in the name of their country, to avoid all species of
-riot.—But this was not the moment to talk of peace, when all were making
-ready for battle.—The tumult now became general. To arms! To arms!
-re-echoed from all quarters—and the whole city was instantly in motion,
-seeking for weapons of defence. Whilst the women and children rent the
-air with shrieks and lamentations, the cannons were fired; and the
-_tocsins_ of the different parish churches joined by degrees, to excite,
-and continue, the universal alarm.
-
-Still all their thoughts were turned on defensive measures. Many of the
-citizens, by ransacking the warehouses of arms, and catching up spits
-and pokers, appeared with weapons in their hands to second their
-determinate countenances; and being joined by some of the french guards,
-more completely accoutred, forced those foreign mercenaries, who had
-first awakened their fury, to retreat, fleeing like the beasts of the
-desert, before the bold and generous lion. Though victorious in this
-midnight fray, because determined to conquer, still they had scarcely
-any fire arms; and were as inexpert in the use of those they found, as
-the inhabitants of capitals commonly are—But indignation made each of
-them, so restless was their courage, seize something to defend himself
-with: hammers, axes, shovels, pikes, all were sought for, and clenched
-in hands nerved by heroism; yes, by true heroism, for personal safety
-was disregarded in the common danger. Wives assisted to beat out pikes
-for their husbands, and children ran about to pile up stones in
-readiness for to-morrow. To increase the apprehensions of the night, one
-of the barriers was set on fire; and a band of desperate robbers, taking
-advantage of the confusion, began to pillage some houses. To arms! was
-the cry of danger, and the watch-word of the city—for who could close
-their eyes? Whilst the tocsin drowning the murmurs of rage, and
-distress, made the confusion solemn.
-
-Different sounds excited different emotions at Versailles; for there the
-heart, beating high with exultation, gave way to the most intemperate
-joy.—Already the courtiers imagined, that the whole mischief was
-crushed, and that they had the assembly at their mercy.
-
-Intoxicated by success, a little too soon reckoned on, the queen, the
-count d’Artois, and their favourites, visited the haunt of the bribed
-ruffians, who were lurking in ambush, ready to fall upon their prey;
-encouraging them by an engaging affability of behaviour, and more
-substantial marks of favour, to forget every consideration, but their
-commands. And so flattered were they by the honied words, and coquetish
-smiles of the queen, that they promised, as they drained the cup in her
-honour, not to sheath their swords, till France was compelled to
-obedience, and the national assembly dispersed. With savage ferocity
-they danced to the sound of music attuned to slaughter, whilst plans of
-death and devastation gave the zest to the orgies, that worked up their
-animal spirits to the highest pitch. After this account, any reflections
-on the baneful effects of power, or on the unrestrained indulgence of
-pleasure, that could thus banish tenderness from the female bosom, and
-harden the human heart, would be an insult to the reader’s sensibility.
-
-How silent is now Versailles!—The solitary foot, that mounts the
-sumptuous stair-case, rests on each landing-place, whilst the eye
-traverses the void, almost expecting to see the strong images of fancy
-burst into life.—The train of the Louises, like the posterity of the
-Banquoes, pass in solemn sadness, pointing at the nothingness of
-grandeur, fading away on the cold canvass, which covers the nakedness of
-the spacious walls—whilst the gloominess of the atmosphere gives a
-deeper shade to the gigantic figures, that seem to be sinking into the
-embraces of death.
-
-Warily entering the endless apartments, half shut up, the fleeting
-shadow of the pensive wanderer, reflected in long glasses, that vainly
-gleam in every direction, slacken the nerves, without appalling the
-heart; though lascivious pictures, in which grace varnishes
-voluptuousness, no longer seductive, strike continually home to the
-bosom the melancholy moral, that anticipates the frozen lesson of
-experience. The very air is chill, seeming to clog the breath; and the
-wasting dampness of destruction appears to be stealing into the vast
-pile, on every side.
-
-The oppressed heart seeks for relief in the garden; but even there the
-same images glide along the wide neglected walks—all is fearfully still;
-and, if a little rill creeping through the gathering moss down the
-cascade, over which it used to rush, bring to mind the description of
-the grand water works, it is only to excite a languid smile at the
-futile attempt to equal nature.
-
-Lo! this was the palace of the great king!—the abode of
-magnificence! Who has broken the charm?—Why does it now inspire only
-pity?—Why;—because nature, smiling around, presents to the
-imagination materials to build farms, and hospitable mansions,
-where, without raising idle admiration, that gladness will reign,
-which opens the heart to benevolence, and that industry, which
-renders innocent pleasure sweet.
-
-Weeping—scarcely conscious that I weep, O France! over the vestiges of
-thy former oppression; which, separating man from man with a fence of
-iron, sophisticated all, and made many completely wretched; I tremble,
-lest I should meet some unfortunate being, fleeing from the despotism of
-licentious freedom, hearing the snap of the _guillotine_ at his heels;
-merely because he was once noble, or has afforded an asylum to those,
-whose only crime is their name—and, if my pen almost bound with
-eagerness to record the day, that levelled the Bastille with the dust,
-making the towers of despair tremble to their base; the recollection,
-that still the abbey is appropriated to hold the victims of revenge and
-suspicion, palsies the hand that would fain do justice to the assault,
-which tumbled into heaps of ruins walls that seemed to mock the
-resistless force of time.—Down fell the temple of despotism;
-but—despotism has not been buried in it’s ruins!—Unhappy country!—when
-will thy children cease to tear thy bosom?—When will a change of
-opinion, producing a change of morals, render thee truly free?—When will
-truth give life to real magnanimity, and justice place equality on a
-stable seat?—When will thy sons trust, because they deserve to be
-trusted; and private virtue become the guarantee of patriotism? Ah!—when
-will thy government become the most perfect, because thy citizens are
-the most virtuous!
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
- PREPARATIONS OF THE PARISIANS FOR THE DEFENCE OF THE CITY. THE GUARDS,
- AND CITY WATCH, JOIN THE CITIZENS. THE ARMED CITIZENS APPOINT A
- COMMANDER IN CHIEF. CONDUCT OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY DURING THE
- DISTURBANCES AT PARIS. THEY PUBLISH A DECLARATION OF RIGHTS,—AND OFFER
- THEIR MEDIATION WITH THE CITIZENS,—WHICH IS HAUGHTILY REFUSED BY THE
- KING. PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS ON THE FOURTEENTH OF JULY. TAKING OF THE
- BASTILLE. THE MAYOR SHOT. PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY AT
- VERSAILLES. APPEARANCE OF THE KING IN THE ASSEMBLY. HIS SPEECH.
-
-
-Early in the morning of the 13th, the electors hastened to the centre of
-the general alarm, the _hôtel-de-ville_, and, urged by the necessity of
-the moment, passed the decrees, under deliberation, for the immediate
-embodying the _garde-bourgeoise_, without waiting for the requested
-sanction of the national assembly. The greater number then withdrew, to
-convoke their districts; whilst the few that remained endeavoured to
-calm the tumult, that was every moment augmenting, by informing the
-people of this decree; representing at the same time, to the citizens,
-the cogent motives which should induce them to separate, and each repair
-to his own district to be enrolled. But the crowd again called for arms,
-pretending, that there was a great number concealed in an arsenal, which
-nobody could point out. To quiet these clamours for a moment, the people
-were referred to the _prévot des marchands_[14]. He accordingly came,
-and requested, that the multitude would confirm his nomination to the
-function, which his majesty had confided to him. A general acclamation
-was the signal of their consent; and the assembled electors immediately
-turned their attention to the serious business before them.
-
-They then established a _permanent committee_, to keep up a constant
-intercourse with the different districts, to which the citizens were
-again exhorted instantly to return, with all the arms they had
-collected; that those arms might be properly distributed amongst the
-parisian militia. But, it was impossible to pursue these important
-deliberations, with any degree of order, for a fresh multitude was
-continually rushing forward, to report fresh intelligence; often false
-or exaggerated, and always alarming. The barriers, they were told, were
-on fire; a religious house had been pillaged; and a hostile force was on
-the road, in full march, to fall upon the citizens. An immense number of
-coaches, waggons, and other carriages, were actually brought to the door
-of the hotel; and the demands of the concourse, who had been stopped
-going out of Paris, mingling with the cries of the multitude, eager to
-be led towards the troops, whose approach had been announced, were only
-drowned by the more lively instances of the deputies of the sixty
-districts, demanding arms and ammunition, to render them active. To
-appease them, and gain time, the mayor promised, if they would be
-tranquil till five o’clock in the evening, then to distribute a number
-of fusils; which were to be furnished by the director of a manufactory.
-
-These assurances produced a degree of calm. Taking advantage of it, the
-committee determined, that the parisian militia, for the present, should
-consist of 48,000 citizens; and that the officers should be named by
-each district. Many subordinate decrees also passed, all tending to
-prevent the disasters naturally produced by confusion; and to provide
-for the subsistence of the city. The french guards, who had during the
-night assisted the citizens, now came to testify their attachment to the
-common cause; and to beg to be enrolled with them. The commander of the
-city watch, a military body, likewise presented himself; to assure the
-committee, that the troops under his direction were disposed to obey
-their orders, and assist in defending the city.
-
-Among the carriages stopped was one of the prince de Lambesc. The people
-imagined, that they had caught the prince himself; and, when they were
-convinced of their mistake, it was impossible to save the coach, though
-the horses were put into a neighbouring stable; and the portmanteau,
-carefully detached, was lodged in the hall. This trivial circumstance is
-worthy of notice, because it shows the respect then paid to property;
-and that the public mind was entirely fixed on those grand objects,
-which absorb private passions and interests. Stung also to the quick by
-the insulting disregard of their claims, the people forcibly felt an
-indignant sense of injustice, which rendered the struggle heroic.
-
-Preparations of a warlike cast were made during the whole course of this
-day; and every thing was conducted with a degree of prudence scarcely to
-have been expected from such impetuosity. Trenches were thrown up,
-several of the streets unpaved, and barricadoes formed in the
-suburbs.—Defence was the sole object of every person’s thoughts, and
-deriding personal danger, all were preparing to sell their lives at a
-dear rate, furbishing up old weapons, or forging new. The old men,
-women, and children, were employed in making pikes, whilst the able
-bodied men paraded the streets, in an orderly manner, with most resolute
-looks, yet avoiding every kind of violence: there was, in fact, an
-inconceivable solemnity in the quick step of a torrent of men, all
-directing their exertions to one point, which distinguished this rising
-of the citizens from what is commonly termed a riot.—Equality, indeed,
-was then first established by an universal sympathy; and men of all
-ranks joining in the throng, those of the first could not be
-discriminated by any peculiar decency of demeanour, such public spirited
-dignity pervaded the whole mass.
-
-A quantity of powder had been carried to the _hôtel-de-ville_, which the
-populace, for the most unruly always collected round this central spot,
-would probably have blown up in seizing, if a courageous elector[15] had
-not, at the continual risk of his life, insisted on distributing it
-regularly to the people. This engaged their attention a short time; but
-in the evening the demand for arms became more pressing than ever,
-mingled with a hoarse cry of perfidy and treason, levelled against the
-mayor; which, for a while, was silenced by the arrival of a number of
-military chests, thought to contain arms, and these were supposed to be
-those promised by the mayor. Every possible precaution was immediately
-taken by the electors, to have them speedily conveyed into the cellar,
-that they might be given to those who knew best how to make use of them;
-instead of being caught up by the unskilful. The french guards had
-merited the confidence of the citizens; and four members of the
-committee, after some deliberation, were appointed to hasten to them, to
-request that they would come and take charge of the distribution. In
-short, great preparations were made, previous to the opening of the
-chests; but—when the chests were at last opened, in the presence of a
-concourse of people, and found to contain only pieces of old
-candlesticks, and such like rubbish, the impatience of the multitude,
-whose courage and patriotism had been played with all day, instantly
-changed into indignation and fury; and the suspicion of treason on the
-part of the mayor was extended to the whole committee, whom they
-threatened to blow up in their hall.
-
-One of the electors, the marquis de la Salle, now observed, ‘that the
-greatest inconvenience in their present cruel situation was the want of
-order, and subordination; and that a correspondence of the different
-parts of the grand machine, so necessary to promote expedition and
-success, could not subsist without a commander, known and acknowledged
-by the public: for all the citizens, become soldiers, are perpetually,’
-he adds, ‘exposed to spend their zeal and intrepidity in superfluous
-efforts; sometimes even counteracting their own designs. It is necessary
-then to name a general of the first abilities and experience; I am far
-from thinking myself worthy of your choice, though I offer all that I
-can offer, my fortune and my life; and shall willingly serve in any
-post.’ This motion produced a new discussion; and the duke d’Aumont was
-appointed commander in chief. But, he half declining it, though he tried
-to procrastinate his refusal, the post devolved to the marquis de la
-Salle, who had been unanimously named second; and he entered immediately
-on the discharge of this important trust. And this nomination
-contributed to support the exertions of the committee; for in spite of
-the chaotic shock, which seemed to have thrown into confusion all the
-parts of this great city, the centre of union formed at the
-_hôtel-de-ville_, by the assembling of the electors, was in a great
-measure the salvation of the public. This municipal power, created by
-circumstances, and tacitly consented to by the citizens, established a
-great degree of order and obedience, even in the midst of terrour and
-anarchy. The _garde-bourgeoise_ had been assembled in all the districts;
-and the patrols relieved with the greatest exactness. The streets were
-illuminated, to prevent confusion or dismay during the night; private
-property was respected, and all the posts carefully superintended; but,
-at the barriers, every carriage and every person was stopped, and
-obliged to go to the _hôtel-de-ville_ to give an account of themselves.
-The public particularly mistrusted the design of those who were going to
-Versailles, or coming from it. Deputations had been regularly sent, to
-inform the national assembly of the disturbances, which their danger and
-the dread of a siege had occasioned in Paris, and of the measures
-pursued to restrain the head-long fury of the people.
-
-The national assembly, indeed, now appeared with the dignified aspect
-becoming the fathers of their country; seeing their own danger, without
-timidly shrinking from the line of conduct, which had provoked the
-violence of the court: and the president, an old man, not being thought
-equal to the present toils of office, a vice-president was appointed.
-
-To fill this post, the marquis la Fayette was chosen: a deputy for
-several reasons popular. In America, where he voluntarily risked his
-life and fortune, before the french nation espoused their cause, he had
-acquired certain just principles of government; and these he digested to
-the extent of his understanding, which was somewhat confined. He
-possessed great integrity of heart, though he was not without his
-portion of the national vanity. He had already distinguished himself at
-the meeting of the notables, by detecting, and exposing the peculation
-of Calonne, and opposing the arbitrary proceedings of the count
-d’Artois. Governed by the same motives, he had proposed, likewise,
-during their sittings, some bold plans of reform, calculated to reduce
-the public revenue, and lessen the grievances of the nation, at the same
-stroke.—Amongst these was a motion for the abolition of the Bastille,
-and other state prisons, throughout the kingdom; and the suppression of
-_lettres de cachet_. And still having the same objects in view, he, the
-very day the king’s sneering reply was received (the 11th), laid before
-the assembly a proposal for a _DECLARATION OF RIGHTS_, similar to that
-of some of the american states. The marquis de Condorcet had published a
-declaration of this kind, to instruct the deputies, previous to their
-meeting. La Fayette had transmitted a copy of his declaration of rights
-to the assembled electors, to be read to the people; and nothing could
-be better adapted to keep them firm, telling them to what point they
-ought to adhere, than the short address with which it commenced.—‘Call
-to mind the sentiments, that nature has engraven on the heart of every
-citizen; and which take a new force, when recognized by all.—For a
-nation to love liberty, it is sufficient that she knows it; and, to be
-free, it is sufficient that she wills it[16].’
-
-Mirabeau, even whilst supporting tenaciously the dignity of the national
-assembly, felt a pang of envy, that another should bring forward such an
-important business, as the sketch of a new constitution; avowedly that
-the world might know how they had been employed, and what they were
-contesting for, should they become the victims of their magnanimity.
-
-It was impossible now for the whole assembly not to see in the change of
-the ministry the danger at hand, the approach of which some had affected
-to treat as a chimera. Determined, however, to continue their labours,
-in the very face of such hostile preparations; yet taking every prudent
-precaution to secure their safety, they sent to inform the king of the
-disturbances at Paris; and to point out the evils which menaced the
-state, if the troops that invested the metropolis were not sent to more
-distant quarters:—offering, at the same time, to throw themselves
-between the army and the citizens, to endeavour to ward off the
-calamities that were likely to ensue. But the king, obstinately bent to
-support the present measures, or controlled by the cabal, replied, ‘that
-he was the only judge of the necessity of withdrawing the troops;’ and,
-treating the offered interposition of the deputies with the most
-ineffable contempt, told them, ‘that they could be of no use at Paris,
-and were necessary at Versailles, to pursue those important labours,
-which he should continue to recommend.’
-
-This answer was no sooner communicated, than La Fayette moved, that
-the present ministry should be declared responsible for the
-consequence of their obstinacy: and the assembly further decreed, that
-Necker and the rest of the ministry, who had just been sent away,
-carried with them their esteem and regret:—that, alarmed by the
-apprehensions of danger produced by the reply of the king, they would
-not cease to insist on the removal of the troops, and the
-establishment of a _garde-bourgeoise_.—They repeated their
-declaration, that no intermediate power can subsist between the king
-and the national assembly:—and that the public debt, having been
-placed under the safe-guard of french honour, the nation not refusing
-to pay the interest of it, no power had a right to utter the infamous
-word—bankruptcy.—In short, the assembly declared, that they persisted
-in their former decrees:—and that the present resolves should be
-presented to the king, by the president, and printed for the
-information of the public.
-
-Still the court, despising the courageous remonstrances of the assembly,
-and untouched by the apprehensions of the people, which seemed to be
-driving them to the desperation that always conquers, stimulated the
-king to persist in the prosecution of the measures, which they had
-prevailed on him to adopt. The assembly, thus rendered vigilant by the
-various tokens, that the crisis was arrived, which was to determine
-their personal and political fate, in which that of their country was
-involved, thought it prudent to make their sittings permanent. Animated
-and united by the common danger, they reminded each other, ‘that, should
-they perish, their country still surviving would recover it’s vigour;
-and that their plans for the good of the public again warming the hearts
-of frenchmen, a brave and generous people would erect on their tomb, as
-an immortal trophy, a constitution solid as reason, and durable as
-time:—whilst their martyrdom would serve as an example, to prove, that
-the progress of knowledge and civilization is not to be stopped by the
-massacre of a few individuals.’
-
-Whatever might have been the object of the court, respecting the
-national assembly, which was probably the slaughter or imprisonment
-necessary to disperse them, and disconcert their theories of reform, it
-is certain, that their situation wore the most threatening aspect; and
-their escape was owing to the courage and resolution of the people; for
-the breast of the cabinet was too callous, to feel either respect or
-repugnance, when emoluments and prerogatives were in question.
-
-It was a circumstance favourable to the people, and the cause of
-humanity, that the want of common foresight in the court prevented their
-guarding against resistance. For so negligent were they, that the
-citizens, who were early in the morning of the 14th every where scouring
-about in search of arms, requested of the committee an order to demand
-those they heard were stored up at the _hôtel des invalides_; and one of
-the electors was accordingly sent with them, to desire the governor to
-give up to the nation all the arms and ammunition committed to his care.
-He replied, that a body of citizens having already been with him, he had
-sent to Versailles for orders, and entreated them to wait till the
-return of the courier, whom he expected in the course of an hour or two.
-This, answer at first satisfied the people, who were preparing to wait
-contentedly, till one of them observing, that this was not a day to lose
-time, they insisted on entering immediately; and instantly made
-themselves masters of all the arms they found, to the amount of 30,000
-muskets, and six pieces of cannon. A considerable quantity of different
-sorts of arms were also carried away from the _garde meuble_, by a less
-orderly party; and fell into the hands of vagabonds, who always mix in a
-tumult, merely because it is a tumult. A hundred and fifty persons of
-this description had been disarmed the preceding night at the
-_hôtel-de-ville_, where they had dropped asleep on the stairs and
-benches, stupefied by the brandy they had stolen: but, when they awoke,
-and requested work, not having any money or bread, they were sent to
-assist in the making of pikes, and the fabricating of other weapons,
-which required little skill. None of the citizens appeared, in fact,
-without some weapon, however uncouth, to brandish defiance, whilst sixty
-thousand men, enrolled and distributed in different companies, were
-armed in a more orderly, though not in a more warlike manner. The army
-of liberty now, indeed, assumed a very formidable appearance; yet the
-cabinet, never doubting of success, neglected in the thoughtlessness of
-security, the only way left to oblige the roused people to accept of any
-terms.
-
-Paris, that immense city, second, perhaps, to none in the world, had
-felt a scarcity of bread for some time, and now had not sufficient flour
-to support the inhabitants for days to come[17].
-
-If, therefore, the mareschal Broglio had cut off the supplies, the
-citizens would have been reduced to the alternative of starving, or
-marching in confusion to fight his army, before they could have been
-disciplined for a regular action. But directed only by the depraved
-sentiments of tyranny, they deemed assassination the most speedy method
-of bringing the contest to an end favourable to their designs.
-Unaccustomed to govern freemen, they dreamt not of the energy of a
-nation shaking off it’s fetters; or, if their classical reveries had
-taught them a respect for man, whilst reading the account of that brave
-handful of spartans, who drove back, at the straits of Thermopylæ,
-millions of marshalled slaves; they had no conception, that the cause of
-liberty was still the same, and that men obeying her impulse will always
-be able to resist the attacks of all the enervated mercenaries of the
-globe.
-
-The imaginations of the parisians, full of plots, created hourly many of
-the objects of terrour from which they started; though the troops being
-in motion around Paris naturally produced many false alarms, that their
-suspicious temper might have exaggerated sufficiently, without the help
-of invention. Various accounts of massacres and assassinations were
-consequently brought to the _hôtel-de-ville_, which inflamed the people,
-though afterwards they proved to be the idle rumours of fear. Thus much,
-however, appeared certain; a squadron of hussars had actually been seen
-hovering about the entrance of the _fauxbourg Saint-Antoine_, who
-disappeared when two companies of the french guards approached. The
-people of the same fauxbourg observed also, that the cannons of the
-Bastille were turned towards their street. On receiving this
-information, a message was sent from the committee to the governor of
-the Bastille, to expostulate with him; and one to each of the districts,
-desiring them to sound an alarm throughout, to break up the pavement of
-the streets, dig ditches, and oppose every obstacle, in their power, to
-the entrance of the troops. But, though the accounts of the hostile
-demeanour of some of the detachments in the skirts of Paris excited
-terrour, there was still reason to doubt the real disposition of the
-soldiery; for a considerable number, belonging to different regiments,
-had presented themselves at the barriers with arms and baggage,
-declaring their decided intention to enter into the service of the
-nation. They were received by the districts, and conducted to the
-_hôtel-de-ville_: and the committee distributed them amongst the
-national troops, with the precaution necessary to guard against the
-surprise of treason.
-
-The deputation, sent to the Bastille, now returned, to give an account
-of their mission. They informed the committee, that the people, rendered
-furious by the menacing position of the cannon, had already surrounded
-the walls; but that they had entered without much difficulty, and were
-conducted to the governor, whom they had requested to change the
-disposition of his cannons; and that the reply he gave was not as
-explicit as they could have wished. They then demanded to pass into the
-second court, and did not without great difficulty obtain permission.
-The little draw-bridge, they continued, was let down; but the great one,
-which led to this court yard was raised, and they entered by an iron
-gate, opened at the call of the governor. In this court they had seen
-three cannons ready for action, with two cannoneers, thirty-six swiss,
-and a dozen of invalids, all under arms; and the staff officers were
-also assembled.—They immediately summoned them, in the name of the
-honour of the nation, and for the sake of their country, to change the
-direction of the cannons; and, at the instance even of the governor
-himself, all the officers and soldiers swore, that the cannons should
-not be fired, or would they make any use of their arms, unless they were
-attacked. In short, another deputation from one of the districts had
-likewise been received with great politeness by the governor; and while
-they were taking some refreshment, he had actually ordered the cannons
-to be drawn back; and a moment after they were informed, that the order
-was obeyed.
-
-To calm the people, these very men descended the stair-case of the
-_hôtel-de-ville_, to proclaim the assurances they had received of the
-amicable intentions of the governor; but, whilst the trumpet was
-sounding to demand silence, the report of a cannon from the quarter of
-the Bastille was heard; and at the same moment, an immense crowd
-precipitated themselves into the square, fronting the hotel, with the
-cry of treason. And to support the charge, they brought with them a
-citizen, and a soldier of the french guards, both wounded. The rumour
-was, that fifteen or twenty more, wounded at the same time, were left to
-be taken care of, in different houses on the way; for that the governor,
-Delaunay, had let down the first draw-bridge to engage the people to
-approach, who were demanding arms; and that they, entering with
-confidence on this invitation, had immediately received a discharge of
-all the musketry of the fortress. This report, confirmed by the presence
-of the two wounded men, demonstrated to the committee the perfidy of the
-troops who guarded the Bastille, and the necessity of sending succour to
-those, who, without order or sufficient force, had commenced the attack.
-Mean time the fury of the people was directed against the mayor, who
-endeavoured by various subterfuges to appease the rage which had been
-excited by his vain promises of procuring arms. He had, it is true,
-several times dispersed the multitude by sending them to different
-places with orders for arms, where he knew they were not to be found;
-and now, to silence the suspicions that threatned to break out in some
-dreadful acts of violence, involving the whole committee in the same
-destruction, he offered to make one of the third deputation; the second
-appearing to be detained, to remonstrate with Delaunay, and try to
-prevent an effusion of blood. A drum and colours were ordered to attend
-them, because it was supposed, that the want of some signal had
-prevented the others from executing their commission.
-
-Shortly after their departure, however, the second deputation returned,
-and informed the committee, that, in their way to the Bastille, they had
-met a wounded citizen, carried by his companions, who informed them,
-that he had received a shot from a fusil, fired from the Bastille into
-the street St. Antoine; and that immediately after they had been stopped
-by a crowd, who were guarding three invalids, taken firing on their
-fellow citizens. Judging by these events, added they, that the danger
-was increasing, we hastened our steps, animated by the hope of putting a
-stop to such an unequal combat. Arrived within a hundred paces of the
-fortress, we perceived the soldiers on the towers firing upon the street
-St. Antoine, and we heard the report of the guns of the citizens in the
-court, discharged on the garrison. Drawing nearer, we made several
-signals to the governor, which were either unobserved, or disregarded.
-We then approached the gate, and saw the people, almost all without any
-thing to defend themselves, rushing forward exposed to the brisk fire of
-artillery, that hailed directly down upon them, making great havoc. We
-prevailed on those who had arms, to stop firing for a moment, whilst we
-reiterated our signal of peace; but the garrison, regardless of it,
-continued their discharges, and we had the grief to see fall, by our
-sides, several of the people, whose hands we had stopped. The courage of
-the rest, again inflamed by indignation, pushed them forward.—Our
-remonstrances, our prayers, had no longer any effect; and they declared,
-that it was not a deputation they now wished for.—It was the siege of
-the Bastille—the destruction of that horrible prison—the death of the
-governor, that they demanded, with loud cries. Repulsed by these brave
-citizens, we partook their momentary indignation, so fully justified by
-the abominable act of perfidy, with which they charged the
-governor.—They then repeated to us the information which has already
-reached you—that in the morning a crowd having approached the Bastille
-to demand arms, the governor had allowed a certain number to enter, and
-then had fired upon them. Thus the treason of the governor had been the
-first signal of a war, that he himself had begun with his fellow
-citizens, and seemed willing to continue obstinately, since he refused
-to attend to the deputation. Through all parts it was now
-resounded.—‘Let us take the Bastille!’—And five pieces of cannon,
-conducted by this cry, were hastening to the action.
-
-Some time after, the third deputation also came back, and recounted,
-that, at the sight of their white flag, one had been hoisted on the top
-of the Bastille, and the soldiers had grounded their arms;—that, under
-the auspices of these ensigns of peace, the deputies had engaged the
-people, in the name of the permanent committee, to retire to their
-districts, and take the measures the most proper to re-establish
-tranquillity—and, that this retreat was actually taking place; the
-people all naturally passing through the court where the deputation
-remained.—When, notwithstanding the white emblem of a pacific
-disposition, displayed on the tower, the deputies saw a piece of cannon
-planted directly at the court, and they received a sudden discharge of
-musketry, which killed three persons at their feet—that this atrocity,
-at the moment they were calming the people, had thrown them into a
-transport of rage; and many of them had even held their bayonets at the
-breasts of the deputies; saying, ‘you are also traitors, and have
-brought us here that we might be more easily killed’—and it would have
-been difficult to calm them, is one of the deputies had not bid them
-observe, that they shared the same danger. The effervescence then
-abating, they hastened back and met 300 of the french guards, followed
-by the cannons taken at the invalids, all marching with a quick step,
-crying that they were going to take the Bastille. One of the deputies,
-who had been separated from the rest, further recited;—that having been
-obliged to scramble over the dead and dying to escape, the people, who
-recognized him as an elector, desired him to save himself—for that the
-treason was manifest. ‘It is rather you, my friends, he replied, who
-ought to retire; you who hinder our soldiers and cannons from entering
-this encumbered court, where you are all going to perish, for no
-purpose.’ But, that they interrupted him in a transport,
-exclaiming—‘No!—No! our dead bodies will serve to fill up the trench.’
-He therefore retired with the balls hissing about his ears. These
-recitals, and the rumour of the second act of treachery, spreading
-through the city, violently agitated minds already alive to suspicion.
-
-Fresh crowds continually rushed into the _hôtel-de-ville_, and again
-they threatened to set fire to it, repeating how many times the mayor
-had deceived them. And, when he attempted to calm them by making
-plausible excuses, they stopped his mouth by saying, with one voice,—‘he
-seeks to gain time by making us lose our’s.’ Two intercepted billets
-also having been read aloud, addressed to the principal officers of the
-Bastille, desiring them to stand out, and promising succour; increased
-the public fury, principally directed against the governor of the
-Bastille, the mayor, and even the permanent committee.—Outcry followed
-outcry, and naked arms were held up denouncing vengeance—when an old man
-exclaimed, my friends, what do we here with these traitors!—Let us march
-to the Bastille! at this cry, as at a signal of victory, all the people
-hastily left the hall, and the committee unexpectedly found themselves
-alone.
-
-In this moment of solitude and terrour, a man entered with affright
-visible on every feature, saying, that the square trembled with the rage
-of the people; and that they had devoted all of them to death.—‘Depart!’
-he exclaimed, running out, ‘save yourselves while you can—or you are all
-lost!’ But they remained still; and were not long permitted in silence
-to anticipate the approach of danger; for one party of people following
-another, brought in a number of their wounded companions:—and those who
-brought them, described with passion the carnage of the citizens
-sacrificed under the ramparts of the Bastille. This carnage, the
-military officers attributed to the disorder of the attack, and to the
-intrepidity of the assailants still greater than the disorder.
-
-The accounts of the slaughter, nevertheless, were certainly very much
-exaggerated; for the fortress appears to have been taken by the force of
-mind of the multitude, pressing forward regardless of danger. The ardour
-of the besiegers, rather than their numbers, threw the garrison into
-confusion; for the Bastille was justly reckoned the strongest and most
-terrific prison in Europe, or perhaps in the world. It was always
-guarded by a considerable number of troops, and the governor had been
-previously prepared for it’s defence; but the unexpected impetuosity of
-the parisians was such as nothing could withstand. It is certain, that
-Delaunay, at first, despised the attempt of the people; and was more
-anxious to save from injury or pillage, a small elegant house he had
-built in the outer court, than to avoid slaughter. Afterwards, however,
-in the madness of despair, he is said to have rolled down large masses
-of stone from the platform on the heads of the people, to have
-endeavoured to blow up the fortress, and even to kill himself. The
-french guards, it is true, who mixed with the multitude, were of
-essential service in storming the Bastille, by advising them to bring
-the cannon, and take some other measures, that only military experience
-could have dictated; but the enthusiasm of the moment rendered a
-knowledge of the art of war needless; and resolution, more powerful than
-all the engines and batteries in the world, made the draw-bridges fall,
-and the walls give way.
-
-Whilst then the people were carrying every thing before them, the
-committee only thought of preventing the further effusion of blood.
-Another deputation was therefore nominated, more numerous than had
-hitherto been sent; and they were just setting out on this errand of
-peace, when some voices announced, that the Bastille was taken. Little
-attention, however, was paid them; and the news was so improbable, that
-the impression made by the rumour was not sufficiently strong to stop
-the outrages of the mob, who still were menacing the mayor and the
-committee.—When a fresh uproar, heard at first at such a distance that
-it could not be distinguished, whether it were a cry of victory or of
-alarm, advancing with the crash and rapidity of a tempest, came to
-confirm the unlooked for intelligence.—For the Bastille was taken!
-
-At the instant even the great hall was inundated by a crowd of all
-ranks, carrying arms of every kind.—The tumult was inexpressible—and to
-increase it, some one called out, that the hotel was giving way, under
-the mingled shout of victory and treason! vengeance and liberty!—About
-thirty invalids and swiss soldiers were then dragged into the hall,
-whose death the multitude imperiously demanded.—Hang them! Hang them!
-was the universal roar.
-
-An officer of the queen’s regiment of guards (M. Elie) was brought in on
-the shoulders of the conquerors of the Bastille, and proclaimed by them,
-as the first of the citizens, who had just made themselves masters of
-it. The efforts he used to repress the testimonies of honour, which were
-lavished on him, were of no avail; and he was placed, in spite of his
-modesty, on a table opposite the committee, and surrounded by the
-prisoners, who seemed to be standing in fearful expectation of their
-doom. In this situation he was crowned, and trophies of arms awkwardly
-placed around, to which sentiment and circumstances gave dignity. All
-the plate taken at the Bastille was brought to him, and his comrades
-pressed him, in the most earnest manner, to accept it, as the richest
-spoil of the vanquished enemy. But he refused with firmness, explaining
-the motives of his refusal so eloquently, he persuaded all who heard
-him, that the spoil did not belong to them; and that patriotism, jealous
-only of glory and honour, would blush at receiving a pecuniary
-recompense.—And, making a noble use of the ascendency which he had over
-the people, he began to recommend moderation and clemency.—But he was
-soon interrupted by the account of the death of Delaunay; seized in the
-court of the Bastille, and dragged by the furious populace almost to the
-_hôtel-de-ville_, before he was massacred.—And soon after the death of
-three other officers was reported.
-
-The prisoners listened to these tales with the countenances of victims
-ready to be sacrificed, whilst the exasperated crowd demanded their
-instant execution. One of the electors spoke in their favour, but was
-scarcely permitted to go on. The people, indeed, were principally
-enraged against three of the invalids, whom they accused of being the
-cannoneers, that had fired so briskly on the citizens. One of them was
-wounded, and consequently inspired more compassion. The marquis de la
-Salle placed himself before this poor wretch, and forcing, in some
-degree, the people to hear him, he insisted on the authority which he
-ought to have as commander in chief; adding, that he only wished to
-secure the culprits, that they might be judged with all the rigour of
-martial law. The people seemed to approve of his reasoning; and taking
-advantage of this favourable turn, he made the wounded invalid pass into
-another apartment.—But, whilst he was preserving the life of this
-unfortunate man, the mob hurried the other two out of the hall, and
-immediately hung them on the adjacent lamp-post[18]. The effervescence,
-nevertheless, in spite of this overflowing of fury, still continued, and
-was not even damped by these cruel acts of retaliation. Two sentiments
-agitated the public mind—the joy of having conquered, and the desire of
-vengeance. Confused denunciations of treason resounded on all sides, and
-each individual was eager to show his sagacity in discovering a plot, or
-substituted suspicion instead of conviction with equal obstinacy. The
-mayor, however, had given sufficient proofs of his disposition to
-support the court, to justify the rage which was breaking out against
-him; and a general cry having been raised around him, that it was
-necessary for him to go to the _palais royal_, to be tried by his fellow
-citizens, he agreed to accompany the people.
-
-Mean time the clamour against the rest of the invalids redoubled. But
-the french guards, who entered in groups, requested as a recompense for
-the service which they had rendered to their country the pardon of their
-old comrades; and M. Elie joined in the request; adding, that this
-favour would be more grateful to his heart, than all the gifts and
-honours which they wished to lavish on him. Touched by his eloquence,
-some cried out—Pardon! and the same emotion spreading throughout the
-circle—Pardon! Pardon! succeeded the ferocious demand of vengeance,
-which had hitherto stifled sympathy. And to assure their safety, M. Elie
-proposed making the prisoners take an oath of fidelity to the nation and
-the city of Paris: and this proposition was received with testimonies of
-general satisfaction. The oath being administered, the french guards
-surrounded the prisoners and carried them away, in the midst of them,
-without meeting with any resistance.
-
-The committee now endeavoured to re-establish something like order, for
-in the tumult the table had been broken down, and destruction menaced on
-every side—when a man entered to inform them, that an unknown, but,
-indeed, a merciful hand had shot the mayor, and thus by the only
-possible mean snatched him from the popular fury, The whole tenour of
-his conduct, in fact, justified the charge brought against him, and
-rendered at least this effect of public indignation excusable.—So
-excusable, that had not the passions of the people, exasperated by
-designing men, afterwards been directed to the commission of the most
-barbarous atrocities, the vengeance of this day could hardly be cited as
-acts of injustice or inhumanity.
-
-The Bastille was taken about four o’clock in the afternoon; and after
-the struggle to save the prisoners, some necessary regulations were
-proposed, to secure the public safety. The conduct of the men in office
-had so irritated the people, that the cry against aristocrats was now
-raised; and a number of persons of distinction were brought to the
-_hôtel-de-ville_ this evening, by the restless populace, who, roving
-about the streets, seemed to create some of the adventures, which were
-necessary to employ their awakened spirit. Breathless with victory,
-they, for the moment, gave a loose to joy; but the sounds of exultation
-dying away with the day, night brought back all their former
-apprehensions; and they listened with fresh affright to the report, that
-a detachment of troops was preparing to enter one of the barriers. Not,
-therefore, allowing themselves to sleep on their conquering arms, this
-was, likewise, a watchful night; for the taking of the Bastille, though
-it was a proof of the courage and resolution of the parisians, by no
-means secured them against the insidious schemes of the court. They had
-shown their determination to resist oppression very forcibly; but the
-troops that excited their resistance were still apparently waiting for
-an opportunity to destroy them. Every citizen then hurried to his post,
-for their very success made them the more alive to fear. The _tocsin_
-was again rung, and the cannon that had forced the Bastille to surrender
-dragged hastily to the place of alarm. The pavement of the adjacent
-streets was torn up, with astonishing quickness, and carried to the tops
-of the houses; where the women, who were equally animated, stood
-prepared to hurl them down on the soldiers.—All Paris, in short, was
-awake; and this vigilance either frustrated the designs of the cabal, or
-intimidated the hostile force, which never appeared to have entered with
-earnestness into it’s measures. For it is probable, that some decisive
-stroke had been concerted; but that the officers, who expected by their
-presence only to have terrified into obedience the citizens, whose
-courage, on the contrary, they roused, were rendered irresolute by the
-disaffection of the soldiers. Thus was the nation saved by the almost
-incredible exertion of an indignant people; who felt, for the first
-time, that they were sovereign, and that their power was commensurate to
-their will. This was certainly a splendid example, to prove, that
-nothing can resist a people determined to live free; and then it
-appeared clear, that the freedom of France did not depend on a few men,
-whatever might be their virtues or abilities, but alone on the will of
-the nation.
-
-During this day, while the parisians were so active for it’s safety, the
-national assembly was employed in forming a committee, to be charged
-with digesting the plan of a constitution, for the deliberation of the
-whole body: to secure the rights of the people on the eternal principles
-of reason and justice; and thereby to guarantee the national dignity and
-respectability. Towards the evening, the uncertainty of what was passing
-at Paris, the mysterious conduct of the cabinet, the presence of the
-troops at Versailles, the substantiated facts, and the suspected
-proscriptions, gave to this sitting the involuntary emotions, that must
-naturally be produced by the approach of a catastrophe, which was to
-decide the salvation or destruction of a state. Mirabeau, firm to his
-point, showed the necessity of insisting on the sending away the troops
-without delay; and soon after the viscount de Noailles, arriving from
-Paris, informed them, that the arms had been taken from the _hôtel des
-invalides_; and that the Bastille was actually besieged. The first
-impulse was for them to go altogether, and endeavour to open the king’s
-eyes; but, after some reflection, a numerous deputation was
-nominated;—to insist on the removal of the troops; and to speak to his
-majesty with that energetic frankness, so much more necessary as he was
-deceived by every person by whom he was surrounded. Whilst they were
-absent, two persons, sent by the electors of Paris, informed the
-assembly of the taking of the Bastille, and the other events of the day;
-which were repeated to them, when they returned with the king’s vague
-answer.
-
-A second deputation was then immediately sent, to inform him of these
-circumstances:—To which he replied—‘You more and more distress my heart,
-by the recitals you bring me of the miseries of Paris. But I cannot
-believe, that the orders which I have given to the troops, is the cause
-of them: I have, therefore, nothing to add to the answer that you have
-already received from me.’
-
-This reply tended to increase the general alarm; and they determined
-again to prolong the sitting all night; either to be ready to receive
-the enemy in their sacred function, or to make a last effort near the
-throne to succour the metropolis. Nothing could surpass the anxious
-suspense of this situation; for the most resolute of the deputies were
-uneasy respecting their fate, because their personal safety was
-connected with the salvation of France. Their nocturnal conversation
-naturally turned on the late events that had taken place at Paris; the
-commotions in the provinces; and the horrours of famine, ready to
-consume those whom a civil war spared. The old men sought for an hour of
-repose upon the tables and carpets; the sick rested on the benches.—All
-saw the sword suspended over them, and over their country—and all feared
-a morrow still more dreadful.
-
-Impressed by their situation, and the danger of the state, one of the
-deputies (the duke de Liancourt) left his post, and sought a private
-audience with the king, with whom he warmly expostulated, pointing out
-the critical situation of the kingdom; and even of the royal family,
-should his majesty persist to support the present measures. Monsieur,
-the king’s eldest brother, and not only the most honest, but the most
-sensible of the blood royal, immediately coincided with the duke,
-silencing the rest of the cabal. They had at first treated with contempt
-the intelligence received of the Bastille’s being taken; and now were so
-stunned by the confirmation, that, at a loss how to direct the king,
-they left him to follow the counsel of whoever dared to advise him.—And
-he, either convinced, or persuaded, determined to extricate himself out
-of the present difficulties, by yielding to necessity.
-
-On the morning of the 15th, the national assembly, not informed of this
-circumstance, resolved to send another remonstrance to the king;—and
-Mirabeau, giving a sketch of the address, drew a rapid and lively
-picture of the exigencies of the moment. ‘Tell him,’ said he, ‘that the
-hordes of foreigners, by whom we are besieged, have yesterday been
-visited by the princes and princesses, their favourites, and their
-minions, who, lavishing on them caresses and presents, exhorted them to
-perseverance—tell him, that the whole night these foreign satellites,
-gorged with gold and wine, have, in their impious camp, predicted the
-subjugation of France, and, that they invoked, with brutal vehemence,
-the destruction of the national assembly—tell him, that, even in his own
-palace, the courtiers have mingled in the dance to the sound of this
-barbarous music—and, tell him, that such was the scene, which announced
-St. Bartholomew.
-
-‘Tell him, that the Henry, whose memory the world blesses, the ancestor,
-whom he ought to wish to take for a model, allowed provision to pass
-into Paris in a state of revolt, when he was in person besieging it;
-whilst his ferocious counsellors are turning back the flour, that the
-course of commerce was bringing to his faithful and famished city.’
-
-The deputation left the hall; but was stopped by the duke de Liancourt;
-who informed them, that the king was then coming to restore them to
-tranquillity and peace. Every heart was relieved by this intelligence;
-and a cynic, probably, would have found less dignity in the joy, than
-the grief of the assembly. A deputy, however, moderated these first
-emotions, by observing, that those transports formed a shocking contrast
-with the distress which the people had already endured.—He added, ‘that
-a respectful silence was the proper reception of a monarch during a
-moment of public sorrow: for the silence of the people is the only
-lesson of kings.’
-
-Shortly after, the king appeared in the assembly, standing uncovered;
-and without any attention to ceremony. He addressed the representatives
-of the people with artful affection: for as it is impossible to avoid
-comparing his present affectionate style, with the cold contempt with
-which he answered their repeated remonstrances the preceding evening, it
-is not judging harshly to despise the affectation, and to suggest, that
-it was dictated rather by selfish prudence than by a sense of justice,
-or a feeling of humanity. He lamented the disorder that reigned in the
-capital, and requested them to think of some method to bring back order
-and tranquillity. He alluded to the report, that the personal safety of
-the deputies had been menaced; and, with contemptible duplicity asked,
-if his well-known character did not give the lie to such a
-rumour.—Reckoning then, he concluded, on the love and fidelity of his
-subjects, he had given orders to the troops to repair to more distant
-quarters—and he authorized, nay, invited them, to make known his
-intentions to the metropolis.
-
-This speech was interrupted and followed by the most lively expression
-of applause; though the sagacity of a number of the deputies could not
-possibly have been clouded by their sympathy: and the king returning to
-the palace on foot, great part of the assembly escorted him, joined by a
-concourse of people, who rent the air with their benedictions. The
-declaration of Louis, that, trusting to the representatives of the
-people, he had ordered the troops to withdraw from Versailles, being
-spread abroad, every person, feeling relieved from the oppression of
-fear, and unshackled from the fetters of despotism, threw off care; and
-the national assembly immediately appointed eighty-four of it’s most
-respectable members, to convey to Paris the glad intelligence; that the
-harrassed parisians might participate in the joy they had procured the
-assembly, by the most noble exertions.
-
-Arrived at Paris, they were received with enthusiasm, as the saviours of
-their country; and saw there more than a hundred thousand men in arms,
-formed into companies; showing the superiority of a nation rising in
-it’s own defence, compared with the mercenary machines of tyranny. The
-transports of the people, and the sympathy of the deputies, must have
-formed a highly interesting scene: success elevating the heart for the
-moment, and hope gilding the future prospect.—But the imagination would
-languidly pourtray this dazzling sunshine, depressed by the recollection
-of the sinister events, that have since clouded the bright beams.
-Precluded then by melancholy reflections from rejoicing with the happy
-throng, it is necessary to turn our attention to the circumstances, from
-which mankind may draw instruction:—and the first that present
-themselves to our notice are those which disconcerted the flagitious
-plan of the ministry;—the regulations that preserved order in the
-metropolis;—the astonishing reduction of the Bastille;—the union of the
-french guards with the citizens;—the prompt establishment of a city
-militia;—and, in short, the behaviour of the people, who showed neither
-a thirst for pillage, nor a fondness for tumult.
-
-The court by their criminal enterprises had entirely disorded the
-political machines, that sustained the old worn out government[19];
-which, worm-eaten in all it’s pillars, and rotten in all it’s joints,
-fell at the first shock—never to rise again. The destruction of the
-Bastille—that fortress of tyranny! which for two centuries had been the
-shame and terrour of the metropolis[20], was the sentence of death of
-the old constitution.
-
-The junction of the three orders in fact securing the power of the
-national assembly, and making the court appear a cipher, could not fail
-to prove sorely mortifying to it’s old minions; and the success of the
-people on the 14th of july proclaiming their supremacy, the courtiers,
-resorting to their old arts, suggested to the king a line of conduct the
-most plausible and flattering to the inconsiderate partizans of a
-revolution; whilst it betrayed to the more discerning a dissimulation as
-palpable as the motives of the advisers were flagrantly interested. For
-their views being narrowed by the depravity of their character, they
-imagined, that his apparent acquiescence, exciting the admiration and
-affection of the nation, would be the surest mode of procuring him that
-consequence in the government, which ultimately might tend to overthrow
-what they termed an upstart legislature; and, by the appropriation of
-chances, reinstate the tyranny of unlimited monarchy.
-
-This serious farce commenced previous to that memorable epocha; and in
-marking the prominent features of the events that led to the disasters,
-which have sullied the glory of the revolution, it is impossible to keep
-too near in view the arts of the acting parties; and the credulity and
-enthusiasm of the people, who, invariably directing their attention to
-the same point, have always been governed in their sentiments of men by
-the most popular anarchists. For this is the only way to form a just
-opinion of the various changes of men, who, supplanting each other, with
-such astonishing rapidity, have produced the most fatal calamities.
-
-The cabinet, indeed, the better to disguise their secret machinations,
-made the king declare, the 23d of june, that ‘he annulled and dissolved
-all powers and restrictions, which by cramping the liberty of the
-deputies would hinder them either from adopting the form of deliberation
-by orders separately, or in common, by the distinct voice of the three
-orders,’ absolutely gave his sanction for constituting the national
-assembly one and indivisible.—And in the same declaration, article the
-6th, he says, ‘that he will not suffer the _cahiers_, or mandates, to be
-regarded as dictatorial; for they were only to be considered as simple
-instructions, entrusted to the conscience and free opinion of the
-deputies, who have been chosen.’ This was giving them unbounded latitude
-for their actions.—This was not only a tacit consent to their
-proceedings; but it was granting them all his authority to frame a
-constitution.—It was legalizing their actions, even according to the
-arbitrary rules of the old despotism; and abrogating in a formal manner
-that imaginary authority, the sanction of which, at a former period,
-would have been necessary to their existence as representatives of the
-people.—But happily that period had passed away; and those men, who had
-known no rule of action paramount to the commands of their sovereign,
-were now sufficiently enlightened, to demand a restitution of their
-long-estranged rights;—and a constitution, upon which they could
-consolidate their liberty and national fraternity.
-
-This imperious demand was irresistible; and the cabinet, unable to check
-the current of opinion, had recourse to those stratagems, which, leading
-to their ruin, has buried in the wreck all that vain grandeur elevated
-on the spoil of industry, whilst it’s gilding obscured the sad objects
-of misery that pined under it’s shade. Lively sanguine minds, disgusted
-with the vices and artificial manners produced by the great inequality
-of conditions in France, naturally hailed the dawn of a new day, when
-the Bastille was destroyed; and freedom, like a lion roused from his
-lair, rose with dignity, and calmly shook herself.—With delight they
-marked her noble pace, without ever supposing that the tiger, who
-thirsts for blood, and the whole brutal herd, must necessarily unite
-against her.—Yet this has been the case; the dogs of war have been let
-loose, and corruption has swarmed with noxious life.—But let not the
-coldly wise exult, that their heads were not led astray by their hearts;
-or imagine, that the improvement of the times does not betoken a change
-of government, gradually taking place to meliorate the fate of man; for,
-in spite of the perverse conduct of beings spoilt by the old system, the
-preponderancy of truth has rendered principles in some respects
-triumphant over men; and instruments of mischief have wondered at the
-good which they have unwittingly produced.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IV.
-REFLECTIONS ON THE CONDUCT OF THE COURT AND KING. INJURIOUS CONSEQUENCES
- OF THE COMPLICATION OF LAWS. GENERAL DIFFUSION OF KNOWLEDGE. STATE OF
-CIVILIZATION AMONGST THE ANCIENTS, IT’S PROGRESS. THE CROISADES, AND THE
-REFORMATION. EARLY FREEDOM OF BRITAIN. THE BRITISH CONSTITUTION. FATE OF
- LIBERTY IN EUROPE. RUSSIA. DECLINE OF THE ARISTOTELIAN PHILOSOPHY.
-DESCARTES. NEWTON. EDUCATION IMPROVED. GERMANY. FREDERIC II. OF PRUSSIA.
-
-
-The effect produced by the duplicity of courts must be very great, when
-the vicissitudes, which had happened at Versailles, could not teach
-every person of common sense, that the moment was arrived, when
-subterfuge and treachery could no longer escape detection and
-punishment; and that the only possibility of obtaining the durable
-confidence of the people was by that strict attention to justice, which
-produces a dignified sincerity of action. For after the unravelling of
-the plot, contrived to cheat the expectation of the people, it was
-natural to suppose, that they would entertain the most wakeful suspicion
-of every person who had been privy to it.
-
-It would have been fortunate for France, and the unhappy Louis, if his
-counsellors could have profited by experience. But, still pursuing the
-old track, bounding over the mine, the bursting of which had for a
-moment disconcerted them, we shall find, that the continual
-dissimulation of the king, and the stratagems of his advisers, were the
-principal, though perhaps not the sole cause of his ruin. He appears to
-have sometimes mistrusted the cabal; yet, with that mixture of facility
-and obstinacy in his character, the concomitants of indolence of mind,
-he allowed himself to be governed without attempting to form any
-principle of action to regulate his conduct. For if he had ever really
-desired to be useful to his people, and to lighten their accumulated
-burdens, as has been continually insisted, he was astonishingly
-defective in judgment not to see, that he was surrounded with
-sycophants, who fattened on their hearts blood, using his own hand to
-brand his name with infamy. It may possibly be urged in reply, that this
-yielding temper was a proof of the king’s benign desire to promote the
-felicity of his subjects, and prevent the horrours of anarchy. To
-confute such remarks, it is only necessary to state, that the
-preparations which had been made to dissolve the national assembly, and
-to reduce the people to entire subjection, if they were not his
-immediate contrivance, must have had his sanction, to give them
-efficiency; and that the tergiversation, which he employed on this
-occasion, was sufficient to make every other transaction of his reign
-suspected. And this will be found to be the case in all the steps he
-afterwards took to conciliate the people, which were little regarded
-after the evaporation of the lively emotions they excited; whilst the
-want of morals in the court, and even in the assembly, made a prevailing
-mistrust produce a capriciousness of conduct throughout the empire.
-Perhaps, it is vain to expect, that a depraved nation, whatever examples
-of heroism, and noble instances of disinterested conduct, it may exhibit
-on sudden emergencies, or at the first statement of an useful reform,
-will ever pursue with steadiness the great objects of public good, in
-the direct path of virtuous ambition.
-
-If the calamities, however, which have followed in France the taking of
-the Bastille, a noble effort, be attributed partly to ignorance, or only
-to want of morals, the evils are in no degree lessened; neither does it
-justify the conduct of the virulent opposers of those manly exertions
-inspired by the voice of reason. The removal of a thousand grinding
-oppressions had been demanded;—and promised, to delude the public; who
-finding, at last, that the hopes, which had softened their misery, were
-likely to be blasted by the intrigues of courtiers, can we wonder, that
-the worm these courtiers were trying to crush, turned on the foot
-prepared to stamp it to nothing.
-
-The complication of laws in every country has tended to bewilder the
-understanding of man in the science of government; and whilst artful
-politicians have taken advantage of the ignorance or credulity of their
-fellow citizens, it was impossible to prevent a degeneracy of morals,
-because impunity will always be a stimulus to the passions. This has
-been the cause of the insincerity, which has so long disgraced the
-courts of Europe, and pervading every class of men in their offices or
-employ, has extended it’s poison throughout the higher orders of
-society; and it will require a simplification of laws, an establishment
-of equal rights, and the responsibility of ministers, to secure a just
-and enlightened policy. But till this be effected, it ought not to
-surprize us, should we hear the mock patriots of the day declaiming
-about public reform, merely to answer sinister purposes; or should we
-chance to discover, that the most extolled characters have ben actuated
-by a miserable selfishness, or prompted by corroding resentment, to
-exertions for the public good; whilst historians have ignorantly
-attributed the political advantages, which have been attained by a
-gradual improvement of manners, to their resolution, and the virtuous
-exercise of their talents.
-
-And we ought not to be discouraged from attempting this simplification,
-because no country has yet been able to do it; since it seems clear,
-that manners and government have been in a continual and progressive
-state of improvement, and that the extension of knowledge, a truth
-capable of demonstration, was never at any period so general as at
-present.
-
-If at one epocha of civilization we know, that all the improvements
-which were made in arts and sciences were suddenly overturned, both in
-Greece and Rome, we need not inquire, why superficial reasoners have
-been induced to think, that there is only a certain degree of
-civilization to which men are capable of attaining, without receding
-back to a state of barbarism, by the horrid consequences of anarchy;
-though it may be necessary to observe, that the causes which produced
-that event can never have the same effect again:—because a degree of
-knowledge has been diffused through society by the invention of
-printing, which no inundation of barbarians can eradicate. Besides, the
-improvement of governments do not now depend on the genius of particular
-men; but on the impetus given to the whole society by the discovery of
-useful truths. The opposers then of popular governments may tell us, if
-they please, that Themistocles had no motive in saving his country, but
-to gratify his ambition; that Cicero was vain, and Brutus only envious
-of the growing greatness of Cæsar.—Or, to approach our own times;—that,
-if the supercilious Wedderburne had not offered an indignity to
-Franklin, he never would have become an advocate for american
-independence; and that, if Mirabeau had not suffered in prison, he never
-would have written against the _lettres de cachet_, or espoused the
-cause of the people.—All of which assertions I am willing to admit,
-because they exactly prove what I wish to enforce; namely, that—though
-bad morals, and worse laws, have helped to deprave the passions of men
-to such a degree, as to make the benefits which society has derived from
-the talents or exertions of individuals to arise from selfish
-considerations, still it has been in a state of gradual improvement, and
-has arrived at such a pitch of comparative perfection, that the most
-arbitrary governments in Europe, Russia excepted, begin to treat their
-subjects as human beings, feeling like men, and with some powers of
-thinking.
-
-The most high degree of civilization amongst the ancients, on the
-contrary, seems to have consisted in the perfection the arts, including
-language, attained; whilst the people, only domesticated brutes, were
-governed and amused by religious shows, that stand on record as the most
-egregious insult ever offered to the human understanding. Women were in
-a state of bondage; though the men, who gave way to the most unbridled
-excesses, even to the outraging of nature, expected that they should be
-chaste; and took the only method to render them so in such a depraved
-state of society, by ruling them with a rod of iron; making them,
-excepting the courtezans, merely household, breeding animals.
-
-The state of slavery, likewise, of a large proportion of men, tended
-probably, more than any other circumstance, to degrade the whole circle
-of society. For whilst it gave that air of arrogance, which has falsely
-been called dignity, to one class, the other acquired the servile mien
-that fear always impresses on the relaxed countenance. It may be
-delivered, I should imagine, as an aphorism, that when one leading
-principle of action is founded on injustice, it sophisticates the whole
-character.
-
-In the systems of government of the ancients, in the perfection of the
-arts, and in the ingenious conjectures which supplied the place of
-science, we see, however, all that the human passions can do to give
-grandeur to the human character; but we only see the heroism that was
-the effect of passion, if we except Aristides. For during this youth of
-the world, the imagination alone was cultivated, and the subordinate
-understanding merely exercised to regulate the taste, without extending
-to it’s grand employ, the forming of principles.
-
-The laws, made by ambition rather than reason, treated with contempt the
-sacred equality of man, anxious only to aggrandize, first the state and
-afterwards individuals: consequently, the civilization never extended
-beyond polishing the manners, often at the expence of the heart, or
-morals; for the two modes of expression have, I conceive, precisely the
-same signification, though the latter may have more extent. To what
-purpose then do semi-philosophers exultingly show, that the vices of one
-country are not the vices of another; as if this would prove, that
-morality has no solid foundation; when all their examples are taken from
-nations just emerging out of barbarism, regulating society on the narrow
-scale of opinions suggested by their passions, and the necessity of the
-moment? What, indeed, do these examples prove? Unless they be allowed to
-substantiate my observation, that civilization has hitherto been only a
-perfection of the arts; and a partial melioration of manners, tending
-more to embellish the superiour rank of society, than to improve the
-situation of all mankind. Sentiments were often noble, sympathies
-just—yet the life of most men of the first class was made up of a series
-of unjust acts, because the regulations thought expedient to cement
-society, did violence to natural justice. Venerable as age has rendered
-many of these regulations, cold substitutes for moral principles, it
-would be a kind of sacrilege not to strip them of their gothic vests.
-And where then will be found the man who will simply say—that a king can
-do no wrong; and that, committing the vilest crimes to sully his mind,
-his person still remains sacred?—Who will dare to assert, that the
-priest, who takes advantage of the dying fears of a vicious man, to
-cheat his heirs, is not more despicable than a highwayman?—or that
-obedience to parents should go one jot beyond the deference due to
-reason, enforced by affection?—And who will coolly maintain, that it is
-just to deprive a woman, not to insist on her being treated as an
-outcast of society, of all the rights of a citizen, because her
-revolting heart turns from the man, whom, a husband only in name, and by
-the tyrannical power he has over her person and property, she can
-neither love nor respect, to find comfort in a more congenial or humane
-bosom? These are a few of the leading prejudices, in the present
-constitution of society, that blast the blossoms of hope, and render
-life wretched and useless—And, when such were tolerated, nay, reckoned
-sacred, who can find more than doubtful traces of the perfection of man
-in a system of association pervaded with such abuses? Voluptuousness
-alone softened the character down to tenderness of heart; and as taste
-was cultivated, peace was sought, rather because it was convenient, than
-because it was just. But, when war could not be avoided, men were hired
-by the rich to secure to them the quiet enjoyment of their luxuries; so
-that war, become a trade, did not render ferocious all those who
-directly, or indirectly waged it.
-
-When, therefore, the improvements of civil life consisted almost
-entirely in polishing the manners, and exercising the transient
-sympathies of the heart, it is clear, that this partial civilization
-must have worn itself out by destroying all energy of mind. And the
-weakened character would then naturally fall back into barbarism,
-because the highest degree of sensual refinement violates all the
-genuine feelings of the soul, making the understanding the abject slave
-of the imagination. But, when the advances of knowledge shall make
-morality the real basis of social union, and not it’s shadow the mask of
-selfishness, men cannot again lose the ground so surely taken, or forget
-principles, though they may accomplishments.
-
-And that a civilization founded on reason and morality is, in fact,
-taking place in the world, will appear clear to all those, who have
-considered the atrocious vices and gigantic crimes, that sullied the
-polish of ancient manners. What nobleman, even in the states where they
-have the power of life and death, after giving an elegant entertainment,
-would now attract the detestation of his company, by ordering a domestic
-to be thrown into a pond to fatten the fish.[21]—What tyrant would dare,
-at this time, to poison his brother at his own table; or stab his
-enemy’s mother, not to mention his own, without colouring over the deed?
-and do not the exclamations against boxing matches, in England, also
-prove, that the amphitheatre would not now be tolerated, much less
-enjoyed? If the punishment of death be not yet abolished, tortures worse
-than twenty deaths are exploded, merely by the melioration of manners. A
-human being is not now forced to feed the lamp that consumes him; or
-allowed vainly to call for death, whilst the flesh is pinched off his
-quivering limbs. Are not, likewise, many of the vices, that formerly
-braved the face of day, now obliged to lurk, like beasts of prey, in
-concealment, till night allows them to roam at large. And the odium
-which now forces several vices, that then passed as merely the play of
-the imagination, to hide their heads, may chase them out of society,
-when justice is common to all, and riches no longer stand in the place
-of sense and virtue. Granting then to the ancients that savage grandeur
-of imagination, which, clashing with humanity, does not exclude
-tenderness of heart, we should guard against paying that homage to
-sentiment, only due to principles formed by reason.
-
-Their tragedies, this is still but a cultivation of the passions and the
-taste, have been celebrated and imitated servilely; yet, touching the
-heart, they corrupted it; for many of the fictions, that produced the
-most striking stage effect, were absolutely immoral. The sublime
-terrour, with which they fill the mind, may amuse, nay, delight; but
-whence comes the improvement? Besides, uncultivated minds are the most
-subject to feel astonishment, which is often only another name for
-sublime sensations. What moral lesson, for example, can be drawn from
-the story of Oedipus, the favourite subject of such a number of
-tragedies?—The gods impel him on, and, led imperiously by blind fate,
-though perfectly innocent, he is fearfully punished, with all his
-hapless race, for a crime in which his will had no part.
-
-Formerly kings and great men openly despised the justice they violated;
-but, at present, when a degree of reason, at least, regulates
-governments, men find it necessary to put a gloss of morality on their
-actions, though it may not be their spring. And even the jargon of crude
-sentiments, now introduced into conversation, shows to what side leans
-vanity, the true thermometer of the times.—An affectation of humanity is
-the affectation of the day; and men almost always affect to possess the
-virtue, or quality, that is rising into estimation.
-
-Formerly a man was safe only in one civilized patch of the globe, and
-even there his life hung by a thread. Such were the sudden vicissitudes,
-which, keeping the apprehension on the stretch, warmed the imagination,
-that clouded the intellect. At present a man may reasonably expect to be
-allowed tranquilly to follow any scientific pursuit; and when the
-understanding is calmly employed, the heart imperceptibly becomes
-indulgent. It is not the same with the cultivation of the arts. Artists
-have commonly irritable tempers; and, inflaming their passions as they
-warm their fancy, they are, generally speaking, licentious; acquiring
-the manners their productions tend to spread abroad, when taste, only
-the refinement of weakened sensations, stifles manly ardour.
-
-Taste and refined manners, however, were swept away by hordes of
-uncivilized adventurers; and in Europe, where some of the seeds
-remained, the state of society slowly meliorating itself till the
-seventeenth century, nature seemed as much despised in the arts, as
-reason in the sciences. The different professions were much more knavish
-than at present, under the veil of solemn stupidity. Every kind of
-learning, as in the savage state, consisted chiefly in the art of
-tricking the vulgar, by impressing them with an opinion of powers, that
-did not exist in nature—The priest was to save their souls without
-morality; the physician to heal their bodies without medicine; and
-justice was to be administered by the immediate interposition of
-heaven:—all was to be done by a charm. Nothing, in short, was founded on
-philosophical principles; and the amusements being barbarous, the
-manners became formal and ferocious. The cultivation of the mind,
-indeed, consisted rather in acquiring languages, and loading the memory
-with facts, than in exercising the judgment; consequently, reason
-governed neither law, nor legislation; and literature was equally devoid
-of taste. The people were, strictly speaking, slaves; bound by feudal
-tenures, and still more oppressive ecclesiastical restraints; the lord
-of the domain leading them to slaughter, like flocks of sheep; and the
-ghostly father drawing the bread out of their mouths by the idlest
-impositions. The croisades, however, freed many of the vassals; and the
-reformation, forcing the clergy to take a new stand, and become more
-moral, and even wiser, produced a change of opinion, that soon appeared
-in humanizing the manners, though not in improving the different
-governments.
-
-But whilst all Europe was enslaved, suffering under the caprice or
-tyranny of despots, whose pride and restless ambition continually
-disturbed the tranquillity of their neighbours; the britons, in a great
-degree, preserved the liberty that they first recovered. This singular
-felicity was not more owing to the insular situation of their country,
-than to their spirited efforts; and national prosperity was the reward
-of their exertions. Whilst, therefore, englishmen were the only free
-people in existence, they appear to have been not only content, but
-charmed with their constitution; though perpetually complaining of the
-abuses of their government. It was then very natural, in such an
-elevated situation, for them to contemplate with graceful pride their
-comparative happiness; and taking for granted, that it was the model of
-perfection, they never seem to have formed an idea of a system more
-simple, or better calculated to promote and maintain the freedom of
-mankind.
-
-That system, so ingenious in theory, they thought the most perfect the
-human mind was capable of conceiving; and their contentions for it’s
-support contributed more to persuade them, that they actually possessed
-an extensive liberty, and the best of all possible governments, than to
-secure the real possession. However, if it had no specific basis beside
-magna charta, till the habeas corpus act passed; or before the
-revolution of 1688, but the temper of men; it is a sufficient
-demonstration, that it was a government resting on principles emanating
-from the consent, if not from the sense of the nation.
-
-Whilst liberty had been consumed by the lascivious pleasures of the
-citizens of Venice and Genoa;—corroded in Switzerland by a mercenary
-aristocracy;—entombed in the dykes of the covetous Hollanders;—driven
-out of Sweden by an association of the nobles;—and hunted down in
-Corsica by the ambition of her neighbours;—France was insensible to her
-value;—Italy, Spain, and Portugal, cowering under a contemptible
-bigotry, which sapped the remains of the rude liberty they had enjoyed,
-formed no political plans;—and all Germany was not only enslaved, and
-groaning beneath the weight of the most insulting civil tyranny, but
-it’s shackles were riveted by a redoubtable military phalanx.—Despotism,
-in fact, had existed in that vast empire for a greater length of time
-than in any other country;—whilst Russia stretched out her arms with
-mighty grasp, embracing Europe and Asia. Sullen as the amphibious bear
-of the north; and so chilled by her icy regions, as to be insensible to
-the charms of social life, she threatened alternate destruction to every
-state in her vicinity. Huge in her projects of ambition, as her empire
-is extensive, the despotism of her court seems as insatiable, as the
-manners of her boors are barbarous.—Arrived at that stage of
-civilization, when the grandeur and parade of a palace are mistaken for
-the improvement of manners, and the false glory of desolating provinces
-for wisdom and magnanimity, the tzarina would sooner have abandoned her
-favourite plan of imitating the conduct of Peter the great, in labouring
-to civilize her kingdom, than have allowed freedom to find a firm seat
-in her dominions to assist her. She has vainly endeavoured, indeed, to
-make the sweet flowers of liberty grow under the poisonous shade of
-despotism; giving the russians a false taste for the luxuries of life
-before the attainment of it’s conveniences. And this hasty attempt to
-alter the manners of a people has produced the worst effect on their
-morals: mixing the barbarism of one state of society, deprived of it’s
-sincerity and simplicity, with the voluptuousness of the other, void of
-elegance and urbanity, the two extremes have prematurely met.
-
-Thus pursued and mistaken, liberty, though still existing in the small
-island of England, yet continually wounded by the arbitrary proceedings
-of the british ministry, began to flap her wings, as if preparing for a
-flight to more auspicious regions—And the anglo-americans having carried
-with them to their place of refuge the principles of their ancestors,
-she appeared in the new world with renovated charms, and sober matron
-graces.
-
-Freedom is, indeed, the natural and imprescriptible right of man;
-without the enjoyment of which, it is impossible for him to become
-either a reasonable or dignified being. Freedom he enjoys in a natural
-state, in it’s full extent: but formed by nature for a more intimate
-society, to unfold his intellectual powers, it becomes necessary, for
-carrying into execution the main objects, which induces men to establish
-communities, that they should surrender a part of their natural
-privileges, more effectually to guard the most important. But from the
-ignorance of men, during the infancy of society, it was easy for their
-leaders, by frequent usurpations, to create a despotism, which choking
-up the springs that would have invigorated their minds, they seem to
-have been insensible to the deprivations under which they lived; and
-existing like mere animals, the tyrants of the world have continued to
-treat them only as machines to promote their purposes.
-
-In the progress of knowledge, which however was very tardy in Europe,
-because the men who studied were content to see nature through the
-medium of books, without making any actual experiments themselves, the
-benefits of civil liberty began to be better understood: and in the same
-proportion we find the chains of despotism becoming lighter. Still the
-systematizing of pedants, the ingenious fallacy of priests, and the
-supercilious meanness of the literary sycophants of courts, who were the
-distinguished authors of the day, continued to perplex and confound the
-understandings of unlettered men. And no sooner had the republics of
-Italy risen from the ashes of the roman jurisprudence, than their
-principles were attacked by the apostles of Machiavel, and the efforts
-made for the revival of freedom were undermined by the insidious tenets
-which he gave to his prince.
-
-The arts, it is true, were now recovering themselves, patronized by the
-family of the Medicis: but the sciences, that is, whatever claimed the
-appellation, had still to struggle with aristotelean prejudices; till
-Descartes ventured to think for himself; and Newton, following his
-example, explained the laws of motion and gravity, displaying the
-mechanism of the universe with wonderful perspicacity; for the analysis
-of ideas, which has since diffused such light through every branch of
-knowledge, was not before this period applied even to mathematics. The
-extension of analytical truths, including political, which at first were
-only viewed as splendid theories, now began to pervade every part of
-Europe; stealing into the very seminaries of learning in Germany, where
-formerly scholastic, dry theology, laborious compilations of the
-wanderings of the human understanding, and minute collations of the
-works of the ancients, had consumed the fervour of youth, and wasted the
-patience of age. The college and the court are always connected:—and
-literature beginning to attract the attention of several of the petty
-sovereigns of the empire, they were induced to patronize those daring
-men who were persecuted by the public for attacking religious or
-political prejudices; and allowing them an asylum at their courts, they
-acquired a relish for their conversation. The amusements of the chace
-then yielding to the pleasures of colloquial disquisition on subjects of
-taste and morals, the ferocity of northern despotism began imperceptible
-to wear away, and the condition of it’s slaves to become more tolerable.
-
-Education, in particular, has been studied; and the rational modes of
-instruction in useful knowledge, which are taking place of the exclusive
-attention formerly paid to the dead languages, promise to render the
-germans, in the course of half a century, the most enlightened people in
-Europe. Whilst their simplicity of manners, and honesty of heart are in
-a great degree preserved, even as they grow more refined, by the
-situation of their country; which prevents that inundation of riches by
-commercial sources, that destroys the morals of a nation before it’s
-reason arrives at maturity.
-
-Frederic the IId of Prussia, with the most ardent ambition, was
-nevertheless as anxious to acquire celebrity as an author, as he was
-fame as a soldier. By writing an examination of Machiavel’s Prince, and
-the encouragement he gave to literary talents and abilities, he
-contributed very much to promote the acquirement of knowledge in his
-dominions; whilst, by granting his confidence to the philosophical
-Hertzberg, the administration of his government grew considerably
-milder.
-
-His splendid reputation as a soldier continued to awe the restless
-ambition of the princes of the neighbouring states, which afforded an
-opportunity to the inhabitants of the empire to follow, during the reign
-of tranquillity, those literary pursuits, which became fashionable even
-at the half civilized court of Petersbourg. It now, indeed, appeared
-certain, that Germany would gain in future important political
-advantages; for men were beginning to presume to think, and scanned the
-conduct of the supercilious Joseph with freedom, treating his vanity
-with contempt.
-
-It is by thus teaching men from their youth to think, that they will be
-enabled to recover their liberty; and useful learning is already so far
-advanced, that nothing can stop it’s progress:—I say peremptorily
-nothing; for this is not the era hesitatingly to add, short of
-supernatural events. And though the unjustifiable proceeding of the
-english courts of justice, or rather of the arbitrary chief judge
-Mansfield, who established it as a law precedent, that the greater the
-truth the greater the libel, tended materially to prevent the authors of
-the american war from being attacked for those tyrannical steps, that
-ultimately tended to stop the progress of knowledge and the
-dissemination of political truth; yet the clamour which was raised
-against that unpopular war is a proof, that, if justice slept, liberty
-of thought had not forsaken the island.
-
-The overweening presumption, however, of men ignorant of true political
-science; who beheld a nation prosperous beyond example, whilst all the
-neighbouring states were languishing, and knew not how to account for
-it; foolishly endeavouring to preserve this prosperity, by mad attempts
-to throw impediments in the way of those very principles, which had
-raised Great Britain to the elevated rank she has attained in Europe,
-served only to accelerate their diffusion. And France being the first
-among the nations on the continent, that had arrived at a civilization
-of manners, which they have termed the only art of living, we find was
-the first to throw off the yoke of her old prejudices.
-
-It was at this crisis of things, that the despotism of France was
-completely overturned, and twenty-five millions of human beings unloosed
-from the odious bands, which had for centuries benumbed their faculties,
-and made them crouch under the most ignominious servitude—And it now
-remains to observe the effect of this important revolution, which may
-fairly be dated from the taking of the Bastille.
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION.
-
-
-
-
- _BOOK III._
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
- A DEPUTATION OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY ARRIVES AT PARIS. BAILLIE CHOSEN
- MAYOR, AND LA FAYETTE COMMANDER IN CHIEF OF THE NATIONAL GUARDS.
- RESIGNATION OF THE MINISTRY. NECKER RECALLED. THE KING VISITS PARIS.
- CHARACTER OF THE PARISIANS. THE REVOLUTION URGED ON PREMATURELY.
- EMIGRATIONS OF SEVERAL OF THE NOBILITY AND OTHERS. CALONNE ADVISES THE
-FRENCH PRINCES TO STIR UP FOREIGN POWERS AGAINST FRANCE. FOULON KILLED.
-
-
-The presence of the deputies had diffused throughout the capital the
-most intoxicating joy—for where is joy expressed with such infantile
-playfulness, such entire forgetfulness of to-morrow, as at Paris? and
-the citizens, with their usual burst of gratitude, which always
-resembles adoration, made choice of Baillie, the first acting president
-of the national assembly, for mayor, and of La Fayette for commander in
-chief of the national guards: the name now given to the
-_garde-bourgeoise_, and the other soldiers incorporated with them. But
-the rapture of the parisians, as transient as lively, dwindled, as their
-spirits were exhausted, into the murmurs of suspicion.—The ministry,
-said they, who were chosen to depress us, are not yet dismissed; and the
-troops, that were to have been their instruments of mischief, still
-hover round Paris, and are even augmented by the arrival of two fresh
-regiments at St. Denis. A rumour was spread, that a convoy of flour had
-been intercepted by the order of the ministers, in it’s way to Paris;
-and some disturbances at the Bastille had given colour to a report, that
-they had attempted to make themselves once more masters of this
-important fortress. The night of the 15th was then another devoted to
-watchfulness and anxiety; and in the morning a deputation was sent to
-the national assembly, praying them to demand the dismission of the
-present ministry, and the recall of Necker.
-
-The assembly took the subject into deliberation; but still attentive to
-_etiquette_, they debated about the decorum of interfering with the
-appointment of the executive power. This roused the genius of Mirabeau;
-and the bubbles of fear, and the straw-like objections of timidity, were
-carried away by the torrent of his eloquence. The discussion grew warm;
-yet for the present occasion soon became of little importance, because
-the ministry, finding that they could not stand the brunt of the storm,
-resigned; Necker also, in whom the public had still the most implicit
-confidence, was invited to return;—and the king, appearing to be anxious
-to give every proof of his desire to establish general tranquillity,
-signified, that he wished to visit Paris. A short time after they were
-officially informed that the troops were promptly removing to more
-distant quarters. The national assembly accordingly sent some of their
-members to communicate to the parisians this welcome intelligence, to
-prepare for the reception of the king by calming the fears of the
-people.
-
-And he, adhering to his purpose, left Versailles the next day (the
-17th), though his family ridiculously endeavoured to dissuade him;
-insinuating, that he ought not to trust his sacred person to the mercy
-of an enraged multitude; whilst rumours of projected assassinations were
-repeated before him, with exaggerated comments. But, being a man of
-considerable animal courage, and now almost perceiving, that all the
-evils with which he was struggling had been produced by his headstrong
-advisers, he seemed determined, at least for the present, not to be
-governed by their dangerous councils. And he had even the sagacity to
-foresee, that, convulsed as the kingdom was, they would occasion a civil
-war, and his life might then be still more exposed. In this instance, as
-we shall find in many others, Louis appears to have been directed by a
-kind of glimmering instinct of propriety; for at the present juncture it
-was particularly discreet, considering the little effect the pageantry
-of the court had produced at the _séance royale_, to meet the people
-without the parade of robes or guards. And, in fact, the hundred
-deputies who followed him, were now the only retinue that would have
-appeared respectable in the eyes of the people. What too must have been
-his surprise, in spite of all he had heard, to pass through an immense
-avenue of armed parisians with such a new aspect.—Till now he had always
-seen a timid multitude flying before the watch, giving vent to their
-vengeance in vain songs, and to their grief in feeble murmurs:—to-day he
-saw them triumphant, moving orderly along, calling out on every side,
-during the procession, for a constitution and laws! marching in unison
-with their reflections, they advanced, but slowly; for, almost afraid to
-hope, they proceeded with the measured step of thought, or rather
-sadness; and the people, whose mind was still agitated, as the swell of
-the sea continues after the storm has subsided, uttered not the shout of
-gladness—_vive le roi_;—but the menacing memento—_vive la nation_.
-
-This was as ominous a sound, as the woe! woe! resounding through the
-silent streets of a besieged city—for it was equally the voice of fate,
-proclaiming the will of the people, disgusted with courts, and
-suspicious even of the king. Louis seems to have been forcibly struck by
-the energy every where displayed; and not more by the eloquent
-discourses addressed to him at the hôtel-de-ville, than by the
-countenance of each citizen: for the fire of liberty had already lighted
-up in every face the serene lustre of manly firmness.—So impressed,
-indeed, was his mind by the whole scene, that, when the animated
-speakers were silent, he exclaimed in reply—‘My people! my people, may
-always rely on my love.’—And taking the national cockade from the hands
-of the mayor, he appeared at the window with his heart in his eyes, as
-if eager to convince the multitude of his sincerity: and perhaps
-conscious, that, first submitting to necessity, he now yielded to
-feeling. At these words, the repetition of which flew like lightning
-from rank to rank, the whole concourse of people caught the electrical
-sympathy.—_Vive le roi_ was shouted from every quarter; and revived
-affection glowed with the fresh fervour, that effaces the remembrance of
-doubts, and makes the fear of having been unjust, the most powerful
-spring of tenderness. And persuading themselves, for the moment, that
-the disposition of the king was not so much at variance with their
-happiness as his conduct, they poured blessings on him, bestowing all
-their execrations on his counsellors.
-
-Pleasure, now almost mounting to a feverish height, set all Paris
-quickly in motion; and the sound of the thundering artillery was the
-swift harbinger of the tidings of reconciliation to Versailles, where
-the royal family must have been anxiously alive to the events of the
-day.
-
-These sudden transitions from one extreme to another, without leaving
-any settled conviction behind, to confirm or eradicate the corroding
-distrust, could not be seen in such a strong light any where as at
-Paris, because there a variety of causes have so effeminated reason,
-that the french may be considered as a nation of women; and made feeble,
-probably, by the same combination of circumstances, as has rendered
-these insignificant. More ingenious than profound in their researches;
-more tender than impassioned in their affections; prompt to act, yet
-soon weary; they seem to work only to escape from work, and to reflect
-merely how they shall avoid reflection. Indolently restless, they make
-the elegant furniture of their rooms, like their houses, voluptuously
-handy. Every thing, in short, shows the dexterity of the people, and
-their attention to present enjoyment.
-
-And so passive appears to be their imagination, it requires to be roused
-by novelty; and then, more lively than strong, the evanescent emotions
-scarcely leave any traces behind them. From being devoted to pleasure in
-their youth, old age is commonly passed in such merely animal
-gratifications, that a respectable looking aged man or woman is very
-rarely to be seen. Independent, likewise, of the vanity which makes them
-wish to appear polite, at the very moment they are ridiculing a person,
-their great susceptibility of disposition leads them to take an interest
-in all the sensations of others, which are forgotten almost as soon as
-felt. And these transient gusts of feeling prevent their forming those
-firm resolves of reason, that, bracing the nerves, when the heart is
-moved, make sympathy yield to principles, and the mind triumph over the
-senses.
-
-Besides, the climate of France is so genial, and the blood mounted so
-cheerily in the veins, even of the oppressed common people, that, living
-for the day, they continually basked in the sunshine, which broke from
-behind the heavy clouds that hung over them.
-
-It is impossible, after tracing the horrid conspiracy formed by the
-court against the lives and liberty of the people, not to feel the most
-ineffable contempt for that kind of government, which leaves the
-happiness of a nation at the mercy of a capricious minister of state.
-The awful and interesting lesson, which the developement of this
-treachery afforded, was such as ought to have made an indelible
-impression on their minds.—It was a lesson, the very thought of which
-stops for a moment the genial current of the heart.—It was a lesson,
-that should be repeated to mankind, to bring home to their very senses a
-conviction of the lengths to which a depraved and absolute government
-will go, for the sake of holding fast it’s power.—It was, in short, a
-deduction of experience, which will teach posterity that life, and every
-thing dear to man, can be secured only by the preservation of liberty.
-
-The want of decision in the character of Louis seems to have been the
-foundation of all his faults, as well as of all his misfortunes; and
-every moment fresh occasions to make the observation arise as we trace
-his misconduct, or compassionate his situation.
-
-To give a striking instance, it is only necessary to turn our attention
-to the fatal effects that flowed from his consenting to assemble an army
-of foreigners, to intimidate the states-general. He could not resist the
-court, who counselled this measure; or silence the misgivings of his
-heart, which made him averse to the troops taking any decisive step,
-that might lead to slaughter. And still governed by these undisciplined
-feelings, when he dismissed the army, he pursued the advice of the very
-cabal, that had led him into this errour; giving way to the wishes of
-the people, yet dissembling with them even in the act of reconciliation.
-Thus, for ever wavering, it is difficult to mark any fixt purpose in his
-actions; excepting that which does him honour—the desire to prevent the
-shedding of blood. This principle has, in general, directed his conduct;
-though the short-sighted measures of timid humanity, devoid of strength
-of mind, turned all his efforts to a very contrary effect.
-
-From the presence of these troops, and their abortive attempt to crush
-liberty in the egg, the shell was prematurely broken, and the enthusiasm
-of frenchmen excited before their judgment was in any considerable
-degree formed. Intoxicated by conquest, each began to descant on the
-existing abuses, to show his own cleverness in pointing out the remedy;
-and arms being once in the hands of the people, it was difficult to
-persuade them to give them up for the occupations of peace. It is true,
-had the national assembly been allowed quietly to have made some
-reforms, paving the way for more, the Bastille, though tottering on it’s
-dungeons, might yet have stood erect.—And, if it had, the sum of human
-misery could scarcely have been increased. For the _guillotine_ not
-finding it’s way to the splendid square it has polluted, streams of
-innocent blood would not have flowed, to obliterate the remembrance of
-false imprisonment, and drown the groans of solitary grief in the loud
-cry of agony—when, the thread of life quickly cut in twain, the
-quivering light of hope is instantly dashed out—and the billows suddenly
-closing, the silence of death is felt!—This tale is soon told.—We hear
-not of years languished away in misery, whilst dissolution by inches
-palsies the frame, or disturbs the reason: yet, who can estimate the sum
-of comfort blasted; or tell how many survivors pine the prey of an
-imagination distracted by sorrow?
-
-The character of the french, indeed, had been so depraved by the
-inveterate despotism of ages, that even amidst the heroism which
-distinguished the taking of the Bastille, we are forced to see that
-suspicious temper, and that vain ambition of dazzling, which have
-generated all the succeeding follies and crimes. For, even in the most
-public-spirited actions, celebrity seems to have been the spur, and the
-glory, rather than the happiness of frenchmen, the end.—This observation
-inforces the grand truth on mankind, that without morality there can be
-no great strength of understanding, or real dignity of conduct. The
-morals of the whole nation were destroyed by the manners formed by the
-government.—Pleasure had been pursued, to fill up the void of rational
-employment; and fraud combined with servility to debase the
-character;—so that, when they changed their system, liberty, as it was
-called, was only the acme of tyranny—merely with this difference, that,
-all the force of nature being roused, the magnitude of the evil
-promised, by some mighty concussion, to effect it’s own cure.
-
-The reunion of the king and people not only routed, but terrified, the
-cabal; and as cowardly in adversity, as presumptuous in prosperity, they
-immediately took to flight different ways, and even disguised. One man,
-who had long been obnoxious to the people on account of inordinate
-covetousness, and, vulgar tyranny, not softened by the graceful
-condescension of the nobility, caused it to be reported, that he was
-dead. The renowned mareschal Broglio sought an asylum at Luxemburgh,
-whilst madame Polignac fled to Basle. Thus went into exile an amiable
-woman, who had been the instrument of the ambition of a family, that
-rapaciously availed themselves of her great favour with the queen, whose
-strange predilection for handsome women blighted the reputation of every
-one, whom she distinguished.
-
-The count d’Artois, with several others of the blood royal and principal
-nobility, likewise thought it prudent to leave the kingdom for the
-present; either to provide for their safety, or to seek vengeance. At
-Brussels they met the unquiet Calonne, who, having heard of the
-dismission of Necker, was lured back by the first glimpse of hope. For
-wishing to wipe away the indignity, which he had so impatiently brooked;
-and fondly believing, that the army had had sufficient time to quash the
-verbal disputes of the nation; he was hastening towards France, to be
-ready to come in for his share of the triumph.
-
-To his country this meeting has proved a source of evil, that could only
-have been hatched in such an unprincipled brain, fertile in plans of
-mischief, and prone to puzzle the cause which he wanted force to
-subvert. His last effort for power had been to obtain a seat in the
-states-general. And, had not the remembrance of his former
-administration stood in his way, it is probable he would have succeeded,
-and there have become a flaming patriot, could he have been the leader
-of a party; for he possessed the showy talents necessary to procure
-instantaneous applause in a popular assembly—a deceiving, rather than a
-commanding eloquence. Mirabeau, on the contrary, seems to have had from
-nature a strong perception of a dignified propriety of conduct; and
-truth appearing to give earnestness to his arguments, his hearers were
-compelled to agree with him out of respect to themselves. Leaving then
-plausibility far behind, he always stood forth as the sturdy champion of
-reason; even when, laying down his club, he loitered to dally with the
-imagination. Whilst therefore Mirabeau was teaching the national
-assembly dignity[22], the resentment of the vain-glorious Calonne,
-sharpened to the keenest edge by disappointment, made him suggest to
-those crest-fallen princes, the necessity of engaging foreign aid, to
-reinstate the king in his former plenitude of power, and to heal their
-wounded pride. Unfortunately, the plausibility of his manners, and the
-ingenuity of his arguments, awakened their fears, and nourished their
-prejudices; and quickly persuaded to assert what they wished to believe,
-they protested against the conduct of the national assembly;
-insinuating, that the body of the people did not support their
-pretensions. The delusion, however, did not rest here; for he even
-convinced them, that, if the appeal made to the national honour of the
-french did not recall crowds to their chivalrous allegiance, it would
-not be a difficult task to engage all the powers of Europe in behalf of
-his most christian majesty, by showing them, that, if freedom were once
-established in France, it would soon extend beyond it’s confines,
-bounding over the Alps and Pyrenees.
-
-Such are the opposite sentiments, or rather conduct of court parasites,
-and men struggling to be free, that it is sufficient to contrast them.
-The deputies, whose lives had been threatened, and their persons grossly
-insulted, not only excused the ill advised monarch for the countenance
-which he had given to the violation of the most sacred principles; but
-expressed a conciliatory disposition to all parties. The mob, it is
-true, in the heat of rage, inhumanly butchered two of the vile
-instruments of despotism. But this violence offered to justice ought not
-to be attributed to the temper of the people, much less to the
-connivance of the national assembly, who acted with a degree of
-magnanimity, at this time, of which it can never be enough lamented that
-they have since lost sight. The behaviour however of the hardened
-children of oppression in all countries is the same; whether in the
-amphitheatre at Rome, or around the lantern-post in Paris.
-
-The king’s eldest brother alone remained with the court, a man with more
-resources of understanding in himself, than the rest of his family; yet,
-making it a point of honour to be treated like his younger brother the
-count d’Artois, he contributed by his rapacity to drain the royal
-treasure, though such an expensive variety of amusements was not
-necessary to give a zest to his pleasures.
-
-The noble depredators had now escaped; yet Foulon, the minister, the
-most desperate and pusillanimous of the gang, was taken, in spite of his
-mock funeral.—I purposely use the word gang; for a squeamish delicacy
-with respect to terms makes us sometimes confound characters to such a
-degree, that the great villain is not stigmatized with the epithet
-associated with the idea of a gallows; because, by the grossest
-subversion of reason, the aggravation of guilt has so palliated the
-punishments, that the head, which would have disgraced a halter, has
-been respectfully severed on a block.
-
-Once seized, no authority could prevent the murder of this miserable
-wretch; and the same evening the intendant of Paris, his son-in-law, met
-a death still more shocking, being prolonged by the humane interposition
-of the respectable mayor, and La Fayette, in his favour.
-
-Strange, that a people, who often leave the theatre before the
-catastrophe, should have bred up such monsters! Still we ought to
-recollect, that the sex, called the tender, commit the most flagrant
-acts of barbarity when irritated.—So weak is the tenderness produced
-merely by sympathy, or polished manners, compared with the humanity of a
-cultivated understanding. Alas!—It is morals, not feelings, which
-distinguish men from the beasts of prey! These were transactions, over
-which, for the honour of human nature, it were to be wished oblivion
-could draw the winding-sheet, that has often enwrapped a heart, whose
-benevolence has been felt, but not known. But, if it be impossible to
-erase from the memory these foul deeds, which, like the stains of
-deepest dye revived by remorse in the conscience, can never be rubbed
-out—why dwell circumstantially on the excesses that revolt humanity, and
-dim the lustre of the picture, on which the eye has gazed with rapture,
-often obliged to look up to heaven to forget the misery endured on
-earth? Since, however, we cannot ‘out the damned spot,’ it becomes
-necessary to observe, that, whilst despotism and superstition exist, the
-convulsions, which the regeneration of man occasions, will always bring
-forward the vices they have engendered, to devour their parents.
-
-Servility, destroying the natural energy of man, stifles the noblest
-sentiments of the soul.—Thus debased, heroic actions are merely directed
-by the head, and the heart drops not into them it’s balm, more precious
-than the trees of Arabia ever distilled! Ought we then to wonder, that
-this dry substitute for humanity is often burnt up by the scorching
-flame of revenge? This has now actually been the case; for there has
-been seen amongst the french a spurious race of men, a set of cannibals,
-who have gloried in their crimes; and tearing out the hearts that did
-not feel for them, have proved, that they themselves had iron bowels.
-‘But, if the anger of the people be terrible,’ exclaims Mirabeau, ‘it is
-the sang froid of despotism, that is atrocious; those systematic
-cruelties, which have made more wretches in a day than the popular
-insurrections have immolated in a course of years![23] We often fear,’
-adds he, ‘the people, because we have injured them; and thus are forced
-to fetter those we oppress.’
-
-The example of the capital was followed by the provinces; and all the
-citizens flew to arms, whilst the soldiers grounded their’s, swearing
-not to stain their hands with the blood of their fellow citizens. Added
-to the account of the conspiracy to dissolve the states-general, and
-massacre their representatives, a number of idle rumours of present
-danger tended to make the country people not only eager to guard against
-they scarcely knew what, but also desirous to enter into the adventures,
-and share the honours of the parisians.
-
-In all civil wars, personal vengeance mixing with public, or taking
-advantage of it, has directed the dagger of the assassin: and in France
-it ought particularly to have been dreaded; because, when fear induces a
-man to smother his just resentment, the festering wound is only to be
-cured by revenge. It is then highly probable, that most of the
-barbarities in the towns were the effervescence of private anger, or the
-sport of depraved, uncultivated minds, who found the same pleasure in
-tormenting men, as mischievous boys in dismembering insects; for public
-indignation, directed against aristocratical tyranny, was elsewhere, in
-general, displayed only in burning the country castles, and the archives
-of nobility. But, in the country, indeed, men rarely commit such crimes,
-as lift up their reptile heads in the capital, where the rank atmosphere
-affords the noxious particles necessary to give virulence to the poison.
-The vices of villagers are, in fact, rather the rich exuberance of the
-passions, than the vile dregs of exhausted nature.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
- THE DUKE OF LIANCOURT CHOSEN PRESIDENT. THE PEOPLE ARM FOR THE DEFENCE
- OF THE COUNTRY. THE MUNICIPAL OFFICERS APPOINTED UNDER THE OLD
-GOVERNMENT SUPERSEDED BY COMMITTEES. SOME PEOPLE TREACHEROUSLY DESTROYED
-BY SPRINGING A MINE AT A CIVIC FEAST. THE GENEVESE RESIDENT TAKEN UP BY
- THE PATROL. THE FRENCH SUSPICIOUS OF THE DESIGNS OF BRITAIN. NECKER
-RETURNS. GENERAL AMNESTY RESOLVED BY THE ELECTORS OF PARIS. DEBATE ON A
- DECLARATION OF RIGHTS. DECLARATION OF RIGHTS SEPARATE FROM THE
- CONSTITUTION DETERMINED ON. SACRIFICES MADE BY THE NOBLES, CLERGY, &C.
-
-
-The duke of Liancourt, whose warning voice had made the king look around
-him, when danger was at his heels, was now chosen president. At this
-moment the obstacles, which at first clogged the exertions of the
-assembly, seemed to have been overcome: still fresh ones starting up
-threw a damp on their exultation; and the apprehensions of a famine,
-real or factitious, were not the least alarming, though the most
-frequent.
-
-New conspiracies were already formed on the borders of France, by the
-princes, and those who had subsisted by the corruptions of the old
-system. But this only proved a stimulus; because the nation, being
-determined to secure the rights it had so suddenly regained, raised new
-regiments in every part of the country, and was soon in a situation to
-repel any attack, which it was possible for all Germany to have made;
-the only quarter from which the fugitive princes, at that period, could
-expect assistance. So rapid was the spirit, so general the momentum,
-that in the course of a week upwards of three millions of men in arms
-were formed into companies by a common interest resembling an electrical
-sympathy. Such was the quick succession of events—Such the unanimous
-sense of the nation; and such the formidable force which instantly
-opposed itself to the impotent threats of departing despotism. History
-will record this memorable era, when the disciplined forces of the most
-puissant tyranny vanished before the force of truth, though still but
-half unveiled; obliging the haughty sycophants to search for shelter in
-the recesses of a forest, whither they stole under cover of the night
-from the presence of an injured people.
-
-The conduct of the _garde-bourgeoise_, during the progress of the
-revolution, without varnishing over the excesses produced by ebullitions
-of zeal, is of itself sufficient to prove, that a national militia
-should every where take place of standing armies, did not experience
-invariably attest, that the laws were never respected by men, whose
-business is war, unless they are reduced to mere machines by despotism.
-
-The old municipal officers, mostly suspected, because nominated by the
-friends of the court, were now obliged to give place to committees
-elected by the common voice. These taking the administration of public
-business into their hands, a new order of things began every where to
-prevail. Still, however, the disturbed imagination of the people was
-filled with plots, to which some mysterious and fatal incidents gave
-life.
-
-The municipality of Soissons informed the national assembly, that troops
-of banditti had cut down the corn before it was ripe, and obliged the
-villagers to take refuge in the towns. But on further inquiry, it
-appeared, that this report arose from a simple quarrel of the peasants
-amongst themselves, which had alarmed some labourers, who flew to the
-neighbouring town, imagining that they had thousands of banditti at
-their heels.
-
-Paris was also disturbed by an idle rumour of a riot at St. Denis; so
-seriously affirmed by those, who declared that they had been
-eye-witnesses of the violence, that troops and cannon were sent, but
-they could find no traces of the disturbance.
-
-Another, more serious, had exasperated the people against the nobility,
-and roused the indignation of the national assembly. A nobleman and
-counsellor of the parliament gave a civic feast in his castle to the
-inhabitants of his village; from which, on some pretext, he was absent.
-All was joy and festivity; but in the midst of the dance of gladness,
-the sudden explosion of a mine spread around affright and death.—Hearing
-of this treachery, the people, catching up their rustic weapons,
-firebrands, hastened to the neighbouring castles; some of which they
-burnt, others they demolished by pulling them down.
-
-The recital of this atrocity produced a great effect in the national
-assembly; and, says Mirabeau, ‘though great assemblies are often much
-too susceptible of theatrical emotions; and this narration was
-accompanied with circumstances, of which the invention is seldom
-presumed; and though it was also attested by a public officer; yet the
-atrocity of the crime gave it an air of improbability.’ This wanton act
-of barbarity, which the historian also would fain believe a monstrous
-chimera of heated brains, was, nevertheless, as well substantiated, as
-such a fact could be; which nothing, but the confession of the guilty
-party, can render absolutely certain, because it seems equally foolish
-and barbarous.
-
-These disorders, warmly represented by Lally-Tolendal, determined the
-assembly, on the 23d of july, to publish a proclamation, inviting all
-good citizens to the maintenance of order; and declaring, that to try
-and punish for all crimes of _leze-nation_ was the sole prerogative of
-the national assembly, till, by the constitution which it was about to
-establish, a regular tribunal should be instituted, for the trial of
-such offences. After endeavouring to excuse the violence, or, more
-properly speaking, to account for it, Mirabeau observed to the assembly,
-‘that they ought to be thoroughly convinced, that the continuation of
-this formidable dictator would expose liberty to as much risk as the
-stratagems of her enemies. Society,’ he continues, ‘would soon be
-dissolved, if the multitude, accustomed to blood and disorder, placed
-themselves above the magistrates, and braved the authority of the law.
-Instead of running to meet freedom, the people would soon throw
-themselves into the abyss of servitude; for danger too often rallies men
-round the standard of absolute power; and in the bosom of anarchy, a
-despot even appears a saviour. For Carthage is not yet destroyed; there
-remains a mass of instruments to impede our operations, and to excite
-divisions in an assembly, that has only been united by danger.’
-
-Some trifling incidents, swelled into importance by supposition, kept
-alive the inventive mistrust of the nation, to which some innocent
-victims were sacrificed, without allaying it’s brooding propensity to
-produce, like jealousy, the evil it feared. Suspecting every body, and a
-little vain of authority, the patroles of parisian citizens sometimes
-officiously arrested whomever they thought fit, without assigning a
-sufficient cause; and among the rest, they stopped the resident in
-France from Geneva. Three letters were found on him; and one of them
-being addressed to the count d’Artois, rendered suspicious the
-circumstance of his tearing a fourth.
-
-The letters were sent by the mayor of Paris to the assembly; and the
-facts laid before them afforded Mirabeau an opportunity, to display his
-eloquence on a subject, that recalled to his mind abuses, which had
-formerly touched himself—the violation of private correspondence.—Though
-this did not appear to be exactly the present question; for they were
-not intercepted letters, but letters to which chance had annexed some
-suspicious characters, to point them out for inspection. The despotism
-of opening indiscriminately all letters, to enable the government to
-judge of the character and sentiments of each individual, is too obvious
-to need animadversion.—And who, indeed, will not exclaim against the
-tyranny, be it even parental, that dares to steal into the secrets of
-the heart; or the impertinent curiosity, that seeks for information only
-to diversify an idle life? The latter may be termed petty larceny; yet
-often the peace of whole families is invaded by these cowardly thefts,
-and quarrels are rendered irreconcilable, by giving air to angry
-expressions, the utterance solely of the passion of the moment. The
-allowing letters, also, surreptitiously obtained, to appear as evidence,
-in courts of justice, is a gross violation of the first principle of
-law; because no letters can lawfully be opened, but as other suspected
-things are sought for—after information given to a magistrate. But, when
-seals are broken at the discretion of an individual, and brought forward
-to criminate a person, it is to the full as unjust, as to make a man
-plead against himself.—And for justice to be awarded in consequence of
-an act of injustice, is an abuse that demands investigation. But the
-present was not a case in point. It was not a clandestine ransacking of
-all letters, to search for the clue of some suspected plot; or like the
-reading of the correspondence of a babbling conspirator, after the
-danger was over, whose letters might contain a list of timid
-accomplices, who would be driven to desperation by publicity. However,
-the decided turn was given to the question by the bishop of Langres
-observing, that all ages had applauded the generosity of Pompey, who
-committed to the flames the letters, which the senators had addressed to
-Sertorius. The mania of imitating the romans on this began to appear,
-producing one of those instances of false magnanimity, that always arise
-from imitation: yet so trifling, indeed, in it’s present consequence,
-that it would scarcely deserve to be ridiculed, much less censured, had
-not the same affectation afterwards brought forth more serious and even
-fatal follies.
-
-The temper also of the parisians, who mix in the world very early in
-life, leads them to imagine, that they have acquired the profound
-knowledge of the springs of human passions, which enables a sagacious
-man almost to foresee future events, only because they have often
-detected the weaknesses of the human heart. This made them now suppose,
-that the court of Great Britain was about to profit by their intestine
-troubles. The phraseology had long been in both countries, that they
-were the natural enemies of each other; and the mistrustful french
-quickly imagined, that the english meant immediately to take vengeance
-for their interference in favour of the americans, by seizing some of
-their West-India islands. The duke of Dorset, in his justification of
-England, only changed the object of mistrust, by giving rise to some
-vague conjectures respecting a conspiracy for delivering Brest into the
-hands of the english; and, as there was no clue to lead to the discovery
-of the traitors, several nobles of Brittany, probably innocent, were
-arrested.
-
-These were, nevertheless, but slight impediments; for the invigorating
-voice of the awakened nation gave energy to the assembly, who now named
-committees to expedite the present business, preparatory to their grand
-talk of framing a constitution. The authority and respectability of the
-assembly being acknowledged, they attentively considered the state of
-the kingdom; and, mindful of the present distress of the people, issued
-orders for the free circulation of provision, which had been obstructed
-by the ancient forms, so opposite to the true principles of political
-economy.
-
-At this juncture, Necker, still esteemed by the nation, unfortunately
-returned. Intoxicated by popularity, this minister had not sufficient
-prudence to decline the honours, which he could not support by that
-dignity of conduct the present crisis required. In his way to Paris,
-having heard, that the life of the baron de Benzenval, commandant of the
-swiss guards, who had been with Broglio, was in danger, he humanely
-interposed to stop the hand of violence; and so far he deserves praise.
-But when, arrived at Paris, he was received, by the lively inhabitants,
-as the tutelar genius of France, this apotheosis had it’s usual effect;
-and assuming the demi-god, at the _Hôtel-de-Ville_, he was not content
-to preserve this victim from the public fury, without recommending a
-general amnesty; a measure which was as inconsiderately adopted, as
-proposed. For the electors pretending to issue laws for the whole
-nation, gave great umbrage to the parisians, who had winked at the
-stretch of their power, which the pressing exigency of circumstances
-required, during the moment danger menaced the capital. The wild current
-thus turned, the men, who in the morning had declared, ‘that liberty was
-safe, since Necker was allowed to watch over her,’ now accused him of
-ambition, and a desire to keep well with the court, by facilitating the
-return, or escape, of it’s minions. Such in fact was the inconstancy of
-a people, always running after theatrical scenes, that the tocsin was
-rung to denounce Necker as a courtier in one quarter of the city, at the
-very time the _Palais Royal_ was illuminated to celebrate his return as
-a patriot.
-
-The business, however, being referred to the national assembly, with a
-modifying explanation, they decided it mildly, paying the respect due to
-the good intentions from which it proceeded, though they did not pretend
-to sanction the hasty resolve of the electors.
-
-After this tumult had subsided the narrow capacity of the minister did
-not allow him to take a determined part in the grand work, in which the
-deputies were engaged. His mind had not sufficient strength to burst the
-shackles of it’s old opinions; and, acting with his usual commercial
-calculations, he seems to have been one cause of the divisions, which
-began to agitate an assembly, united rather by circumstances than by
-sentiments. Besides, the sudden emancipation of the people occasioned a
-delirium of joy, which required to be managed with the greatest
-delicacy. A vigorous ministry was certainly necessary to check the
-licentious spirit manifesting itself continually by acts of violence, in
-so many parts of the kingdom, where tumults and assassinations were the
-effects of the giddiness of unexpected success. Whilst complaining of
-the old government, every man in his sphere seemed to be eager to try
-how he himself could govern, and make up for the time he had delegated
-his authority. Besides, the procrastination of the relief looked for as
-the immediate consequence of the Revolution, however unavoidable, made
-the people not only murmur, but, disregarding all reason, attempt to
-gain more by force than could, for a long time, be granted by
-justice—even had justice been unbiased by self-interest.
-
-The nation called for a constitution; and the assembly debated about the
-declaration of rights inherent to man, and those he gives up when he
-becomes a citizen, on which they designed to rest it, as an explanatory
-support.
-
-Several members argued, that the declaration ought to conclude, and not
-precede the constitution; insisting, that it was dangerous to awaken a
-_somnambulist_ on the brink of a precipice; or to take a man to the top
-of a mountain, to show him a vast country that belonged to him, but of
-which he could not immediately claim the possession. ‘It is a veil,’
-said they, ‘that it would be imprudent to raise suddenly.—It is a
-secret, that it is necessary to conceal, till the effect of a good
-constitution puts them into a situation to hear it with safety[24].’
-
-But Barnave terminated the sitting, though the question was still in
-debate, by observing, ‘that the declaration of rights was in two
-respects practically useful;—first, as it fixed the spirit of the
-legislation, in order that it might not vary in future;—and, secondly,
-as it would direct the representatives of the nation in the formation of
-laws, in all the details of legislation, the completion of which could
-only be the work of time. As to the apprehension expressed of the people
-abusing these rights, when they acquire a knowledge of them, it is,’
-said he, ‘futile,—and we need only turn over the page of history, to
-lose these vain fears; for we shall constantly find the people tranquil
-in the same proportion as they are enlightened.’
-
-Poizing thus the pillars of equal liberty, the discussion was the next
-day interrupted by the report made by the committee appointed for the
-purpose of digesting the information sent to the assembly, of the
-melancholy intelligence which they daily received from the
-provinces.—‘The taxes, the rents were no longer paid, the revenue was
-exhausted, the laws were without force; and the social ties almost
-broken.’ To remedy so many evils, the committee proposed to the assembly
-to publish, as soon as possible, a solemn declaration to testify their
-deep sense of the misery of the provinces, and their disapprobation of
-the non-payment of taxes and rents; and to declare, that, till the
-assembly had time to consider the decrees necessary to be passed to
-regulate these objects, there did not exist any cause to justify similar
-refusals. This proposition occasioned a warm debate.
-
-Some of the deputies represented, that the feudal laws were too
-iniquitous,—the taxes too unequally assessed—the wretchedness too
-general, to hope for any happy effect from such a declaration—it would
-soon fall into oblivion, as had done the proclamation for peace:—it
-would aggravate the misery of the state, by manifesting the impotence of
-the national assembly:—it would irritate even the people, who had need
-of comfort; and of whom they could not, without a kind of derision, in
-their present circumstances, require the payment of taxes, of which they
-knew well that each of them felt the injustice.
-
-Others did not fail to insist on the danger of letting the disorder
-increase; on the sacredness of property; and on the immense _deficit_
-with which the nation was menaced; adding, that the national assembly
-would become contemptible, if it did not take the most vigorous
-measures.—They further dilated on the necessity of re-establishing the
-authority of the courts of justice;—and other arguments of the same
-tendency, which would have been more conclusive, more useful, if the
-supporters of the declaration had brought forward the shadow of a mode
-to assure it’s execution. The debate from being warm became bitter, till
-it was at length resolved, that a declaration should be issued for the
-security of property, and that the remaining proposals of the committee
-should be discussed the next evening, the 4th of august.
-
-But, before they separated, the assembly was informed, that Broglio had
-ordered all the arms, deposited at the town-house of Thionville, to be
-carried away.—This step appeared to them the height of imprudence, at a
-moment when the community was obliged to arm itself to watch over the
-public safety.
-
-The following morning it was decided by a great majority, that there
-should be a declaration of rights separate from the constitution. The
-sitting of the evening was impatiently expected, and the opposers of a
-new proclamation flattered themselves, that they should secure the
-general suffrage, by making it appear, that patriotism demanded great
-sacrifices; and that instead of the vain formality of an exhortation,
-soon despised by the people, it was necessary to carry real offerings to
-the altar of peace.—This was the purport of a speech made by one of the
-nobles, the viscount de Noailles; who showed, in a very forcible manner,
-‘that the kingdom, at this moment, fluctuated between the alternative of
-the destruction of society, or of a government which would be admired
-and imitated by all Europe. How is this government to be obtained?’ said
-he, ‘how are the relaxed ties of society to be strengthened? By calming
-the people,’ he continues, ‘by letting them see, that we are really
-employed for their good; and that we resist them only where it is
-manifestly conducive to their interest, that they should be resisted,—To
-attain then this tranquillity, so necessary, I propose:
-
-‘1st. That it be declared, before the proclamation digested by the
-committee, that the representatives of the nation have decided to levy
-the impost, henceforward, in proportion to the income of each
-individual.
-
-‘2dly. That all the public charges shall, in future, be equally
-supported by the whole community.
-
-‘3dly, That all the feudal claims shall be redeemable, on a fair
-valuation.
-
-‘4thly, That all the manorial claims, the _mains-mortes_, and other
-personal services, shall be done away, without any ransom.
-
-‘5thly. That the manorial rents in poultry, and other kinds of
-provision, shall be redeemable by the proprietor or contractor, at a
-just valuation.’
-
-The duke d’Aiguillon seconded this motion, which had been warmly
-applauded; or rather made another tending to the same end. For dreading
-the suppression of his pension, when the _Livre Rouge_ should be
-reviewed, he suddenly, from being a minion of the old court, became a
-loud patriot. And further to evince his zeal in the cause of liberty, he
-declared, ‘that the insurrection sound it’s excuse in the vexations to
-which the people were subject. The lords of manors,’ he observes,
-‘seldom commit the excesses of which their vassals complain; but their
-agents are often devoid of humanity, and the wretched husbandmen,
-subject to the barbarous feudal laws still in force, groan under the
-restriction to which they become the victims. At this happy era, when
-united for the public good, and disengaged from all personal interest,
-we are going to labour for the regeneration of the state, it seems to
-me, gentlemen, that it is necessary, before establishing this
-constitution, so desired by the nation, to prove to all the citizens,
-that our intention is to establish, as soon as possible, that equality
-of rights which alone can assure their liberty.’
-
-It too frequently happens, that men run from one extreme to another, and
-that despair adopts the most violent measures. The french people had
-long been groaning under the lash of a thousand oppressions; they were
-the hewers of wood, and drawers of water, for the chosen few. It was,
-therefore, to be apprehended, after they had once thrown off the yoke,
-which had imprinted on their character the hateful fears of servitude,
-that they would expect the most unbridled freedom, detesting all
-wholesome restraints, as reins they were not now bound to obey. From
-observing, perhaps, that this was the disposition of the times, the
-political empirics have continually inflamed the foibles of the
-multitude, by flattering them. Thus the nobility, whose order would
-probably lose most by the revolution, made the most popular motions, to
-gain favour with the people; tickling the spirit they could not tame.
-Thus also we have seen the desperate leaders of factions selecting
-ingeniously the terms _sans-culottes_, _citoyen_, and _egalité_, in
-order to cajole the minds of the vulgar; and hence it has happened,
-that, in proportion as this cajolery was more highly seasoned, the power
-of ruling has descended to the most desperate and impudent of the
-smatterers in politics; whilst public anarchy, and private discord, have
-been productive of the dreadful catastrophes, and wanton outrages, which
-have given such home thrusts to the dignity of freedom.
-
-The feudal claims that insult humanity, and show how near man is to the
-brute creation when laws are first made, were afterwards attempted to be
-enumerated; but a general cry of indignation and horrour prevented the
-deputy from finishing the frightful picture of human debasement and
-brutality. The vestiges of these direful oppressions, however, were
-still held dear by these very men, who, not having the compass of
-morality to direct their politics, were humane rather through weakness
-of nerves than soundness of understanding.
-
-Be this as it may, the motion of the viscount de Noailles excited a
-sudden enthusiasm, mixed with anger. The members of the privileged
-orders, like children, seemed to say, by their actions, if you force me
-to give up this toy, it is fair that you should resign your
-sugar-plumb.—One gave a blow in the face; and the retort courteous was a
-back-handed stroke. For a member, that the duke d’Aiguillon should not
-be generous at the expence of others, proposed the _immediate_
-suppression of all places and emoluments granted so profusely by the
-court, as the heaviest burthen of the people—because obliged to support
-with their necessaries the luxuries of the great; who, detained as a
-kind of guards at court, were not only prevented from enlivening the
-provinces by their presence, but distressed them by drawing away their
-produce. Distinguishing, however, between the pensions obtained by
-intrigue, and those that were the reward of actual services,—he moved,
-that the former should be suppressed, and the latter reduced.
-
-A motion was then made, that not only feudal rights, but all the
-jurisdiction of the lords of manors, established on the same arbitrary
-ground, should be abolished.
-
-The president now, according to rule, perceiving that no one attempted
-to speak against the motion, was proceeding to put it to the vote—but he
-paused, reproaching himself for attempting to put an end to such an
-interesting discussion before such among the clergy, as wished to speak,
-had had an opportunity of declaring their sentiments.
-
-This artful compliment roused the bishop of Nancy to declare, ‘that, the
-continual and sympathizing witnesses of the misery of the people, the
-clergy undoubtedly sighed after an opportunity to contribute to their
-relief; and that the motion anticipated their desire: yet, to show their
-entire approbation of it, he must be permitted to propose in addition,
-that the price of the ransom of ecclesiastical feudalities should not be
-converted to the profit of the actual incumbent; but thrown into a fund
-for the relief of the poorer part of the body.’
-
-The bishop of Chartres, after approving of the sacrifices already made,
-demanded, that the suppression of the game laws should be joined to
-them. This worthy prelate painted the injustice of those laws, not less
-absurd than oppressive, which force the farmer to be the tranquil
-spectator of the ravages of his harvest; condemning him to endure cruel
-punishments, if he follow the first impulse of nature, which would lead
-him to kill the animals that injure him. A number of the nobility
-concurred in these sentiments; for who would be outdone in heroism? and
-demanded the renunciations of these unnatural privileges.
-
-The president de Saint-Fargeau now rose, to demand an explanation
-relative to the taxes of which the clergy and nobility offered to divide
-the weight. ‘We have given,’ said he, ‘hopes to the people; but we ought
-to give them something more substantial; we have decreed, that,
-provisionally, the taxes should continue to be paid as they have been
-hitherto; that is to say, we have reserved to the clergy and the
-nobility the benefit of their exemptions, till they are expressly
-revoked.—Why do we delay to pronounce this revocation, so strictly
-imposed in almost all our instructions?—I propose, therefore, that not
-only for the last six months, but from the very commencement of the
-year, all privileged persons, without exception, support their
-proportional part of the public impost.’
-
-As the discussion of the propositions of the viscount de Noailles
-advanced, the necessity of effacing all the traces of servitude became
-more and more obvious; and all the members seemed eager to point out to
-their colleagues the new sacrifices, that ought to be made to the good
-of their country. One demanded the suppression of the exclusive right to
-warrens;—another that of fisheries; a third the sale of offices, and
-that justice should be administered gratuitously.
-
-The parish priest of Soupes, in the name of his brethren, joined the
-oblations of the poor to the hecatombs, of which the most part cost
-nothing to those who proposed them; ‘he declared, that, animated by a
-desire to contribute to the relief of the people, they would relinquish,
-from the present time, all their casual (or surplice) fees.’ This offer,
-made with great simplicity of heart, affected the assembly; nor could a
-very different proposal, made by the duke du Châtelet, respecting the
-buying up of the tithes, efface it entirely.
-
-The transition to gaiety, when a member asked permission to offer also
-his sparrow, was very natural in a people, who always mix a degree of
-sarcastic pleasantry, the good-humoured face of which first appears,
-with the most serious things. However, after the laughter ceased,—he
-continued to make his demand more seriously, by observing, that an
-object, trifling in appearance, was a real grievance to the husbandmen;
-he moved, therefore, for the total demolition of all the _dove-cotes_
-throughout the kingdom.
-
-The respectable duke de la Rochefoucault, after having applauded all
-these propositions, remarked, that the king had given the example of
-freeing the serfs in his demesnes; and that the moment was come, to
-extend this benefit to all the kingdom. This benevolent citizen did not
-stop here; but added a wish, that, before the close of the sessions, the
-assembly would take into consideration the fate of the unhappy victims
-of covetousness, retained in slavery under another hemisphere.
-
-A member now made a motion, that excited testimonies of the most sincere
-satisfaction from the assembly; it was to augment the stipends of the
-parish priests, the most respectable part of the clergy.
-
-Several dignitaries of the church, possessing two or more benefices,
-unwilling to be left behind in generosity, followed with a declaration,
-that, conformable to the canons, they were resolved to limit themselves
-to a single one.
-
-The deputies of the provinces enjoying peculiar privileges receiving a
-hint, that the appellation of french citizens, all partaking the same
-rights, was the most glorious they could bear, immediately came forward
-to renounce them. A number of propositions, more or less important,
-brought up the rear. The suppression of the first fruits; the rights of
-wardenship; and the abrogation of those barbarous vows, which fetter
-unfortunate beings for life.—In short, full and entire liberty for the
-non-catholics.—Admission of all the citizens into all offices,
-ecclesiastical, civil, and military.—Abolition of the plurality of
-ecclesiastical pensions.—And then, not forgetting their national
-character, it was proposed, that a medal should be struck in
-commemoration of this night[25]; and a decree also passed, conferring
-gratuitously on the king the august title, it might savour of a style
-that scarcely befits the dignity of history, to say _nick-name_, of
-_RESTORER OF FRENCH LIBERTY_. A deputation was accordingly appointed to
-carry this new mark of homage to the king, and to request his presence
-at a solemn _Te Deum_, to be celebrated throughout the kingdom.—And
-behold night closed on the renowned 4th of august!
-
-It is not possible, says a journalist of the day, to give a distinct
-description of the scenes which were continually shifting during this
-sitting.—The vivacity of the sentiments, the quick transition from a
-generous emotion to an epigrammatical sensation, the disorder which made
-sensibility predominate over legislative dignity—the reciprocal
-mistrust, and the combat of generosity—all diversified by the amiable
-and seducing enthusiasm, so characteristic of the nation, made this an
-epocha in the history of the revolution, on which the contemplative
-mind, accustomed to consider the varied character of man, will ponder.
-
-Another observation, also, naturally occurs; for it is just to remark,
-as a proof of the crudeness of the political notions, not to mention
-principles, of these legislators, that all talked of _sacrifices_, and
-boasted of generosity, when they were only doing common justice, and
-making the obvious practical comment on the declaration of rights, which
-they had passed in the morning.—If such were the rights of man—they were
-more or less than men, who withheld them; and the resignation, rather a
-resumption of their reason than a sacrifice of their property, was
-called for, the moment they acknowledged the sovereignty of the people
-by becoming their representatives.
-
-It is very possible, that the next morning the different parties could
-scarcely believe, that they had more than the imperfect recollection of
-a dream in their heads. So quick, indeed, had been the determinations of
-the meeting, which encroached on the midnight hour, that they had not
-the sober cast of thought to give them dignity. They seem in reality to
-have been mostly the effect of passion, of ambition, or a vain desire of
-vengeance; for those who were led only by enthusiasm, and the vanity of
-the moment, esteemed their conduct as highly extravagant, when they had
-time to cool. But the commons, who had the deepest views, knew to what
-they had urged them, and would not let them recede.
-
-It is true, the abolition of these privileges and powers had been
-strictly enjoined, in the instructions given to the deputies by their
-constituents; but, it is doubtful, whether they would have been attended
-to, had not the most sagacious foreseen, that the neglect might occasion
-a civil war. Knowing, that then property would not be cautiously
-respected, they began by attacking that of their presumptuous
-adversaries; and actually surprised the assembly into the unanimous
-renunciation of all revenues arising from feudal dues, and even into the
-abolition of tithes. The nobility, also, who saw, that they should gain
-more by the suppression of tithes, than they should lose by the
-sacrifice of the obnoxious manorial fees, came into the same system. The
-steps likewise taken to increase the salaries of the indigent clergy,
-the most numerous part of the body in the assembly, secured their
-influence. And by destroying the monopoly of municipal and judicial
-employments, the support of the cities was obtained.—Thus the national
-assembly, without a struggle, found itself omnipotent. Their only
-enemies were individuals, seemingly of importance, it is true, as they
-had been accustomed to lead the great corporate bodies; but what was
-their empire, when all their former subjects were withdrawn from their
-control? of these enemies, the church dignitaries were of the most
-consequence; but, after the confiscation of ecclesiastical property, it
-would have been impossible for the court, even supposing a
-counter-revolution, to provide for them; as they would have been a dead
-weight on the royalists.
-
-Unfortunately, almost every thing human, however beautiful or splendid
-the superstructure, has, hitherto, been built on the vile foundation of
-selfishness; virtue has been the watch-word, patriotism the trumpet, and
-glory the banner of enterprize; but pay and plunder have been the real
-motives. I do not mean to assert, that there were not any real patriots
-in the assembly.—I know there were many. By real patriots, I mean men
-who have studied politics, and whose ideas and opinions on the subject
-are reduced to principles; men who make that science so much their
-principal object, as to be willing to give up time, personal safety, and
-whatever society comprehends in the phrase, _personal interest_, to
-secure the adoption of their plans of reform, and the diffusion of
-knowledge.
-
-But most of the leaders of the national assembly were guided by the
-vulgar import of the word, a vain desire of applause, or deep schemes of
-emolument. The Lameths, for instance, who had been the obsequious slaves
-of the queen, were among the hottest advocates for popular power; and
-throughout the assembly there were traces of a similar spirit.
-
-During the first struggle, the national assembly and the people were
-divided into republicans and royalists; but we shall find, from the
-moment all danger of disturbance appeared to be over, the higher class
-were receding from the patriots, and recruiting from the royalists, to
-form for themselves, under the appellation of the _impartiaux_, the
-elements of a growing aristocracy.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
- REFLECTIONS ON THE MEMBERS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. SECESSION OF
-SEVERAL PSEUDO-PATRIOTS. SOCIETY RIPE FOR IMPROVEMENT THROUGHOUT EUROPE.
-WAR NATURAL TO MEN IN A SAVAGE STATE. REMARKS ON THE ORIGIN AND PROGRESS
- OF SOCIETY. THE ARTS—PROPERTY—INEQUALITY OF CONDITIONS—WAR. PICTURE OF
- MANNERS IN MODERN FRANCE.
-
-
-The despotism of the former government of France having formed the most
-voluptuous, artificial characters, in the higher orders of society,
-makes it less extraordinary to find the leading patriots men without
-principles or political knowledge, excepting what they had casually
-gleaned from books, only read to while away an idle hour not employed in
-pleasure. So superficial indeed was their acquaintance with any subject
-that demanded thought—and so great the degeneracy of their manners, it
-was natural for every man of reflection to infer, that a considerable
-length of time must elapse before the new order of things, which they
-were about to create, could attain stability. But this was not a
-discouraging consideration, when it was obvious, that important
-advantages had already been gained by the people; and by the improvement
-of morals, which would necessarily follow, it was to be presumed, that
-the evils, the old system produced, would vanish before gradual
-amendments; whilst, by a practical knowledge of political and civil
-liberty, the great objects of the revolution would be ascertained;
-namely, just laws, and equal liberty.
-
-The depravity of the higher class, and the ignorance of the lower
-respecting practical political science, rendered them equally incapable
-of thinking for themselves; so that the measures which flattered the
-foibles, or gratified the weakness of either, were sure to have great
-influence in producing a schism in the public mind; which gave an
-opportunity to the enemies of the revolution to impede it’s course. And
-the number of the lower class having it’s due weight, when they became
-free, the most daring innovators became the greatest favourites with the
-public, to whose will every prudential consideration was obliged to
-yield.
-
-Much had been gained on the 4th of august by the nation: the old forms
-of feudal vassalage were completely overturned—and France then stood at
-the point the most advantageous in which a government was ever
-constructed.—She stood fair as the dawn of her liberty, having shaken
-off the prejudices of ages; and reason was tracing out the road, which
-leads to virtue, glory, and happiness—Still ambitious selfishness,
-melancholy drawback! governed too great a proportion of the assembly;
-and the nobles and clergy who had been averse to the junction of the
-orders now intriguing, every debate became a bitter or violent contest,
-in which the popular advocates continued to gain an ascendency.
-
-This disposition to intrigue, and want of sincerity, so generally
-remarked in the French character, laid the foundation of universal
-distrust; and the coalesced parties, who had not been actuated by a love
-of liberty, or regard for the prosperity of the kingdom, but dexterously
-fell in with the spirit of the day, were not aware, that a watchful,
-suspicious multitude, would be as likely to mistrust them in their turn,
-as the court, which had thriven on the ruin of their happiness. This was
-a blindness so gross, that it appears not a little wonderful, after
-considering the different characters, who succeeded each other in the
-ministry, or directed the helm of the state, that men should not acquire
-sufficient judgment to adopt the integrity of conduct, with which alone
-people in their senses, awake to their interest and rights, will ever be
-satisfied.
-
-For a vain-glorious ambition, mixing with the abortions of giddy
-patriotism, acts as the most fatal poison to political disquisitions,
-during seasons of public ferment. The solid views of deep thinkers are
-adapted to the spirit of the times, and the state of reason of their
-compeers. And if they find, that the current of opinion, in overturning
-inveterate prejudices, and the decayed walls of laws, that no longer
-suit the manners, threatens the destruction of principles the most
-sacred; they ought firmly to wait at their post, until, the fervour
-abating, they could, by diverting the stream, gradually restrain it
-within proper bounds.—But such patriotism is of slow growth; requiring
-both a luxuriant public soil, and to be fostered by virtuous emulation.
-Yet this emulation will never flourish in a country where intriguing
-finesse, supplying the place of exalted merit, is the surest ladder to
-distinction. It was by debasing artifices, under the old government,
-that men obtained favour and consequence; and whilst such men, men who
-were educated and ossified by the ancient _regimen_, act on the
-political stage of France, mankind will be continually distressed and
-amused by their tragic and comic exhibitions.
-
-Art applied to art, and stratagem against stratagem, may produce, for a
-time, alternate defeats; but ultimately the most cunning will triumph.
-
-Vanity had made every frenchman a theorist, though political aphorisms
-were never ascertained under the reign of tyranny or caprice. The
-sagacious part of the nation, it is true, clearly perceived, that the
-period was arrived, when a revolution was inevitable; but selfishness
-being incompatible with noble, comprehensive, or laudable views, it is
-not wonderful, keeping in sight the national foible, that at the meeting
-of the states-general every deputy had his particular plan to suggest.
-Few of the leaders embraced the same; and acting, without coalescing,
-the most violent measures were sure to be the most applauded. We shall
-find also, that some of the most strenuous advocates for reforming
-abuses, and establishing a constitution, when their favourite systems
-were exploded, peevishly retired in disgust: and by afterwards venting
-it, have hurried into action a race of monsters, the most flagitious
-that ever alarmed the world by the murder of innocents, and the mockery
-of justice; and whilst the profanation of her temple, besprinkled with
-blood, has branded with an indelible stigma the sanguinary brutes, the
-deserters cannot escape without a share of the odium.
-
-Contemplating the progress of the revolution, a melancholy reflection is
-produced by observing, that almost every precipitate event has been the
-consequence of a tenacity and littleness of mind in the political
-actors, whilst they were affecting a roman magnanimity of conduct—to
-which they appear to have been as great strangers, as they were
-destitute of legitimate patriotism, and political science.
-
-We have first seen Calonne, in order to secure his popularity and place,
-proposing an equalization of taxes; and, when he found that his
-consequence and power were lost, abandoning his country in disgust, and
-employing the most unwarrantable means to involve his fellow citizens in
-all the horrours of a civil war. We shall find, likewise, several other
-declaimers, for their subsequent conduct obliges me to consider them in
-no better light, when their plans were disregarded, if not acting the
-same shameful part, yet leaving their posts; their patriotism expiring
-with their popularity.—And it will be only necessary to keep in mind the
-conduct of all the leading men, who have been active in the revolution,
-to perceive, that the disasters of the nation have arisen from the same
-miserable source of vanity, and the wretched struggles of selfishness;
-when the crisis required, that all enlightened patriots should have
-united and formed a band, to have consolidated the great work; the
-commencement of which they had accelerated. In proportion as these
-desertions have taken place, the best abilities which the country
-contained have disappeared. And thus it has happened, that ignorance and
-audacity have triumphed, merely because there were not found those
-brilliant talents, which, pursuing the straight forward line of
-political economy, arrest, as it were, the suffrage of every well
-disposed citizen.—Such talents existed in France: and had they combined,
-and directed their views by a pure love of their country, to one point;
-all the disasters, which in overwhelming the empire have destroyed the
-repose of Europe, would not have occurred to disgrace the cause of
-freedom.
-
-Every great reform requires systematic management; and however lightly
-weak daring heads may treat the gravity of such a remark, the pacific
-progress of every revolution will depend, in a very material degree, on
-the moderation and reciprocity of concessions made by the acting
-parties. It is true, that in a nation chiefly celebrated for wit so much
-prudence could scarcely be expected—yet that is not a sufficient reason
-for condemning all the principles, that produced the revolution: for
-liberty cannot be considered as belonging exclusively to any particular
-climate, or temper of mind, as a physical effect. It was peculiarly
-urgent, indeed, to form such a coalition, to counteract the dangerous
-consequences of old prejudices. The stubborn habits of men, whom
-personal interest kept firm to their ground, it was morally certain
-would interrupt the tranquil march of the revolution: it would have been
-prudent then for men, who agreed in the main objects, to have overlooked
-trifling differences of opinion, till they were secured: and of this
-several members seem to have been aware.[26]
-
-Had the conduct of men been sincere, and had they really pursued that
-fraternity, about which they so continually declaimed; they might, in
-consolidating the rights of french citizens, have established every
-political advantage, which the then state of reason was capable of
-adopting for the immediate benefit of society. But resentment bursting
-forth, which had long lain concealed (the effect of servitude and
-contumely), joined with the vanity of excelling all other nations in the
-science of government, to produce an insolent audacity of conduct,
-which, aiming at overturning every thing, discouraged the wavering, and
-frightened the timid. Designing knaves then conceived the plan of rising
-to eminence by the accumulating foibles of the multitude, who, loosened
-from all restraint, were easily caught by the insidious arts of the most
-contemptible anarchists.
-
-The object of those monsters, who were meditating the violation of the
-sacred ties of honour and humanity, was early perceived by the more
-penetrating; but instead of opposing themselves to their designs, they
-for the most part became initiated into their clubs; whilst others, more
-haughty, though perhaps less under the direction of principles,—if there
-were any among them,—emigrated, leaving their country verging towards
-the whirlpool of civil discord, and all it’s concomitant wretchedness.
-
-It is necessary for us to attend closely to these considerations, in
-order to be enabled to form a just opinion of the various revolutions
-which have succeeded each other:—because, from a superficial view of
-things of this nature, we frequently attribute to the passions, or
-innate turpitude of man, what was merely the effect of moral depravity.
-Hence it has happened, that so many of the admirers of the revolution,
-in its infancy, now talk of extravagant innovations, tending to overturn
-all the barriers of justice,—to trample on the feelings of humanity, and
-to destroy every thing splendid and beautiful,—the production of ages,
-industry, taste, and learning.
-
-But this revolution did not interest frenchmen alone; for it’s influence
-extending throughout the continent, all the passions and prejudices of
-Europe were instantly set afloat. That most favoured part of the globe
-had risen to an astonishing pre-eminence, though every where it’s
-inhabitants have had to contend with distinctions the most unnatural,
-and prejudices the most veteran. But, having overcome those formidable
-obstacles to the happiness of her citizens, society seems to have
-arrived at that point of civilization, when it becomes necessary for
-governments to meliorate it’s condition, or a dissolution of their power
-and authority will be the consequence of a wilful disregard of the
-intimations of the times. This is a truth, which the people have
-perceived; but which the parasites of courts, and the advocates for
-despotism have not been willing to believe. And besides, their support,
-it might be said existence, being attached to the continuation of those
-savage abuses, they have fought with unusual intrepidity in their
-defence. Thus wars have been the business of courts, in which they have
-artfully interested the passions of the people.
-
-Men in a savage state, without intellectual amusements, or even fields
-or vineyards to employ them, depending for subsistance on the casual
-supply of the chace, seem continually to have made war, one with
-another, or nation with nation; and the booty taken from their enemies
-formed the principal object of contest, because war was not, like
-industry, a kind of abridgement of their liberty. But the social
-feelings of man, after having been exercised by a perilous life, flow
-over in long stories, when he reaches garrulous old age. Whilst his
-listening progeny wondering at his feats, their hearts are fired with
-the ambition of equaling their fire. His soul also warmed by sympathy,
-feeling for the distresses of his fellow creatures, and particularly for
-the helpless state of decrepit age; he begins to contemplate, as
-desirable, associations of men, to prevent the inconveniencies arising
-from loneliness and solitude. Hence little communities living together
-in the bonds of friendship, securing to them the accumulated powers of
-man, mark the origin of society: and tribes growing into nations,
-spreading themselves over the globe, form different languages, which
-producing different interests, and misunderstandings, excite distrust.
-
-The invention of the arts now affords him employment; and it is in
-proportion to their extension that he becomes domestic, and attached to
-his home. For whilst they were in their infancy his restless temper, and
-savage manners, still kept alive his passion for war and plunder; and we
-shall find, if we look back to the first improvement of man, that as his
-ferocity wore away, the right of property grew sacred. The prowess or
-abilities of the leaders of barbarians gave them likewise an ascendency
-in their respective dynasties; which gaining strength in proportion to
-the ignorance of the age, produced the distinctions of men, from which
-the great inequality of conditions has originated; and they have been
-preserved long since the necessity has ceased to exist.
-
-During the reign of ignorance, the disagreements of states could be
-settled only by combats; and the art of dexterously murdering seems to
-have decided differences, where reason should have been the arbitrator.
-The custom then of settling disputes at the point of the bayonet, in
-modern Europe, has been justified by the example of barbarians; and
-whilst fools continually argue from the practice of inhuman savages,
-that wars are necessary evils, courts have found them convenient to
-perpetuate their power: thus slaughter has furnished a plausible pretext
-for peculation.
-
-Fortunately, in spite of the various impediments that have thwarted the
-advancement of knowledge, the blessings of society have been
-sufficiently experienced to convince us, that the only solid good to be
-expected from a government must result from the security of our persons
-and property. And domestic felicity has given a mild lustre to human
-happiness superiour to the false glory of sanguinary devastation, or
-magnificent robberies. Our fields and vineyards have thus gradually
-become the principal objects of our care—and it is from this general
-sentiment governing the opinion of the civilized part of the world, that
-we are enabled to contemplate, with some degree of certainty, the
-approaching age of peace.
-
-All that could be done by a body of manners, without a soul of morals,
-to improve mankind, had been tried in France—The result was polished
-slavery; and such an inordinate love of pleasure, as led the majority to
-search only for enjoyment, till the tone of nature was destroyed. Yet
-some few really learned the true art of living; giving that degree of
-elegance to domestic intercourse, which, prohibiting gross familiarity,
-alone can render permanent the family affections, whence all the social
-virtues spring.
-
-It is a mistake to suppose that there was no such thing as domestic
-happiness in France, or even in Paris. For many french families, on the
-contrary, exhibited an affectionate urbanity of behaviour to each other,
-seldom to be met with where a certain easy gaiety does not soften the
-difference of age and condition. The husband and wife, if not lovers,
-were the civilest friends and the tenderest parents in the world—the
-only parents, perhaps, who really treated their children like friends;
-and the most affable masters and mistresses. Mothers were also to be
-found, who, after suckling their children, paid a degree of attention to
-their education, not thought compatible with the levity of character
-attributed to them; whilst they acquired a portion of taste and
-knowledge rarely to be found in the women of other countries. Their
-hospitable boards were constantly open to relations and acquaintance,
-who, without the formality of an invitation, enjoyed there cheerfulness
-free from restraint; whilst more select circles closed the evening, by
-discussing literary subjects. In the summer, when they retired to their
-mansion houses, they spread gladness around, and partook of the
-amusements of the peasantry, whom they visited with paternal solicitude.
-These were, it is true, the rational few, not numerous in any
-country—and where is led a more useful or rational life?
-
-In the provinces, likewise, more simplicity of manners prevailing, their
-morals were more pure: though family pride, as in England, made the most
-noble house the royal family of each village, who visited the grand
-court only to import it’s follies. Besides, in France, the women have
-not those factitious, supercilious manners, common to the english; and
-acting more freely, they have more decision of character, and even more
-generosity. Rousseau has taught them also a scrupulous attention to
-personal cleanliness, not generally to be seen elsewhere: their coquetry
-is not only more agreeable, but more natural: and not left a prey to
-unsatisfied sensations, they were less romantic indeed than the english;
-yet many of them possessed delicacy of sentiment.
-
-It is, perhaps, in a state of comparative idleness—pursuing employments
-not absolutely necessary to support life, that the finest polish is
-given to the mind, and those personal graces, which are instantly felt,
-but cannot be described: and it is natural to hope, that the labour of
-acquiring the substantial virtues, necessary to maintain freedom, will
-not render the french less pleasing, when they become more respectable.
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION.
-
-
-
-
- _BOOK IV._
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
- OPINIONS ON THE TRANSACTIONS OF THE FOURTH OF AUGUST. DISORDERS
-OCCASIONED BY THOSE TRANSACTIONS. NECKER DEMANDS THE ASSEMBLY’S SANCTION
- TO A LOAN. A LOAN DECREED. TITHES ABOLISHED. DEBATE ON THE DECLARATION
- OF RIGHTS. THE FORMATION OF A CONSTITUTION. DEBATE ON THE EXECUTIVE
- POWER. THE SUSPENSIVE VETO ADOPTED. PRETENDED AND REAL VIEWS OF THE
- COMBINATION OF DESPOTS AGAINST FRANCE. DEBATE ON THE CONSTITUTION OF A
- SENATE. MEANS OF PEACEABLY EFFECTING A REFORM SHOULD MAKE A PART OF
- EVERY CONSTITUTION.
-
-
-The numerous offerings made to their country by the deputies, on the 4th
-of august, excited loud applause; but not without a mixture of sarcastic
-censure, and murmurs of disapprobation.
-
-Some blamed the decrees, which, said they, have sacrificed the property
-of several thousand families to the vain desire of popularity.—Others
-complained of the neglect of those forms, by which every assembly, that
-aspires at putting some maturity into it’s decrees, ought to direct it’s
-debates;—they disapproved of an afternoon sitting;—of the rapid
-succession of subjects, not allowing time for any to be weighed;—of the
-multiplicity of them;—and of the continual acclamations, which rendered
-a calm discussion physically impossible.—‘What!’ they continued, ‘shall
-the most important business always be treated with the levity, which
-characterized us before we deserved to be termed a nation? Eternally the
-sport of our vivacity, a happy turn decides with us the most serious
-point; and gay sallies are ever our substitutes for arguments.—We do
-madly the wisest things; and even our reason is always connected by some
-filament or other to inconsistency.—The national assembly had been a
-long time reproached for dwelling on trifling objects; and not attending
-sufficiently to the promotion of general good.—When suddenly—in a single
-night, more than twenty important laws are decided by an uproar. So much
-done, in such a short time, is so astonishing, that it appears like a
-dream.’
-
-In reply it was said—‘Why deliberate, when all are agreed?—Does not a
-general good always appear self-evident?—Was it not sufficient to
-declare these patriotic propositions to prove their justness?—The first
-person, who pointed out a new tribute to the public interest, only gave
-utterance to what we all before felt—there was no need then of
-discussion or eloquence, to make that be adopted, which had already been
-resolved by the greater number of the deputies, and commanded by the
-awful authority of the nation, in their mandates.—The assembly might
-have proceeded more methodically; but the result could not have been
-more advantageous. It seemed as if all the old effects, all the
-mouldering titles of feudal oppressions were then put up to auction: and
-the kind of mistrust of the different orders, which provoked reciprocal
-concessions, was still for the public good.’
-
-The nobles and clergy of the provinces, who had not been carried away by
-the enthusiasm of the 4th of august, felt themselves particularly
-aggrieved. Those who were recently noble did not like to mix again on
-equal terms in towns where they had received the homage paid to princes;
-and the people, eager to exercise their liberty, began to hunt down the
-game, regardless of the mischief they did to the standing corn. The very
-concessions of the nobility seemed to rouse the vengeance it ought to
-have allayed; and the populace vented their rage by burning the castles,
-which had been, as it were, legally dismantled of their feudal
-fortifications.
-
-The clergy, in particular, complained, that their deputies had exceeded
-all bounds in voting away the private property of the body; for they
-would not allow, that tithes came within the description of feudal
-tenures. The want of provision, likewise, tended to make the people
-clamour about present grievances, without suffering the prospect of
-future comfort and respectability to have it’s due force towards calming
-their minds. All, therefore, flew to arms, and three millions of men
-wearing the military garb, showed the natural disposition of the nation;
-and their present resolve, no longer to couch supinely under oppression.
-Many excesses were the consequence of this sudden change; and it is
-notorious, that the people, in some instances, became the instruments of
-the routed party; who continued to use every stratagem to render the
-nation dissatisfied with the revolution.
-
-It is the nature of man, either in a savage state or living in society,
-to protect his property; and it is wise in a government to encourage
-this spirit. For the example now displayed by France is a notable proof
-of the inexpediency of standing armies, so long as the people have an
-interest in supporting the political system under which they live. The
-national assembly, aware of this, invited the militia and the
-municipalities, to endeavour to quell the disorders which did violence
-to persons and property; and they were particularly requested to take
-the most watchful care, that the convoys of wheat and flour were not
-stopped by the idle and lawless. For several of the most fatal tumults
-had originated from this cause.
-
-The decrees of the 4th of august, were then brought forward to be
-examined and explained; and some attempts were made to argue away the
-essence of many of the vaunted sacrifices.—But the discussion was
-interrupted, to attend to business of a more pressing nature. The
-present state of the nation was most alarming; and the ministers, not
-knowing how to act under the new trammels of responsibility, came to
-represent to the assembly;—that the laws were without force;—the courts
-of justice without activity;—and they requested them, immediately to
-point out the coercive measures necessary to give to the executive
-authority the influence it had lost.—‘For,’ observed they, ‘whether the
-irritated sense of the abuses, which the king wishes to reform, and you
-desire to proscribe for ever, have led the people astray; or, the
-declaration of an universal regeneration have shaken the various powers
-upon which the social order reposed—or whatever, in fact, be the cause,
-gentlemen, the truth is, that public order and tranquillity are
-disturbed in aloft every part of the kingdom.’
-
-Necker, afterwards, having explained the deplorable state of the
-finances, the extraordinary expences, and the diminution in the produce
-of the revenue, demanded, in the name of the king, that the assembly
-would sanction a loan of thirty millions of livres, to fulfil the
-engagements, and discharge the inevitable expenditure of the two
-approaching months; by which time, he presumed, the constitution would
-be nearly established. Thinking also, that the patriotism of
-moneylenders was not to be reckoned upon, he proposed to add to the five
-per cent. he mentioned some allurements of speculation, to quicken the
-determination of the lenders—and he further inferred, that private
-interest would then tend to quiet the kingdom, whilst they were
-advancing in the formation of the constitution, which was to secure it’s
-future tranquillity, and provide a permanent revenue.
-
-This proposal produced the most warm and loud applause.—One member
-proposed, that the loan should instantly be voted in the presence of the
-minister, as a mark of their entire satisfaction—another offered six
-hundred thousand livres as a security, that he would raise the loan in
-his own province. This effervescence, so contagious, which is after all
-only physical sensibility, excited by a commotion of the animal spirits,
-proves, that a considerable length of time is necessary to accustom men
-to exercise their rights with deliberation; that they may be able to
-defend themselves from a kind of instinctive confidence in men; and to
-make them substitute respect for principles, to a blind faith in
-persons, even of the most distinguished abilities.—But to elevate a
-numerous assembly to this calm grandeur; to that permanent dignity,
-which represses the emotions of the moment, demands, it is probable, a
-more advanced state of reason.
-
-Lally-Tolendal supported the necessity of adopting the measures proposed
-for the obtaining a loan to supply the exigencies of government, which
-were become very urgent; and he refuted the objection, made by several
-deputies, who were against the grant, that in their instructions they
-had been strictly enjoined not to sanction any tax or loan before the
-constitution was formed. On this side Mirabeau ranged himself; for with
-all his great talents and superiority of genius, he could not avoid
-envying inferiour abilities, when they attracted the least popularity.
-He therefore, with plausible rhetoric, but shallow arguments, opposed
-the loan; and with great parade moved, that the deputies should offer
-their individual credit, instead of departing from the very letter of
-their instructions. This was one of those instances of pretended
-disinterestedness, or false patriotism, calculated to dazzle the people,
-whilst it involved the nation in fresh embarrassments.
-
-The plan was referred to the consideration of the committee, appointed
-to make financial reports: and they accordingly acknowledged the
-necessity of a prompt supply; but thought, that the loan might now be
-obtained without the additional advantages, which Necker mentioned as a
-necessary bait. The discussion was then renewed with great heat, and
-even personality; till at last the interest of the loan was fixed at
-four and an half per cent.; and to slip through the knot they were
-afraid to cut, it was to be sanctioned under the wing of the decrees of
-the 4th of august.
-
-It did not, however, prove productive; for in the course of three weeks,
-only two millions, six hundred thousand livres were subscribed. And this
-delay of business induced the assembly to adopt, with less scruple,
-another proposal for a fresh loan, instead of the one that did not
-promise to answer, at a rate less advantageous to the nation: or rather
-they yielded to the necessity, into which they had plunged themselves;
-and lest the mode of obtaining it to the executive power, in spite of
-their former objection. But it was not an easy task to inspire the
-bankers and money-holders with sufficient faith in the new government,
-to induce them to come forward to support it; besides, the previous
-discussion had converted caution into timidity; and the more desperate
-the state of the finances appeared, the stronger grew the suspicion,
-that threw insurmountable obstacles in the way of a temporary relief.
-
-Settling the precise terms of the decrees, which were to abolish
-feudal vassalage, the question respecting the including of tithes was
-agitated with most earnestness; and the objections urged against the
-abolition were not only ingenious, but reasonable[27]. The abbé Sieyes
-spoke with great good sense, asserting, ‘that the tithes were not a
-tax levied on the nation; but a rent-charge, for which a proper
-allowance had been made to the present possessors of the estates, to
-not one of whom they actually belonged. He, therefore, insisted, that,
-if the sacrifice were necessary, it ought to be made to the public, to
-relieve the people, and not to enrich the proprietors; who were,
-generally speaking, of the most opulent part of the community.’ He
-advised the assembly to be on their guard, lest avarice, under the
-mask of zeal, should deceive them, leading the nation to reward rather
-than indemnify the nobility. The fact was, that the landed interest
-were only resigning obsolete privileges, which they scarcely dared
-exercise, to secure a solid advantage. Society has hitherto been
-constructed in such a vicious manner, that to relieve the poor you
-must benefit the rich. The present subject was a delicate one; the
-abolition of tithes would remove a very heavy vexatious clog, that had
-long hung on the neck of industry; yet it were to be wished, that it
-could have been settled in such a way as not to have secured a great
-pecuniary advantage to the nobility. For though it was physically
-impossible, to make this sacrifice to society at large immediately;
-because the proprietors, and more particularly the leaseholders of the
-estates, could not have redeemed the tithes, without distressing
-themselves to a degree, that would nearly have stopped the course of
-husbandry; not to mention agricultural improvements, so necessary in
-France, and to be looked for as the fruit of liberty:—yet a gradual
-tax on the original landlord would have prevented the nobility from
-being the great gainers by their so much extolled disinterestedness,
-in their fallacious sacrifice of privileges. Because, for all real
-property they were to be reimbursed; and for the obnoxious feudal
-tenures, such as personal servitude, with others they were ashamed to
-enumerate as being due from man to man, the tithes were an ample
-indemnity; or more properly speaking clear profit, except to those who
-parted with the plumes which raised them above their fellows with
-great regret. It was, indeed, very difficult to separate the evil from
-the good, that would redound to the nation by the doing away of this
-tax.—The clergy, however, cut the debate short, by resigning their
-right, offering to trust to the justice of the public for the stipend
-in return necessary to enable them to support the dignity of their
-function.
-
-On the 13th, therefore, the whole discussion closed; for the other
-articles did not admit of much disputation. The president accordingly
-waited on the king, who received his new title with the decrees, to
-which he afterwards made some objections, though the assembly considered
-them as virtually sanctioned[28].
-
-A committee of five had been employed to digest a declaration of rights,
-to precede the constitution. The opinion of those, who thought that this
-declaration ought to have been kept back, has already been alluded to;
-yet the subject seems to require a little further consideration. And,
-perhaps, it will appear just to separate the character of the
-philosopher, who dedicates his exertions to promote the welfare, and
-perfection of mankind, carrying his views beyond any time he chooses to
-mark; from that of the politician, whose duty it is to attend to the
-improvement and interest of the time in which he lives, and not
-sacrifice any present comfort to a prospect of future perfection or
-happiness. If this definition be just, the philosopher naturally becomes
-a passive, the politician an active character. For though the desire of
-loudly proclaiming the grand principles of liberty to extend them
-quickly, be one of the most powerful a benevolent man, of every
-description of mind, feels; he no sooner wishes to obey this impulse,
-than he finds himself placed between two rocks.—Truth commands him to
-say all; wisdom whispers to him to temporize.—A love of justice would
-lead him to bound over these cautious restraints of prudence; did not
-humanity, enlightened by a knowledge of human nature, make him dread to
-purchase the good of posterity too dearly, by the misery of the present
-generation.
-
-The debates respecting the adoption of the declaration of rights became
-very spirited; and much heterogeneous matter was introduced, to lengthen
-the discussion, and heat the disputants, as the different articles were
-reviewed. The article respecting religion particularly arrested the
-attention of the assembly, and produced one of those tumultuous scenes,
-which have so often disgraced their deliberations. The intolerant
-sentiments uttered; and even the insertion of some amendments, which
-could not, without a contradiction in terms, find a place in a
-declaration of rights; proved, that the assembly contained a majority,
-who were still governed by prejudices inimical to the full extent of
-that liberty, which is the unalienable right of each citizen, when it
-does not infringe on the equal enjoyment of the same portion by his
-neighbour[29]. The most sensible part of the assembly asserted, that
-religion ought not to be mentioned, unless to declare, that the free
-exercise of it was a right in common with the free utterance of all
-opinions; which came under civil cognizance only when they assumed a
-form, namely, when they produced effects, that clashed with the laws;
-and even then it was the criminal action, not the passive opinion, which
-was proscribed by the penalty of punishment.
-
-In this declaration are found the principles of political and civil
-liberty, introduced by a very solemn exordium:—Declaring ‘that, as
-ignorance, forgetfulness, and contempt of the rights of men, are the
-sole causes of public grievances, and of the corruption of governments,
-the assembly had resolved to re-establish, in a solemn declaration, the
-natural, imprescriptible, and sacred rights of man; in order that this
-declaration, constantly present to all the members of the social body,
-may continually remind them of their rights, and of their duties; that,
-having it in their power every moment to compare the acts of the
-legislative and executive authorities with the purpose of all political
-institutions, they may the more respect them; and that the remonstrances
-of the citizens, founded, in future, on simple and incontestible
-principles, may always tend to support the constitution, and to promote
-the happiness of the whole community.’
-
-Some temporary business, towards restoring public tranquillity, and to
-give force to the laws, insulted by the licentious conduct of men
-inebriated merely by the expectation of freedom, scented from afar,
-being dispatched, the formation of a constitution became the standing
-labour of the assembly.
-
-The first question naturally fell under this head—what share of power
-ought the king to be allowed to possess in the legislature? This was an
-important consideration for men, who were all politicians in theory; and
-many of whom, having suffered under the absolute sway of the king’s
-ministers, still felt the smart of their oppression, and a contempt for
-the power that authorized their dominion: whilst the blind zealots for
-the indefeasible rights of kings, though they were ashamed of the
-phrase, heated the imagination of their party, by the most inflated
-encomiums on the benefits arising from extensive kingly prerogatives,
-and vapid remarks on the british constitution, and other forms of
-government, obviously to display their erudition. The most noisy
-indecorus debates ensued, and the assembly seemed to meet rather to
-quarrel than deliberate. A division the most decided consequently took
-place; which, under different appellations, and professing different
-principles, has ever since continued to convulse the senate; if the
-legislative assembly, or the convention, deserve a name so dignified.
-
-In discussing whether the royal sanction should be necessary to the
-validity of the acts of the legislative body, a variety of extraneous
-subjects, and others prematurely brought forward, so entangled the main
-question, as to render it difficult to give a clear and brief account of
-the debates; without lending a degree of reasonableness to them, that
-the manner of arguing, rudely personal, and loudly uncivil, seemed to
-destroy. For good lungs soon became more necessary in the assembly than
-sound arguments, to enable a speaker to silence the confusion of
-tongues; and make known his opinion to men, who were eager only to
-announce their own. Thus modest men had no chance to be heard, though
-persuasion dwelt on their lips: and even Mirabeau, with his commanding
-eloquence, and justness of thought, procured attention as much by the
-thundering emphasis, which he gave to his periods, as by his striking
-and forcible association of ideas.
-
-As a nation, the french are certainly the most eloquent people in the
-world; their lively feelings giving the warmth of passion to every
-argument they attempt to support. And speaking fluently, vanity leads
-them continually to endeavour to utter their sentiments, without
-considering whether they have any thing to recommend them to notice,
-beside a happy choice of expressions. Only thinking then of speaking,
-they are the most impatient of hearers, coughing, hemming, and scraping
-with their feet, most audibly, to beguile the time. Laying aside also,
-in the assembly, not only their national politeness, but the common
-restraints of civility; good manners seldom supply the place of reason,
-when they are angry. And as the slightest contradiction sets them on
-fire, three parts out of four of the time, which ought to have been
-employed in serious investigation, was consumed in idle vehemence.
-Whilst the applauses and hisses of the galleries increased the tumult;
-making the vain still more eager to mount the stage. Thus every thing
-contributing to excite the emotions, which lead men only to court
-admiration, the good of the people was too often sacrificed to the
-desire of pleasing them. And so completely was the tide of their
-affection for the king turned, that they seemed averse to his having any
-portion of legislative authority in the new constitution.
-
-The duke de Liancourt divided the question respecting the share of power
-he was to enjoy as a part of the government. _1st. Is the royal sanction
-indispensably necessary, to give the actual force of law to the decrees
-of the national assembly? 2dly. Ought the king to be an integrant
-portion of the legislature?_ In England the phrase _royal assent_ has
-been adopted, as expressive of a positive act; but the french, rather
-choosing to distinguish the same act of power by a negative, fixed on
-the latin word _veto_, _I forbid_. And then it became a question, how
-far this _veto_ ought to extend, supposing the prince to be invested
-with it.—Was it decisively to obstruct the enaction of a law passed by
-the legislative body? or only to suspend it, till an appeal could be
-made to the people by a new election?
-
-The assembly in this instance seem to have acted with strange confusion
-of mind, or a total ignorance of the nature of a mixed government: for
-either the question was nugatory, or a king useless. Lally-Tolendal,
-Mounier, and Mirabeau, argued for the absolute _veto_.—‘Two powers,’
-says Mirabeau, ‘are necessary to the existence of the body-politic, in
-the orderly discharge of it’s functions:—To will—and to act. By the
-first, society establishes the regulations which ought all to conspire
-to one end—the good of all:—By the second, these regulations are carried
-into execution; and public authority is exerted, to make society triumph
-over the obstacles, which might arise from the opposite wills of
-individuals. In a great nation, these two powers cannot be exercised by
-the people: whence comes the necessity of representatives, to exercise
-the faculty of willing, or the legislative power; and also of another
-species of representation, to exercise the faculty of acting; or, the
-executive power.’
-
-He further insists, that ‘the possession of this power is the only way
-to render a king useful, and to enable him to act as a check on the
-legislative body: the majority of which might tyrannize in the most
-despotic manner, even in the senate, to the very expulsion of the
-members, who dared to thwart the measures they could not approve. For
-under a weak prince, a little time and address alone would be necessary,
-to establish legally the dominion of an army of aristocrats; who, making
-the royal authority only the passive instrument of their will, might
-replunge the people into their old state of debasement.
-
-‘The prince, therefore, being the perpetual representative of the
-people, as the deputies are their representatives elected at certain
-periods, is equally their safe-guard.
-
-‘No person exclaims against the _veto_ of the national assembly; which
-is, in reality, only a right the people have confided in their
-representatives, to oppose every proposition, that would tend to
-re-establish ministerial despotism. Why then object to the _veto_ of the
-prince, which is but another right, especially confided in him by the
-people, because he and they are equally interested to prevent the
-establishment of an aristocracy?’
-
-He proceeds to prove, ‘that, whilst the legislative body is respectable,
-the _veto_ of the king cannot do harm, though it is a salutary check on
-their deliberations; and granting, that the influence of the crown has a
-tendency to increase, a permanent assembly would be a sufficient
-counterpoise for the royal negative. Let us,’ he concludes, ‘have an
-annual national assembly, let ministers be made responsible; and the
-royal sanction, without any specified restrictions, but, in fact,
-perfectly limited, will be the palladium of national liberty, and the
-most precious exercise of the liberty of the people.’
-
-Having suffered by the abuse of absolute power, many of the deputies,
-afraid to entrust their constitutional monarchs with any, opposed the
-_veto_; lest it should palsy the operations of the national assembly,
-and bring back the old despotism of the cabinet. The discussion likewise
-extending beyond it’s walls, was as superficially and as warmly treated
-by those, who thought only of the old government, when they talked of
-framing a new one. And as the people were now led by hot-headed men, who
-found it the shortest way to popularity, to deliver exaggerated elogiums
-on liberty, they began to look for a degree of freedom in their
-government, incompatible with the present state of their manners; and of
-which they had no perfect idea. It is not then surprising, that it
-should become a mark of patriotism, to oppose the _veto_; though
-Mirabeau never gave a stronger proof of his, than in supporting it;
-convinced that it was the interest of the people he was espousing,
-whilst he risked their favour.
-
-The will of the public was, in reality, so decided, that they would
-scarcely allow the _veto_ to be mentioned; and the assembly, to steer a
-middle course, adopted the _suspensive veto_; after considering some
-other important elements of the constitution, which seemed to them to be
-intimately connected with the royal prerogative.
-
-Certainly a few of the most judicious deputies must have perceived the
-impolicy of the _suspensive veto_; and they could only have agreed to
-fall into the measure, under an idea that the minds of the people not
-being completely ripe for a total change of government—from absolute
-despotism to complete republicanism, it was politically necessary still
-to maintain the shadow of monarchy. ‘To assign,’ says one of the
-deputies, ‘a term to the _veto_, is at last to force the king to execute
-a law of which he disapproves: and making him thus a blind and passive
-instrument, a secret war is fomented between him and the national
-assembly. It is, in short, to refuse him the _veto_; though those who
-refuse it have not the courage openly to say, that France has no longer
-any need of a king.’
-
-But, from the commencement of the revolution, the misery of France has
-originated from the folly or art of men, who have spurred the people on
-too fast; tearing up prejudices by the root, which they should have
-permitted to die gradually away. Had they, for example, allowed the king
-to have enjoyed the share in the government promised by the _absolute
-veto_, they would have let him gently down from the altitude of
-unlimited sway, without making him feel the ground he lost in the
-descent. And this semblance of his former authority would have gratified
-him; or rather, breaking his fall, have induced him to submit patiently
-to other restraints, less humiliating to him, though more beneficial to
-the people. For it is evident from experience, and might have been
-foreseen, that the determination on this question was one grand source
-of the continual bickerings of the assembly with the court and ministry;
-who took care to make the king see, that he was set up as an idol,
-merely to receive the mock respect of the legislative body, till they
-were quite sure of the people.
-
-Could it, indeed, have been ascertained, that Louis, or rather the
-queen, would have tamely born with such a diminution of power, this
-measure might have been deemed prudent; because it was then morally
-certain, that the monarchy would have expired naturally with the
-dissolution of the king. But, when the pride and restless spirit of the
-queen were well known; and that it was probable, from the whole tenour
-of her former life, she would contrive to have the ministry composed of
-the most dissolute and headstrong men; it must appear the height of
-folly only to have left the king the power of perplexing their
-proceedings, after they had piqued his pride. And when, to give, as it
-were, efficiency to the conspiracies, which would naturally be formed by
-the courtiers, to recover the authority rest from them, we find they
-afterwards voted such an enormous sum to defray the civil list, as was
-sufficient to move like puppets hundreds of the corrupt french; it must
-be confessed, that their absurdity and want of discernment appear not
-less reprehensible, than the subsequent conduct of the court flagitious.
-
-The constitutional committee had given it as their opinion, that the
-contested _veto_ did not concern the national assembly then existing;
-which, being a constituting body, it was their duty to see that the
-constitution was accepted, not sanctioned. This report carries with it
-an air of imbecility, which renders it almost incredible: for, if the
-assembly were determined to oblige the king to accept their decrees,
-they had better have told him so with becoming dignity, and made
-provision for his retiring from a post in which he was useless. Instead
-of this, he was in a manner shuffled off the throne; and treated with
-cruelty as well as contempt. It would have been at least ingenuous, and
-might be deemed magnanimous, had they allowed him to retire with a third
-of the stipend, which they afterwards voted him, when he continued to
-appear like a theatrical king, only to excite the pity of the vulgar,
-and to serve as a pretext for the despots of Europe to urge in
-justification of their interference. The liberating an imprisoned
-monarch was a plausible motive, though the real one was obviously to
-stop the progress of principles, which, once permitted to extend
-themselves, would ultimately sap the foundation of their tyranny, and
-overturn all the courts in Europe. Pretending then only to have in view
-the restoration of order in France, and to free an injured king, they
-aimed at crushing the infant brood of liberty.
-
-Similar sentiments must have occurred to every thinking person, who ever
-seriously reflected on the conduct of the germanic courts, which has
-actually destroyed the tranquillity of Europe for centuries past. War is
-the natural consequence of their wretched systems of government.—They
-are supported by military legions; and without wars they could not have
-veteran soldiers. Their aggrandisement then, and half-lived pleasures,
-cast in a mould of ceremony, spring out of the miseries, and are
-fostered by the blood of human beings; whom they have sacrificed with as
-much _sang froid_, sending them in herds to slaughter, as the
-hard-hearted savage romans viewed the horrid spectacle of their
-prize-fighters; from the bare idea of which the mind turns, disgusted
-with the whole empire, and particularly with the government that dared
-to boast of it’s heroism and respect for justice, when not only
-tolerating, but encouraging such enormities.
-
-To the sympathizing princes of the continent, therefore, the king should
-have been given up; or, if it were necessary to humour the prejudice of
-the nation, and still suffer frenchmen to have a most christian king, or
-_grand monarque_, to amuse them by devouring capons or partridges before
-them; it would have been but just, both in reason and policy, to have
-allowed him such a portion of liberty and power, as would have formed a
-consistent government. This would have prevented those clamours, which
-were sure to draw together an host of enemies, to impede the settlement
-of rational laws; flowing from a constitution, that would peaceably have
-undermined despotism, had it been allowed gradually to change the
-manners of the people. Though had this power been granted, it might have
-been productive perhaps of great inconveniences; as it is not likely,
-that a court accustomed to exercise unbridled sway would contentedly
-have co-operated with the legislature, when possessing only reasonable
-prerogatives.
-
-Some apprehensions of this kind may have occurred to the assembly:
-though it rather appears, that they were either influenced by a
-ridiculous pride, not being willing to take the british constitution, so
-far as it respected the prerogative, for their model; or intimidated by
-the people, who, during the long debate, had outrageously expressed
-their will, and even handed about a list of proscriptions, in which the
-_vetoists_ were denounced as traitors worthy of death. Be this as it
-may, they determined on a half-way measure, that irritated the court
-without appeasing the people. Having previously decreed, that the
-national assembly should be permanent, that is always existing, instead
-of being dissolved at the close of every session, they resolved, that
-the _veto_ of the king should suspend the enaction of a law only during
-two legislatures. ‘The wisdom of this law,’ says Rabaud, ‘was
-universally acknowledged:’ though the folly of it rather merited
-universal reprobation.
-
-From the manner indeed, in which the assembly was constituted, it was to
-be dreaded, that it’s members would not long sustain the dignity, with
-which they commenced the career of their business: because the party,
-that opposed with such bitterness the junction of the three orders,
-still opposing with rancorous heat, and wily stratagems, every measure
-proposed by the really patriotic members, were indirectly seconded by
-the insincere and wavering; who, having no motive to govern their
-conduct, but the most detestable selfishness, the offspring of vanity or
-avarice, always took the side best calculated to gratify the crude
-wishes of the multitude. And this unyoked multitude, now suddenly
-initiated into the science of civil and natural rights, all become
-consummate politicians, began to control the decisions of a divided
-assembly, rendered timid by intestine broils.
-
-There were besides many circumstances, which tended to make any attempt
-to counteract this influence very difficult. At the meeting of the
-states-general, the whole court party, with the greater proportion of
-both the nobility and clergy, were in opposition to the third-estate:
-and though the number of the latter was equal to that of the other two
-orders, they had also to contend with the inveterate prejudices of ages.
-The court had thought only of devising means to crush them; and had the
-soldiery acted with the blind zeal common to men of this profession, it
-would of itself have been sufficient to have completely disconcerted
-their views. This conduct of the cabinet, and the discovery of the
-atrocious conspiracy, which had been formed against the people and their
-idolized representatives, provoking the resentment and vengeance of the
-nation, palsied all authority, and rendered the laws that had emanated
-from it contemptible. To oppose this torrent of opinions, like an
-impetuous current, that after heavy rains, defying all resistance, bears
-away on it’s raging bosom every obstacle, required the most enlightened
-prudence and determined resolution.
-
-So much wisdom and firmness seldom fall to the lot of any country: and
-it could scarcely have been expected from the depraved and volatile
-french; who proudly, or ignorantly, determining to follow no political
-track, seem to have fixed on a system proper only for a people in the
-highest stage of civilization;—a system of itself calculated to
-disorganize the government, and throw embarrassments into all it’s
-operations. This was an errour so gross, as to demand the severest
-animadversions. For this political plan, ever considered as utopian by
-all men who had not traced the progress of reason, or calculated the
-degree of perfectibility the human faculties are capable of attaining,
-was, it might be presumed, the most improper for the degenerate society
-of France. The exertions of the very admirers of the revolution were,
-likewise, far from being permanent; and they could hardly have been
-expected to possess sufficient virtue to support a government, the
-duration of which they at least feared would be short. The men termed
-experienced believed it physically impossible; and no arguments were
-cogent enough to convince them of the contrary: so that, they leaving
-the task to mock patriots and enthusiasts, a fresh odium has been thrown
-on principles, which, notwithstanding are gaining ground. Things must be
-left to their natural course; and the accelerating progress of truth
-promises to demonstrate, what no arguments have hitherto been able to
-prove.
-
-The foundation of liberty was laid in the declaration of rights; the
-first three articles of which contain the great principles of natural,
-political, and civil liberty.—First, that men are born, and always
-continue, free, and equal in respect to their rights:—civil
-distinctions, therefore, can be founded only on public utility.
-Secondly, the end of all political associations is the preservation of
-the natural and imprescriptible rights of man: which rights are—liberty,
-property, security, and resistance of oppression. Thirdly, the nation is
-the source of all sovereignty: no body of men, no individual, can then
-be entitled to any authority, which is not derived from it. The first
-article, establishing the equality of man, strikes at the root of all
-useless distinctions:—the second, securing his rights against
-oppression, maintains his dignity:—and the third, acknowledging the
-sovereignty of the nation, confirms the authority of the people.—These
-are the essential points of a good government: and it is only necessary,
-when these points are ascertained by a nation, and solemnly ratified in
-the hearts of it’s citizens, to take care, in the formation of a
-political system, to provide against the abuse of the executive part;
-whilst equal caution should be observed, not to destroy it’s efficiency,
-as on that depend it’s justice, vigour, and promptitude. The other
-articles are explanatory of the nature and intent of these rights, and
-ought to have had more attention paid to them, when the structure was
-raised, to which they served as a basis.
-
-Whilst defining the authority of the king, or rather determining, that
-he should have no authority, unless the option of disturbing the
-legislation deserve that name, they debated the question of two chambers
-with equal inconsideration, and all the puerile self-sufficiency of
-ignorance. The opposers of two chambers, without allowing, that there
-was any political wisdom in appointing one house of representatives to
-reconsider the resolves of the other, ridiculed the idea of a balance of
-power, and instanced the abuses of the english government to give force
-to their objections. At the same time fearing, that the nobles of the
-court would contend for an hereditary senate, similar to the british
-house of peers; or, at least, for a seat during life, paramount to the
-representatives who they determined should be elected every two years;
-they fought to bring the business to a speedy issue. The very division
-of the nobility served to hasten it, and strengthened the arguments of
-the popular members; who finding that they could rely on the concurrence
-of the parish-priests, whose wishes in favour of the unity of the
-assembly were quickly betrayed by the opinions of their leading orators,
-demanded the decision of a question, that had been agitated in the most
-tumultuous manner.
-
-Mirabeau wished to prove, that the decision of the question respecting
-the permanency of the assembly had prejudged that of the two chambers;
-and the plan of a senate, proposed by the constitutional committee, only
-excited fresh apprehensions, that the ancient hydra would again rear
-it’s head. They represented this senate as the cradle of a new
-aristocracy; as a dangerous counterpoise to popular violence, because it
-would still foster the prejudices, which produced inequalities amongst
-men, and give continual play to the overbearing passions, that had
-hitherto degraded mankind. And to show previously their entire
-disinterestedness, as well as fear of allowing the exercise of power to
-become familiar, much less necessary to any members of the community,
-they unanimously voted, that for each legislature, the name given to the
-meeting of the representatives, a total change of the deputies should
-take place.
-
-The very nobility, in fact, were far from being united in support of two
-chambers. The order was a numerous one: and to establish an equality of
-privileges, it was necessary, that they should all concur to elect the
-upper chamber, as the representatives of the whole body; whilst the
-nobles of the court, and of the ancient houses, secretly indulged the
-hope of establishing a peerage; which would not only raise them above
-the commons, but keep at a proper distance the upstart nobility, with
-whom they had heretofore impatiently jostled. There was even another
-cause of jealousy: for it was presumed, that the forty-seven nobles, who
-first joined the assembly, would now be rewarded. In short, the idle
-fears and more contemptible vanity of the different parties now operated
-so much in favour of an indivisible senate, that the question was
-decided by a great majority, to the entire satisfaction of the public,
-who were almost as eager for one chamber, as averse to the _veto_.
-
-The deputies, who opposed the upper chamber to promote the good of
-society, did it from a belief, that it would be the asylum of a new
-aristocracy; and from a total ignorance, or obscurity of ideas,
-respecting it’s utility. Whilst the oppressions of the feudal system
-being still present to the minds of the people, they considered a
-division of the legislative body as inconsistent with the freedom and
-equality they were taught to expect as the prime blessings of a new
-constitution. The very mention of _two chambers_ carried them back to
-the old dispute, respecting the negative of the different orders; and
-seemed to subvert the revolution. Such fears, degenerating into
-weakness, can only be accounted for by recollecting the many cruel
-thraldoms, from which they had so recently escaped. Besides, the
-remembrance of their former servitude, and the resentment excited by the
-late struggle to prove they were men, created in their enthusiastic
-imaginations such a multitude of horrours, and fantastic images of new
-dangers, as did not allow them to exercise the full powers of their
-reason. So that to convince them of the propriety of a new institution,
-and heat the supporters of it, nothing more was necessary, than to show,
-that it was the very reverse of those maintained by the partizans of the
-old government.
-
-The wisdom of giving to the executive part of a government an absolute
-_veto_ might very justly have been questioned; as it seems to be giving
-a power to one man to counteract the will of a whole people—an absurdity
-too gross to merit refutation. Still, whilst crowns are a necessary
-bauble to please the multitude, it is also necessary, that their
-dignity, should be supported, in order to prevent an overweening
-aristocracy from concentrating all authority in themselves. This seems
-to have been expedient, likewise, as long as the manners of barbarians
-remained: as savages are naturally pleased with glass and beads, in
-proportion as they afford a striking contrast to the rude materials of
-their own fabrication.
-
-In the progressive influence of knowledge on manners, both dress and
-governments appear to be acquiring simplicity; it may therefore be
-inferred, that, as the people attain dignity of character, their
-amusements will flow from a more rational source than the pageantry of
-kings, or the view of the fopperies exhibited at courts. If these have
-been supported hitherto by childish ignorance, they seem to be losing
-their influence, as the understanding of the world approaches to
-manhood: for, as they grow wiser, the people will look for the solid
-advantages of society; and watching with sufficient vigilance their own
-interest, the _veto_ of the executive branch of the government would
-become perfectly useless; though in the hands of an unprincipled, bold
-chief magistrate, it might prove a dangerous instrument. In forming a
-representative plan of government it appears necessary then to take care
-only, that it be so constructed, as to prevent hasty decisions; or the
-carrying into laws dangerous, impolitic measures, which have been urged
-by popular declaimers, who are too apt to gain an ascendancy in a
-numerous assembly. Until the principles of governments become
-simplified, and a knowledge of them be disseminated, it is to be feared,
-that popular assemblies will often be influenced by the fascinating
-charms of eloquence: and as it is possible for a man to be eloquent
-without being either wise or virtuous, it is but a common precaution of
-prudence in the framers of a constitution, to provide some check to the
-evil.
-
-Besides, it is very probable, in the same state of reason, that a
-faction may arise, which will control the assembly; and, acting contrary
-to the dictates of wisdom, throw the state into the most dangerous
-convulsions of anarchy: consequently, it ought to form a primary object
-with a constituting assembly, to prevent, by some salutary contrivance,
-the mischief flowing from such sources. The obvious preventative is a
-second chamber, or senate, which would not, it is most likely, be under
-the influence of the same faction; and it is at least certain, that it’s
-decisions would not be directed by the same orators. The advantage would
-be more certain if business were not conducted in the two chambers in a
-similar manner. Thus by making the most numerous assembly the most
-active, the other would have more time to weigh the probable consequence
-of any act or decree, which would prevent those inconveniences; or, at
-least, many of them, the consequence of haste or faction.
-
-This system in an old government is susceptible of improvement. The
-minds of young men generally having more fire, activity, and invention,
-it would be politically wise to restrict the age of the senators to
-thirty-five, or forty years; at which period of life they most likely
-would have gone through a certain routine of business; and become more
-sage, and steady, they would be better calculated to decide respecting
-the policy, or wisdom of the acts of the chamber of representatives.
-
-It is true France was in such a state at the time of the revolution,
-that a like improvement could not have been instantly carried into
-execution, because the aristocratical influence was justly to be
-dreaded. The constituting assembly then should have remained
-indivisible; and as the members became in some measure acquainted with
-legislative business, they would have prepared senators for the upper
-chamber. All the future legislatures being divided into two chambers, a
-house of representatives, and a senate, the members of the national
-assembly might have been permitted to be elected for the senate, though
-they should not have attained the age prescribed; for the restriction
-needed not to have taken place until the government found it’s level,
-and even then, the members of the preceding house of representatives
-might have been allowed to be returned for the senate.
-
-It has been a common remark of moralists, that we are the least
-acquainted with our own characters. This has been literally the case
-with the french: for certainly no people stand in such great need of a
-check; and, totally destitute of experience in political science, it
-must have been clear to all men of sound understanding, that some such
-plan alone would have enabled them to avoid many fatal errours.
-
-The first efforts of the national assembly were truly magnanimous; but
-the character of the men was too light, to maintain the same heroism,
-when not warmed by passion—too giddy, to support with grave dignity the
-splendour of sudden glory. Their vanity was also unbounded; and their
-false estimate of disinterestedness of conduct, whilst they betrayed
-puerility of sentiment, was not among the least of the misfortunes,
-which have befallen that unhappy country. Their hearts had been too long
-sophisticated, to suggest the best mode of communicating freedom to
-millions; and their heads were still less calculated to lay down a
-practicable plan of government, adapted to the state of knowledge of the
-age. So much so, that they seem to have selected from books only the
-regulations proper for a period of perfect civilization.
-
-The revolutions of states ought to be gradual; for during violent or
-material changes it is not so much the wisdom of measures, as the
-popularity they acquire by being adapted to the foibles of the great
-body of the community, which gives them success.—Men are most easily led
-away by the ingenious arguments, that dwell on the equality of man, and
-these are always employed by the different leaders of popular
-governments.
-
-Whilst the most ingenious theorists, or desperate partizans of the
-people, take advantage of this infirmity of our nature, the consequences
-must sometimes prove destructive to society, is they do not end in the
-most dreadful anarchy. For when the members of a state are not directed
-by practical knowledge, every one produces a plan of polity, till the
-confusion becomes general, and the nation plunges into wretchedness,
-pursuing the schemes of those philosophers of genius who, advancing
-before their age, have sketched the model of a perfect system of
-government. Thus it happened in France, that Hume’s idea of a perfect
-commonwealth, the adoption of which would be eligible only when
-civilization has arrived at a much greater degree of perfection, and
-knowledge is more generally diffused than at the present period, was
-nevertheless chosen as the model of their new government, with a few
-exceptions, by the constituent assembly: which choice doubtless
-proceeded from the members not having had an opportunity to acquire a
-knowledge of practical liberty. Some of the members, it is true, alluded
-to the improvements made by the americans on the plan of the english
-constitution; but the great majority, despising experience, were for
-forming, at once, a system much more perfect. And this self-sufficiency
-has produced those dreadful outrages, and attacks, made by the
-anarchists of that country, on personal liberty, property, and whatever
-else society holds sacred.
-
-These melancholy considerations seem to me to afford irrefragable
-arguments, to prove that it is necessary for all governments, which have
-for their object the happiness of the people, to make the power of
-altering peaceably a fundamental principle of their constitution.
-
-Still, if the attempt to carry prematurely into execution the sublime
-theory, which has occupied some of the best heads to form, have afforded
-an opportunity to superficial politicians, to condemn it as absurd and
-chimerical, because it has not been attended with immediate success, the
-advocates for the extension of truth and reason ought not to despair.
-For when we contemplate the slow improvement, that has been made in the
-science of government; and, that even the system of the british
-constitution was considered, by some of the most enlightened ancients,
-as the sublimest theory the human mind was able to conceive, though not
-reducible to practice, they should not relax in their endeavours to
-bring to maturity a polity more simple—which promises more equal
-freedom, and general happiness to mankind.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
- OBSERVATIONS ON THE VETO. THE WOMEN OFFER UP THEIR ORNAMENTS TO THE
-PUBLIC. DEBATE WHETHER THE SPANISH BRANCH OF THE BOURBONS COULD REIGN IN
- FRANCE. CONDUCT OF THE KING RESPECTING THE DECREES OF THE FOURTH OF
-AUGUST. VANITY OF THE FRENCH. DEBATES ON QUARTERING A THOUSAND REGULARS
- AT VERSAILLES. INDIVIDUALS OFFER THEIR JEWELS AND PLATE TO MAKE UP THE
-DEFICIENCY OF THE LOAN. THE KING SENDS HIS RICH SERVICE OF PLATE TO THE
- MINT. NECKER’S PROPOSAL FOR EVERY CITIZEN TO GIVE UP A FOURTH OF HIS
- INCOME. SPEECH OF MIRABEAU ON IT. HIS ADDRESS TO THE NATION.
-
-
-After the national assembly had determined, that the legislative body
-should consist of one house, to be renewed every two years, they appear
-to have had some suspicion of the impolicy of the decree; but not
-allowing themselves time to comprehend the use of a senate taken from
-the body of the people, they attempted to silence the fears, some
-moderate men entertained, of the bad consequences which might arise from
-the decisions of an impetuous assembly without a check, by assuring
-them, that the delay, the _veto_ would occasion, was a sufficient
-counterpoise. They represented the king’s _veto_ as the negative
-archetype of the national will; adding, that it would be the duty of the
-sovereign to examine with vigilance the justice or wisdom of their
-decrees; and by the exertion of his power prevent the hasty
-establishment of any laws inimical to the public good. So easy is it for
-men to frame arguments, to cover the homely features of their own
-folly—so dangerous is it to follow a refined theory, however feasible it
-may appear, when the happiness of an empire depends on it’s success; and
-so inconsiderately did the national assembly act in this great business,
-that they did not wait even to determine the precise meaning of the word
-_sanction_.
-
-If the king then represented the negative will of the nation, which the
-assembly pretended to say he did; and if he possessed the supreme wisdom
-and moderation necessary to guaranty that will, which supposing he did
-not, it was a folly too gross to require any comment; in the name of
-common sense—why was his _veto suspensive_?
-
-The truth is obvious,—the assembly had not sufficient courage to take a
-decided part.—They knew, that the king and court could not be depended
-upon; yet they had not the magnanimity to give them up altogether. They
-justly dreaded the depravity and influence of the nobles; but they had
-not the sagacity to model the government in such a manner, as would have
-defeated their future conspiracies, and rendered their power nugatory;
-though they had the example of the Thirteen States of America before
-them, from which they had drawn what little practical knowledge of
-liberty they possessed.—But, no; the regeneration of France must lead to
-the regeneration of the whole globe. The political system of frenchmen
-must serve as a model for all the free states in the universe!—_Vive la
-liberté_ was the only cry—and _la bagatelle_ entered into every
-debate—whilst the whole nation, wild with joy, was hailing the
-commencement of the golden age.
-
-The women too, not to be outdone by the roman dames, came forward,
-during this discussion, to sacrifice their ornaments for the good of
-their country. And this fresh example of public spirit was also given by
-the third-estate; for they were the wives and daughters of artizans, who
-first renounced their female pride—or rather made one kind of vanity
-take place of another. However, the offering was made with theatrical
-grace; and the lively applauses of the assembly were reiterated with
-great gallantry.
-
-Another interruption had likewise occurred, of a more serious
-nature.—For after they had decreed, with an unanimous voice—That _the
-person of the king is sacred and inviolable_, that _the throne is
-indivisible_; that _the crown is hereditary, in the males of the
-reigning family, according to the order of primogeniture, to the
-perpetual exclusion of females_, a deputy proposed, that, before going
-any further, they should decide ‘whether the branch reigning in Spain
-could reign in France, though it had renounced the crown of the latter
-kingdom by the most authentic treaties.’
-
-Several of the most respectable members represented, that this was a
-delicate business, with which it was impolitic to meddle at present, and
-as unnecessary as imprudent. Mirabeau was of this opinion; but when he
-found, that much time was likely to be consumed in idle debates, and
-contemptible vehemence, he endeavoured to cut the matter short by moving
-a new question—namely, ‘that no one could reign in France, who was not
-born in the kingdom.’
-
-But nothing could prevent the agitation of the same subject for three
-days; prolonged either by the fears of one party, or the desire of
-another to embroil the assembly, and retard the formation of a
-constitution. Mirabeau made several severe, but just remarks, on the
-character of Louis XIV, whose ambition had produced the dispute; and
-reprobated with dignity, their manner of treating a people, as if they
-were the property of a chief. Should any difficulty arise, in future, he
-maintained, that the nation would then be competent to judge of it; and
-had an equal right to determine the succession, as to choose a new
-system of government.
-
-The assembly, though generally so inattentive to the suggestions of
-sound policy, despising moderation, became now beyond measure
-scrupulous. Some deputies represented the danger of alienating to the
-english the commerce of Spain, by disgusting it’s court; and others
-anticipated the intestine troubles, which a doubt respecting the
-unchangeable descent of the crown might produce. At last they resolved
-to add to the declaration, respecting the monarchy, that they did not
-mean to make the decree, _by any means prejudge the effect of
-renunciations_.
-
-Whilst they were settling these things in the assembly, the refractory
-nobles and clergy were intriguing to prevent the king from giving his
-assent to the promulgation of the decrees of the 4th of august. The
-royal _sanction_ had been demanded before the import of the word was
-scanned; and the court taking advantage of this ambiguity, made the king
-pretend he misunderstood the demand; and imagined that they merely asked
-for his opinion, and not to know his will. Instead then of a simple
-monosyllable, he replied by a memoire. He approved, in general, of the
-spirit of these determinations; but entered into an investigation, more
-or less copious, of every article. He weighed the advantages and
-inconveniences; and pointed out precautions and modifications, which
-appeared to him necessary to realize the former and prevent the latter.
-He objected particularly to the abolition of some rents; which, though
-substitutes for personal service, were now actual property; he suggested
-some difficulty that might attend the abolition of tithes; and hinted,
-that the german princes, who had possessions in Alsace, secured to them
-by treaty, might resent the infringement. In answer to the last
-objection, a member observed, that the inhabitants of this province, who
-had long been sinking under the weight of these privileges, daily
-augmented by the connivance of ministers, had inserted an article in
-their instructions expressly demanding the abolition of this destructive
-system; which reduced them to despair, and forced them continually to
-emigrate. Several of the deputies wished to have the king’s reply
-referred to the examination of a committee; yet, a great majority
-insisting, that the decrees of the 4th of august were not new laws, to
-be carried into force by the executive power, but abuses which it was
-absolutely necessary to clear away before the formation of the
-constitution, demanded their immediate promulgation. Accordingly they
-resolved, that the president should wait on the king and request him
-immediately to order the promulgation of the decrees; assuring him at
-the same time, that the national assembly, when considering each article
-separately, would pay the most scrupulous attention to the observations
-communicated by his majesty.
-
-This imperative petition had the desired effect, and the king acceded,
-the 20th of september, to their will, sanctioning decrees he did not
-approve.
-
-This was the first glaring instance of the constituting assembly acting
-contrary to it’s pretensions; and the king, long in the habit of
-dissembling, always yielding to the pressure of remonstrances, no matter
-from what quarter they came, with criminal insincerity acknowledging
-himself a cipher, laid the foundation of his own insignificancy, by
-ordering the promulgation of decrees, which he believed were
-incompatible with justice, and might involve the french monarchy in
-disagreeable disputes with foreign princes, when peace was particularly
-necessary to calm it’s internal convulsions.
-
-If a chief magistrate be of any consequence to a state, his wisdom ought
-to appear in the dignity and firmness of his actions.—But, if he be
-considered as the fountain of justice and honour, and do not possess the
-abilities and magnanimity of a common man, in what a wretched light must
-he be viewed by the eyes of discernment and common sense?—And, if the
-framers of a constitution create a power that must continually act at
-variance with itself, they not only undermine the pillars of their own
-fabric, but they insert the scion of a disease the most destructive to
-truth and morals.
-
-After complying with this compulsatory request, Louis, who, finding that
-he was left without any share of power, seems to have thought very
-little of his _suspensive veto_, determined to play a part that would
-give an air of sincerity to his present conduct, whilst his object was
-secretly to favour the efforts of the counter-revolutionists; and if
-possible effect his own escape.—But, in the mean time, he endeavoured to
-make such use of it as might prevent the total derangement of the old
-system, without unveiling his secret views, and intentions. It is
-difficult to determine which was the most reprehensible, the folly of
-the assembly, or the duplicity of the king. If Louis were without
-character, and controlled by a court without virtue, it amounted to a
-demonstration, that every insidious mean would be employed by the
-courtiers to reinstate the old government; and recover, if possible,
-their former splendour and voluptuous ease. For, though they were
-dispersed, it was notorious to all France, nay, to all Europe, that a
-constant correspondence was kept up between the different parties, and
-their projects concerted by one of the most intriguing of disappointed
-men[30]. It was obvious, therefore, to Mirabeau, that the king ought to
-be gained over to the side of the people; and made to consider himself
-as their benefactor, in order to detach him from the cabal. But in this
-respect he was unfortunately over-ruled. This mixture of magnanimity,
-and timidity, of wisdom and headstrong folly, displayed by the assembly,
-appears, at the first view, to involve such a contradiction, that every
-person unacquainted with the french character would be ready to call in
-question the truth of those undeniable facts, which crowd on the heels
-of each other during the progress of the great events, that formed the
-revolution. A superficial glance over the circumstances, will not enable
-us to account for an inconsistency, which borders on improbability.—We
-must, on the contrary, ever keep in our thoughts, that, whilst they were
-directed in their political plans, by a wild, half comprehended theory,
-their sentiments were still governed by the old chivalrous sense of
-honour, which diffusing a degree of romantic heroism into all their
-actions, a false magnanimity would not permit them to question the
-veracity of a man, on whom they believed they were conferring favours;
-and for whom they certainly made great allowance, if they did not
-forgive him for countenancing plots, which tended to undermine their
-favourite system.
-
-It is, perhaps, the characteristic of vanity, to become enamoured with
-ideas, in proportion as they were remote from it’s conception, until
-brought to the mind by causes so natural, as to induce it to believe,
-that they are the happy and spontaneous flow of it’s own prolific brain.
-Their splendour then eclipsing his judgment, the man is hurried on by
-enthusiasm and self-sufficiency, like a ship at sea, without ballast or
-helm, by every breath of wind: and, to carry the comparison still
-further, should a tempest chance to rise in the state, he is swallowed
-up in the whirlpools of confusion, into the very midst of which his
-conceit has plunged him; as the vessel, that was not prepared to stem
-the violence of a hurricane, is buried in the raging surge.
-
-The occasions of remarking, that frenchmen are the vainest men living,
-often occur, and here it must be insisted on; for no sooner had they
-taken possession of certain philosophical truths, persuading themselves,
-that the world was indebted to them for the discovery, than they seem to
-have overlooked every other consideration, but their adoption. Much evil
-has been the consequence; yet France is certainly highly indebted to the
-national assembly for establishing many constitutional principles of
-liberty, which must greatly accelerate the improvement of the public
-mind, and ultimately produce the perfect government, that they vainly
-endeavoured to construct immediately with such fatal precipitation.
-
-The consideration of several other articles of the constitution was
-continually interrupted, and not more by the variety of business, which
-came under the cognizance of the assembly, than by the want of a proper
-arrangement of them. Much time was lost in disputing about the choice of
-subjects of deliberation; and the order in which they ought to proceed.
-The business of the day was perpetually obliged to give place to
-episodical scenes; and men, who came prepared to discuss one question,
-being obliged to turn to another, lost in some measure the benefit of
-reflection, and the energy, so different from the enthusiasm of the
-moment, with which a man supports a well digested opinion.
-
-Two or three slight debates had arisen on the subject of quartering a
-thousand men, of the regular troops, at Versailles. The commandant of
-the guards had requested permission of the municipality; pointing out
-the necessity for the security of the town, the national assembly, and
-the person of the king. The necessity did not appear so obvious to the
-public, and, in fact, the demand seemed calculated to provoke the
-tumults, against which they were so officiously guarding. Mirabeau also
-observed, ‘that the executive power had undoubtedly a right to augment
-the military force, in any particular place, when private information,
-or urgent circumstances, appeared to require it; and that the
-municipality had, likewise, a right to demand the troops they judged
-necessary; yet he could not help thinking it singular, that the
-ministers should have entrusted the municipality with a secret, which
-they did not communicate to the assembly,—who might be supposed at least
-as anxious to take every precaution for the safety of the town and the
-king’s person.’ To these pertinent remarks no attention was paid; and a
-letter from the mayor of Paris, informing the assembly, that a great
-number of the districts of the metropolis had remonstrated against the
-introduction of regular troops into Versailles, to awe the national
-guards, was equally neglected; whilst a letter to the president, in the
-name of the king, informing him, that he had taken the different
-measures necessary to prevent any disturbances in the place where the
-national assembly were sitting, was thrown aside without any comment.
-
-The loan still failing, several individuals made magnificent presents;
-sacrificing their jewels and plate, to relieve the wants of their
-country. And the king sent his rich service to the mint, in spite of the
-remonstrances of the assembly.—The disinterestedness of this action, it
-is absurd to talk of benevolence, may fairly be doubted; because, had he
-escaped, and the escape was then in contemplation, it would have been
-confiscated; whilst the voluntary offer was a popular step, which might
-serve for a little time to cover this design, and turn the attention of
-the public from the subject of the reinforcement of the guards to the
-patriotism of the king.
-
-These donations, which scarcely afforded a temporary supply, rather
-amused than relieved the nation; though they suggested a new plan to the
-minister. Necker, therefore, incapable of forming any great design for
-the good of the nation, yet calculating on the general enthusiasm, which
-pervaded all descriptions and ranks of people, laid before the assembly
-the ruinous state of the finances, proposing at the same time, as the
-only mode of remedying the evil, to require of the citizens a
-contribution of one-fourth of their income. The assembly was startled by
-this proposal, but Mirabeau, believing that the people would now grant
-whatever their representatives required, prevailed on the assembly, by a
-lively representation of the perilous state of the kingdom, to adopt the
-only plan of salvation which had yet been suggested—insisting, that this
-was the only expedient to avoid an infamous national bankruptcy. ‘Two
-centuries of depredations and pillage,’ he exclaimed, ‘have hollowed out
-an immense gulph, in which the kingdom will soon be swallowed. It is
-necessary to fill up this frightful abyss. Agreed!—Choose out the rich,
-that the sacrifice may fall on the fewer citizens; but, determine
-quickly! There are two thousand notables, who have sufficient property
-to restore order to your finances, and peace and prosperity to the
-kingdom. Strike; immolate without pity these victims!—precipitate them
-into the abyss—it is going to close on them—ye draw back, with
-horrour—ye men! pusillanimous and inconsistent!—and see ye not in
-decreeing a bankruptcy, or, which is still more contemptible, rendering
-it inevitable, ye are sullied by an act a thousand times more criminal?’
-
-But it is impossible to do justice to this burst of eloquence, in a
-translation; besides, the most energetic appeals to the passions always
-lose half their dignity, or, perhaps, appear to want the support of
-reason, when they are coolly perused.—Nothing produces conviction like
-passion—it seems the ray from heaven, that enlightens as it warms.—Yet
-the effect once over, something like a fear of having been betrayed into
-folly clings to the mind it has most strongly influenced; and an obscure
-sense of shame lowers the spirits that were wound up too high.
-
-From the whole tenour of this speech it is clear, that Mirabeau was in
-earnest; and that he had fired his imagination, by considering this plan
-as an act of heroism, that would ennoble the revolution, and reflect
-lasting honour on the national assembly. In this extemporary flow of
-eloquence, probably the most simple and noble of modern times, mixed
-none of the rhetoric which frequently entered into his studied
-compositions; for his periods were often artfully formed;—but it was the
-art of a man of genius. He proposed to the assembly to address their
-constituents on this occasion; and he was accordingly requested to
-prepare an address for their consideration.
-
-His address to the nation is, indeed, a master-piece; yet, being written
-to persuade, and not spoken to carry a point immediately, and overwhelm
-opposition, there is more reasoning in it; and more artful, though less
-forcible, appeals to the passions. And, though this expedient appears to
-be the most wild that folly could have blundered upon, the arguments
-ought to be preserved with which it was glossed over.
-
-To expect a man to give the fourth of what he lived on; and that in the
-course of fifteen months, leaving it to him to make the estimate, was
-expecting that from virtue, which could only have been produced by
-enthusiasm. All the ancient acts of heroism, were excited by the spur of
-present danger; and of this kind of virtue the french were equally
-capable; yet, though the plan afforded them an opportunity to give a
-splendid proof of their patriotism, it by no means answered; because, it
-being the effect rather of temper than of principle, selfishness had
-time to find a plausible pretext to elude it; and vanity is seldom
-willing to hide it’s good works in the common measure.
-
-As the removing the national assembly to Paris forms an epocha in the
-history of the revolution, it seems proper to close this chapter with
-Mirabeau’s address.
-
-‘The deputies of the national assembly suspend a while their labours to
-lay before their constituents the wants of the state, and to call upon
-their patriotism to second the measures, which a country in danger
-demands.
-
-‘It were betraying you to dissemble. Two ways are open—the nation may
-stride forward to the most glorious pre-eminence, or fall head-long into
-a gulph of misfortune.
-
-‘A great revolution, the very plan of which some months ago would have
-appeared chimerical, has taken place amongst us. Accelerated by
-unforeseen circumstances, the momentum has suddenly overthrown our
-ancient institutions. Without allowing us time to prop what must be
-preserved, or to replace what ought to be destroyed, it has at once
-surrounded us with ruins.
-
-‘Our efforts to support the government are fruitless, a fatal numbness
-cramps all it’s powers. The public revenue is no more; and credit cannot
-gain strength at a moment, when our fears equal our hopes.—This spring
-of social power unbent, has weakened the whole machine; men and things,
-resolution, courage, and even virtue itself, have lost their tension. If
-your concurrence do not speedily restore life and motion to the
-body-politic, the grandest revolutions, perishing with the hopes it
-generated, will mingle again in the chaos, whence noble exertions have
-drawn it; and they, who shall still preserve an unconquerable love of
-liberty, will refuse to unworthy citizens the disgraceful consolation of
-resuming their fetters.
-
-‘Since your deputies have buried all their rivalry, all their contending
-interests, in a just and necessary union, the national assembly has
-laboured to establish equal laws for the common safety. It has repaired
-great errours, and broken the links of countless thraldoms, which
-degraded human nature: it has kindled the flame of joy and hope in the
-bosoms of the people, the creditors of earth and nature, whose dignity
-has been so long tarnished, whose hearts have been so long discouraged:
-it has restored the long-obscured equality of frenchmen, estabblished
-their common right to serve the state, to enjoy it’s protection, to
-merit it’s rewards: in short, conformably to your instructions, it is
-gradually erecting, on the immutable basis of the imprescriptible rights
-of man, a constitution mild as nature, lasting as justice, and the
-imperfections of which, the consequence of the inexperience of it’s
-authors, will easily be repaired. We have had to contend with the
-inveterate prejudices of ages, whilst harassed by the thousand
-uncertainties which accompany great changes. Our successors will have
-the beaten track of experience before them; we have had only the compass
-of theory to guide us through the pathless desert. They may labour
-peaceably; though we have had to bear up against storms. They will know
-their rights, and the limits of their power: we have had to recover the
-one, and to fix the other. They will consolidate our work—they will
-surpass us—What a recompense! Who shall dare, mean while, to assign
-limits to the grandeur of France? Who is not elevated by hope? Who does
-not felicitate himself on being a citizen of it’s empire?
-
-‘Such, however, is the crisis of the finances, that the state is
-threatened with dissolution before this grand order of things can find
-it’s centre. The cessation of the revenue has banished specie. A
-thousand circumstances hasten it’s exportation. The sources of credit
-are exhausted; and the wheels of government are almost at a stand. If
-patriotism then step not forward to the succour of government, our
-armies, our fleets, our subsistence, our arts, our trade, our
-agriculture, our national debt, our country itself, will be hurried
-towards that catastrophe, when she will receive laws only from disorder
-and anarchy—Liberty would have glanced on our sight, only to disappear
-for ever, only to leave behind the bitter consciousness, that we did not
-merit the possession. And to our shame, in the eyes of the universe, the
-evil could be attributed solely to ourselves. With a soil so fertile,
-industry so productive, a commerce so flourishing, and such means of
-prosperity—what is this embarrassment of our finances? Our wants amount
-not to the expence of a summer’s campaign—and our liberty, is it not
-worth more than those senseless struggles, when even victory has proved
-ruinous?
-
-‘The present difficulty overcome, far from burdening the people, it will
-be easy to meliorate their condition. Reductions, which need not
-annihilate luxury; reforms, which will reduce none to indigence; a
-commutation of the oppressive taxes, an equal assessment of the impost,
-together with the equilibrium which must be restored between our revenue
-and our expenditure; an order that must be rendered permanent by our
-vigilant superintendency.—These are the scattered objects of your
-consolatory perspective.—They are not the unsubstantial coinage of
-fancy; but real, palpable forms—hopes capable of proof, things
-subordinate to calculation.
-
-‘But our actual wants—the paralysis of our public strength, the hundred
-and sixty extra millions necessary for this year, and the next—What can
-be done? The prime minister has proposed as the great lever of the
-effort, which is to decide the kingdom’s fate, a contribution
-proportional to the income of each citizen.
-
-‘Between the necessity of providing instantly for the exigencies of the
-public, and the impossibility of investigating so speedily the plan
-before us; fearing to enter into a labyrinth of calculations, and seeing
-nothing contrary to our duty in the minister’s proposal, we have obeyed
-the dictates of our consciences, presuming they would be yours. The
-attachment of the nation to the author of the plan, appeared to us a
-pledge of it’s success; and we confided in his long experience, rather
-than trust to the guidance of our speculative opinions.
-
-‘To the conscience of every citizen is left the valuation of his income:
-thus the effect of the measure depends on your own patriotism. When the
-nation is bursting from the nothingness of servitude to the creation of
-liberty—when policy is about to concur with nature in unfolding the
-inconceivable grandeur of her future destiny—shall vile passions oppose
-her greatness? interest stay her flight? and the salvation of the state
-weigh less than a personal contribution?
-
-‘No; such madness is not in nature; the passions even do not listen to
-such treacherous reckonings. If the revolution, which has given us a
-country, cannot rouse some frenchmen out of the torpor of indifference,
-at least the tranquillity of the kingdom, the only pledge of their
-individual security, will influence them. No; it is not in the whirl of
-universal overthrow, in the degradation of tutelary authority, when a
-crowd of indigent citizens, shut out from the work-shops, will be
-clamouring for impotent pity; when the soldiery disbanded will be
-forming itself into hungry gangs of armed plunderers, when property will
-be violated with impunity, and the very existence of individuals
-menaced—terrour and grief waiting at the door of every family—it is not
-amidst such complicated wretchedness, that these cruel and selfish men
-will enjoy in peace the hoards which they denied their country. The only
-distinction that awaits them, in the general wreck, will be the
-universal opprobrium they deserve, or the useless remorse that will
-corrode the inmost recesses of their hearts.
-
-‘Ah! how many recent proofs have we of the public spiritedness, which
-renders all success so easy! With what rapidity was formed the national
-militia, those legions of citizens armed for the defence of the country,
-the preservation of tranquillity, and the maintenance of the laws! A
-generous emulation has beamed on all sides. Villages, towns, provinces,
-have considered their privileges as odious distinctions, and solicited
-the honour of depriving themselves of peculiar advantages, to enrich
-their country. You know it: time was not allowed to draw up the mutual
-concessions, dictated by a purely patriotic sentiment, into decrees; so
-impatient was every class of citizens to restore to the great family
-whatever endowed some of it’s members to the prejudice of others.
-
-‘Above all, since the embarrassment of our finances, the patriotic
-contributions have increased. From the throne, the majesty of which a
-beneficent prince exalts by his virtues, has emanated the most
-striking example.—O thou, so justly the dearly beloved of thy
-people—king—citizen—man of worth! it was thine to cast a glance over
-the magnificence that surrounded thee, and to convert it into national
-resources. The objects of luxury which thou hast sacrificed, have
-added new lustre to thy dignity; and whilst the love of the french for
-thy sacred person makes them murmur at the privation, their
-sensibility applauds thy magnanimity; and their generosity will repay
-thy beneficence by the return it covets, by an imitation of thy
-virtues, by pursuing thy course in the career of public utility.
-
-‘How much wealth, congealed by ostentation into useless heaps, shall
-melt into flowing streams of prosperity! How much the prudent economy of
-individuals might contribute to the restoration of the kingdom! How many
-treasures, which the piety of our forefathers accumulated on the altars
-of our temples, will forsake their obscure cells without changing their
-sacred destination! “This I set apart, in times of prosperity;” says
-religion; “it is fitting that I dispense it in the day of adversity. It
-was not for myself—a borrowed lustre adds nothing to my greatness—it was
-for you, and the state, that I levied this honourable tribute on the
-virtues of your forefathers.”
-
-‘Who can avoid being affected by such examples? What a moment to display
-our resources, to invoke the aid of every corner of the empire!—O
-prevent the shame, with which the violation of our engagements, our most
-sacred engagements, would stain the birth of freedom! Prevent those
-dreadful shocks, which, in overturning the most solid institutions, and
-shattering the most established fortunes, would leave France covered
-with the sad ruins of a shameful hurricane. How mistaken are those, who
-at a certain distance from the capital contemplate not the links, which
-connect public faith with national prosperity, and with the social
-contract! They who pronounce the infamous term bankruptcy, are they not
-rather a herd of ferocious beasts, than a society of men just and free?
-Where is the frenchman who will dare to look his fellow citizens in the
-face, when his conscience shall upbraid him with having contributed to
-empoison the existence of millions of his fellow creatures? Are we the
-nation to whose honour it’s enemies bear witness, who are about to sully
-the proud distinction by a _BANKRUPTCY_?—Shall we give them cause to
-say, we have only recovered our liberty and strength to commit, without
-shuddering, crimes which paled even the cheek of despotism?
-
-‘Would it be any excuse to protest, that this execrable mischief was not
-premeditated? Ah! no: the cries of the victims, whom we shall scatter
-over Europe, will drown our voice. Act then!—Be your measures swift,
-strong, sure. Dispel the cloud, that lowers over our heads, the gloom of
-which sheds terrour into the hearts of the creditors of France.—If it
-burst, the devastation of our national resources will be more tremendous
-than the terrible plague, which has lately ravaged our provinces.
-
-‘How will our courage in the exercise of the functions, you have
-confided to us, be renewed! With what vigour shall we labour in forming
-the constitution, when secured from interruption! We have sworn to save
-our country—judge of our anguish, whilst it trembles on the verge of
-destruction. A momentary sacrifice is sufficient; a sacrifice offered to
-the public good, and not to the encroachments of covetousness. And is
-this easy expiation of the faults and blunders of a period, stigmatized
-by political servitude, above our strength? Think of the price which has
-been paid for liberty by other nations, who have shown themselves worthy
-of it:—for this, rivers of blood have streamed—long years of woe, and
-horrid civil wars, have every where preceded the glorious birth!—Of us
-nothing is required, but a pecuniary sacrifice—and even this vulgar
-offering is not an impoverishing gift:—it will return into our bosom, to
-enrich our cities, our fields; augmenting our national glory and
-prosperity.’
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
- REFLECTIONS ON THE NEW MODE OF RAISING SUPPLIES. NO JUST SYSTEM OF
- TAXATION YET ESTABLISHED. PAPER MONEY. NECESSITY OF GRADUAL REFORM.
-
-
-The task certainly was very difficult, at this crisis, for a minister to
-give satisfaction to the people, and yet supply the wants of the state;
-for it was not very likely that the public, who had been exclaiming
-against the incessant demands of the old government, would have been
-pleased with new burdens, or patiently endured them. Still it is always
-the height of folly in a financier, to attempt to supply the exigencies
-of government by any but specific and certain means: for such vague
-measures will ever produce a _deficit_, the consequences of which are
-most pernicious to public credit and private comfort.
-
-A man, who has a precise sum to live upon, generally takes into his
-estimate of expences a certain part of his income as due to the
-government, for the protection and social advantages it secures him.
-This proportion of his income being commonly the same from period to
-period, he lays it by for that particular purpose, and contentedly
-enjoys the remainder. But, should a weak minister, or a capricious
-government, call on him for an additional sum, because the taxes have
-proved unproductive, either through the inability of some of the members
-of the state, or that they were laid on articles of consumption, and the
-consumption has not been equal to the calculation; it not only deranges
-his schemes of domestic economy, but may be the cause of the most
-serious inconvenience.
-
-A man who has a limited income, and a large family, is not only obliged
-to be very industrious to support them, but he is likewise necessitated
-to make all his arrangements with the greatest circumspection and
-exactness; because a trifling loss, by involving him in debt, might lead
-to his ruin, including that of his family. The rich man, indeed, seldom
-thinks of these most cruel misfortunes; for a few pounds, more or less,
-are of no real importance to him. Yet the poor man, nay even the man of
-moderate fortune, is liable to have his whole scheme of life broken by a
-circumstance of this kind, and all his future days embittered by a
-perpetual struggle with pecuniary vexations.
-
-Governments, which ought to protect, and not oppress mankind, cannot be
-too regular in their demands; for the manner of levying taxes is of the
-highest importance to political economy, and the happiness of
-individuals. No government has yet established a just system of
-taxation[31]: for in every country the expences of government have
-fallen unequally on the citizens; and, perhaps, it is not possible to
-render them perfectly equal, but by laying all the taxes on land, the
-mother of every production.
-
-In this posture of affairs, the enthusiasm of the french in the cause of
-liberty might have been turned to the advantage of a new and permanent
-system of finance. An able, bold minister, who possessed the confidence
-of the nation, might have recommended with success the taking of the
-national property under the direct management of the assembly; and then
-endeavouring to raise a loan on that property, he would have given
-respectability to the new government, by immediately procuring the
-supplies indispensably necessary not only to keep it, but to put it in
-motion.
-
-In times of civil commotion, or during a general convulsion, men who
-have money, and they are commonly most timid and cautious, are very apt
-to take care of it, even at the expence of their interest; and,
-therefore, it was to be presumed, that the monied men of France would
-not have been very ready to subscribe to the different loans proposed by
-the minister, unless the security had been obvious, or the speculative
-advantages exorbitant. But if Necker, whom the prudent usurer adored as
-his tutelar god, had said to the nation ‘there is a property worth
-4,700,000,000 _l._ independent of the property of the emigrants, take it
-into your immediate possession; and, whilst the sales are going on, give
-it as a guarantee for the loan you want. This just and dignified measure
-will not only relieve your present necessities, but it will be
-sufficient to enable you to fulfil great part of your former
-engagements.’ There would have been then no need of the eloquence of
-Mirabeau; reason would have done the business; and men, attending to
-their own interest, would have promoted the public good, without having
-their heads turned giddy by romantic flights of heroism.
-
-The immediate and incessant wants of a state must always be supplied;
-prudence therefore, requires, that the directors of the finances should
-rather provide by anticipation for it’s wants than suffer a _deficit_.
-The government being once in arrears, additional taxes become
-indispensable to bring forward the balance, or the nation must have
-recourse to paper notes; an expedient, as experience has shown, always
-to be dreaded, because by increasing the debt it only extends the evil.
-And this increasing debt, like a ball of snow, gathering as it rolls,
-soon attains a wonderful magnitude. Every state, which has unavoidably
-accumulated it’s debt, ought, provided those at the helm wish to
-preserve the government, and extend the security and comforts of it’s
-citizens, to take every just measure to render the interest secure, and
-to fund the principal; for as it augments, like the petrifying mass, it
-stands in the way of all improvement, spreading the chilling miseries of
-poverty around—till the evil baffling all expedients, a mighty crash
-produces a new order of things, overwhelming, with the ruins of the old,
-thousands of innocent victims.
-
-The precious metals have been considered as the best of all possible
-signs of value, to facilitate the exchange of commodities, to supply our
-reciprocal wants: and they will ever be necessary to our comfort, whilst
-by the common consent of mankind they are the standards of exchange.
-Gold and silver have a specific value, because it is not easy to
-accumulate them beyond a certain quantity. Paper, on the contrary, is a
-dangerous expedient, except under a well established government: and
-even then the business ought to be conducted with great moderation and
-sagacity.—Perhaps it would be wise, that it’s extent should be
-consistent with the commerce of the country, and the quantity of species
-actually in it—But it is the spirit of commerce to stretch credit too
-far. The notes, also, which are issued by a state before it’s government
-is well established, will certainly be depreciated; and in proportion as
-they grow precarious, the gold and silver, which was formerly in
-circulation will vanish, and every article of trade, and all the
-comforts of life, will bear a higher price.
-
-These are considerations, which ought to have occurred to the french
-minister, and have led him to take decided measures. The interest of the
-national debt was 255,395,141 _l._ by a report for the year
-1792.—Necker, by his account dated the 1st of may, 1789, states the
-income at 475,294,000 _l._, and the expences at 531,533,000 _l._:
-consequently there was a deficiency of 56,239,000 _l._; and it was not
-probable, it could not even be expected, that during the convulsions of
-a revolution, the taxes would be regularly paid: the debt, then, and the
-demands of the state, must increase.
-
-The credit of every government greatly depends on the regulation of it’s
-finances; and the most certain way to have given stability to the new
-system, would have been by making such arrangements as would have
-insured promptitude of payment. No minister ever had it so much in his
-power to have taken measures glorious for France, beneficial to Europe,
-happy for the people of the day, and advantageous to posterity. No
-epocha, since the inflated system of paper (the full blown bladders of
-public credit, which may be destroyed by the prick of a pin) was
-invented, ever appeared so favourable as that juncture in France, to
-have overturned it completely: and by overlooking these circumstances,
-the nation has probably lost most of the advantages, which her finances
-might have gained by the revolution.
-
-Such mistakes, whilst they involve in them a thousand difficulties,
-prove the necessity of gradual reform; lest the light, suddenly
-breaking-in on a benighted people, should overpower the understanding it
-ought to direct. The line in which Necker had been accustomed to move,
-by restraining what little energy his mind was capable of exerting,
-precluded the possibility of his seeing the faint lines marked on an
-expansive scale, which afforded the data for calculations; and the
-nation, confiding to him the direction of a business for which he had
-not sufficient talents, seems to have contemplated in imagination a
-prospect, which has not yet been realized; and whilst expectation
-hovered on it’s margin, the dazzling scenery was obscured by clouds the
-most threatening and tremendous.
-
-These are evils that from the beginning of time have attended
-precipitate and great changes. The improvements in philosophy and morals
-have been extremely tardy. All sudden revolutions have been as suddenly
-overturned, and things thrown back below their former state. The
-improvements in the science of politics have been still more slow in
-their advancement than those of philosophy and morals; but the
-revolution in France has been progressive. It was a revolution in the
-minds of men; and only demanded a new system of government to be adapted
-to that change. This was not generally perceived; and the politicians of
-the day ran wildly from one extreme to the other, without recollecting,
-that even Moses sojourning forty years in the wilderness could but
-conduct the jews to the borders of the promised land, after the first
-generation had perished in their prejudices; the most inveterate sins of
-men.
-
-This is not a discouraging consideration. Our ancestors have laboured
-for us; and we, in our turn, must labour for posterity. It is by tracing
-the mistakes, and profiting from the discoveries of one generation, that
-the next is able to take a more elevated stand. The first inventor of
-any instrument has scarcely ever been able to bring it to a tolerable
-degree of perfection; and the discoveries of every man of genius, the
-optics of Newton excepted, have been improved, if not extended, by their
-followers.—Can it then be expected, that the science of politics and
-finance, the most important, and most difficult of all human
-improvements; a science which involves the passions, tempers, and
-manners of men and nations, estimates their wants, maladies, comforts,
-happiness, and misery, and computes the sum of good or evil flowing from
-social institutions; will not require the same gradations, and advance
-by steps equally slow to that state of perfection necessary to secure
-the sacred rights of every human creature?
-
-The vanity and weakness of men have continually tended to retard this
-progress of things: still it is going forward; and though the fatal
-presumption of the headstrong french, and the more destructive ambition
-of their foreign enemies, have given it a check, we may contemplate with
-complacent serenity the approximation of the glorious era, when the
-appellations of fool and tyrant will be synonymous.
-
-
-
-
- AN
- HISTORICAL AND MORAL VIEW
- OF THE
- FRENCH REVOLUTION.
-
-
-
-
- _BOOK V._
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I.
- ERROUR OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN NEGLECTING TO SECURE THE FREEDOM OF
- FRANCE. IT’S CONDUCT COMPARED WITH THAT OF THE AMERICAN STATES.
-NECESSITY OF FORMING A NEW CONSTITUTION AS SOON AS AN OLD GOVERNMENT IS
- DESTROYED. THE DECLARING THE KING INVIOLABLE A WRONG MEASURE. SECURITY
- OF THE FRENCH AGAINST A COUNTERREVOLUTION. THE FLIGHT OF THE KING
- MEDITATED.
-
-
-The conduct of the assembly in losing so much time—the most precious
-time to secure the happiness of their country, and enable the present
-generation to participate in the blessings they were preparing for
-posterity, instead of having to encounter all the miseries of anarchy,
-can never be sufficiently lamented. France had already gained her
-freedom; the nation had already ascertained certain, and the most
-important, political truths: it ought, therefore, to have been the next
-consideration, how these were to be preserved, and the liberty of the
-empire consolidated on a basis that time would only render more firm.
-
-Moderate men, or real patriots, would have been satisfied with what had
-been gained, for the present, allowing the rest to follow progressively.
-It was the most political and the most reasonable way to secure the
-acquisition. In this situation France had to contend with the prejudices
-of half Europe, at least, and to counteract the influence of the
-insidious intriguers, who were opposing themselves to her regeneration;
-to facilitate which the assembly ought to have made it one of their main
-objects to render the king contented with the change; and then the
-machinations of all the underminers of the revolution, would not have
-loosened one fundamental stone, to endanger the rising edifice.
-
-Such is the difference between men acting from a practical knowledge,
-and men who are governed entirely by theory, or no principle whatever.
-Most of the United States of America formed their separate constitutions
-within a month, and none took more than three, after the declaration of
-their independence by congress. There certainly was a vast distinction
-between those States, then the colonies of Great Britain, and France
-after the 14th of july; but both countries were without a government.
-America with an enemy in the heart of their empire, and France
-threatened with an attack. The leading men of America, however, knew,
-that there was a necessity of having some kind of government, and seem
-to have perceived the ease, with which any subsequent alterations could
-be effected. The members of the national assembly, on the contrary,
-found themselves surrounded with ruins; and aiming at a state of
-perfection for which the minds of the people were not sufficiently
-mature; affecting likewise to be directed by a magnanimous
-disinterestedness, they not only planted the germ of the most dangerous
-and licentious spirit, but they continued to irritate the desperate
-courtiers, who, having determined to oppose stratagem to force, and not
-succeeding, rested all their future hopes on the king’s escape.
-
-The liberty of the press, which had been virtually established, at this
-period, was a successful engine employed against the assembly. And to a
-nation celebrated for epigrammatic fancy, and whose taste had been so
-refined by art, that they had lost the zest of nature, the simplicity of
-some of the members, their awkward figures, and rustic gait, compared
-with the courtly mien, and easy assurance of the chevaliers of
-Versailles, afforded an excellent subject. Some of these satires were
-written with considerable wit, and such a happy turn of caricature, that
-it is impossible not to laugh with the author, though indirectly
-ridiculing the principles you hold sacred. The most respectable decrees,
-the most important, and serious discussions, were twisted into jests;
-which divided the people without doors into two distinct parties; one,
-speaking of the assembly with sovereign contempt, as a set of upstarts
-and babbling knaves; and the other, setting up new thrones for their
-favourites, and viewing them with blind admiration, as if they were a
-synod of demi-gods. The contenancing of this abuse of freedom was
-ill-judged. The different parties were already sufficiently heated; yet
-it would have been impossible, perhaps, to have restrained the temper of
-the times, so strong is the intoxication of a new folly, though it would
-have been easy for the assembly to have passed a decree respecting
-libels. But so ardent was become their passion for liberty, that they
-were unable to discriminate between a licentious use of that important
-invention, and it’s real utility. Treating then with an untimely disdain
-the many abusive publications, which were sold within the very walls
-where they were sitting, they were not aware of the effect which they
-produced on the minds of mock heroes, who, having no principle but
-honour, were ready to risk their lives to sooth distressed beauty, no
-matter what produced it; or to alleviate the sufferings of a king,
-though the consequence of his turpitude or tergiversation.
-
-After the wreck of a government the plan of a new constitution ought to
-be immediately formed, that is, as soon as circumstances will possibly
-admit, and presented to the citizens for their acceptance; or rather the
-people should depute men for that purpose, and give them a limited time
-for framing one. A constitution is a standard for the people to rally
-round. It is the pillar of a government, the bond of all social unity
-and order. The investigation of it’s principles makes it a fountain of
-light; from which issue the rays of reason, that gradually bring forward
-the mental powers of the whole community. And whenever the wheels of
-government, like the wheels of any other machine, are found clogged, or
-do not move in a regular manner, they equally require alteration and
-improvement: and these improvements will be proportionably perfect as
-the people become enlightened.
-
-The authority of the national assembly had been acknowledged nearly
-three months previous to this epocha, without their having taken any
-decided steps to secure these important ends. Indeed it does not appear
-to have been their first object. They seem not to have known, or at
-least not to have been apprehensive, that, in proportion to the length
-of time that the people are without an established government,
-anarchists gain an ascendancy over their minds; and it then becomes no
-easy task to form a constitution adapted to their wayward tempers.
-
-When a few fundamental principles are ascertained, and the state has
-determined that they shall form the basis of it’s polity, it seems to be
-no difficult matter to give motion to the new springs of government. It
-is true, that many of the prejudices of frenchmen were still inveterate,
-and in some measure influenced them; and it is also certain, that their
-total ignorance of the operations of any rational system of government
-was an impediment to this motion; but it is nevertheless to be presumed,
-that, the liberty of frenchmen having been previously secured by the
-establishment of the declaration of rights, if the assembly had formed
-some kind of a constitution, and proposed it to the nation, and to the
-king, if he were considered as forming a part of it, for their
-acceptation, the dispute between the people and court would have been
-brought to a speedy issue; and the public attention directed to a point
-would have given dignity and respectability to their proceedings. If
-such measures had been followed, and it appears a little strange they
-were not, most probably the king and court, perceiving that their future
-consequence wholly depended on their acquiescence with the state of
-reason, and temper of the times, would have relinquished all those
-absurd and dangerous projects for overturning the rising political
-fabric of the nation, which anarchy fostered.
-
-It is the pillars of a building, which indicate it’s durability, and not
-the minor beams that are inserted through them, in order to rear the
-structure. The natural, civil, and political rights of man are the main
-pillars of all social happiness; and by the firm establishment of them,
-the freedom of men will be eternally secured. The moment, therefore, a
-state has gained those important and sacred privileges, it is clear,
-that it ought to form some kind of government, grounded upon this firm
-and broad basis, that being the only possible way to give them
-permanency. But the constituent assembly, unmindful of the dreadful
-effects beginning to flow from an unbounded licentiousness, continued to
-pursue a romantic sublimity of character, dangerous to all sublunary
-laws; whilst most interestedly attentive to things that should have been
-subordinate to their first object, they were led into a procrastination,
-which in it’s consequence has been fatal in the extreme.
-
-The decree which made the king inviolable, passed on the 15th of
-September, at the time the crown was declared hereditary, and the empire
-indivisible, was the most idle, if not the most dangerous measure, both
-for him and France, which could have been devised. The former life of
-Louis had exhibited a series of follies, and displayed an insincerity
-not to be tolerated, much less encouraged; and it was likely, if this
-doctrine, a relict of the abasement of ignorance, that kings can do no
-wrong, should be carried into a law, forming part of the constitution,
-that he would avail himself of the decree of the assembly to cover his
-contempt of the national sovereignty. When kings are considered by the
-government of a country merely as ciphers, it is very just and proper,
-that their ministers should be responsible for their political conduct:
-but at the moment when a state is about to establish a constitution on
-the basis of reason, to undermine that foundation by a master-piece of
-absurdity, appears a solecism as glaring as the doctrine itself is
-laughable, when applied to an enlightened policy. In fact, whilst
-Mirabeau contended for the infallibility of the king, he seems to have
-had no right from reason to deride those who respected that of the
-church: for, if the government must necessarily be supported by a pious
-fraud, one was as respectable as the other.
-
-The bigotry of Louis was well known; nay, it was notorious, that he
-employed his confessor to erase from his tender conscience the
-remembrance of the vices he resolved to indulge, and to reconcile the
-meanest dissimulation with a servile fear of the Being whose first
-attribute is truth.—This man, whose bestiality had been carefully
-pampered by the queen and count d’Artois, because in those moments of
-revelry, prolonged to the most disgusting excess of gluttony and
-intoxication, he would sanction all their demands, was made in his
-person and conduct sacred and unimpeachable. This was the extreme folly
-of weakness. But, when it is also kept in view, that, at the very period
-when he was declared inviolable, he was suspected, in concert with the
-court, to be actually meditating his flight, there seems to be a
-pusillanimity in it as contemptible as the pretended dignity of the
-assembly was ridiculous.
-
-True firmness consists in doing whatever is just and reasonable,
-uninfluenced by any other consideration. The defining the power of the
-crown in the assembly to be subordinate to the authority of the people
-must have appeared to the kings of Europe a dangerous encroachment on
-their indefeasible rights:—a heresy tending to undermine their
-privileges, should such audacity pass unchastized, and to destroy the
-splendour of royalty by presuming to control it’s omnipotence. It was
-then scarcely to be expected, that their resentment would be appeased by
-shielding the person of Louis against the danger of intrigue and
-violence. It was not, indeed, the preservation of the life of this
-unfortunate man, that interested them so sensibly as to appall the
-sycophants of Europe.—No; it was the attack made on despotism; and the
-attempt to draw aside the splendid curtain which concealed it’s folly,
-that threw them into a general ferment and agitation. This agitation
-could not fail to inspire the court of Versailles with hope, and they
-stood prepared to take advantage of the gathering storm, as eagerly as a
-distressed mariner, who has long laid becalmed, perceiving at length a
-gentle heaving of the sea, and feeling the undulating motion of his
-bark, foresees the approaching breeze, and spreads his sails to catch
-the first breath of wind. The effect of the feigned or real pity of many
-of the admirers of the old system, who were deeply wounded by the wrong
-done, as they insisted, to their king, was to be dreaded; for it was not
-to be supposed, that the chivalrous spirit of France would be destroyed
-in an instant, though _swords had ceased to leap out of their scabbards_
-when beauty was not deified. It was then undoubtedly to be feared, that
-they would risk their lives and fortunes to support the glory of their
-master, and their own notions of honour: and the assembly, by making
-Louis not accountable for any of his actions, however insincere, unjust,
-or atrocious, was affording all his abettors a shelter, encouraging at
-the same time his hypocrisy, and relaxing the little energy of
-character, which his misfortune seemed to be calling into play.
-
-Mistaken lenity in politics is not more dangerous than a false
-magnanimity is palpable littleness in the eyes of a man of simple
-integrity. Besides, had the representatives of the people considered
-Louis merely as a man, it is probable he would have acted more like one.
-Instead of palliating the matter, they should, on the contrary, have
-proclaimed to all Europe, with a tone of dignified firmness, that the
-french nation, willing for themselves, regardless of the rights and
-privileges of others, though respecting their prejudices, finding that
-no compromise could be formed between the court and people, whose
-interest neither justice nor policy ever required should be distinct, do
-not consider themselves accountable to any power or congress on earth,
-for any measure they may choose to adopt in framing a constitution to
-regulate their own internal polity. That treating their monarch like a
-man, and not as a mere idol for state pageantry, they would wish, by
-establishing the dignity of truth and justice, to give stability to the
-freedom of frenchmen, and leave a monument in their institutions to
-immortalize a sincere and acquiescing king. But that, though their ideas
-might differ greatly from those of their neighbours, with whom they
-desired to live on the most amicable terms, they would pursue the path
-of eternal reason in consolidating the rights of man; and by a striking
-example lay the foundation of the liberty of the whole globe, of that
-liberty which had hitherto been confined to the small island of England,
-and enjoyed imperfectly even there.
-
-The house of Austria was at this period engaged in a war with the turks,
-which obliged it to withdraw most of it’s troops from Flanders; and the
-intelligence, that the flemings, highly discontented with the
-innovations, which the vain weathercock Joseph the Second had made in
-their form of worship, were on the eve of an insurrection, more against
-the folly of the man than the despotism of his court, calmed the fears
-of the french, as to the danger of being immediately attacked by
-Germany. This security, for they had no dread of Sardinia, made them
-consider the possibility of a counter-revolution being effected by
-foreign enemies as far from alarming. It is true, there was not any just
-cause of apprehension, unless they took into the calculation, that the
-policy of Europe for ages past had been subject to sudden changes; a
-state of profound tranquillity giving place to sanguinary scenes of
-confusion, and inhuman butcheries—often about such trifling insults and
-idle pretentions, as individuals would be ashamed to make a pretext for
-quarrelling; and having reason to expect these changes as long as the
-systems of courts preserve their existence, France could not reckon,
-with any degree of certainty, on the continuation of peace.—Neither did
-the national assembly appear to have calculated upon it; for they
-undoubtedly betrayed symptoms of pusillanimity, when they suffered their
-conduct to be in the smallest degree influenced by the apprehension of a
-combination of the crowned heads of Europe to replace the royal diadem
-of France, should the most brilliant of it’s jewels be touched by
-profane hands.
-
-These fears, perhaps, were the secret cause, combined with the old habit
-of adoring the king, as a point of honour, and loving the court, as an
-affair of taste, that induced them to preserve the shadow of monarchy in
-the new order of things. It’s preservation might have been politically
-necessary; because, before abolishing any ancient form, it is necessary
-to secure whatever political good may have flowed from it, and guard
-against being exhausted by cutting off an excrescence.—But, if the
-continuance of a king in the new system were expedient to avert present
-evil, they should have allowed him the power necessary to give energy to
-the government; and making him responsible for the rectitude of his
-actions, the man would have had a fair trial, and posterity, judging of
-his conduct, would have been enabled to form a just estimate of a kingly
-government.
-
-Machiavelian cunning, however, still directed the movements of all the
-courts of Europe; and these political moles, too well perceiving the
-timidity that was mixed with the blustering courage of the assembly,
-only waited for a favourable season to overturn the rising edifice.
-Their agents had private instructions to promote the escape of Louis, as
-the surest mode of making a decided schism in the national politics; and
-they firmly believed, that the affection still subsisting for his
-christian majesty would facilitate the execution of their plan. The
-court also presuming on the divisions and lenity of the assembly, took
-the most indefatigable pains to foster in the mind of the public, nay,
-in that of all Europe, pity for the degraded person of the king, and
-detestation of the sacrilege, which had been committed on the dignity of
-royalty. Their continual theme was the ignominious state to which the
-most mild of the Bourbons was reduced, by men, who usurped the reins of
-government, and trampled on the honours of that august and ancient
-family. Restraining the authority of a throne, which supported the most
-abominable tyranny, they were shaking the despotism, which held in
-bondage nine-tenths of the inhabitants of the world. These were alarming
-signals to a certain class of men, to the drones and myrmidons who live
-on the spoil and blood of industry and innocence. The intrusion of
-knowledge, which was sure to render them an useless set of beings in
-society, was to be prevented by ingenious clamours, whilst a great
-number of weak, well-meaning people, and still more knaves, enlisted
-under their banner.
-
-The universal damp, which the revolution had given to the courts of
-Europe, producing among them a lively sympathy for the sombre atmosphere
-of Versailles, a general sorrow was consequently expressed by all their
-minions, and expressed with unfeigned concern; for the want of the usual
-routine of amusements tended to make it real. Hope, indeed, began again
-to animate them, when the king was prevailed on to concert his escape;
-yet their eagerness to accelerate his departure for the frontiers, where
-they purposed to erect the royal standard, to avail themselves of the
-proximity of german connections, was in a great degree the cause of
-defeating that ill-contrived design.
-
-A design formed very early, and systematically pursued, was probably
-rendered entirely abortive by the obstinacy of the court; who still
-persisted to cherish the belief, that the public opinion was changed
-only for the moment, and that their deeply rooted love of royalty would
-bring them back to what they termed their duty, when the effervescence
-excited by novelty had subsided. And thinking, that the cordial
-reception given by the parisians to the soldiery had contributed to
-estrange them, and effect the revolution, they determined to regain
-their lost ground, and dazzle them by feasts, instead of stealing on
-their affections by hospitality.—Still, bearing impatiently their
-humiliating situation, the courtiers could not help vauntingly exposing
-their project; and the babbling of joy showed the weakness of the heads,
-that could so soon be intoxicated by hope.
-
-A preparatory step was thought necessary to awaken a sense of allegiance
-in the breasts of the people, and to promote a division amongst them, if
-not their entire concurrence, after the cabinet should have securely in
-their possession the person of the king; and this division would then
-enable them to calculate their strength, and act accordingly. For this
-purpose, in spite of the comments that had been made on the festivity at
-Versailles, which seemed before to insult the misery of the people, and
-greatly tended to provoke the exertions that overturned the Bastille and
-changed the whole face of things, they projected another entertainment
-to seduce the military, encouraged to throng round the court, whilst
-famine was at the very gates of Paris. But previously the old french
-guards, who had been incorporated with the _garde-bourgeoise_, began to
-manifest some symptoms of discontent at not being allowed to guard the
-person of the king. Whether they considered their honour as wounded, or
-were spirited up to aspire at regaining this privilege, is not decided;
-but it is clear, that the court, either to facilitate the entrance of
-fresh troops, or from a real dislike to men, who had taken such an
-active part in disconcerting their first plot, opposed their wish; and
-even the municipality, as has been already noticed, was induced to
-request, that a regiment of fresh troops might be called in to guard the
-person of the king, and keep the peace, which this trifling dispute,
-swelled into an insurrection in the report, threatened to disturb.
-
-The king’s body-guards, whose time of service expired the first of
-october, were still retained with those who came to replace them; and an
-immense crowd of supernumeraries continued daily to increase this corps,
-which had not yet sworn allegiance to the nation. The officers, in
-particular, flocked to Versailles, amounting to between eleven or twelve
-hundred, constantly parading together. The universal topic was
-commiseration of the king’s fate, and insinuations respecting the
-ambition of the assembly. Yet, even there the court party seemed to be
-prevailing: a president attached to loyalty was elected; and Mirabeau’s
-remonstrances, respecting the augmentation of the troops, were
-disregarded.
-
-Mean time, not only the officers of the new regiment, but those of the
-national guards, were caressed by the court, whilst the citizens, with
-more sagacity, were lavish of their attention to the soldiers. The
-cabinet had not sufficient discernment to perceive, that the people were
-now to be led, not driven; and the popular promoters of anarchy, to
-serve their private interest, availed themselves, unfortunately, but too
-well of this want of judgment.—Thus whilst one party, declaiming on the
-necessity of order, seemed to be endeavouring to rivet on them the
-chains of servitude, the other lifted them above the law with vain
-glorious notions of their sovereignty.—And this sovereignty of the
-people, the perfection of the science of government, only to be attained
-when a nation is truly enlightened, consisted in making them tyrants;
-nay the worst of tyrants, because the instruments of mischief of the
-men, who pretended to be subordinate to their will, though acting the
-very part of the ministers whom they execrated.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II.
-ENTERTAINMENT AT VERSAILLES. THE NATIONAL COCKADE TRAMPLED UNDER FOOT. A
-MOB OF WOMEN PROCEED TO THE HOTEL-DE-VILLE—AND THENCE TO VERSAILLES. THE
-KING’S REPLY TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY’S REQUEST, THAT HE WOULD SANCTION
- THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS AND THE FIRST ARTICLES OF THE CONSTITUTION.
- DEBATES ON IT. ARRIVAL OF THE MOB AT VERSAILLES. THE KING RECEIVES A
- DEPUTATION FROM THE WOMEN, AND SANCTIONS THE DECREE FOR THE FREE
-CIRCULATION OF GRAIN. THE ASSEMBLY SUMMONED. LA FAYETTE ARRIVES WITH THE
- PARISIAN MILITIA. THE PALACE ATTACKED BY THE MOB—WHO ARE DISPERSED BY
-THE NATIONAL GUARDS. REFLECTIONS ON THE CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF ORLEANS.
-
-
-On the first of october, in consequence of these fresh machinations, a
-magnificent entertainment was given in the name of the king’s
-body-guards; but really by some of their principal officers, at the
-opera-house of the castle. The affectation of excluding the dragoons,
-distinguished for their attachment to liberty, seemed to show, but too
-plainly, the end in view, rendered still more conspicuous by the unusual
-familiarity of persons of the first rank with the lowest soldiers.
-
-When their heads were heated by a sumptuous banquet, by the tumult of an
-immense crowd, and the great profusion of delicious wines and
-_liqueurs_, the conversation, purposely turned into one channel, became
-unrestrained, and a chivalrous scene completed the folly. The queen, to
-testify her satisfaction for the homage paid to her, and the wishes
-expressed in her favour, exhibited herself to this half-drunken
-multitude; carrying the dauphin in her arms, whom she regarded with a
-mixture of sorrow and tenderness, and seeming to implore in his favour
-the affection and zeal of the soldiers.
-
-This acting, for it is clear that the whole was a preconcerted business,
-was still more intoxicating than the wine.—The exclamation _vive le roi,
-vive la reine_, resounded from all sides, and the royal healths were
-drunk over drawn swords, whilst that of the nation was rejected with
-contempt by the body-guards. The music, the choice could not have been
-the effect of chance, played the well known air—O Richard! O my king!
-the universe abandons thee[32]! and during this moment of fascination
-some voices, perhaps bribed for the occasion, mingled execrations
-against the assembly. A grenadier even darted from the midst of his
-comrades, and accusing himself of having been unfaithful to his prince,
-endeavoured, several times, to plunge his sword into his bosom. His held
-arm was not indeed allowed to search for the disloyal heart; but some
-blood was permitted to flow—and this theatrical display of sensibility,
-carried to the highest pitch, produced emotions almost convulsive in the
-whole circle, of which an english reader can scarcely form an idea. The
-king, who is always represented as innocent, though always giving proofs
-that he more than connived at the attempts to recover his power, was
-likewise prevailed on to show himself at this entertainment. And some of
-the same soldiery, who had refused to second the former project of the
-cabal, were now induced to utter insults and menaces against the very
-authority, they then supported. ‘The national cockade,’ exclaimed
-Mirabeau, ‘that emblem of the defenders of liberty, has been torn in
-pieces, and stamped under foot; and another ensign put in it’s
-place.—Yes; even under the eye of the monarch, who allowed himself to be
-styled—_Restorer of the rights of his people_, they have dared to hoist
-a signal of faction.’
-
-The same scene was renewed two days after, though with less parade; and
-invitations for a similar treat were given for the following week.
-
-The rumour respecting them, which reached Paris, contained many
-exaggerated circumstances; and was regarded as the commencement of fresh
-hostilities, on the part of the court. The cry now was, that the stunned
-aristocracy had again reared it’s head; and that a number of old
-officers, chevaliers of St. Louis, had signed a promise to join the
-body-guards in a new attempt. This list was said to contain thirty
-thousand signatures; and idle as the tale was, it seemed to be confirmed
-by the appearance of white and black cockades, which inconsiderate
-individuals displayed at the risk of their lives. These, said the
-parisians, are the first indications of a projected civil war—the court
-wish only to have the king safe to head them before they speak out:—he
-ought, therefore, to be removed to Paris, inferred the politicians of
-the palais royal. The exasperating of the people in this manner was
-certainly the most absurd blundering folly that could have ruined a
-party, who apparently saw the necessity of dividing the people in order
-to conquer them. It was, in fact, a species of madness, and can be
-accounted for only by recollecting the ineffable contempt really felt by
-the court for the _canaille_, which made them still imagine the
-revolution to be only a temporary convulsion, not believing it possible,
-in spite of the daily events, that they could be crushed by the mass
-they despised. Their presumption proceeded from their ignorance, and was
-incurable.
-
-The queen was supposed to be at the head of this weak conspiracy, to
-withdraw the soldiery from siding with the people. She had presented
-colours to the national guards of Versailles, and when they waited on
-her to express their thanks, she replied, with the most winning
-affability, ‘the nation and the army ought to be as well affected to the
-king as we ourselves are. I was quite charmed with what passed on
-thursday.’ This was the day of the feast.
-
-A scarcity of bread, the common grievance of the revolution, aggravated
-the vague fears of the parisians, and made the people so desperate, that
-it was not difficult to persuade them to undertake any enterprize; and
-the torrent of resentment and enthusiasm required only to be directed to
-a point to carry every thing before it. Liberty was the constant watch
-word; though few knew in what it consisted.—It seems, indeed, to be
-necessary, that every species of enthusiasm should be fermented by
-ignorance to carry it to any height. Mystery alone gives full play to
-the imagination, men pursuing with ardour objects indistinctly seen or
-understood, because each man shapes them to his taste, and looks for
-something beyond even his own conception, when he is unable to form a
-just idea.
-
-The parisians were now continually brooding over the wrongs they had
-heretofore only enumerated in a song; and changing ridicule into
-invective, all called for redress, looking for a degree of public
-happiness immediately, which could not be attained, and ought not to
-have been expected, before an alteration in the national character
-seconded the new system of government.
-
-From the enjoyment of more freedom than the women of other parts of the
-world, those of France have acquired more independence of spirit than
-any others; it has, therefore, been the scheme of designing men very
-often since the revolution, to lurk behind them as a kind of safe-guard,
-working them up to some desperate act, and then terming it a folly,
-because merely the rage of women, who were supposed to be actuated only
-by the emotions of the moment. Early then on the fifth of october a
-multitude of women by some impulse were collected together; and
-hastening to the _hôtel-de-ville_ obliged every female they met to
-accompany them, even entering many houses to force others to follow in
-their train.
-
-The concourse, at first, consisted mostly of market women, and the
-lowest refuse of the streets, women who had thrown off the virtues of
-one sex without having power to assume more than the vices of the other.
-A number of men also followed them, armed with pikes, bludgeons, and
-hatchets; but they were strictly speaking a mob, affixing all the odium
-to the appellation it can possibly import; and not to be confounded with
-the honest multitude, who took the Bastille.—In fact, such a rabble has
-seldom been gathered together; and they quickly showed, that their
-movement was not the effect of public spirit.
-
-They first talked of addressing the committee appointed by the
-municipality to superintend the operations necessary to obtain provision
-for the city, and to remonstrate respecting their inattention or
-indifference to the public calamity. Mean time a new cord was fixed to
-the notorious lamp-iron, where the amusement of death was first
-tolerated. The national guards, forming a hedge of bayonets to prevent
-the women from entering the hotel, kept them in suspense a few
-moments.—When, uttering a loud and general cry, they hurled a volley of
-stones at the soldiers, who, unwilling, or ashamed, to fire on women,
-though with the appearance of furies, retreated into the hall, and left
-the passage free. They then sought for arms; and breaking open the doors
-of the magazines, soon procured fusils, cannons, and ammunition; and
-even took advantage of the confusion to carry off money and notes
-belonging to the public. In the interim some went to search for the
-volunteers of the Bastille, and chose a commander from among them to
-conduct the party to Versailles; whilst others tied cords to the
-carriages of the cannons to drag them along.—But these, being mostly
-marine artillery, did not follow with the alacrity necessary to accord
-with their wishes; they, therefore, stopped several coaches, forcing the
-men to get out and the ladies to join them; fastening the cannons
-behind, on which a number of the most furious mounted, brandishing
-whatever weapon they had found, or the matches of the cannons. Some
-drove the horses, and others charged themselves with the care of the
-powder and ball, falling into ranks to facilitate their march. They took
-the road by the _Champs Elysées_ about noon, to the number of four
-thousand, escorted by four or five hundred men, armed with every thing
-on which they could lay their hands.
-
-Mean time the _tocsin_ sounded from all parts; the french guards, still
-urged on by wounded pride, loudly declared, that the king ought to be
-brought to Paris; and many of the citizens, not on duty, concurred with
-the rest of the national guards in the same opinion, particularly those
-accustomed to attend the harangues at the Palais Royal. La Fayette,
-refusing to accompany, endeavoured to calm them. But finding, that the
-tumult increased, and that prayers were giving place to menaces, he
-offered to make known to the king, at their head, the wishes of the
-capital, if the municipality gave him orders to this effect. Their
-council was now assembled; yet prolonging the deliberation till between
-four and five o’clock in the afternoon, the people became so very
-impatient, that it was thought prudent to allow them to set out: and the
-exclamations of the populace proved how easy it was to govern, or lead
-them astray, by every fresh hope.
-
-Few events have happened at Paris, that have not been attributed by the
-different parties to the machinations of the leaders on the other side;
-to blacken whose characters, when they had the upper hand, the most
-audacious falsehoods have been industriously circulated; the detection
-of which has induced many calm observers to believe, that all the
-accounts of plots and conspiracies were fabricated in the same manner;
-not considering, that even the universality of these suspicions was a
-proof of the intriguing character of the people, who from a knowledge of
-themselves became thus mistrustful of others. It was currently reported,
-that very considerable sums had been distributed amongst the mob, before
-it marched to Versailles; and, though many fabulous stories of showers
-of gold have since been retailed by the credulous, this seems, from
-their subsequent conduct, to have had some foundation: for nothing like
-the heroism, the disinterestedness, appeared, which, in most other
-risings of the parisians, has formed a striking contrast with their
-barbarity; sometimes sufficient to oblige us, lamenting the delusions of
-ignorance, to give the soft name of enthusiasm to cruelty; respecting
-the intention, though detesting the effects. Now, on the contrary,
-acting like a gang of thieves, they gave colour to the report—that the
-first instigators of the riot were hired assassins.—And hired by
-whom?—The public voice repeats, on every side, the despicable duke of
-Orleans, whose immense estate had given him an undue influence in the
-bailliages, and who still exercised all the means that cunning could
-devise, and wealth produce, to revenge himself on the royal family. He
-was particularly incensed against the queen, who having treated him with
-the contempt which he doubtless merited, and even influenced the king to
-banish him to one of his country seats, when he uttered some popular
-sentiments, he continued to nourish the most implacable hatred to her
-person, whilst the changing sentiments of the nation respecting the
-present branch of his family excited in him hopes, that would at once
-have gratified both his revenge and his ambition.
-
-There is no calculating the mischief which may be produced by a
-revengeful cunning knave, possessing the forcible engine of gold to move
-his projects, and acting by agency, which, like a subterraneous fire,
-that for a long time has been putting the combustible matter into a
-state of fusion, bursts out unexpectedly, and the sudden eruption
-spreads around terrour and destruction.
-
-The agents of despotism, and of vengeful ambition, employed the same
-means to agitate the minds of the parisians; and covered as they now are
-with foul stains, it is an acknowledgement due to their original good
-disposition, to note, that at this period they were so orderly it
-required considerable management to lead them into any gross
-irregularity of conduct. It was, therefore, necessary for the duke’s
-instruments to put in motion a body of the most desperate women; some of
-whom were half famished for want of bread, which had purposely been
-rendered scarce to facilitate the atrocious design of murdering both the
-king and queen in a broil, that would appear to be produced solely by
-the rage of famine.
-
-The shameless manner in which the entertainment of the officers of the
-body-guards had been conducted; the indiscreet visit of the queen to
-interest the army in the cause of royalty, coming in artfully after the
-rabble of soldiers had been allowed to enter; together with the
-imprudent expressions of which she afterwards made use; served as
-pretexts, nay, may have been some of the causes of these women
-suspecting, that the dearth of bread in the capital was owing to the
-contrivance of the court, who had so often produced the same effect to
-promote their sinister purposes. They believed then, that the only sure
-way to remedy such a grievous calamity, in future, would be to implore
-the king to reside at Paris: and the national militia, composed of more
-orderly citizens, who thought the report of a premeditated escape was
-not without foundation, imagined, that they should nip a civil war in
-the bud, by preventing the king’s departure, and separate him
-effectually from the cabal, to whom they attributed all his misconduct.
-
-Whilst the multitude were advancing, the assembly were considering the
-king’s reply to their request to sanction the declaration of rights, and
-the first articles of the constitution, before the supplies were
-granted. The reply was couched in terms somewhat vague, yet it’s meaning
-could not be misunderstood.—He observed, that the articles of the
-constitution could be judged of only in their connection with the whole;
-nevertheless he thought it natural, that at the moment the nation was
-called upon to assist the government by a signal act of confidence and
-patriotism, they should expect to be re-assured respecting their
-principal interest.—‘Accordingly,’ he continues, ‘taking it for granted,
-that the first articles of the constitution, which you have presented to
-me, united to the completion of your labours, will satisfy the wishes of
-my people, and secure the happiness and prosperity of the kingdom,
-conformably to your desire I accept them; but with one positive
-condition, from which I will never depart; namely, that from the general
-result of your deliberations the executive power shall have it’s entire
-effect in the hands of the monarch. Still it remains for me to assure
-you with frankness, that, if I give my sanction of acceptance to the
-several articles, which you have laid before me, it is not because they
-indiscriminately give me an idea of perfection; but I believe it
-laudable in me to pay this respect to the wishes of the deputies of the
-nation, and to the alarming circumstances, which so earnestly press us
-to desire above all things the prompt re-establishment of peace, order,
-and confidence.
-
-‘I shall not deliver my sentiments respecting your declaration of the
-rights of man and of citizens. It contains excellent maxims proper to
-direct your deliberations; but principles susceptible of application,
-and even of different interpretations, cannot be justly appreciated, and
-have only need of being so when their true sense is determined by the
-laws, to which they ought to be the basis.’
-
-In the subterfuge employed in this answer, the profound dissimulation of
-the king appears; and that ‘pitiful respect for false honour,’ which
-makes a man boggle at a naked untruth, even when uttering a number of
-contemptible prevarications. Thus did he at first struggle against every
-concession, against granting any real freedom to the people; yet
-afterwards unable to maintain his ground, he impotently gave way before
-the storm he had raised, every time losing a part of the authority which
-depended on opinion.
-
-The assembly manifested an universal discontent. One of the members
-remarked, that the king withheld his acceptance of the declaration of
-rights; and only yielded to circumstances in accepting the
-constitutional articles: he, therefore, moved, that no taxes should be
-levied, before the declaration of rights and the constitution should be
-accepted, without any reservation.—Another asserted, that the king’s
-reply ought to have been counter-signed by one of the ministers. What an
-absurdity! yet the inviolability of the king standing in their way, it
-seemed to be necessary to secure ministerial responsibility, to render
-it null; not only to prevent the ministers from finding shelter behind
-it, but to make it utterly useless to the king, who was thus, literally
-speaking, reduced to a cipher. Mirabeau, however, after alluding with
-energy to the entertainment, which, out of derision, had been termed
-patriotic, made three or four motions. One was, ‘that no act emanating
-from the king should be declared without the signature of a secretary of
-state.’—So inconsistent was the man, who argued with such eloquence for
-the absolute _veto_:—Another was, ‘that his majesty would please to be
-explicit; and not by a conditional consent, extorted by circumstances,
-leave any doubt of his sincere concurrence in the mind of the people.’
-It was also noticed, to corroborate the inference, that the king was
-only yielding, for the moment, to opinions which he hoped to see
-exploded, that the decree for the circulation of grain had been altered
-before the publication, and the usual preamble, _for such is our
-pleasure_, formed a strange contrast with an acknowledgement of the
-legislative rights of the nation. Robespierre, particularly, maintained,
-that the nation had not any need of the assistance of the monarch to
-constitute itself—that the king’s reply was not an acceptance, but a
-censure; and, consequently, an attack on the rights of the people.
-
-This seemed virtually the opinion of the assembly, though Mirabeau’s
-soft style of expressing their will was adopted. It was particularly in
-this decision, that the deputies displayed a great degree of the
-weakness, which mistakes temerity for courage, and the shadow of justice
-for verity.—And affecting to say, to reconcile a contradiction, that the
-authority of kings is suspended as often as the sovereign is occupied in
-framing the elements of the constitution, or altering fundamental laws,
-they demonstrated the inconsistency of their own system, and
-acknowledged it’s absurdity; which is still more flagrantly shown in
-Mirabeau’s irrational declaration, that, ‘by a pious fiction of the law,
-the king cannot himself deceive; but the grievances of the people
-demanding victims, these victims are the ministers.’
-
-At this juncture of the debate the tumultuous concourse of women arrived
-at Versailles: but it must not be unnoticed, that there was a number of
-men with them, disguised in women’s clothes; which proves, that this was
-not, as has been asserted, a sudden impulse of necessity, There were
-besides men in their own garb armed like ruffians, with countenances
-answerable, who, swearing vengeance against the queen and the
-body-guards, seemed to be preparing to put their threats in execution.
-Some barbarians, volunteers in guilt, might perhaps have joined, spurred
-on solely by the hope of plunder, and a love of tumult; but it is clear,
-that the principal movers played a surer game.
-
-The women had taken two routes; and one party, without arms, presented
-themselves at the gate of the assembly, whilst the other clustered round
-the palace waiting for them. The avenues were already filled with
-body-guards, the flanders regiment was drawn up in ranks; in short, the
-soldiers were gathered together quickly in one quarter, though the
-people of Versailles were exceedingly alarmed, and particularly by the
-appearance of the vagabonds, who followed the female mob.
-
-With some difficulty the women were prevailed on to allow a few to enter
-orderly into the assembly, with a spokesman to make known their demand;
-whilst crowds, taking refuge in the galleries from the rain, presented
-there the strange sight of pikes, fusils, and tremendous sticks bound
-with iron. Their orator represented the grievances of the people, and
-the necessity of continually providing for their subsistence: he
-expressed the concern of the parisians on account of the slow formation
-of the constitution, and attributed this delay to the opposition of the
-clergy. A bishop then presided in the absence of Mounier, the president,
-who had been dispatched by the assembly with their expostulatory
-petition to the king. A deputy, to spare him the embarrassment of a
-reply to the insinuation against his order, reprimanded the petitioner
-for calumniating that respectable body. He accordingly made an apology,
-yet justified himself by declaring, that he only reported the purport of
-the discontentment of Paris. They were informed, in reply, by the
-vice-president, that a deputation was already sent to the king,
-requesting his sanction of a decree to facilitate the interiour
-circulation of grain and flour: and finding, that it was impossible to
-attend to the business of the day, he adjourned the assembly, without
-waiting for the return of the president.
-
-The women about the palace entered into conversation with the soldiers,
-some of whom said, ‘that were the king to recover all his authority, the
-people would never want bread!’ This indiscreet insinuation exasperated
-them; and they replied in the language, that is proverbial for being the
-most abusive. A fray also ensuing, brought on by a dispute relative to
-the affair of the cockades, one of the body-guards drew his sword, which
-provoked a national guard of Versailles to give him a blow with his
-musket, that broke his arm.
-
-The national troops were eager to convince the mob, that they were
-equally offended at the disrespect paid to the emblem of liberty; and
-the flemish regiment, though they were in battle array, made the women
-let their rings drop into their guns, to be convinced that they were not
-charged: saying, ‘It was true, they had drunk the wine of the body
-guards; but what did that engage them to do? They had also cried, _vive
-le roi_, as the people themselves did every day; and it was their
-intention to serve him faithfully, but not against the nation!’—with
-other speeches to the same effect;—adding, ‘that one of their officers
-had ordered a thousand cockades; and they knew not why they were not
-distributed!’ Enraged by the tenour of this discourse, a body-guard’s
-man struck one of the soldiers talking thus, who, in return, fired on
-him, and fractured his arm. All was now confusion; and every thing
-tended to render the body-guards more odious to the populace.
-
-The king arrived in the midst of it from hunting, and admitted at the
-same time the deputation from the national assembly, and an address from
-the women. He received the latter with great affability, testified his
-sorrow on account of the scarcity of bread at Paris, and immediately
-sanctioned the decree, relative to the free circulation of grain, which
-he had just received from the assembly. The woman who spoke, attempting
-to kiss his hand, he embraced her with politeness, and dismissed them in
-the most gentleman-like manner. They immediately rejoined their
-companions, charmed by the reception they had met with; and the king
-sent orders to the guards not to make use of their arms. The count
-d’Estaing, the commander in chief, announced likewise to the militia of
-Versailles, that the body-guards would the next day take the oath of
-allegiance to the nation, and put on the patriotic cockade. ‘They are
-not worthy,’ was the indignant growl of the multitude.
-
-Some women now returning to Paris, to report the gracious behaviour of
-the king, were unfortunately maltreated by a detachment of body-guards,
-commanded by a nobleman; and the volunteers of the Bastille coming to
-their assistance, two men, and three horses, were killed on the spot.
-These same irritated women meeting, likewise, the parisian militia, on
-their way to Versailles, gave them an exaggerated description of the
-conduct of the guards.
-
-The court now taking the alarm, fearing that their plan would be
-defeated, by the king’s being obliged to go to Paris, urged him
-immediately to get out for Metz, and the carriages were actually
-prepared. It is scarcely credible that they would have gone so far
-without his concurrence.
-
-One loaded coach had been permitted to go out of the gate; but the
-national troops beginning to suspect what was going forward, obliged it
-to re-enter. The king then, with his usual address, finding his escape
-at that time impracticable, and not wishing to shed blood in forcing his
-way, made a merit of necessity, and declared he would rather perish than
-see the blood of frenchmen streaming in his quarrel! So easy is it for a
-man, versed in the language of duplicity, to impose on the credulous;
-and to impress on candid minds a belief of an opinion that they would
-gladly receive without any doubting allay, did not other circumstances
-more strongly contradict the persuasion. This declaration, however,
-which was re-echoed with great eagerness, was considered as a manifest
-proof of the purity of his intentions, and a mark of his fixed adherence
-to the cause which he affected to espouse. Yet, to prove the contrary,
-it is only necessary to observe, that he put off the acceptance of the
-declaration of rights, and the first articles of the constitution, till
-after the attempt to escape was frustrated: for it was near eleven
-o’clock when he sent for the president, to put into his hands a simple
-acceptation, and to request him to convoke the assembly immediately,
-that he might avail himself of their counsel at this crisis; alarmed by
-the mob without, who, exposed to all the inclemency of the weather, it
-being a very wet and stormy night, were uttering the most horrid
-imprecations against the queen and the body-guards.
-
-A drum instantly summoned the assembly; and La Fayette arriving with his
-army in less than an hour after, the president was again called for, who
-returned to the assembly with the king’s assurance, that he had not even
-thought of leaving them, nor would he ever separate himself from the
-representatives of the people.
-
-La Fayette had previously assured the king of the fidelity of the
-metropolis, and that he had been expressly sent by the municipality of
-Paris to guard his august person. A rumour had prevailed, ever since the
-arrival of the women, that the parisian militia were coming to second
-them; but as the _commune_ of Paris had not determined till late in the
-afternoon, the messenger from La Fayette to the palace could not have
-reached Versailles long before him: but the court supposing that they
-would come, and having heard of the wish of the parisians to bring the
-king to Paris, where they had always spies to give them the earliest
-notice of what was going forward, pressed him to set out without loss of
-time; still they were actuated solely by the desire of getting him away,
-and not from any apprehension that his life was in danger.
-
-After tranquilizing the king, La Fayette joined the parisian militia in
-the avenue, to inform them, that the king had sanctioned the decree of
-the assembly for expediting the more speedy circulation of provisions;
-that he accepted, without any reservation, of the declaration of rights,
-with the first articles of the constitution, declaring at the same time
-his unshaken resolution to remain among his people; and that he
-consented also to have a detachment of the national troops of Paris to
-contribute to guard his person.
-
-Joy now took place of dread at Versailles; and the citizens distributed
-their addresses amongst the soldiers, offering them lodgings; they
-having been previously requested, by the beating of a drum, to receive
-as many of the parisian militia as they possibly could. The rest, after
-passing several hours in arms round the palace, sought for shelter, as
-the morning began to dawn, in the churches. Every thing appearing quiet,
-the harassed king and queen were prevailed on to seek the repose they
-needed; and La Fayette, about five in the morning, retired to his
-chamber, to write to the municipality an account of his proceedings,
-before he likewise endeavoured to snatch a little rest.
-
-Scarcely an hour after, the restless mob, great part of which had taken
-refuge in the hall and galleries of the assembly, began to prowl about.
-The most decent of the women, who had been pressed into the service,
-stole away during the night. The rest, with the whole gang of ruffians,
-rushed towards the palace, and finding its avenues unguarded, entered
-like a torrent; and some among them, most probably, conceived, that this
-was the moment to perpetrate the crime for which they had been drawn
-from their lurking-holes in Paris.
-
-Insulting one of the body-guards who opposed their entrance, he fired,
-and killed a man. This was a fresh pretext for entering to search for
-the murderer, as he was termed by these rioters; and driving the guards
-before them up the grand stair-case, they began to break into the
-different apartments, vowing vengeance against the body-guards, in which
-were mingled the bitterest curses, all levelled at the queen.
-
-Catching one unfortunate guard by himself, he was dragged down the
-stairs; and his head, instantly severed from his body, was mounted on a
-pike, which rather served to irritate than glut the fury of the
-monsters, who were still hunting after blood or plunder.
-
-The most desperate found their way to the queen’s chamber, and left for
-dead the man who courageously disputed their entrance. But she had been
-alarmed by the tumult, though the miscreants were not long in making
-their way good, and, throwing a wrapping-gown around her, ran, by a
-private passage, to the king’s apartment, where she found the dauphin;
-but the king was gone in quest of her: he, however, quickly returning,
-they waited together in a horrid state of suspense. Several of the
-guards, who endeavoured to keep back the mob, were wounded; yet all this
-happened in a very short space of time.
-
-The promptitude and rapidity of this movement, taking every circumstance
-into consideration, affords additional arguments in support of the
-opinion, that there had been a premeditated design to murder the royal
-family. The king had granted all they asked the evening before; sending
-away great part of the multitude delighted with his condescension; and
-they had received no fresh provocation to excite this outrage. The
-audacity of the most desperate mob has never led them, in the presence
-of a superiour force, to attempt to chastise their governors; and it is
-not even probable that banditti, who had been moved by the common causes
-of such insurrections, should have thought of murdering their sovereign,
-who, in the eyes of the greater number of frenchmen, was still shrouded
-by that divinity, tacitly allowed to hover round kings, much less have
-dared to attempt it.
-
-La Fayette was quickly roused; and, sending his _aides-de-camp_ to
-assemble the national guards, he followed the ruffians with equal
-celerity. They had actually forced the king’s apartment at the moment he
-arrived; and the royal family were listening to the increasing tumult as
-the harbinger of death,—when all was hushed,—and the door opening a
-moment after, the national guards entered respectfully, saying they came
-to save the king;—‘and we will save you too, gentlemen,’ added they,
-addressing the body-guards, who were in the chamber.
-
-The vagabonds were now pursued in their turn, and driven from room to
-room, in the midst of their pillage, for they had already begun to
-ransack that sumptuously furnished palace. From the palace they repaired
-to the stables, still intent on plunder, and carried away some horses,
-which were as quickly retaken. Every where they pursued the body-guards,
-and every where the generous parisian troops, forgetting their piqued
-pride and personal animosity, hazarded their lives to save them.—Till,
-at length, order was perfectly established.
-
-Such was the termination of this most mysterious affair; one of the
-blackest of the machinations that have since the revolution disgraced
-the dignity of man, and sullied the annals of humanity. Disappointed in
-their main object, these wretches beheaded two of the guards, who fell
-into their hands; and hurried away towards the metropolis, with the
-_insignia_ of their atrocity on the points of the barbarous instruments
-of vengeance—showing in every instance, by the difference of their
-conduct, that they were a set of monsters, distinct from the people.
-
-Whilst nature shudders at imputing to any one a plan so inhuman, the
-general character and life of the duke of Orleans warrant the belief,
-that he was the author of this tumult. And when we compare the
-singularly ferocious appearance of the mob, with the brutal violation of
-the apartment of the queen, there remains little doubt, but that a
-design was on foot against the lives of both her and the king.—Yet in
-this, and most other instances, the man has wanted courage to consummate
-his villany, when the plot he had been following up was ripe.
-
-It is, perhaps, not the least noble faculty of the mind, to question the
-motives of action, which are repugnant to the feelings of nature,
-outraging the most sacred feelings of the human soul. But it is the
-developement of a character, that enables us to estimate it’s depravity;
-and had the conduct of that wretch ever varied, the veil of mystery
-might still have remained unrent, and posterity, hearing of the judgment
-of the châtelet, would have believed _Egalité_ innocent. The court had
-become highly obnoxious to the nation, and with it the king was
-implicated, in spite of the efforts of Mirabeau, and some other
-favourites of the people, to render him respectable; so that there
-wanted not a plausible: reason for suspecting, that the duke might
-aspire at obtaining the regency, though Louis was neither massacred, nor
-allowed to escape. But the present scheme being disconcerted, fear, for
-a while, damped his ambition: and La Fayette, finding that these
-suspicions still formed a pretext to excite commotions, with a view to
-quiet the minds of the parisians, seconded the importunities of the
-duke, who wished to visit England, till the affair blew over. The king,
-therefore, was prevailed on to give him a nominal commission, to be made
-use of as a plea to obtain liberty of absence from the assembly, of
-which he was a member.
-
-He was certainly very apprehensive of an investigation of the business;
-and revenge and ambition equally giving way to personal fear, he left
-his colleagues to finish the constitution, and his agents to recover his
-fame, by representing the story as a calumny of the royalists, against
-whom the public were sufficiently enraged to credit any aspersion.
-
-The bold tone he assumed the july following was far from being a proof
-of his innocence; because it was not very probable, that a cunning man
-should take his measures in such a critical affair without due
-precaution.—On the contrary, he would labour to sink so entirely into
-the back-ground of the plot, as to render it difficult, if not
-impossible, for him to be perceived. And this was practicable to a man,
-who was willing, in the promotion of his purpose, to dissipate the most
-splendid fortune.
-
-To a disposition for low intrigue was added also a decided preference of
-the grossest libertinism, seasoned with vulgarity, highly congenial with
-the manners of the heroines, who composed the singular army of the
-females.
-
-Having taken up his abode in the centre of the palais royal, a very
-superb square, yet the last in which a person of any delicacy, not to
-mention decorum, or morality, would choose to reside; because, excepting
-the people in trade, who found it convenient, it was entirely occupied
-by the most shameless girls of the town, their hectoring protectors,
-gamesters, and sharpers of every denomination. In short, by the vilest
-of women; by wretches, who lived in houses from which the stript bodies,
-often found in the Seine, were supposed to be thrown[33]—and he was
-considered as the grand sultan of this den of iniquity. Living thus in
-the lap of crime, his heart was as tainted as the foul atmosphere he
-breathed.—Incapable of affection, his amours were the jaundiced caprices
-of satiety; and having proved in the affair of Keppel and d’Orvilliers,
-that he wanted the courage of a man, he appears to have been as fit for
-dark under-hand assassinations as he was unequal to any attempt flowing
-from virtuous ambition.
-
-That a body of women should put themselves in motion to demand relief of
-the king, or to remonstrate with the assembly respecting their tardy
-manner of forming the constitution, is scarcely probable; and that they
-should have undertaken the business, without being instigated by
-designing persons, when all Paris was dissatisfied with the conduct and
-the procrastination of the assembly, is a belief which the most
-credulous will hardly swallow, unless they take into their view, that
-the want of bread was the bye word used by those, who in a great measure
-produced it; for perceiving the turn the public mind was taking, they
-drove the mob on to perpetrate the mischief long designed, under the
-sanction of national indignation.
-
-It is evident, that the court was not concerned, however desirous the
-cabinet might have been to render the people discontented with the new
-order of things; for they seem to have been entirely occupied with the
-scheme, on which they built the most sanguine expectation, of prevailing
-on the king to retire to Metz. Besides, the course the project took is a
-circumstantial evidence, that, designed against Versailles, it was not
-meditated there.
-
-That the Châtelet should not have been able to substantiate any proof of
-his guilt, is not in the least extraordinary.—It is only necessary to be
-acquainted with the general propensity of the french to intrigue, to
-know, that there is no service, however dangerous, or purpose, however
-black, for which gold will not find a man. There were wretches, who
-would have considered exile as an escape from the continual dread of
-menaced detection, could they carry with them a sum to commence anew
-their fraudulent practices in another country; and money the duke did
-not spare to gratify his passions, though sordidly mean when they were
-out of the question.
-
-His remaining also in England for such a length of time, merely to avoid
-disturbing the tranquillity of the state, when it was possible, that by
-it’s disorder and agitation he might gain a sceptre, cannot be credited;
-because it is well known, that he never sacrificed any selfish
-consideration to the general good. Such examples of self-denial and true
-patriotism are uncommon, even from the most virtuous men; and it is idle
-to imagine, that a man, whom all the world allowed to be vicious, should
-risk the popularity, which he had been at such pains to acquire, unless
-it were to guard his life.
-
-On his return, nevertheless, finding that all was safe, he appeared in
-the assembly, provoking the inquiry from which he had before skulked;
-and braving detection, when the danger was passed, he had the address to
-persuade the public of his innocence. Nay, the mock patriots of the day,
-pretending to despise princes, were glad to have a prince on their side.
-
-The report, that Mirabeau, always an avowed advocate for a limited
-monarchy, was concerned in the plot, was certainly a calumny; because it
-is notorious, that he had an habitual contempt for the duke, which had
-even produced a decided coolness some time before. And, if any
-collateral proof of his innocence were necessary, it would be sufficient
-to add, that the abbé Maury, his competitor in eloquence, and opponent
-in opinion, declared there was no ground for his impeachment.
-
-It is unfortunate, indeed, that some of the villains employed were not
-immediately interrogated. The soldiery, in chasing them from one quarter
-to another, gave proofs not only of their intrepidity, but attachment to
-the new government; and the only reprehensible part of their conduct was
-suffering the murderers to escape, instead of apprehending as many as
-they could, and bringing them to condign punishment. Such an omission,
-it was to be feared, would produce the most fatal consequences, because
-impunity never fails to stimulate the wretches, who have arrived at such
-a pitch of wickedness, to commit fresh, and, if possible, still more
-atrocious crimes; and it is by suspending the decrees of justice, that
-hardened miscreants, made so by oppression, give full scope to all the
-brutality of their sanguinary dispositions.
-
-This neglect, in their turn, was not the least reprehensible or fatal
-errour, produced by the factions of the assembly. The crisis demanded
-vigour and boldness.—The laws had been trampled on by a gang of banditti
-the most desperate—The altar of humanity had been profaned—The dignity
-of freedom had been tarnished—The sanctuary of repose, the asylum of
-care and fatigue, the chaste temple of a woman, I consider the queen
-only as one, the apartment where she consigns her senses to the bosom of
-sleep, folded in it’s arms forgetful of the world, was violated with
-murderous fury—The life of the king was assailed, when he had acceded to
-all their demands—And, when their plunder was snatched from them, they
-massacred the guards, who were doing their duty.—Yet these brutes were
-permitted triumphantly to escape—and dignified with the appellation of
-the people, their outrage was in a great measure attempted to be excused
-by those deputies, who sometimes endeavoured to gain an undue influence
-through the interposition of the mob.
-
-At this moment the assembly ought to have known, that the future
-respectability of their laws must greatly depend on the conduct they
-pursued on the present occasion; and it was time to show the parisians,
-that, giving freedom to the nation, they meant to guard it by a strict
-adherence to the laws, that naturally issue from the simple principles
-of equal justice they were adopting; punishing with just severity all
-such as should offer to violate, or treat them with contempt. Wisdom,
-precision, and courage, are the permanent supports of authority—the
-durable pillars of every just government, and they only require to be,
-as it were, the porticos of the structure, to obtain for it, at once,
-both the admiration and obedience of the people. To maintain
-subordination in a state by any other means is not merely difficult,
-but, for any length of time, impossible.
-
-They ought to have stood up as one man in support of insulted justice;
-and by directing the arm of the law, have smothered in embryo that
-spirit of rebellion and licentiousness, which, beginning to appear in
-the metropolis, it was to be feared would attain herculean strength by
-impunity, and ultimately overturn, with wanton thoughtlessness, or
-headstrong zeal, all their labours. Yet, so contrary was their conduct
-to the dictates of common sense, and the common firmness of rectitude of
-intention, that they not only permitted that gang of assassins to regain
-their dens; but instantly submitted to the demand of the soldiery, and
-the peremptory wish of the parisians—that the king should reside within
-the walls of Paris.
-
-The firmness of conduct, which the representatives of a people should
-always maintain, had been wanting in the assembly from the moment their
-power had been acknowledged; for instead of being directed by any
-regular plan of proceeding, a line equally marked out by integrity and
-political prudence, they were hurried along by a giddy zeal, and by a
-burlesque affectation of magnanimity; as puerile as the greater part of
-their debates were frivolous. Whilst their vanity was gratified by the
-lively applauses lavished on their inflated and popular declamation,
-they set fire to the foibles of the multitude, teaching their desperate
-demagogues to become their rivals in this species of eloquence, till the
-plans of the leaders of clubs, and popular societies, were generally
-admired and pursued.
-
-The will of the people being supreme, it is not only the duty of their
-representatives to respect it, but their political existence ought to
-depend on their acting conformably to the will of their constituents.
-Their voice, in enlightened countries, is always the voice of reason.
-But in the infancy of society, and during the advancement of the science
-of political liberty, it is highly necessary for the governing authority
-to be guided by the progress of that science; and to prevent, by
-judicious measures, any check being given to it’s advancement, whilst
-equal care is taken not to produce the miseries of anarchy by
-encouraging licentious freedom. The national assembly, however,
-delighted with their blooming honours, suffered themselves to be hurried
-forward by a multitude, on whom political light had too suddenly
-flashed, and seemed to have no apprehension of the danger, which has so
-fatally resulted from their tame acquiescence.
-
-The people of Paris, who have more than their portion of the national
-vanity, believed that they had produced the revolution; and thinking
-themselves both the father and mother of all the great events, which had
-happened since it’s commencement, and that the national assembly, whose
-conduct indeed betrayed symptoms of an understanding not adult, ought to
-be directed by their leading-strings, frequently declared, that liberty
-would not be secured, until the court and the assembly were brought
-within the walls of the capital. This was the subject of club debates,
-decided with legislative pomposity, on the rumour of the intended
-evasion of the king; and the insult offered to the national cockade, the
-first of october, brought them to the determination—that it was proper
-he should be there.—Such was their will, the capital of the nation—now
-sovereign. Foreseeing also, as they had already dreaded, that the only
-security for infant freedom would be to guard the court, and place in
-the centre of information their infant representatives; whom they
-alternately idolized and suspected.
-
-The decorum of manners in a people, long subordinate to the authority of
-their magistrates, had on several occasions, and even on the fifth of
-october, controlled the impetuous populace, who had undertaken, or
-joined in the enterprize; and considering the manner in which they were
-pushed on, it is extraordinary, that they did not commit greater
-depredations. For with all their brutality, and eagerness to plunder the
-palace, they did not attempt to pillage Versailles, though half
-famished.
-
-The army of La Fayette indeed, principally composed of citizens, behaved
-not only in an irreproachable manner; but the celerity of their
-movements, their obedience to the discipline which they had so promptly
-acquired, joined to the clemency and moderation they displayed, excited
-the gratitude and respect of all parties.—Still, trembling for the
-rights that had been so gloriously snatched out of the clinched hand of
-despotism—it was the wish of all the leaders to have the king at Paris.
-It was in fact the general sentiment at Paris, and of the greater part
-of the nation.
-
-That city, which had contributed so essentially in effecting the
-revolution, viewed with anxiety the influence of a party spirit in the
-assembly, though themselves split into several political sects, who
-almost execrated each other. And finding, that the indecision of the
-members had given fresh hopes to the court, which at last might render
-their emancipation merely a dazzling meteor, they were restlessly bent
-on having the king and assembly more immediately in their power. The
-report, likewise, of Louis’s intended escape; which had he effected, it
-was probable, that he would have been in the next place prevailed on to
-join the discontented princes and nobles, thus producing a schism in the
-kingdom, that must infallibly have brought on not only a cruel civil
-war, but have embroiled them with all the different powers of Europe;
-was a still more urgent motive: for whilst they were constantly
-affecting to believe in the goodness of his heart, they never showed by
-their conduct, that they had any confidence in his sincerity.—Their
-opinion of the assembly was equally unfixed.—One day a deputy was
-extolled as the hero of liberty, and the next denounced as a traitorous
-pensioner of despotism.
-
-These sentiments were dangerous to the authority of the new government;
-but they were sentiments which never would have been promulged, even had
-they existed, had the assembly acted with integrity and magnanimity.
-Because, though the people do not always reason in the most logical or
-rhetorical style, yet they generally perceive in what consists the
-defects of their legislators. And in every free government, when the
-deputies of the state, convened to form laws, do not act with precision
-and judgment, they will be sure to lose their respectability; and the
-consequence will be a dissolution of all authority.
-
-It appears to amount to a certainty, that the assembly did not at that
-time possess the implicit confidence of the people, by their demanding,
-that the king should be obliged to reside within the barriers of the
-capital.—It was surely as possible to guard him at Versailles as at
-Paris; and if it were necessary, that he should be kept as a prisoner of
-state, or hostage, the government was the proper authority to determine
-how, and where:—and in giving up this necessary privilege of authority,
-they surrendered their power to the multitude of Paris.
-
-Or rather a minority of the assembly, who wished to be removed to the
-capital, by exciting and humouring the people, directed the majority;
-and in the same manner has the dignity of the representative body ever
-since been trampled under foot by selfishness, or the blind zeal of
-vanity.—It is in reality from this epocha, not forgetting such a leading
-circumstance, that the commencement of the reign of anarchy may be
-fairly dated. For, though a tolerable degree of order was preserved a
-considerable time after, because a multitude long accustomed to
-servitude do not immediately feel their own strength; yet they soon
-began to tyrannize over one part of their representatives, stimulated by
-the other. They, however, continued to respect the decrees of the
-national assembly especially as there were rarely any passed on which
-the public opinion had not been previously consulted, directed as it was
-by the popular members, who gained their constant suffrage by the stale
-trick of crying out for more freedom. It was the indispensable duty of
-the deputies to respect the dignity of their body—Instead of which, for
-sinister purposes, many of them instructed the people how to tyrannize
-over the assembly; thus deserting the main principle of representation,
-the respect due to the majority. This first grand desertion of the
-principles, which they affected to adopt in all their purity, led to
-public misery; involving these short-sighted men in the very ruin they
-had themselves produced by their mean intrigues.
-
-The authoritative demand of the parisians was striking so directly at
-the freedom of the assembly, that they must either have been conscious
-of wanting power, or they had no conception of dignity of action,
-otherwise they would not have suffered the requisition of the people to
-have been complied with. Yet they seem to have considered it, if it be
-not paradoxical to assert it, as an advancement of their independence;
-or, perhaps, as giving security to their authority, childishly proud of
-regulating the business of the nation, though under the influence of the
-parisian despotism.
-
-It is true, such things are the natural consequence of weakness, the
-effects of inexperience, and the more fatal errours of cowardice. And
-such will always be the effects of timid, injudicious measures. Men who
-have violated the sacred feelings of eternal justice, except they are
-hardened in vice, are never afterwards able to look honest men in the
-face; and a legislature, watched by an intelligent public, a public that
-claims the right of thinking for itself, will never after go beyond it,
-or pass one decree which is not likely to be popular.
-
-To consult the public mind in a perfect state of civilization, will not
-only be necessary, but it will be productive of the happiest
-consequences, generating a government emanating from the sense of the
-nation, for which alone it can legally exist. The progress of reason
-being gradual, it is the wisdom of the legislature to advance the
-simplification of it’s political system, in a manner best adapted to the
-state of improvement of the understanding of the nation. The sudden
-change which had happened in France, from the most fettering tyranny to
-an unbridled liberty, made it scarcely to be expected, that any thing
-should be managed with the wisdom of experience: it was morally
-impossible. But it is nevertheless a deplorable reflection, that such
-evils must follow every revolution, when a change of politics equally
-material is required.—Thus it becomes more peculiarly the duty of the
-historian to record truth; and comment with freedom.
-
-Every nation, deprived by the progress of it’s civilization of strength
-of character, in changing it’s government from absolute despotism to
-enlightened freedom, will, most probably, be plunged into anarchy, and
-have to struggle with various species of tyranny before it is able to
-consolidate it’s liberty; and that, perhaps, cannot be done, until the
-manners and amusements of the people are completely changed.
-
-The refinement of the senses, by producing a susceptibility of temper,
-which from it’s capriciousness leaves no time for reflection, interdicts
-the exercise of the judgment. The lively effusions of mind,
-characteristically peculiar to the french, are as violent as the
-impressions are transitory: and their benevolence evaporating in sudden
-gusts of sympathy, they become cold in the same proportion as their
-emotions are quick, and the combinations of their fancy brilliant.
-People who are carried away by the enthusiasm of the moment, are most
-frequently betrayed by their imagination, and commit some errour, the
-conviction of which not only damps their heroism, but relaxes the nerve
-of common exertions. Freedom is a solid good, that requires to be
-treated with reverence and respect.—But, whilst an effeminate race of
-heroes are contending for her smiles, with all the blandishments of
-gallantry, it is to their more vigorous and natural posterity, that she
-will consign herself with all the mild effulgence of artless charms.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III.
- THE MOB DEMAND THE KING’S REMOVAL TO PARIS. THIS CITY DESCRIBED. THE
- KING REPAIRS TO THE CAPITAL, ESCORTED BY A DEPUTATION OF THE NATIONAL
-ASSEMBLY AND THE PARISIAN MILITIA. THE KING’S TITLE CHANGED. PROCEEDINGS
- OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. REFLECTIONS ON THE DECLARATION OF RIGHTS.
-
-
-After the wild tumult, on the morning of the 6th of october, abated, the
-king showed himself to the people, in the balcony, and the queen
-followed with the dauphin in her arms. At first, he vainly attempted to
-speak; but La Fayette informed the people, that his majesty came forward
-to assure them, that it should be the business of his life to contribute
-to the happiness of his people. _The king at Paris_, exclaimed a voice,
-which was quickly re-echoed by the crowd. ‘My children,’ replied the
-king, ‘you wish me to be at Paris, and I will go; but it is on the
-condition, that my wife and family accompany me.’ A loud shout of _vive
-le roi_ testified the extacy of the moment. The king made a sign to
-demand silence; and then, with tears in his eyes addressed them
-again.—‘Ah! my children, run to the relief of my guards.’ Immediately
-two or three appeared in the balcony with the national cockade in their
-hats, or the cap of liberty on their heads. The king threw his arms
-round one of them, and the people following his example embraced those
-whom they had taken prisoners in the court. One sentiment of gladness
-seemed to animate the whole concourse of people; and their sensibility
-produced as mad demonstrations of joy as lately had been displayed of
-ferocity. The soldiery all mingled together, exchanging swords, hats, or
-shoulder belts—exhibiting in the most striking manner the prominent
-features of the french character.
-
-Meanwhile the assembly, instead of instantly examining into the
-particulars of that alarming convulsion, and exerting themselves to
-cause a proper respect to be paid to the sovereignty of the law,
-childishly gave way to the universal transport: instead of considering
-the peremptory wish of the people to remove the king to Paris as a
-distrust of their wisdom, as well as of the veracity of the court, which
-was in some measure the case, they unanimously agreed to the motion of
-Mirabeau, seconded by Barnave, ‘that the king and assembly should not be
-separated during the present sessions.’ Mirabeau, and other popular
-members, were probably glad to have the person of the king secured,
-without being obliged to appear, in an ostensible manner, in the affair;
-because they always endeavoured to keep a little hold on the court,
-whilst they led the people. Such are the pitiful shifts of men, who are
-not guided by the compass of moral principles, which alone render the
-character dignified or consistent. Readily then acquiescing in a measure
-the most fatal and contemptible, they decreed, that the assembly was
-inseparable from the person of the king, and sent a deputation to inform
-him of this resolve, previous to his departure.
-
-That Louis, finding all his projects for the present defeated, and after
-such a narrow escape for his life, should readily have acceded to the
-demand of the multitude, is not in the least extraordinary.—But, that
-the representatives of the nation should, without resistance or
-remonstrance, have surrendered their authority, and thrown themselves
-head-long into the heart of a city, which could be suddenly agitated,
-and put into the most disorderly and dangerous commotion, by the
-intrigues or folly of any desperate or factious leader of the
-multitude—suffering themselves to be environed by it’s wall, shut in by
-it’s barriers—in a word—choosing to live in a capacious prison; for men
-forced, or drawn into any such situation, are in reality slaves or
-prisoners,—almost surpasses belief. This absurd conduct, in fact, can be
-accounted for only by considering the national character, and the
-different though equally interested views, of the court and popular
-parties, in the assembly.
-
-Independent of the additional incense of praise, with which Mirabeau
-wished to be continually regaled, in the metropolis, he had a decided
-preference for it, frequently asserting, that it was the only place
-where society was truly desirable; the people and place, in spite of
-their vices and follies, equally attaching the taste they cultivated.
-
-Exclaiming against capitals, the impartial observer must acknowledge,
-that much has been done to render this a superb monument of human
-ingenuity.
-
-The entrance into Paris, by the Thuilleries, is certainly very
-magnificent. The roads have an expansion that agrees with the idea of a
-large luxurious city, and with the beauty of the buildings in the noble
-square, that first attracts the travellers eye. The lofty trees on each
-side of the road, forming charming alleys, in which the people walk and
-lounge with an easy gaiety peculiar to the nation, seem calculated
-equally to secure their health and promote their pleasure. The barriers,
-likewise, are stately edifices, that tower with grandeur, rendering the
-view, as the city is approached, truly picturesque.
-
-But—these very barriers, built by Calonne, who liked to have Paris
-compared with Athens, excite the most melancholy reflections.—They were
-first erected by despotism to secure the payment of an oppressive tax,
-and since have fatally assisted to render anarchy more violent by
-concentration, cutting off the possibility of innocent victims escaping
-from the fury, or the mistake, of the moment.—Thus miscreants have had
-sufficient influence to guard these barriers, and caging the objects of
-their fear or vengeance, have slaughtered them; or, violating the purity
-of justice, have coolly wrested laws hastily formed to serve sinister
-designs—changing it’s sacred sword into a dagger, and terming the
-assassin’s stab the stroke of justice, because given with the mock
-ceremonials of equity, which only rendered the crime more atrocious. The
-tyrant, who, bounding over all restraint, braves the eternal law he
-tramples on, is not half so detestable as the reptile who crawls under
-the shelter of the principles he violates. Such has been the effect of
-the enclosure of Paris: and the reflections of wounded humanity
-disenchanting the senses, the elegant structures, which served as gates
-to this great prison, no longer appear magnificent porticos.
-
-Still the eye of taste rests with pleasure on its buildings and
-decorations: proportion and harmony gratify the sight, whilst airy
-ornaments seem to toss a simple, playful elegance around. The heavens
-too smile, diffusing fragrance: and as the inhabitants trip along the
-charming boulevard, the genial atmosphere seems instantaneously to
-inspire the animal spirits, which give birth to the varied graces that
-glide around. Clustering flowers, with luxuriant pomp, lend their
-sweets, giving a freshness to the fairy scene—nature and art combining
-with great felicity to charm the senses, and touch the heart, alive to
-the social feelings, and to the beauties most dear to fancy.
-
-Why starts the tear of anguish to mingle with recollections that
-sentiment fosters—even in obedience to reason?—For it is wise to be
-happy!—and nature and virtue will always open inlets of joy to the
-heart. But how quickly vanishes this prospect of delights! of delights
-such as man ought to taste!—The cavalcade of death moves along, shedding
-mildew over all the beauties of the scene, and blasting every joy! The
-elegance of the palaces and buildings is revolting, when they are viewed
-as prisons, and the sprightliness of the people disgusting, when they
-are hastening to view the operations of the guillotine, or carelessly
-passing over the earth stained with blood. Exasperated humanity then,
-with bitterness of soul, devotes the city to destruction; whilst turning
-from such a nest of crimes, it seeks for consolation only in the
-conviction, that, as the world is growing wiser, it must become happier;
-and that, as the cultivation of the soil meliorates a climate, the
-improvement of the understanding will prevent those baneful excesses of
-passion which poison the heart.
-
-A deputation of the national assembly accompanied the royal family to
-Paris, as well as the parisian militia. A number of the women preceded
-them, mounted on the carriages which they had taken in their way to
-Versailles, and on the cannons, covered with national cockades, and
-dragging in the dirt those that were considered as symbols of
-aristocracy. Soon after they set out, either by chance, or, which is
-more probable, pursuant to a plan contrived by some person in power,
-forty or fifty loads of wheat and flour fell into the procession, just
-before the king, giving weight to the exclamation of the populace, that
-they had brought the baker and his family to town.
-
-The assembly continued to sit at Versailles till the nineteenth; and
-several interesting debates were entered upon, particularly one brought
-forward by the bishop of Autun, respecting the appropriation of the
-estates of the clergy to supply the exigences of the government. The
-abolition of _lettres de cachet_ was considered, and a fresh
-organization of the municipalities proposed; but as none of these
-motions were carried before they were more fully discussed at Paris, it
-seems best to bring the different arguments on those important subjects
-under one point of view.
-
-Settling the articles of the constitution, however, which previously
-occupied them, several frivolous discussions, respecting the style of
-expression to be adopted to signify the king’s acceptance of their
-decrees, were lengthened out with warmth, and puerile objections made to
-ancient forms—that were merely forms. After some disputation, the title
-of the monarch was changed from king of France, with the rest of the
-formule, for that of king of the French; because Rousseau had remarked,
-perhaps fastidiously, that the title ought to express rather the chief
-of the people, than the master of the soil.
-
-The intended removal of the assembly to Paris also produced several warm
-debates. This resolution, indeed, excited, not without reason,
-apprehensions in the breasts of some of the deputies, relative to their
-personal safety, should they, in future, venture to oppose any of the
-motions of the popular party, which that party instructed the mob of
-Paris to support.
-
-The president, Mounier, pleading his bad state of health, begged to be
-dismissed; and Lally-Tolendal, thinking that he could not stem the
-torrent, retired from public business at the same time. A great many of
-the members hinting their fears, that the assembly would not be free at
-Paris, on various pretexts demanded such a number of passports, as to
-make the president express some apprehension lest the assembly should
-thus indirectly dissolve itself; whilst other deputies uttered a
-profusion of indecent sarcasms on a conduct, which the behaviour of the
-populace, and even of these very orators, seemed to justify. Mirabeau,
-who so earnestly desired to be at Paris, ridiculed with unbecoming
-bitterness every opposition made to the removal of the assembly; yet,
-listening to the representation, that the allowing so many malecontents
-to retire into the provinces might produce dangerous fermentations, he
-proposed that no passport should be granted, till the deputy who
-demanded it had made known his reason for so doing to the assembly. A
-letter from the king, notifying his intention of residing most part of
-his time at Paris, and expressing his assurance, that they did not mean
-to separate themselves from him, now requested them to send
-commissioners to Paris, to search for a proper place, where they might
-in future hold their sessions. They accordingly determined to go
-thither, conformably to the decree of the sixth of october, when a
-convenient situation should be found.
-
-After this determination, several members gave an account of the gross
-insults they had received at Paris. One in particular, who was not
-obnoxious to the public, narrowly escaped with life, only because he was
-mistaken for a deputy against whom the mob had vowed vengeance. Another,
-who had also been insulted, with proper spirit moved, that a decree
-respecting libels should instantly be passed. ‘Are we,’ he asked, ‘to be
-led to liberty only by licentiousness? No; the people, deceived and
-intoxicated, are rendered furious. How many times (he added) have I
-lamented the impetuosity of this assembly, who have accustomed the
-public, seated in our galleries, to praise, to blame, to deride our
-opinions, without understanding them.—And who has inspired them with
-this audacity?’—He was interrupted by signs of disapprobation; and
-personalities now disgraced the debate, in which Mirabeau mingled
-satirical observations and retorts, that did more credit to his
-abilities than to his heart. But, a day or two after, recollecting
-himself, he presented the plan of a decree to prevent riots, which he
-introduced, by saying, that it was an imitation, though not a copy, of
-the English riot act.
-
-The evening before the departure of the assembly for Paris, passports
-being still demanded with earnestness, a decree was made, ‘that
-passports should be granted only for a short and determinate time, on
-account of urgent business; and that unlimited passports, in cases of
-ill health, should not be granted before the deputies were replaced by
-their substitutes;’ and further, cutting a knot that might have revived
-old claims and animosities, had it been brought forward alone, they
-decreed, ‘that in future the substitutes should be nominated by the
-citizens at large; and that, eight days after the first session at
-Paris, there should be a call of the house; suspending till then the
-consideration of the propriety of printing and sending to the provinces
-the list of the absent deputies.’
-
-The constraining so many members to remain at their posts, and
-condemning a man to a state of ignominious servitude, whilst they were
-talking of nothing but liberty, was as contemptibly little, as the
-policy was injudicious. For if the king pretended to acquiesce in their
-measures the better to disguise his real intention, which doubtless was
-to fly as soon as he could find an opportunity, or was at liberty, what
-did they gain? For as they must have known, that his emancipation would
-be the consequence of his acceptance of the constitution, his
-imprisonment could only tend to retard their operations: yet they had
-neither the magnanimity to allow him to depart with an handsome stipend,
-if such were his wish; nor to grant him such a portion of power, in the
-new constitution, as would, by rendering him respectable in his own
-eyes, have reconciled him to the deprivation of the rest. But, as things
-were settled, it was morally certain, that, whenever his friends were
-ready, a blow would be directed against them, which they were then as
-well prepared to meet as they could be at a subsequent period.
-
-Under the influence of fixed systems, certain moral effects are as
-infallible as physical.—That every insidious attempt would be made by
-the courts of Europe, to overturn the new government of France, was
-therefore certain; and, unless they had all been overturned at the same
-time, was as much to be expected as any effect from a natural cause. The
-most likely mean then to have parried the evil would have been a decided
-firmness of conduct, which, flowing from a real love of justice,
-produces true magnanimity; and not a parading affectation of the virtues
-of romans, with the degenerate minds of their posterity.
-
-Precision, wisdom, and courage, never fail to secure the admiration and
-respect of all descriptions of people; and every government thus
-directed will keep in awe it’s licentious neighbours. But fear and
-timidity betray symptoms of weakness, that, creating contempt and
-disrespect, encourage the attempts of ambitious despots; so that the
-noblest causes are sometimes ruined or vilified by the folly or
-indiscretion of their directors. All Europe saw, and all good men saw
-with dread, that the french had undertaken to support a cause, which
-they had neither sufficient purity of heart, nor maturity of judgment,
-to conduct with moderation and prudence; whilst malevolence has been
-gratified by the errours they have committed, attributing that
-imperfection to the theory they adopted, which was applicable only to
-the folly of their practice.
-
-However, frenchmen have reason to rejoice, and posterity will be
-grateful, for what was done by the assembly.
-
-The economy of government had been so ably treated by the writers of the
-present age, that it was impossible for them, acting on the great scale
-of public good, not to lay the foundations of many useful plans, as they
-reformed many grievous and grinding abuses.—Accordingly we find, though
-they had not sufficient penetration to foresee the dreadful consequences
-of years of anarchy, the probable result of their manner of proceeding,
-still by following, in some degree, the instructions of their
-constituents, who had digested, from the bright lines of philosophical
-truths, the prominent rules of political science, they, in laying the
-main pillars of the constitution, established beyond a possibility of
-obliteration, the great principles of liberty and equality.
-
-It is allowed by all parties, that civilization is a blessing, so far as
-it gives security to person and property, and the milder graces of taste
-to society and manners. If, therefore, the polishing of man, and the
-improvement of his intellect, become necessary to secure these
-advantages, it follows, of course, that the more general such
-improvement grows, the greater the extension of human happiness.
-
-In a savage state man is distinguished only by superiority of genius,
-prowess, and eloquence. I say eloquence, for I believe, that in this
-stage of society he is most eloquent, because most natural. For it is
-only in the progress of governments, that hereditary distinctions,
-cruelly abridging rational liberty, have prevented man from rising to
-his just point of elevation, by the exercise of his improveable
-faculties.
-
-That there is a superiority of natural genius among men does not admit
-of dispute; and that in countries the most free there will always be
-distinctions proceeding from superiority of judgment, and the power of
-acquiring more delicacy of taste, which may be the effect of the
-peculiar organization, or whatever cause produces it, is an
-incontestible truth. But it is a palpable errour to suppose, that men of
-every class are not equally susceptible of common improvement: if
-therefore it be the contrivance of any government, to preclude from a
-chance of improvement the greater part of the citizens of the state, it
-can be considered in no other light than as a monstrous tyranny, a
-barbarous oppression, equally injurious to the two parties, though in
-different ways. For all the advantages of civilization cannot be felt,
-unless it pervades the whole mass, humanizing every description of
-men—and then it is the first of blessings, the true perfection of man.
-
-The melioration of the old government of France arose entirely from a
-degree of urbanity acquired by the higher class, which insensibly
-produced, by a kind of natural courtesy, a small portion of civil
-liberty. But, as for political liberty, there was not the shadow of it;
-or could it ever have been generated under such a system: because,
-whilst men were prevented not only from arriving at public offices, or
-voting for the nomination of others to fill them, but even from
-attaining any distinct idea of what was meant by liberty in a practical
-sense, the great bulk of the people were worse than savages; retaining
-much of the ignorance of barbarians, after having poisoned the noble
-qualities of nature by imbibing some of the habits of degenerate
-refinement. To the national assembly it is, that France is indebted for
-having prepared a simple code of instruction, containing all the truths
-necessary to give a comprehensive perception of political science; which
-will enable the ignorant to climb the mount of knowledge, whence they
-may view the ruins of the ingenious fabric of despotism, that had so
-long disgraced the dignity of man by it’s odious and debasing claims.
-
-The declaration of rights contains an aggregate of principles the most
-beneficial; yet so simple, that the most ordinary capacity cannot fail
-to comprehend their import. It begins by asserting, that the rights of
-men are equal, and that no distinctions can exist in a wholesome
-government, but what are founded on public utility. Then showing, that
-political associations are intended only for the preservation of the
-natural and imprescriptible rights of man, which are his liberty,
-security of property, and resistance against oppression; and asserting
-also, that the nation is the source of all sovereignty; it delineates,
-in a plain and perspicuous manner, in what these rights, and this
-sovereignty, consist. In this delineation men may learn, that, in the
-exercise of their natural rights, they have the power of doing whatever
-does not injure another; and that this power has no limits, which are
-not determined by law—the laws being at the same time an expression of
-the will of the community, because all the citizens of the state, either
-personally, or by their representatives, have a right to concur in the
-formation.
-
-Thus, having taught the citizens the fundamental principles of a
-legitimate government, it proceeds to show how the opinion of each may
-be ascertained; which he has a right to give personally, or by his
-representatives, to determine the necessity of public contributions,
-their appropriation, mode of assessment, and duration.
-
-The simplicity of these principles, promulged by the men of genius of
-the last and present ages, and their justness, acknowledged by every
-description of unprejudiced men, had not been recognised by any senate
-or government in Europe; and it was an honour worthy to be reserved for
-the representatives of twenty-five millions of men, rising to the sense
-and feeling of rational beings, to be the first to dare to ratify such
-sacred and beneficial truths—truths, the existence of which had been
-eternal; and which required only to be made known, to be generally
-acknowledged—truths, which have been fostered by the genius of
-philosophy, whilst hereditary wealth and the bayonet of despotism have
-continually been opposed to their establishment.
-
-The publicity of a government acting conformably to the principles of
-reason, in contradistinction to the maxims of oppression, affords the
-people an opportunity, or at least a chance, of judging of the wisdom
-and moderation of their ministers; and the eye of discernment, when
-permitted to make known it’s observations, will always prove a check on
-the profligacy or dangerous ambition of aspiring men.—So that in
-contemplating the extension of representative systems of polity, we have
-solid ground on which to rest the expectation—that wars and their
-calamitous effects will become less frequent, in proportion as the
-people, who are obliged to support them with their sweat and blood, are
-consulted respecting their necessity and consequences.
-
-Such consultations can take place under representative systems of
-government only—under systems which demand the responsibility of their
-ministers, and secure the publicity of their political conduct. The
-mysteries of courts, and the intrigues of their parasites, have
-continually deluged Europe with the blood of it’s most worthy and heroic
-citizens, and there is no specific cure for such evils, but by enabling
-the people to form an opinion respecting the subject of dispute.
-
-The court of Versailles, with powers the most ample, was the most busy
-and insidious of any in Europe; and the horrours which she has
-occasioned, at different periods, were as incalculable, as her ambition
-was unbounded, and her councils base, unprincipled, and dishonourable.
-If, then, it were only for abolishing her sway, Europe ought to be
-thankful for a change, that, by altering the political systems of the
-most improved quarter of the globe, must ultimately lead to universal
-freedom, virtue, and happiness.
-
-But it is to be presumed, when the effervescence, which now agitates the
-prejudices of the whole continent, subsides, the justness of the
-principles brought forward in the declaration of the rights of men and
-citizens will be generally granted; and that governments, in future,
-acquiring reason and dignity, feeling for the sufferings of the people,
-whilst reprobating the sacrilege of tyranny, will make it their
-principal object, to counteract it’s baneful tendency, by restraining
-within just bounds the ambition of individuals.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IV.
- PROGRESS OF REFORM. THE ENCYCLOPEDIA. LIBERTY OF THE PRESS. CAPITALS.
- THE FRENCH NOT PROPERLY QUALIFIED FOR THE REVOLUTION. SAVAGE COMPARED
- WITH CIVILIZED MAN. EFFECTS OF EXTRAVAGANCE—OF COMMERCE—AND OF
- MANUFACTURES. EXCUSE FOR THE FEROCITY OF THE PARISIANS.
-
-
-People thinking for themselves have more energy in their voice, than any
-government, which it is possible for human wisdom to invent; and every
-government not aware of this sacred truth will, at some period, be
-suddenly overturned. Whilst men in a savage state preserve their
-independence, they adopt no regular system of policy, nor ever attempt
-to digest their rude code of laws into a constitution, to ensure
-political liberty. Consequently we find in every country, after it’s
-civilization has arrived at a certain height, that the people, the
-moment they are displeased with their rulers, begin to clamour against
-them; and, finally rejecting all authority but their own will, in
-breaking the shackles of folly or tyranny, they glut their resentment by
-the mischievous destruction of the works of ages, only considering them
-as the moments of their servitude.
-
-From the social disposition of man, in proportion as he becomes
-civilized, he will mingle more and more with society. The first interest
-he takes in the business of his fellow-men is in that of his neighbour;
-next he contemplates the comfort, misery, and happiness of the nation to
-which he belongs, investigates the degree of wisdom and justice in the
-political system, under which he lives, and, striding into the regions
-of science, his researches embrace all human kind. Thus he is enabled to
-estimate the portion of evil or good which the government of his country
-produces, compared with that of others; and the comparison, granting him
-superiour powers of mind, leads him to conceive a model of a more
-perfect form.
-
-This spirit of inquiry first manifests itself in hamlets; when his views
-of improvement are confined to local advantages: but the approximation
-of different districts leading to further intercourse, roads of
-communication are opened, until a central or favourite spot becomes the
-vortex of men and things. Then the rising spires, pompous domes, and
-majestic monuments, point out the capital; the focus of information, the
-reservoir of genius, the school of arts, the seat of voluptuous
-gratification, and the hot-bed of vice and immorality.
-
-The centrifugal rays of knowledge and science now stealing through the
-empire, the whole intellectual faculties of man partake of their
-influence, and one general sentiment governs the civil and political
-body. In the progress of these improvements the state undergoing a
-variety of changes, the happiness or misery produced occasions a
-diversity of opinions; and to prevent confusion, absolute governments
-have been tolerated by the most enlightened part of the people. But,
-probably, this toleration was merely the effect of the strong social
-feelings of men; who preferred tranquillity, and the prosperity of their
-country, to a resistance, which, judging from the ignorance of their
-fellow citizens, they believed would bring more harm than good in it’s
-train. In short, however long a combination of tyranny has retarded the
-progress, it has been one of the advantages of the large cities of
-Europe] to light up the sparks of reason, and to extend the principles
-of truth.
-
-Such is the good and evil flowing from the capitals of states, that
-during the infancy of governments, though they tend to corrupt and
-enervate the mind, they accelerate the introduction of science, and give
-the tone to the national sentiments and taste.
-
-But this influence is extremely gradual; and it requires a great length
-of time, for the remote corners of the empire to experience either the
-one, or the other of these effects. Hence we have seen the inhabitants
-of a metropolis feeble and vitiated, and those of the provinces robust
-and virtuous. Hence we have seen oppositions in a city (riots as they
-are called) to illegal governments instantly defeated, and their leaders
-hanged or tortured; because the judgment of the state was not
-sufficiently matured to support the struggle of the unhappy victims in a
-righteous cause. And hence it has happened, that the despots of the
-world have found it necessary to maintain large standing armies, in
-order to counteract the effects of truth and reason.
-
-The continuation of the feudal system, however, for a great length of
-time, by giving an overgrown influence to the nobility of France, had
-contributed, in no small degree, to counteract the despotism of her
-kings. Thus it was not until after the arbitrary administration of
-Richelieu, who had terrified the whole order by a tyranny peculiar to
-himself, that the insidious Mazarine broke the independent spirit of the
-nation by introducing the sale of honours; and that Louis XIV, by the
-magnificence of his follies, and the meretricious decorations of stars,
-crosses, and other marks of distinction, or badges of slavery, drew the
-nobles from their castles; and, by concentrating the pleasures and
-wealth of the kingdom in Paris, the luxury of the court became
-commensurate to the product of the nation. Besides, the encouragement
-given to enervating pleasures, and the venality of titles, purchased
-either with money, or ignoble services, soon rendered the nobility as
-notorious for effeminacy as they had been illustrious for heroism in the
-days of the gallant Henry.
-
-The arts had already formed a school, and men of science and literature
-were hurrying from every part of the kingdom to the metropolis, in
-search of employment and of honour; and whilst it was giving it’s tone
-to the empire, the parisian taste was pervading Europe.
-
-The vanity of leading the fashions, in the higher orders of society, is
-not the smallest weakness produced by the sluggishness into which people
-of quality naturally fall. The depravity of manners, and the sameness of
-pleasure, which compose a life of idleness, are sure to produce an
-insupportable _ennui_; and, in proportion to the stupidity of the man,
-or as his sensibility becomes deadened, he has recourse to variety,
-finding a zest only from a new creation of charms; and commonly the most
-unnatural are necessary to rouse sickly, fastidious senses. Still in the
-same degree as the refinement of sentiment, and the improvement of taste
-advance, the company of celebrated literary characters is sought after
-with avidity; and from the prevalence of fashion, the empire of wit
-succeeds the reign of formal insipidity, after the squeamish palate has
-been rendered delicate even by the nauseous banquets of voluptuousness.
-
-This is the natural consequence of the improvement of manners, the
-harbinger of reason; and from the ratio of it’s advancement throughout
-society, we are enabled to estimate the progress of political science.
-For no sooner had the disquisition of philosophical subjects become
-general in the select parties of amusement, extending by degrees to
-every class of society, than the rigour of the ancient government of
-France began to soften; till it’s mildness became so considerable, that
-superficial observers have attributed the exercise of lenity in the
-administration to the wisdom and excellence of the system itself.
-
-A confederacy of philosophers, whose opinions furnished the food of
-colloquial entertainment, gave a turn for instructive and useful reading
-to the leaders of circles, and drew the attention of the nation to the
-principles of political and civil government. Whilst by the compilation
-of the Encyclopedia, the repository of their thoughts, as an abstract
-work, they eluded the dangerous vigilance of absolute ministers; thus in
-a body disseminating those truths in the economy of finance, which,
-perhaps, they would not have had sufficient courage separately to have
-produced in individual publications; or, if they had, they would most
-probably have been suppressed.
-
-This is one of the few instances of an association of men becoming
-useful, instead of being cramped by joint exertions. And the cause is
-clear:—the work did not require a little party spirit; but each had a
-distinct subject of investigation to pursue with solitary energy. His
-destination was traced upon a calm sea, which could not expose him to
-the Scylla or Charybdis of vanity or interest.
-
-The economists, carrying away the palm, from their opponents, showed
-that the prosperity of a state depends on the freedom of industry; that
-talents should be permitted to find their level; that the unshackling of
-commerce is the only secret to render it flourishing, and answer more
-effectually the ends for which it is politically necessary; and that the
-imposts should be laid upon the surplus remaining, after the husbandman
-has been reimbursed for his labour and expences.
-
-Ideas so new, and yet so just and simple, could not fail to produce a
-great effect on the minds of frenchmen; who, constitutionally attached
-to novelty and ingenious speculations, were sure to be enamoured with a
-prospect of consolidating the great advantages of such a novel and
-enlightened system; and without calculating the danger of attacking old
-prejudices; nay, without ever considering, that it was a much easier
-task to pull down than to build up, they gave themselves little trouble
-to examine the gradual steps by which other countries have attained
-their degree of political improvement.
-
-The many vexatious taxes, which under the french government not only
-enervated the exertions of unprivileged persons, stagnating the live
-stream of trade, but were extremely teasing inconveniences to every
-private man, who could not travel from one place to another without
-being stopped at barriers, and searched by officers of different
-descriptions, were almost insuperable impediments in the way of the
-improvements of industry: and the abridgment of liberty was not more
-grievous in it’s pecuniary consequences, than in the personal
-mortification of being compelled to observe regulations as troublesome
-as they were at variance with sound policy.
-
-Irritations of the temper produce more poignant sensations of disgust
-than serious injuries. Frenchmen, indeed, had been so long accustomed to
-these vexatious forms, that, like the ox who is daily yoked, they were
-no longer galled in spirit, or exhaled their angry ebullitions in a
-song. Still it might have been supposed, that after reflecting little,
-and talking much, about the sublimity and superiour excellence of the
-plans of _french_ writers above those of other nations, they would
-become as passionate for liberty, as a man restrained by some idle
-religious vow is to possess a mistress, to whose charms the imagination
-has lent all it’s own world of graces.
-
-Besides, the very manner of living in France gives a lively turn to the
-character of the people; for by the destruction of the animal juices, in
-dressing their food, they are subject to none of that dulness, the
-effect of more nutritive diet in other countries; and this gaiety is
-increased by the moderate quantity of weak wine, which they drink at
-their meats, bidding defiance to phlegm. The people also living entirely
-in villages and towns are more social; so that the tone of the capital,
-the instant it had a note distinct from that of the court, became the
-key of the nation; though the inhabitants of the provinces polished
-their manners with less danger to their morals, or natural simplicity of
-character. But this mode of peopling the country tended more to civilize
-the inhabitants, than to change the face of the soil, or lead to
-agricultural improvements. For it is by residing in the midst of their
-land, that farmers make the most of it, in every sense of the word—so
-that the rude state of husbandry, and the awkwardness of the implements
-used by these ingenious people, may be imputed solely to this cause.
-
-The situation of France was likewise very favourable for collecting the
-information, acquired in other parts of the world. Paris, having been
-made a thoroughfare to all the kingdoms on the continent, received in
-it’s bosom strangers from every quarter; and itself resembling a full
-hive, the very drones buzzed into every corner all the sentiments of
-liberty, which it is possible for a people to possess, who have never
-been enlightened by the broad sunshine of freedom; yet more romantically
-enthusiastic, probably, for that very reason. Paris, therefore, having
-not only disseminated information, but presented herself as a bulwark to
-oppose the despotism of the court, standing the brunt of the fray, seems
-with some reason, to pride herself on being the author of the
-revolution.
-
-Though the liberty of the press had not existed in any part of the
-world, England and America excepted, still the disquisition of political
-questions had long occupied the intelligent parts of Europe; and in
-France, more than in any other country, books written with licentious
-freedom were handed from house to house, with the circumspection that
-irritates curiosity. Not to lay great stress on the universality of the
-language, which made one general opinion on the benefits arising from
-the advancement of science and reason pervade the neighbouring states,
-particularly Germany; where original compositions began to take place of
-that laborious erudition, which being employed only in the elucidation
-of ancient writers, the judgment lies dormant, or is merely called into
-action to weigh the import of words rather than to estimate the value of
-things. In Paris, likewise, a knot of ingenious, if not profound
-writers, twinkled their light into every circle; for being caressed by
-the great, they did not inhabit the homely recesses of indigence,
-rusticating their manners as they cultivated their understandings; on
-the contrary, the finesse required to convey their free sentiments in
-their books, broken into the small shot of innuendoes, gave an oiliness
-to their conversation, and enabled them to take the lead at tables, the
-voluptuousness of which was grateful to philosophers, rather of the
-epicurean than the stoic sect.
-
-It had long been the fashion to talk of liberty, and to dispute on
-hypothetical and logical points of political economy; and these
-disputations disseminated gleams of truth, and generated more demagogues
-than had ever appeared in any modern city.—The number exceeded, perhaps,
-any comparison with that of Athens itself.
-
-The habit also of passing a part of most of their evenings at some
-theatre gave them an ear for harmony of language, and a fastidious taste
-for sheer declamation, in which a sentimental jargon extinguishes all
-the simplicity and fire of passion: the great number of play-houses[34],
-and the moderate prices of the pit and different ranges of boxes,
-bringing it within the compass of every citizen to frequent the
-amusement so much beloved by the french.
-
-The arrangement of sounds, and the adjustment of masculine and feminine
-rhymes, being the secrets of their poetry, the pomp of diction gives a
-semblance of grandeur to common observations and hackneyed sentiments;
-because the french language, though copious in the phrases that give
-each shade of sentiment, has not, like the italian, the english, the
-german, a phraseology peculiar to poetry; yet it’s happy turns,
-equivocal, nay even concise expressions, and numerous epithets, which,
-when ingeniously applied, convey a sentence, or afford matter for half a
-dozen, make it better adapted to oratorical flourishes than that of any
-other nation. The french therefore are all rhetoricians, and they have a
-singular fund of superficial knowledge, caught in the tumult of pleasure
-from the shallow stream of conversation; so that if they have not the
-depth of thought which is obtained only by contemplation, they have all
-the shrewdness of sharpened wit; and their acquirements are so near
-their tongue’s end, that they never miss an opportunity of saying a
-pertinent thing, or tripping up, by a smart retort, the arguments with
-which they have not strength fairly to wrestle.
-
-Every political good carried to the extreme must be productive of evil;
-yet every poison has it’s antidote; and there is a pitch of luxury and
-refinement, which, when reached, will overturn all the absolute
-governments in the world. The ascertainment of these antidotes is a task
-the most difficult; and whilst it remains imperfect, a number of men
-will continue to be the victims of mistaken applications. Like the
-empirics, who bled a patient to death to prevent a mortification from
-becoming fatal, the tyrants of the earth have had recourse to cutting
-off the heads, or torturing the bodies, of those persons who have
-attempted to check their sway, or doubt their omnipotence. But, though
-thousands have perished the victims of empirics, and of despots, yet the
-improvements made both in medicine and moral philosophy have kept a
-sure, though gradual pace.—And, if men have not clearly discovered a
-specific remedy for every evil, physical, moral, and political, it is to
-be presumed, that the accumulation of experimental facts will greatly
-tend to lessen them in future.
-
-Whilst, therefore, the sumptuous galas of the court of France were the
-grand source of the refinement of the arts, taste became the antidote to
-_ennui_; and when sentiment had taken place of chivalrous and gothic
-tournaments, the reign of philosophy succeeded that of the imagination.
-And though the government, enveloped in precedents, adjusted still the
-idle ceremonials, which were no longer imposing, blind to the
-imperceptible change of things and opinions, as if their faculties were
-bound by an eternal frost, the progress was invariable; till, reaching a
-certain point, Paris, which from the particular formation of the empire
-had been such an useful head to it, began to be the cause of dreadful
-calamities, extending from individuals to the nation, and from the
-nation to Europe. Thus it is, that we are led to blame those, who
-insist, that, because a state of things has been productive of good, it
-is always respectable; when, on the contrary, the endeavouring to keep
-alive any hoary establishment, beyond it’s natural date, is often
-pernicious and always useless.
-
-In the infancy of governments, or rather of civilization, courts seem to
-be necessary to accelerate the improvement of arts and manners, to lead
-to that of science and morals. Large capitals are the obvious
-consequences of the riches and luxury of courts; but as, after they have
-arrived at a certain magnitude and degree of refinement, they become
-dangerous to the freedom of the people, and incompatible with the safety
-of a republican government, it may be questioned whether Paris will not
-occasion more disturbance in settling the new order of things, than is
-equivalent to the good she produced by accelerating the epocha of the
-revolution.
-
-However, it appears very certain, that should a republican government be
-consolidated, Paris must rapidly crumble into decay. It’s rise and
-splendour were owing chiefly, if not entirely, to the old system of
-government; and since the foundation of it’s luxury has been shaken, and
-it is not likely that the disparting structure will ever again rest
-securely on it’s basis, we may fairly infer, that, in proportion as the
-charms of solitary reflection and agricultural recreations are felt, the
-people, by leaving the villages and cities, will give a new complexion
-to the face of the country—and we may then look for a turn of mind more
-solid, principles more fixed, and a conduct more consistent and
-virtuous.
-
-The occupations and habits of life have a wonderful influence on the
-forming mind; so great, that the superinductions of art stop the growth
-of the spontaneous shoots of nature, till it is difficult to distinguish
-natural from factitious morals and feelings; and as the energy of
-thinking will always proceed, in a great measure, either from our
-education or manner of living, the frivolity of the french character may
-be accounted for, without taking refuge in the old hiding place of
-ignorance—occult causes.
-
-When it is the object of education to prepare the pupil to please every
-body, and of course to deceive, accomplishments are the one thing
-needful; and the desire to be admired ever being uppermost, the passions
-are subjugated, or all drawn into the whirlpool of egotism[35]. This
-gives to each person, however different the temper, a tincture of
-vanity, and that weak vacillation of opinion, which is incompatible with
-what we term character.
-
-Thus a frenchman, like most women, may be said to have no character
-distinguishable from that of the nation; unless little shades, and
-casual lights, be allowed to constitute an essential characteristic.
-What then could have been expected, when their ambition was mostly
-confined to dancing gracefully, entering a room with easy assurance, and
-smiling on and complimenting the very persons whom they meant to
-ridicule at the next fashionable assembly? The learning to fence with
-skill, it is true, was useful to a people, whose false notions of honour
-required that at least a drop of blood should atone for the shadow of an
-affront. The knack also of uttering sprightly repartees became a
-necessary art, to supply the place of that real interest only to be
-nourished in the affectionate intercourse of domestic intimacy, where
-confidence enlarges the heart it opens. Besides, the desire of eating of
-every dish at table, no matter if there were fifty, and the custom of
-separating immediately after the repast, destroy the social affections,
-reminding a stranger of the vulgar saying—‘every man for himself, and
-God for us all.’ After these cursory observations, it is not going too
-far to advance, that the french were in some respects the most
-unqualified of any people in Europe to undertake the important work in
-which they are embarked.
-
-Whilst pleasure was the sole object of living among the higher orders of
-society, it was the business of the lower to give life to their joys,
-and convenience to their luxury. This cast-like division, by destroying
-all strength of character in the former, and debasing the latter to
-machines, taught frenchmen to be more ingenious in their contrivances
-for pleasure and show, than the men of any other country; whilst, with
-respect to the abridgment of labour in the mechanic arts, or to promote
-the comfort of common life, they were far behind. They had never, in
-fact, acquired an idea of that independent, comfortable situation, in
-which contentment is sought rather than happiness; because the slaves of
-pleasure or power can be roused only by lively emotions and extravagant
-hopes. Indeed they have no word in their vocabulary to express
-_comfort_—that state of existence, in which reason renders serene and
-useful the days, which passion would only cheat with flying dreams of
-happiness.
-
-A change of character cannot be so sudden as some sanguine calculators
-expect: yet by the destruction of the rights of primogeniture, a greater
-degree of equality of property is sure to follow; and as Paris cannot
-maintain it’s splendour, but by the trade of luxury, which can never be
-carried to the same height it was formerly, the opulent having strong
-motives to induce them to live more in the country, they must acquire
-new inclinations and opinions.—As a change also of the system of
-education and domestic manners will be a natural consequence of the
-revolution, the french will insensibly rise to a dignity of character
-far above that of the present race; and then the fruit of their liberty,
-ripening gradually, will have a relish not to be expected during it’s
-crude and forced state.
-
-The late arrangement of things seems to have been the common effect of
-an absolute government, a domineering priesthood, and a great inequality
-of fortune; and whilst it completely destroyed the most important end of
-society, the comfort and independence of the people, it generated the
-most shameful depravity and weakness of intellect; so that we have seen
-the french engaged in a business the most sacred to mankind, giving, by
-their enthusiasm, splendid examples of their fortitude at one moment,
-and at another, by their want of firmness and deficiency of judgment,
-affording the most glaring and fatal proofs of the just estimate, which
-all nations have formed of their character.
-
-Men so thoroughly sophisticated, it was to be supposed, would never
-conduct any business with steadiness and moderation: but it required a
-knowledge of the nation and their manners, to form a distinct idea of
-their disgusting conceit and wretched egotism; so far surpassing all the
-calculations of reason, that, perhaps, should not a faithful picture be
-now sketched, posterity would be at loss to account for their folly; and
-attribute to madness, what arose from imbecility.
-
-The natural feelings of man seldom become so contaminated and debased as
-not sometimes to let escape a gleam of the generous fire, an ethereal
-spark of the soul; and it is these glowing emotions, in the inmost
-recesses of the heart, which have continued to feed feelings, that on
-sudden occasions manifest themselves with all their pristine purity and
-vigour. But, by the habitual slothfulness of rusty intellects, or the
-depravity of the heart, lulled into hardness on the lascivious couch of
-pleasure, those heavenly beams are obscured, and man appears either an
-hideous monster, a devouring beast; or a spiritless reptile, without
-dignity or humanity.
-
-Those miserable wretches who crawl under the feet of others are seldom
-to be found among savages, where men accustomed to exercise and
-temperance are, in general, brave, hospitable, and magnanimous; and it
-is only as they surrender their rights, that they lose those noble
-qualities of the heart. The ferocity of the savage is of a distinct
-nature from that of the degenerate slaves of tyrants. One murders from
-mistaken notions of courage; yet he respects his enemy in proportion to
-his fortitude, and contempt of death: the other assassinates without
-remorse, whilst his trembling nerves betray the weakness of his
-affrighted soul at every appearance of danger. Among the former, men are
-respected according to their abilities; consequently idle drones are
-driven out of this society; but among the latter, men are raised to
-honours and employments in proportion as a talent for intrigue, the sure
-proof of littleness of mind, has rendered them servile. The most
-melancholy reflections are produced by a retrospective glance over the
-rise and progress of the governments of different countries, when we are
-compelled to remark, that flagrant follies and atrocious crimes have
-been more common under the governments of modern Europe, than in any of
-the ancient nations, if we except the jews. Sanguinary tortures,
-insidious poisonings, and dark assassinations, have alternately
-exhibited a race of monsters in human shape, the contemplation of whose
-ferocity chills the blood, and darkens every enlivening expectation of
-humanity: but we ought to observe, to reanimate the hopes of
-benevolence, that the perpetration of these horrid deeds has arisen from
-a despotism in the government, which reason is teaching us to remedy.
-Sometimes, it is true, restrained by an iron police, the people appear
-peaceable, when they are Only stunned; so that we find, whenever the mob
-has broken loose, the fury of the populace has been shocking and
-calamitous. These considerations account for the contradictions in the
-french character, which must strike a stranger: for robberies are very
-rare in France, where daily frauds and sly pilfering, prove, that the
-lower class have as little honesty as sincerity. Besides murder and
-cruelty almost always show the dastardly ferocity of fear in France;
-whilst in England, where the spirit of liberty has prevailed, it is
-usual for an highwayman, demanding your money, not only to avoid
-barbarity, but to behave with humanity, and even complaisance.
-
-Degeneracy of morals, with polished manners, produces the worst of
-passions, which floating through the social body, the genial current of
-natural feelings has been poisoned; and, committing crimes with
-trembling inquietude, the culprits have not only drawn on themselves the
-vengeance of the law, but thrown an odium on their nature, that has
-blackened the face of humanity. And whilst it’s temple has been
-sacrilegiously profaned by the drops of blood, which have issued from
-the very hearts of the sad victims of their folly; a hardness of temper,
-under the veil of sentiment, calling it vice, has prevented our sympathy
-from leading us to examine into the sources of the atrocity of our
-species, and obscured the true cause of disgraceful and vicious habits.
-
-Since the existence of courts, whose aggrandisement has been conspicuous
-in the same degree as the miseries of the debased people have
-accumulated, the convenience and comfort of men have been sacrificed to
-the ostentatious display of pomp and ridiculous pageantry. For every
-order of men, from the beggar to the king, has tended to introduce that
-extravagance into society, which equally blasts domestic virtue and
-happiness. The prevailing custom of living beyond their income has had
-the most baneful effect on the independence of individuals of every
-class in England, as well as in France; so that whilst they have lived
-in habits of idleness, they have been drawn into excesses, which,
-proving ruinous, produced consequences equally pernicious to the
-community, and degrading to the private character. Extravagance forces
-the peer to prostitute his talents and influence for a place, to repair
-his broken fortune; and the country gentleman, becomes venal in the
-senate, to enable himself to live on a par with him, or reimburse
-himself for the expences of electioneering, into which he was led by
-sheer vanity. The professions, on the same account, become equally
-unprincipled. The one, whose characteristic ought to be integrity,
-descends to chicanery; whilst another trifles with the health, of which
-it knows all the importance. The merchant likewise enters into
-speculations so closely bordering on fraudulency, that common straight
-forward minds can scarcely distinguish the devious art of selling any
-thing for a price far beyond that necessary to ensure a just profit,
-from sheer dishonesty, aggravated by hard-heartedness, when it is to
-take advantage of the necessities of the indigent.
-
-The destructive influence of commerce, it is true, carried on by men who
-are eager by overgrown riches to partake of the respect paid to
-nobility, is felt in a variety of ways. The most pernicious, perhaps, is
-it’s producing an aristocracy of wealth, which degrades mankind, by
-making them only exchange savageness for tame servility, instead of
-acquiring the urbanity of improved reason. Commerce also, overstocking a
-country with people, obliges the majority to become manufacturers rather
-than husbandmen; and then the division of labour, solely to enrich the
-proprietor, renders the mind entirely inactive. The time which, a
-celebrated writer says, is sauntered away, in going from one part of an
-employment to another, is the very time that preserves the man from
-degenerating into a brute; for every one must have observed how much
-more intelligent are the blacksmiths, carpenters, and masons in the
-country, than the journeymen in great towns; and, respecting morals,
-there is no making a comparison. The very gait of the man, who is his
-own master, is so much more steady than the slouching step of the
-servant of a servant, that it is unnecessary to ask which proves by his
-actions he has the most independence of character.
-
-The acquiring of a fortune is likewise the least arduous road to
-pre-eminence, and the most sure; thus are whole knots of men turned into
-machines, to enable a keen speculator to become wealthy; and every noble
-principle of nature is eradicated by making a man passes his life in
-stretching wire, pointing a pin, heading a nail, or spreading a sheet of
-paper on a plain surface. Besides, it is allowed, that all associations
-of men render them sensual, and consequently selfish; and whilst lazy
-friars are driven out of their cells as stagnate bodies that corrupt
-society, it may admit of a doubt whether large work-shops do not contain
-men equally tending to impede that gradual progress of improvement,
-which leads to the perfection of reason, and the establishment of
-rational equality.
-
-The deprivation of natural, equal, civil and political rights, reduced
-the most cunning of the lower orders to practise fraud, and the rest to
-habits of stealing, audacious robberies, and murders. And why? because
-the rich and poor were separated into bands of tyrants and slaves, and
-the retaliation of slaves is always terrible. In short, every sacred
-feeling, moral and divine, has been obliterated, and the dignity of man
-sullied, by a system of policy and jurisprudence as repugnant to reason,
-as at variance with humanity.
-
-The only excuse that can be made for the ferocity of the parisians is
-then simply to observe, that they had not any confidence in the laws,
-which they had always found to be merely cobwebs to catch small flies.
-Accustomed to be punished themselves for every trifle, and often for
-only being in the way of the rich, or their parasites; when, in fact,
-had the parisians seen the execution of a noble, or priest, though
-convicted of crimes beyond the daring of vulgar minds?—When justice, or
-the law, is so partial, the day of retribution will come with the red
-sky of vengeance, to confound the innocent with the guilty. The mob were
-barbarous beyond the tiger’s cruelty: for how could they trust a court
-that had so often deceived them, or expect to see it’s agents punished,
-when the same measures were pursuing?
-
-Let us cast our eyes over the history of man, and we shall scarcely find
-a page that is not tarnished by some foul deed, or bloody transaction.
-Let us examine the catalogue of the vices of men in a savage state, and
-contrast them with those of men civilized; we shall find, that a
-barbarian, considered as a moral being, is an angel, compared with the
-refined villain of artificial life. Let us investigate the causes which
-have produced this degeneracy, and we shall discover, that they are
-those unjust plans of government, which have been formed by peculiar
-circumstances in every part of the globe.—Then let us coolly and
-impartially contemplate the improvements, which are gaining ground in
-the formation of principles of policy; and I flatter myself it will be
-allowed by every humane and considerate being, that a political system
-more simple than has hitherto existed would effectually check those
-aspiring follies, which, by imitation, leading to vice, have banished
-from governments the very shadow of justice and magnanimity.
-
-Thus had France grown up, and sickened on the corruption of a state
-diseased. But, as in medicine there is a species of complaint in the
-bowels which works it’s own cure, and, leaving the body healthy, gives
-an invigorated tone to the system, so there is in politics: and whilst
-the agitation of it’s regeneration continues, the excrementitious
-humours exuding from the contaminated body will excite a general dislike
-and contempt for the nation; and it is only the philosophical eye, which
-looks into the nature and weighs the consequences of human actions, that
-will be able to discern the cause, which has produced so many dreadful
-effects.
-
-
- END OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
-
------
-
-Footnote 1:
-
- What else could be expected from the courtier, who could write in
- these terms to madame de Maintenon: _God has been so gracious to me,
- madam, that, in whatever company I find myself, I never have occasion
- to blush for the gospel or the king_.
-
-Footnote 2:
-
- For example, the reception of a portuguese adventurer, under the
- character of a persian ambassador. A farce made by the court to rouse
- the blunted senses of the king.
-
-Footnote 3:
-
- Memoires du marechal de Richelieu.
-
-Footnote 4:
-
- In this reply will be found many of the reasons, that have been lately
- repeated; and some (a proof of the progress of reason), which no one
- had the audacity to repeat, when standing up in defence of privileges.
-
-Footnote 5:
-
- It is well known, that for a long time he wished to convoke the
- states-general; and it was not without difficulty, that Dubois made
- him abandon this design. During the year 1789, a curious memorial has
- been reprinted, which he wrote on this occasion; and it is, like the
- author, a model of impudence.
-
-Footnote 6:
-
- Since the constituent assembly equalized the impost, Calonne has
- boasted, that he proposed a mode of levying equal taxes; but that the
- nobility would not listen to any such motion, tenaciously maintaining
- their privileges. This blind obstinacy of opposing all reform, that
- touched their exemptions, may be reckoned among the foremost causes,
- which, in hurrying the removal of old abuses, tended to introduce
- violence and disorder.—And if it be kept in remembrance, that a
- conduct equally illiberal and disingenuous warped all their political
- sentiments, it must be clear, that the people, from whom they
- considered themselves as separated by immutable laws, had cogent
- grounds to conclude, that it would be next to impossible to effect a
- reform of the greater part of those perplexing exemptions and
- arbitrary customs, the weight of which made the peculiar urgency, and
- called with the most forcible energy for the revolution. Surely all
- the folly of the people taken together was less reprehensible, than
- this total want of discernment, this adherence to a prejudice, the
- jaundiced perception of contumelious ignorance, in a class of men, who
- from the opportunity they had of acquiring knowledge, ought to have
- acted with more judgment. For they were goaded into action by inhuman
- provocations, by acts of the most flagrant injustice, when they had
- neither rule nor experience to direct them, and after their temperance
- had been destroyed by years of sufferings, and an endless catalogue of
- reiterated and contemptuous privations.
-
-Footnote 7:
-
- Importance of religious opinions.
-
-Footnote 8:
-
- ‘The code of étiquette’, says Mirabeau, ‘has been hitherto the sacred
- fire of the court and privileged orders.’
-
-Footnote 9:
-
- Under the reign of Louis XV two hundred and thirty thousand _lettres
- de cachet_ had been issued; and after this, who will assert, that this
- was not an inveterate evil, which ought to be eradicated; for it is an
- insult to human reason, to talk of the modification of such abuses, as
- seem to be experiments to try how far human patience can be stretched.
-
-Footnote 10:
-
- Count Lally-Tolendal.
-
-Footnote 11:
-
- This was written some months before the death of the queen.
-
-Footnote 12:
-
- Such is ever the conduct of _soi-disant_ patriots.
-
-Footnote 13:
-
- This is an event much more important at Paris, than it would be in
- London.
-
-Footnote 14:
-
- The mayor.
-
-Footnote 15:
-
- This man, the abbé Lefebure, remained all night, and the greater part
- of the next day, standing over a barrel of gun-powder, persisting to
- keep off the people, with undaunted courage, though several of them,
- to torment him, brought pipes to smoke near it; and one actually fired
- a pistol close by, that set fire to his hair.
-
-Footnote 16:
-
- Lally-Tolendal said of La Fayette, at this time, that ‘he spoke of
- liberty as he had defended it.’
-
-Footnote 17:
-
- The supplying of Paris with provision always depended on a nice
- arrangement of circumstances, capable of being controlled by the
- government of the state. It is not like London, and other great
- cities, the local position of which was previously pointed out by
- nature, and of which the welfare depends on the great and perpetual
- movements of commerce, which they themselves regulate. To cut off the
- provision from London, you must block up the port, and interdict in an
- open manner an intercourse, on which the wealth of the nation in a
- great measure depends. Paris, on the contrary, might be famished in a
- few days by a secret order of the court. All the people of the place
- would feel the effect, and no person be able to ascertain the cause.
- These considerations render it easy to account for the continued
- scarcity of provision in Paris during the summer of 1789. No person
- can doubt, but the court viewed the revolution with horrour; and that,
- among the measures which they took to prevent it, they would not
- overlook so obvious an expedient, as that of cutting off the supplies
- from the capital; as they supposed the people would lay the blame on
- the new order of things, and thus be disgusted with the revolution.
-
-Footnote 18:
-
- The lamp-posts, which are only to be found in squares, and places
- where there are not two rows of houses, are much more substantial than
- in England.
-
-Footnote 19:
-
- ‘In August 1778,’ says Lally-Tolendal, ‘the laws were overturned; and
- twenty-five millions of men without justice or judges;—the public
- treasury without funds, and without resource;—the sovereign authority
- was usurped by the ministers;—and the people without any other hope
- than the states-general;—yet without confidence in the promise of the
- king.’
-
- And, Mounier also gives a similar sketch. ‘We have not a fixed or
- complete form of government—we have not a constitution, because all
- the powers are confounded—because no boundary is traced out.—The
- judicial power is not even separated from the legislative.—Authority
- is dispersed; it’s various parts are always in opposition; and amidst
- their perpetual shocks the rights of the lower class of citizens are
- betrayed.—The laws are openly despised, or rather we are not agreed
- what ought to be called laws.’
-
-Footnote 20:
-
- In the Bastille, it is true, were found but seven prisoners.—Yet, it
- ought to be remarked, that three of them had lost their reason—that,
- when the secrets of the prison-house were laid open, men started with
- horrour from the inspection of instruments of torture, that appeared
- to be almost worn out by the exercise of tyranny—and that citizens
- were afraid even for a moment to enter the noisome dungeons, in which
- their fellow creatures had been confined for years.
-
-Footnote 21:
-
- The cruelties of the half civilized romans, combined with their
- unnatural vices, even when literature and the arts were most
- cultivated, prove, that humanity is the offspring of the
- understanding, and that the progress of the sciences alone can make
- men wiser and happier.
-
-Footnote 22:
-
- Mirabeau appears to have been continually hurt by the want of dignity
- in the assembly.—By the inconsistency, which made them stalk as heroes
- one moment, with a true theatrical stride, and the next cringe with
- the flexible backs of habitual slaves.
-
-Footnote 23:
-
- ‘Let us compare,’ he further adds, ‘the number of innocents sacrificed
- by mistake, by the sanguinary maxims of the courts of criminal
- judicature, and the ministerial vengeance exercised secretly in the
- dungeons of Vincennes, and in the cells of the Bastille, with the
- sudden and impetuous vengeance of the multitude, and then decide on
- which side barbarity appears. At the moment when the hell created by
- tyranny for the torment of it’s victims opens itself to the public
- eye; at the moment when all the citizens have been permitted to
- descend into those gloomy caves, to poize the chains of their friends,
- of their defenders; at the moment when the registers of those
- iniquitous archives are fallen into all hands; it is necessary, that
- the people should be essentially good, or this manifestation of the
- atrocities of ministers would have rendered them as cruel as
- themselves!’
-
-Footnote 24:
-
- These members seem to have formed a just estimate of the french
- character.
-
-Footnote 25:
-
- Some french wags have laid a great stress on these decrees passing
- after dinner.
-
-Footnote 26:
-
- Lally-Tolendal, in particular; for giving his opinion on the subject
- of two chambers, he said:—‘It is not doubtful at present, and for this
- first assembly, that a single chamber is preferable, and perhaps
- necessary—There are so many difficulties to be surmounted, so many
- prejudices to be conquered, so many sacrifices to be made, such old
- habits to root out, so great a power to control; in a word so much to
- destroy, and almost all to create anew. This moment, gentlemen, which
- we are so happy as to have seen, of which it is impossible a
- description can be given—when private characters, orders of men, and
- provinces, are vying with each other, who will make the greatest
- sacrifices to the public good—when all press together at the tribune,
- to renounce voluntarily, not only odious privileges, but even those
- just rights, which appear to you an obstacle to the fraternity and
- equality of all the citizens. This moment, gentlemen, this noble and
- rich enthusiasm which hurries you along, this new order of things
- which you have begun—all this—most assuredly, could never have been
- produced but from the union of all persons, of all opinions, and of
- all hearts.’—
-
-Footnote 27:
-
- ‘It is worthy of remark, that the _divine right_ of tithes was never
- insisted on,’ says a french writer, ‘even by the clergy, during this
- debate. Yet the year before, when the same question was brought
- forward in the irish house of parliament, great stress was laid on
- this gothic idea of their origin.’
-
-Footnote 28:
-
- It is observable, that the satisfaction of the people was by no means
- equal to the discontent manifested by the privileged orders.
-
-Footnote 29:
-
- See the article 10. ‘No man ought to be molested on account of his
- opinions, not even on account of his religious opinions, provided his
- avowal of them does not disturb the public order established by law.’
-
-Footnote 30:
-
- Calonne.
-
-Footnote 31:
-
- In Holland almost all the taxes are collected in the shape of excise.
-
- In France, formerly, the taxes were generally internal; but, since the
- mode established of making a revenue of 300,000,000 _l._ by the land
- and house tax part of the 580,000,000 _l._ estimated to be the peace
- establishment, it appears, that this was too great a proportion to be
- obtained in that way. Hence the revenue of France has lately failed in
- a great degree.
-
- In America the taxes of the federal government have been lately
- established solely on the customs, that is to say, on goods imported.
- These operate two ways; encouraging home manufactures, and
- discouraging the manufactures of other countries.
-
- Great Britain has levied her revenue on customs both inwards and
- outwards; on excise, principally internal; on stamps, which operate
- both internally and externally; and on fixed objects, as well as
- internal consumption, (as salt).
-
-Footnote 32:
-
- ‘O Richard, O mon roi,
- L’univers t’abandonne!’
-
-Footnote 33:
-
- They used to lie to be owned in a conspicuous part of the city.
-
-Footnote 34:
-
- There are upwards of thirty scattered throughout the city.
-
-Footnote 35:
-
- I use this word according to the french acceptation, because we have
- not one to express so forcibly the same signification.
-
-------------------------------------------------------------------------
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- with cuts; or 2s. without.
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- vols. 6s. bound.
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- 6. The FEMALE READER: Select Pieces in Prose and Verse, from the best
- Writers, for the Improvement of Young Women. With a PREFACE on
- FEMALE EDUCATION. 3s. 6d. bound.
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