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diff --git a/old/whwar10h.htm b/old/whwar10h.htm new file mode 100644 index 0000000..77a829a --- /dev/null +++ b/old/whwar10h.htm @@ -0,0 +1,1945 @@ +<!DOCTYPE HTML PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD HTML 4.01 Transitional//EN"> +<HTML><HEAD> +<TITLE>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Why We Are At War, by Woodrow Wilson</TITLE> +<META http-equiv="Content-Type" content="text/html; charset=iso-8859-1"> +<STYLE TYPE="text/css"> +<!-- +DIV.book { margin-left: 5%; margin-right: 5%; text-align: justify; } +DIV.quote { margin-left: 2em; margin-right: 2em; } +P { text-indent: 2em; margin-top: 0; margin-bottom: 0; } +P.pg { text-indent: 0em; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em; } +TABLE.bold { font-weight: bold; } +--> +</STYLE> +</HEAD> +<BODY> +<center><h1>The Project Gutenberg EBook of<br><a href="#title"><i>Why We are at War</i></a><br>by Woodrow Wilson</h1> +</center> +<DIV align="justify"> +<p class="pg"><br> +Copyright laws are changing all over the world. 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You can also find out about how to make a +donation to Project Gutenberg, and how to get involved. +<p class="pg"> +**Welcome To The World of Free Plain Vanilla Electronic Texts** +<p class="pg"> +**eBooks Readable By Both Humans and By Computers, Since 1971** +<p class="pg"> +*****These eBooks Were Prepared By Thousands of Volunteers!***** +<p class="pg"> +Title: Why We are at War +<p class="pg"> +Author: Woodrow Wilson +<p class="pg"> +Release Date: November, 2004 [EBook #6870] +<br>[Yes, we are more than one year ahead of schedule] +<br>[This HTM version was first posted on March 7, 2003] +<p class="pg"> +Edition: 10 +<p class="pg"> +Language: English +<p class="pg"> +Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 +<p class="pg"> +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, WHY WE ARE AT WAR *** +<p class="pg" align="center"><br><br> +HTML formatting and additional editing by Jose Menendez. +<br><br><br></DIV> +<DIV class="book"> +<a name="title"></a><hr size="3" noshade> +<center> +<h1>WHY WE ARE AT WAR</h1><br><h3>BY</h3><br><h2>WOODROW WILSON</h2> +<hr size="3" noshade></center><p><br> +Messages to the Congress January to April, 1917 by Woodrow Wilson, +President of the United States, with the President’s proclamation of war +April 6, 1917 and his message to the American people April 15, 1917. +<br><br> +Harper & Brothers Publishers, New York and London. +Published May, 1917 +<br><br> +<hr><br> +<center><h2>CONTENTS</h2></center> +<br><TABLE class="bold" cellpadding="6" cellspacing="6" summary="Table of Contents"><col align="right" valign="top"><col align="left"> +<tr><td>I.</td><td><a href="#1">A WORLD LEAGUE FOR PEACE</a> +<p>Message to the Senate, January 22, 1917.</td></tr> + +<tr><td>II.</td><td><a href="#2">THE SEVERANCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GERMANY</a> +<p>Message to the Congress, February 3, 1917.</td></tr> + +<tr><td>III.</td><td><a href="#3">REQUEST FOR A GRANT OF POWER</a> +<p>Message to the Congress, February 26, 1917.</td></tr> + +<tr><td>IV.</td><td><a href="#4">WE MUST ACCEPT WAR</a> +<p>Message to the Congress, April 2, 1917.</td></tr> + +<tr><td>V.</td><td><a href="#5">A STATE OF WAR</a> +<p>The President’s Proclamation of April 6, 1917.</td></tr> + +<tr><td>VI.</td><td><a href="#6">“SPEAK, ACT, AND SERVE TOGETHER”</a> +<p>Message to the American people, April 15, 1917.</td></tr> +</table> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3>PUBLISHER’S NOTE</h3></center> + + +<p><br> +This book presents in convenient form the memorable messages to the +Congress read by President Wilson in January, February, and April, +1917. They should be read together, for only in this way is it +possible to appreciate both the forbearance and the logic of events +reflected in these consecutive chapters of history. While the great +war message of April 2d is obviously the most momentous, its full +significance is not made clear unless it is read as the climax of the +preceding messages and also in connection with the President’s +proclamation of a state of war on April 6th and his message to the +American people of April 15th. While the approval of President Wilson +was very naturally requested and obtained for the publication of these +messages in collected form, the Publishers are responsible for the +title and for captions. They have felt that they are rendering a +service of permanent value by collecting and presenting these historic +documents in the same form in which they have published President +Wilson’s <i>When a Man Comes to Himself</i>, <i>On Being Human</i>, and +<i>The President of the United States</i>. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="1">I</a></h3> + +<h3>A WORLD LEAGUE FOR PEACE</h3> + +<h4>Message to the Senate<br> +January 22, 1917</h4></center> +<p><br> + + +Gentlemen of the Senate: +<br><br><p> +On the 18th of December last I addressed an identic note to the +Governments of the nations now at war, requesting them to state, +more definitely than they had yet been stated by either group of +belligerents, the terms upon which they would deem it possible to make +peace. I spoke on behalf of humanity and of the rights of all neutral +nations like our own, many of whose most vital interests the war puts +in constant jeopardy. +<p> +The Central Powers united in a reply which stated merely that they were +ready to meet their antagonists in conference to discuss terms of peace. +<p><br> + +<b>ENTENTE REPLY WAS MORE DEFINITE</b> +<br><br><p> +The Entente Powers have replied much more definitely and have stated, +in general terms, indeed, but with sufficient definiteness to imply +details, the arrangements, guarantees, and acts of reparation which +they deem to be the indispensable conditions of a satisfactory +settlement. +<p> +We are that much nearer a definite discussion of the peace which shall +end the present war. We are that much nearer the discussion of the +international concert which must thereafter hold the world at peace. +<p> +In every discussion of the peace that must end this war it is taken +for granted that that peace must be followed by some definite concert +of power which will make it virtually impossible that any such +catastrophe should ever overwhelm us again. Every lover of mankind, +every sane and thoughtful man, must take that for granted. +<p> +I have sought this opportunity to address you because I thought that +I owed it to you, as the council associated with me in the final +determination of our international obligations, to disclose to you, +without reserve, the thought and purpose that have been taking form in +my mind in regard to the duty of our Government in these days to come +when it will be necessary to lay afresh and upon a new plan the +foundations of peace among the nations. +<p><br> + +<b>DECLARES PEACE IS NOT FAR OFF</b> +<br><br><p> +It is inconceivable that the people of the United States should play +no part in that great enterprise. To take part in such a service will +be the opportunity for which they have sought to prepare themselves by +the very principles and purposes of their polity and the approved +practices of their Government, ever since the days when they set up a +new nation in the high and honorable hope that it might in all that it +was and did show mankind the way to liberty. +<p> +They cannot, in honor, withhold the service to which they are now +about to be challenged. They do not wish to withhold it. But they owe +it to themselves and to the other nations of the world to state the +conditions under which they will feel free to render it. That service +is nothing less than this—to add their authority and their power to +the authority and force of other nations to guarantee peace and +justice throughout the world. Such a settlement cannot now be long +postponed. It is right that before it comes this Government should +frankly formulate the conditions upon which it would feel justified in +asking our people to approve its formal and solemn adherence to a +league for peace. I am here to attempt to state those conditions. +<p><br> + +<b>MUST NOT SERVE SELFISH AIMS</b> +<br><br><p> +The present war must first be ended; but we owe it to candor and to +a just regard for the opinion of mankind to say that so far as our +participation in guarantees of future peace is concerned it makes a +great deal of difference in what way and upon what terms it is ended. +The treaties and agreements which bring it to an end must embody terms +which will create a peace that is worth guaranteeing and preserving, +a peace that will win the approval of mankind; not merely a peace that +will serve the several interests and immediate aims of the nations +engaged. +<p> +We shall have no voice in determining what those terms shall be, but +we shall, I feel sure, have a voice in determining whether they shall +be made lasting or not by the guarantees of a universal covenant, and +our judgment upon what is fundamental and essential as a condition +precedent to permanency should be spoken now, not afterward, when it +may be too late. +<p> +No covenant of co-operative peace that does not include the peoples of +the New World can suffice to keep the future safe against war, and yet +there is only one sort of peace that the peoples of America could join +in guaranteeing. +<p> +The elements of that peace must be elements that engage the confidence +and satisfy the principles of the American Governments, elements +consistent with their political faith and the practical convictions +which the peoples of America have once for all embraced and undertaken +to defend. +<p><br> + +<b>WORLD ALLIANCE IS NECESSARY</b> +<br><br><p> +I do not mean to say that any American Government would throw any +obstacle in the way of any terms of peace the Governments now at war +might agree upon, or seek to upset them when made, whatever they might +be. I only take it for granted that mere terms of peace between the +belligerents will not satisfy even the belligerents themselves. +<p> +Mere agreements may not make peace secure. It will be absolutely +necessary that a force be created as a guarantor of the permanency of +the settlement so much greater than the force of any nation now +engaged in any alliance hitherto formed or projected that no nation, +no probable combination of nations, could face or withstand it. +<p> +If the peace presently to be made is to endure it must be a peace made +secure by the organized major force of mankind. +<p> +The terms of the immediate peace agreed upon will determine whether it +is a peace for which such a guarantee can be secured. The question +upon which the whole future peace and policy of the world depends is +this: +<p> +Is the present war a struggle for a just and secure peace or only for +a new balance of power? If it be only a struggle for a new balance of +power, who will guarantee, who can guarantee, the stable equilibrium +of the new arrangement? +<p><br> + +<b>NO VICTORY FOR EITHER SIDE</b> +<br><br><p> +Only a tranquil Europe can be a stable Europe. There must be not only +a balance of power, but a community of power; not organized rivalries, +but an organized common peace. +<p> +Fortunately, we have received very explicit assurances on this point. +The statesmen of both of the groups of nations now arrayed against one +another have said, in terms that could not be misinterpreted, that it +was no part of the purpose they had in mind to crush their +antagonists. But the implications of these assurances may not be +equally clear to all—may not be the same on both sides of the water. +I think it will be serviceable if I attempt to set forth what we +understand them to be. +<p> +They imply, first of all, that it must be a peace without victory. +It is not pleasant to say this. I beg that I may be permitted to put +my own interpretation upon it and that it may be understood that no +other interpretation was in my thought. +<p> +I am seeking only to face realities and to face them without soft +concealments. Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, +a victor’s terms imposed upon the vanquished. It would be accepted +in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable sacrifice, and would +leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory, upon which terms of +peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. +<p> +Only a peace between equals can last; only a peace the very principle +of which is equality and a common participation in a common benefit. +The right state of mind, the right feeling between nations, is as +necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement of questions +of territory or of racial and national allegiance. +<p><br> + +<b>MUST EQUALIZE RIGHTS OF NATIONS</b> +<br><br><p> +The equality of nations upon which peace must be founded, if it is to +last, must be an equality of rights; the guarantees exchanged must +neither recognize nor imply a difference between big nations and +small, between those that are powerful and those that are weak. +<p> +Right must be based upon the common strength, not upon the individual +strength, of the nations upon whose concert peace will depend. +<p> +Equality of territory or of resources there, of course, cannot be; +nor any other sort of equality not gained in the ordinary peaceful and +legitimate development of the peoples themselves. But no one asks or +expects anything more than an equality of rights. Mankind is looking +now for freedom of life, not for equipoises of power. +<p> +And there is a deeper thing involved than even equality of rights +among organized nations. No peace can last, or ought to last, which +does not recognize and accept the principle that Governments derive +all their just powers from the consent of the governed, and that no +right anywhere exists to hand people about from sovereignty to +sovereignty as if they were property. +<p> +I take it for granted, for instance, if I may venture upon a single +example, that statesmen everywhere are agreed that there should be a +united, independent, and autonomous Poland, and that henceforth +inviolable security of life, of worship, and of industrial and social +development should be guaranteed to all peoples who have lived +hitherto under the power of Governments devoted to a faith and purpose +hostile to their own. +<p> +I speak of this, not because of any desire to exalt an abstract +political principle which has always been held very dear by those who +have sought to build up liberty in America, but for the same reason +that I have spoken of the other conditions of peace which seem to me +clearly indispensable—because I wish frankly to uncover realities. +<p><br> + +<b>CRUSHED PEOPLES WILL REVOLT</b> +<br><br><p> +Any peace which does not recognize and accept this principle will +inevitably be upset. It will not rest upon the affections or the +convictions of mankind. The ferment of spirit of whole populations +will fight subtly and constantly against it, and all the world will +sympathize. The world can be at peace only if its life is stable, +and there can be no stability where the will is in rebellion, where +there is not tranquillity of spirit and a sense of justice, of freedom, +and of right. +<p> +So far as practicable, moreover, every great people now struggling +toward a full development of its resources and of its powers should be +assured a direct outlet to the great highways of the sea. Where this +cannot be done by the cession of territory, it can no doubt be done by +the neutralization of direct rights of way under the general guarantee +which will assure the peace itself. With a right comity of arrangement +no nation need be shut away from free access to the open paths of the +world’s commerce. +<p> +And the paths of the sea must alike in law and in fact be free. +The freedom of the seas is the <i>sine qua non</i> of peace, equality, +and co-operation. +<p> +No doubt a somewhat radical reconsideration of many of the rules +of international practice hitherto sought to be established may be +necessary in order to make the seas indeed free and common in +practically all circumstances for the use of mankind, but the motive +for such changes is convincing and compelling. There can be no trust +or intimacy between the peoples of the world without them. +<p> +The free, constant, unthreatened intercourse of nations is an +essential part of the process of peace and of development. It need not +be difficult to define or to secure the freedom of the seas if the +Governments of the world sincerely desire to come to an agreement +concerning it. +<p><br> + +<b>REQUIRES LIMITATION OF ARMAMENTS</b> +<br><br><p> +It is a problem closely connected with the limitation of naval +armaments and the co-operation of the navies of the world in keeping +the seas at once free and safe. And the question of limiting naval +armaments opens the wider and perhaps more difficult question of the +limitation of armies and of all programs of military preparation. +<p> +Difficult and delicate as these questions are, they must be faced with +the utmost candor and decided in a spirit of real accommodation if +peace is to come with healing in its wings and come to stay. Peace +cannot be had without concession and sacrifice. There can be no sense +of safety and equality among the nations if great preponderating +armies are henceforth to continue here and there to be built up and +maintained. +<p> +The statesmen of the world must plan for peace, and nations must +adjust and accommodate their policy to it as they have planned for +war and made ready for pitiless contest and rivalry. The question of +armaments, whether on land or sea, is the most immediately and +intensely practical question connected with the future fortunes of +nations and of mankind. +<p> +I have spoken upon these great matters without reserve and with the +utmost explicitness because it has seemed to me to be necessary if the +world’s yearning desire for peace was anywhere to find free voice and +utterance. Perhaps I am the only person in high authority among all +the peoples of the world who is at liberty to speak and hold nothing +back. +<p> +I am speaking as an individual, and yet I am speaking also, of course, +as the responsible head of a great Government, and I feel confident +that I have said what the people of the United States would wish me to +say. May I not add that I hope and believe that I am in effect +speaking for liberals and friends of humanity in every nation and of +every program of liberty? +<p> +I would fain believe that I am speaking for the silent mass of mankind +everywhere who have as yet had no place or opportunity to speak their +real hearts out concerning the death and ruin they see to have come +already upon the persons and the homes they hold most dear. +<p><br> + +<b>SEES WORLD-WIDE MONROE DOCTRINE</b> +<br><br><p> +And in holding out the expectation that the people and Government of +the United States will join the other civilized nations of the world +in guaranteeing the permanence of peace upon such terms as I have +named, I speak with the greater boldness and confidence because it is +clear to every man who can think that there is in this promise no +breach in either our traditions or our policy as a nation, but a +fulfilment, rather, of all that we have professed or striven for. +<p> +I am proposing, as it were, that the nations should with one accord +adopt the doctrine of President Monroe as the doctrine of the world; +that no nation should seek to extend its polity over any other nation +or people, but that every people should be left free to determine its +own polity, its own way of development, unhindered, unthreatened, +unafraid, the little along with the great and powerful. +<p> +I am proposing that all nations henceforth avoid entangling alliances +which would draw them into competitions of power, catch them in a net +of intrigue and selfish rivalry, and disturb their own affairs with +influences intruded from without. There is no entangling alliance in +a concert of power. When all unite to act in the same sense and with +the same purpose, all act in the common interest and are free to live +their own lives under a common protection. +<p> +I am proposing government by the consent of the governed; that freedom +of the seas which in international conference after conference +representatives of the United States have urged with the eloquence of +those who are the convinced disciples of liberty; and that moderation +of armaments which makes of armies and navies a power for order +merely, not an instrument of aggression or of selfish violence. +<p> +These are American principles, American policies. We can stand for +no others. And they are also the principles and policies of +forward-looking men and women everywhere, of every modern nation, +of every enlightened community. They are the principles of mankind, +and must prevail. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="2">II</a></h3> + +<h3>THE SEVERANCE OF DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH GERMANY</h3> + +<h4>Message to the Congress<br> +February 3, 1917</h4></center> + + +<p><br> +Gentlemen of the Congress: +<br><br><p> +The Imperial German Government, on the 31st of January, announced to +this Government and to the Governments of the other neutral nations +that on and after the first day of February, the present month, it +would adopt a policy with regard to the use of submarines against all +shipping seeking to pass through certain designated areas of the high +seas to which it is clearly my duty to call your attention. +<p> +Let me remind the Congress that on the 18th of April last, in view of +the sinking on the 24th of March of the cross-Channel passenger-steamer +<i>Sussex</i> by a German submarine, without summons or warning, and +the consequent loss of the lives of several citizens of the United +States who were passengers aboard her, this Government addressed a +note to the Imperial German Government in which it made the following +declaration: +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + If it is still the purpose of the Imperial German Government to + prosecute relentless and indiscriminate warfare against vessels + of commerce by the use of submarines without regard to what the + Government of the United States must consider the sacred and + indisputable rules of international law and the universally + recognized dictates of humanity, the Government of the United States + is at last forced to the conclusion that there is but one course it + can pursue. Unless the German Government should now immediately + declare and effect an abandonment of its present methods of submarine + warfare against passenger and freight-carrying vessels the Government + of the United States can have no choice but to sever diplomatic + relations with the German Empire altogether.</DIV> +<p><br> + +<b>GERMANY’S U-BOAT PLEDGE</b> +<br><br><p> +In reply to this declaration the German Government gave this +Government the following assurances: +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + The German Government is prepared to do its utmost to confine the + operations of war for the rest of its duration to the fighting + forces of the belligerents, thereby insuring the freedom of the seas, + a principle upon which the German Government believes, now as before, + to be in agreement with the Government of the United States. +<p> + The German Government, guided by this idea, notifies the Government + of the United States that the German naval forces have received the + following orders: +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + In accordance with the general principles of visit and search and + destruction of merchant vessels recognized by international law, + such vessels, both within and without the area declared as naval + war zone, shall not be sunk without warning and without saving + human lives, unless these ships attempt to escape or offer resistance.</DIV> +<br><p> + But neutrals cannot expect that Germany, forced to fight for her + existence, shall, for the sake of neutral interest, restrict the use + of an effective weapon if her enemy is permitted to continue to apply + at will methods of warfare violating the rules of international law. + Such a demand would be incompatible with the character of neutrality, + and the German Government is convinced that the Government of the + United States does not think of making such a demand, knowing that + the Government of the United States has repeatedly declared that it + is determined to restore the principle of the freedom of the seas + from whatever quarter it has been violated.</DIV> +<p><br> + +<b>HOW THE UNITED STATES REPLIED</b> +<br><br><p> +To this the Government of the United States replied on the 8th of May, +accepting, of course, the assurances given, but adding: +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + The Government of the United States feels it necessary to state that + it takes it for granted that the Imperial German Government does not + intend to imply that the maintenance of its newly announced policy + is in any way contingent upon the course or result of diplomatic + negotiations between the Government of the United States and any + other belligerent Government, notwithstanding the fact that certain + passages in the Imperial Government’s note of the 4th instant might + appear to be susceptible to that construction. In order, however, + to avoid any possible misunderstanding, the Government of the United + States notifies the Imperial Government that it cannot for a moment + entertain, much less discuss, a suggestion that respect by German + naval authorities for the rights of citizens of the United States + upon the high seas should in any way or in the slightest degree be + made contingent upon the conduct of any other Government affecting + the rights of neutrals and non-combatants. Responsibility in such + matters is single, not joint; absolute, not relative.</DIV> +<br><p> +To this note of the 8th of May the Imperial German Government made no +reply. +<p> +On the 31st of January, the Wednesday of the present week, the German +Ambassador handed to the Secretary of State, along with a formal note, +a memorandum which contains the following statement: +<p><br> + +<b>GERMANY’S NEW POLICY</b> +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + The Imperial Government, therefore, does not doubt that the Government + of the United States will understand the situation thus forced upon + Germany by the Entente Allies’ brutal methods of war and by their + determination to destroy the Central Powers, and that the Government + of the United States will further realize that the now openly + disclosed intentions of the Entente Allies give back to Germany the + freedom of action which she reserved in her note addressed to the + Government of the United States on May 4, 1916. +<p> + Under these circumstances Germany will meet the illegal measures + of her enemies by forcibly preventing, after February 1, 1917, + in a zone around Great Britain, France, Italy, and in the eastern + Mediterranean all navigation, that of neutrals included, from and + to France, etc. All ships met within the zone will be sunk.</DIV> +<br><p> +I think that you will agree with me that, in view of this declaration, +which suddenly and without prior intimation of any kind deliberately +withdraws the solemn assurance given in the Imperial Government’s note +of the 4th of May, 1916, this Government has no alternative consistent +with the dignity and honor of the United States but to take the course +which, in its note of the 18th of April, 1916, it announced that it +would take in the event that the German Government did not declare and +effect an abandonment of the methods of submarine warfare which it was +then employing and to which it now purposes again to resort. +<p><br> + +<b>ALL RELATIONS BROKEN OFF</b> +<br><br><p> +I have, therefore, directed the Secretary of State to announce to his +Excellency the German ambassador that all diplomatic relations between +the United States and the German Empire are severed, and that the +American ambassador at Berlin will immediately be withdrawn, and, in +accordance with this decision, to hand to his Excellency his passports. +<p> +Notwithstanding this unexpected action of the German Government, this +sudden and deeply deplorable renunciation of its assurances, given +this Government at one of the most critical moments of tension in the +relations of the two Governments, I refuse to believe that it is the +intention of the German authorities to do in fact what they have +warned us they will feel at liberty to do. I cannot bring myself to +believe that they will indeed pay no regard to the ancient friendship +between their people and our own or to the solemn obligations which +have been exchanged between them and destroy American ships and take +the lives of American citizens in the wilful prosecution of the +ruthless naval program they have announced their intention to adopt. +<p> +Only actual overt acts on their part can make me believe it even now. +<p><br> + +<b>WILL PROTECT AMERICAN RIGHTS</b> +<br><br><p> +If this inveterate confidence on my part in the sobriety and prudent +foresight of their purpose should unhappily prove unfounded, if +American ships and American lives should, in fact, be sacrificed by +their naval commanders in heedless contravention of the just and +reasonable understandings of international law and the obvious +dictates of humanity, I shall take the liberty of coming again before +the Congress to ask that authority be given me to use any means that +may be necessary for the protection of our seamen and our people in +the prosecution of their peaceful and legitimate errands on the high +seas. I can do nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral +Governments will take the same course. +<p> +I do not desire any hostile conflict with the Imperial German +Government. We are the sincere friends of the German people and +earnestly desire to remain at peace with the Government which speaks +for them. We shall not believe that they are hostile to us until we +are obliged to believe it; and we purpose nothing more than the +reasonable defense of the undoubted rights of our people. We wish to +serve no selfish ends. We seek merely to stand true alike in thought +and in action to the immemorial principles of our people which I +sought to express in my address to the Senate only two weeks ago—seek +merely to vindicate our right to liberty and justice and an unmolested +life. These are bases of peace, not war. God grant we may not be +challenged to defend them by acts of wilful injustice on the part of +the Government of Germany. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="3">III</a></h3> + +<h3>REQUEST FOR A GRANT OF POWER</h3> + +<h4>Message to the Congress<br> +February 26, 1917</h4></center> + + +<p><br> +Gentlemen of the Congress: +<br><br><p> +I have again asked the privilege of addressing you because we are +moving through critical times, during which it seems to me to be my +duty to keep in close touch with the Houses of Congress so that +neither counsel nor action shall run at cross-purposes between us. +<p> +On the 3d of February I officially informed you of the sudden and +unexpected action of the Imperial German Government in declaring its +intention to disregard the promises it had made to this Government in +April last and undertake immediate submarine operations against all +commerce, whether of belligerents or of neutrals, that should seek +to approach Great Britain and Ireland, the Atlantic coasts of Europe, +or the harbors of the eastern Mediterranean, and to conduct those +operations without regard to the established restrictions of +international practice, without regard to any considerations of +humanity, even, which might interfere with their object. +<p><br> + +<b>AMERICAN COMMERCE SUFFERS,<br>BUT OTHER NEUTRALS FARE WORSE</b> +<br><br><p> +That policy was forthwith put into practice. It has now been in active +exhibition for nearly four weeks. Its practical results are not fully +disclosed. The commerce of other neutral nations is suffering +severely, but not, perhaps, very much more severely than it was +already suffering before the 1st of February, when the new policy of +the Imperial Government was put into operation. +<p> +We have asked the co-operation of the other neutral Governments to +prevent these depredations, but I fear none of them has thought it +wise to join us in any common course of action. Our own commerce has +suffered, is suffering, rather in apprehension than in fact, rather +because so many of our ships are timidly keeping to their home ports +than because American ships have been sunk. +<p> +Two American vessels have been sunk, the <i>Housatonic</i> and the <i>Lyman M. Law</i>. +The case of the <i>Housatonic</i>, which was carrying foodstuffs consigned +to a London firm, was essentially like the case of the <i>Frye</i>, in which, +it will be recalled, the German Government admitted its liability for +damages, and the lives of the crew, as in the case of the <i>Frye</i>, were +safeguarded with reasonable care. +<p><br> + +<b>THE RUTHLESS SINKING OF SCHOONER “LYMAN M. LAW”</b> +<br><br><p> +The case of the <i>Law</i>, which was carrying lemon-box staves to Palermo, +disclosed a ruthlessness of method which deserves grave condemnation, +but was accompanied by no circumstances which might not have been +expected at any time in connection with the use of the submarine +against merchantmen as the German Government has used it. +<p> +In sum, therefore, the situation we find ourselves in with regard to +the actual conduct of the German submarine warfare against commerce +and its effects upon our own ships and people is substantially the +same that it was when I addressed you on the 3d of February, except +for the tying up of our shipping in our own ports because of the +unwillingness of our ship-owners to risk their vessels at sea without +insurance or adequate protection, and the very serious congestion of +our commerce which has resulted, a congestion which is growing rapidly +more and more serious every day. +<p> +This in itself might presently accomplish, in effect, what the new +German submarine orders were meant to accomplish, so far as we are +concerned. We can only say, therefore, that the overt act which I +have ventured to hope the German commanders would in fact avoid has +not occurred. +<p><br> + +<b>SPARED BY CIRCUMSTANCES NOT BY INSTRUCTIONS</b> +<br><br><p> +But while this is happily true, it must be admitted that there have +been certain additional indications and expressions of purpose on the +part of the German press and the German authorities which have +increased rather than lessened the impression that if our ships and +our people are spared it will be because of fortunate circumstances or +because the commanders of the German submarines which they may happen +to encounter exercise an unexpected discretion and restraint, rather +than because of the instructions under which those commanders are +acting. +<p> +It would be foolish to deny that the situation is fraught with the +gravest possibilities and dangers. No thoughtful man can fail to see +that the necessity for definite action may come at any time, if we are +in fact, and not in word merely, to defend our elementary rights as a +neutral nation. It would be most imprudent to be unprepared. +<p> +I cannot in such circumstances be unmindful of the fact that the +expiration of the term of the present Congress is immediately at hand +by constitutional limitation, and that it would in all likelihood +require an unusual length of time to assemble and organize the Congress +which is to succeed it. +<p><br> + +<b>MAY NEED THE AUTHORITY TO ACT ANY MOMENT</b> +<br><br><p> +I feel that I ought, in view of that fact, to obtain from you full and +immediate assurance of the authority which I may need at any moment to +exercise. No doubt I already possess that authority without special +warrant of law by the plain implication of my constitutional duties +and powers, but I prefer in the present circumstances not to act upon +general implication. I wish to feel that the authority and the power +of the Congress are behind me in whatever it may become necessary for +me to do. We are jointly the servants of the people and must act +together and in their spirit, so far as we can divine and interpret it. +<p> +No one doubts what it is our duty to do. We must defend our commerce +and the lives of our people in the midst of the present trying +circumstances with discretion, but with clear and steadfast purpose. +Only the method and the extent remain to be chosen upon the occasion, +if occasion should indeed arise. +<p> +Since it has unhappily proved impossible to safeguard our neutral +rights by diplomatic means against the unwarranted infringements they +are suffering at the hands of Germany, there may be no recourse but to +armed neutrality, which we shall know how to maintain and for which +there is abundant American precedent. +<p><br> + +<b>NOT CONTEMPLATING WAR, BUT WANTS TO BE READY</b> +<br><br><p> +It is devoutly to be hoped that it will not be necessary to put armed +forces anywhere into action. The American people do not desire it, +and our desire is not different from theirs. I am sure that they will +understand the spirit in which I am now acting, the purpose I hold +nearest my heart, and would wish to exhibit in everything I do. I am +anxious that the people of the nations at war also should understand +and not mistrust us. +<p> +I hope that I need give no further proofs and assurances than I have +already given throughout nearly three years of anxious patience that +I am the friend of peace, and mean to preserve it for America so long +as I am able. +<p> +I am not now proposing or contemplating war, or any steps that lead to +it. I merely request that you will accord me by your own vote and +definite bestowal the means and the authority to safeguard in practice +the right of a great people, who are at peace and who are desirous of +exercising none but the rights of peace, to follow the pursuit of +peace in quietness and good-will—rights recognized time out of mind +by all the civilized nations of the world. +<p> +No course of my choosing or of theirs will lead to war. War can come +only by the wilful acts and aggressions of others. +<p><br> + +<b>ASKS POWER TO ARM SHIPS AND TO USE OTHER MEANS</b> +<br><br><p> +You will understand why I can make no definite proposals or forecasts +of action now, and must ask for your supporting authority in the most +general terms. The form in which action may become necessary cannot +yet be foreseen. I believe that the people will be willing to trust +me to act with restraint, with prudence, and in the true spirit of amity +and good faith that they have themselves displayed throughout these +trying months; and it is in that belief that I request that you will +authorize me to supply our merchant-ships with defensive arms should +that become necessary, and with the means of using them, and to employ +any other instrumentalities or methods that may be necessary and +adequate to protect our ships and our people in their legitimate and +peaceful pursuits of the seas. +<p> +I request also that you will grant me at the same time, along with +the powers I ask, a sufficient credit to enable me to provide adequate +means of protection where they are lacking, including adequate +insurance against the present war risks. +<p> +I have spoken of our commerce and of the legitimate errands of our +people on the seas, but you will not be misled as to my main thought, +the thought that lies beneath these phrases and gives them dignity and +weight. +<p><br> + +<b>CIVILIZATION AT STAKE IN ATTACK ON HUMAN RIGHTS</b> +<br><br><p> +It is not of material interest merely that we are thinking. It is, +rather, of fundamental human rights, chief of all the right of life +itself. I am thinking not only of the rights of Americans to go and +come about their proper business by way of the sea, but also of +something much deeper, much more fundamental than that. I am thinking +of those rights of humanity without which there is no civilization. +My theme is of those great principles of compassion and of protection +which mankind has sought to throw about human lives—the lives of +non-combatants, the lives of men who are peacefully at work keeping the +industrial processes of the world quick and vital, the lives of women +and children, and of those who supply the labor which ministers to +their sustenance. +<p> +We are speaking of no selfish material rights, but of rights which our +hearts support, and whose foundation is that righteous passion for +justice upon which all law, all structures alike of family, of state, +and of mankind must rest, and upon the ultimate base of our existence +and our liberty. I cannot imagine any man with American principles at +his heart hesitating to defend these things. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="4">IV</a></h3> + +<h3>WE MUST ACCEPT WAR</h3> + +<h4>Message to the Congress<br> +April 2, 1917</h4></center> + + +<p><br> +Gentlemen of the Congress: +<br><br><p> +I have called the Congress into extraordinary session because there +are serious, very serious, choices of policy to be made, and made +immediately, which it was neither right nor constitutionally +permissible that I should assume the responsibility of making. +<p> +On the 3d of February last I officially laid before you the +extraordinary announcement of the Imperial German Government that on +and after the first day of February it was its purpose to put aside +all restraints of law or of humanity and use its submarines to sink +every vessel that sought to approach either the ports of Great Britain +and Ireland or the western coasts of Europe or any of the ports +controlled by the enemies of Germany within the Mediterranean. That +had seemed to be the object of the German submarine warfare earlier in +the war, but since April of last year the Imperial Government had +somewhat restrained the commanders of its undersea craft in conformity +with its promise then given to us that passenger-boats should not be +sunk, and that due warning would be given to all other vessels which +its submarines might seek to destroy when no resistance was offered or +escape attempted, and care taken that their crews were given at least +a fair chance to save their lives in their open boats. +<p> +The precautions taken were meager and haphazard enough, as was proved +in distressing instance after instance in the progress of the cruel +and unmanly business, but a certain degree of restraint was observed. +<p><br> + +<b>GERMANY’S RUTHLESS POLICY</b> +<br><br><p> +The new policy has swept every restriction aside. Vessels of every +kind, whatever their flag, their character, their cargo, their +destination, their errand, have been ruthlessly sent to the bottom +without warning, and without thought of help or mercy for those on +board, the vessels of friendly neutrals along with those of +belligerents. Even hospital-ships and ships carrying relief to the +sorely bereaved and stricken people of Belgium, though the latter were +provided with safe conduct through the proscribed areas by the German +Government itself and were distinguished by unmistakable marks of +identity, have been sunk with the same reckless lack of compassion or +of principle. +<p> +I was for a little while unable to believe that such things would, +in fact, be done by any Government that had hitherto subscribed to +the humane practices of civilized nations. International law had its +origin in the attempt to set up some law which would be respected and +observed upon the seas, where no nation had right of dominion, and +where lay the free highways of the world. By painful stage after stage +has that law been built up with meager enough results, indeed, after +all was accomplished that could be accomplished, but always with a clear +view at least of what the heart and conscience of mankind demanded. +<p> +This minimum of right the German Government has swept aside under the +plea of retaliation and necessity, and because it had no weapons which +it could use at sea except these, which it is impossible to employ as +it is employing them without throwing to the winds all scruples of +humanity or of respect for the understandings that were supposed to +underlie the intercourse of the world. +<p> +I am not now thinking of the loss of property involved, immense and +serious as that is, but only of the wanton and wholesale destruction +of the lives of non-combatants, men, women, and children engaged in +pursuits which have always, even in the darkest periods of modern +history, been deemed innocent and legitimate. Property can be paid +for; the lives of peaceful and innocent people cannot be. +<p><br> + +<b>GERMAN WARFARE AGAINST MANKIND</b> +<br><br><p> +The present German warfare against commerce is a warfare against +mankind. It is a war against all nations. American ships have been +sunk, American lives taken, in ways which it has stirred us very +deeply to learn of, but the ships and people of other neutral and +friendly nations have been sunk and overwhelmed in the waters in the +same way. There has been no discrimination. The challenge is to all +mankind. Each nation must decide for itself how it will meet it. +The choice we make for ourselves must be made with a moderation of +counsel and a temperateness of judgment befitting our character and +our motives as a nation. We must put excited feeling away. +<p> +Our motive will not be revenge or the victorious assertion of the +physical might of the nation, but only the vindication of right, +of human right, of which we are only a single champion. +<p> +When I addressed the Congress on the 26th of February last I thought +that it would suffice to assert our neutral rights with arms, our +right to use the seas against unlawful interference, our right to +keep our people safe against unlawful violence. But armed neutrality, +it now appears, is impracticable. Because submarines are in effect +outlaws when used as the German submarines have been used against +merchant shipping, it is impossible to defend ships against their +attacks as the law of nations has assumed that merchantmen would +defend themselves against privateers or cruisers, visible craft giving +chase upon the open sea. +<p> +It is common prudence in such circumstances, grim necessity, indeed, +to endeavor to destroy them before they have shown their own intention. +They must be dealt with upon sight, if dealt with at all. +<p> +The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at +all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the +defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned +their right to defend. The intimation is conveyed that the armed +guards which we have placed on our merchant-ships will be treated as +beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. +<p> +Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances +and in the face of such pretensions it is worse than ineffectual; it +is likely to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically +certain to draw us into the war without either the rights or the +effectiveness of belligerents. +<p> +There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: +we will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred +rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. +The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are not common wrongs; +they reach out to the very roots of human life. +<p><br> + +<b>BELLIGERENCY THRUST UPON US</b> +<br><br><p> +With a profound sense of the solemn and even tragical character of the +step I am taking and of the grave responsibilities which it involves, +but in unhesitating obedience to what I deem my constitutional duty, +I advise that the Congress declare the recent course of the Imperial +German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the +Government and people of the United States. That it formally accept +the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it and that +it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough +state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its +resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and +end the war. +<p><br> + +<b>WHAT THIS WILL INVOLVE</b> +<br><br><p> +What this will involve is clear. It will involve the utmost +practicable co-operation in counsel and action with the Governments +now at war with Germany, and as incident to that the extension to +those Governments of the most liberal financial credits in order that +our resources may so far as possible be added to theirs. +<p> +It will involve the organization and mobilization of all the material +resources of the country to supply the materials of war and serve the +incidental needs of the nation in the most abundant and yet the most +economical and efficient way possible. +<p> +It will involve the immediate full equipment of the navy in all +respects, but particularly in supplying it with the best means of +dealing with the enemy’s submarines. +<p> +It will involve the immediate addition to the armed forces of the +United States already provided for by law in case of war at least +500,000 men, who should, in my opinion, be chosen upon the principle +of universal liability to service, and also the authorization of +subsequent additional increments of equal force so soon as they may +be needed and can be handled in training. +<p> +It will involve also, of course, the granting of adequate credits to +the Government, sustained, I hope, so far as they can equitably be +sustained by the present generation, by well-conceived taxation. I say +sustained so far as may be equitable by taxation because it seems to +me that it would be most unwise to base the credits which will now be +necessary entirely on money borrowed. +<p> +It is our duty, I most respectfully urge, to protect our people so far +as we may against the very serious hardships and evils which would be +likely to arise out of the inflation which would be produced by vast +loans. +<p> +In carrying out the measures by which these things are to be +accomplished we should keep constantly in mind the wisdom of +interfering as little as possible in our own preparation and in the +equipment of our own military forces with the duty—for it will be a +very practical duty—of supplying the nations already at war with +Germany with the materials which they can obtain only from us or by +our assistance. They are in the field and we should help them in +every way to be effective there. +<p> +I shall take the liberty of suggesting, through the several executive +departments of the Government, for the consideration of your +committees measures for the accomplishment of the several objects I +have mentioned. I hope that it will be your pleasure to deal with them +as having been framed after very careful thought by the branch of the +Government upon which the responsibility of conducting the war and +safeguarding the nation will most directly fall. +<p><br> + +<b>OUR MOTIVES AND OBJECTS</b> +<br><br><p> +While we do these things, these deeply momentous things, let us be +very clear and make very clear to all the world what our motives and +our objects are. My own thought has not been driven from its habitual +and normal course by the unhappy events of the last two months, and +I do not believe that the thought of the nation has been altered or +clouded by them. +<p> +I have exactly the same thing in mind now that I had in mind when I +addressed the Senate on the 22d of January last; the same that I had +in mind when I addressed the Congress on the 3d of February and on the +26th of February. +<p> +Our object now, as then, is to vindicate the principles of peace and +justice in the life of the world as against selfish and autocratic +power and to set up amongst the really free and self-governed peoples +of the world such a concert of purpose and of action as will +henceforth insure the observance of those principles. +<p> +Neutrality is no longer feasible or desirable where the peace of the +world is involved and the freedom of its peoples, and the menace to +that peace and freedom lies in the existence of autocratic Governments +backed by organized force which is controlled wholly by their will, +not by the will of their people. We have seen the last of neutrality +in such circumstances. +<p> +We are at the beginning of an age in which it will be insisted that +the same standards of conduct and of responsibility for wrong done +shall be observed among nations and their Governments that are +observed among the individual citizens of civilized states. +<p> +We have no quarrel with the German people. We have no feeling toward +them but one of sympathy and friendship. It was not upon their impulse +that their Government acted in entering this war. It was not with their +previous knowledge or approval. +<p> +It was a war determined upon as wars used to be determined upon in the +old, unhappy days when peoples were nowhere consulted by their rulers +and wars were provoked and waged in the interest of dynasties or of +little groups of ambitious men who were accustomed to use their +fellow-men as pawns and tools. +<p> +Self-governed nations do not fill their neighbor states with spies or set +the course of intrigue to bring about some critical posture of affairs +which will give them an opportunity to strike and make conquest. Such +designs can be successfully worked only under cover and where no one has +the right to ask questions. +<p> +Cunningly contrived plans of deception or aggression, carried, it may +be, from generation to generation, can be worked out and kept from the +light only within the privacy of courts or behind the carefully +guarded confidences of a narrow and privileged class. They are happily +impossible where public opinion commands and insists upon full +information concerning all the nation’s affairs. +<p><br> + +<b>PEACE THROUGH FREE PEOPLES</b> +<br><br><p> +A steadfast concert for peace can never be maintained except by a +partnership of democratic nations. No autocratic Government could be +trusted to keep faith within it or observe its covenants. It must be +a league of honor, a partnership of opinion. Intrigue would eat its +vitals away, the plottings of inner circles who could plan what they +would and render account to no one would be a corruption seated at its +very heart. Only free peoples can hold their purpose and their honor +steady to a common end and prefer the interests of mankind to any +narrow interest of their own. +<p> +Does not every American feel that assurance has been added to our hope +for the future peace of the world by the wonderful and heartening +things that have been happening within the last few weeks in Russia? +<p> +Russia was known by those who know it best to have been always in fact +democratic at heart, in all the vital habits of her thought, in all +the intimate relationships of her people that spoke their natural +instinct, their habitual attitude toward life. +<p> +Autocracy that crowned the summit of her political structure, long as +it had stood and terrible as was the reality of its power, was not in +fact Russian in origin, in character or purpose; and now it has been +shaken and the great, generous Russian people have been added, in all +their native majesty and might, to the forces that are fighting for +freedom in the world, for justice and for peace. Here is a fit partner +for a league of honor. +<p> +One of the things that have served to convince us that the Prussian +autocracy was not and could never be our friend is that from the very +outset of the present war it has filled our unsuspecting communities +and even our offices of Government with spies and set criminal +intrigues everywhere afoot against our national unity of council, +our peace within and without, our industries and our commerce. +<p> +Indeed, it is now evident that its spies were here even before the war +began, and it is, unhappily, not a matter of conjecture, but a fact +proved in our courts of justice, that the intrigues which have more +than once come perilously near to disturbing the peace and dislocating +the industries of the country have been carried on at the instigation, +with the support, and even under the personal direction, of official +agents of the Imperial German Government accredited to the Government +of the United States. +<p> +Even in checking these things and trying to extirpate them we have +sought to put the most generous interpretation possible upon them +because we knew that their source lay, not in any hostile feeling or +purpose of the German people toward us (who were, no doubt, as +ignorant of them as we ourselves were), but only in the selfish +designs of a Government that did what it pleased and told its people +nothing. But they have played their part in serving to convince us +at last that that Government entertains no real friendship for us +and means to act against our peace and security at its convenience. +That it means to stir up enemies against us at our very doors the +intercepted note to the German Minister at Mexico City is eloquent +evidence. +<p><br> + +<b>A CHALLENGE OF HOSTILE PURPOSE</b> +<br><br><p> +We are accepting this challenge of hostile purpose because we know +that in such a Government, following such methods, we can never have a +friend; and that in the presence of its organized power, always lying +in wait to accomplish we know not what purpose, there can be no +assured security for the democratic Governments of the world. +<p> +We are now about to accept the gage of battle with this natural foe to +liberty, and shall, if necessary, spend the whole force of the nation +to check and nullify its pretensions and its power. We are glad, now +that we see the facts with no veil of false pretense about them, to +fight thus for the ultimate peace of the world and for the liberation +of its peoples, the German people included; for the rights of nations +great and small and the privilege of men everywhere to choose their +way of life and of obedience. The world must be made safe for +democracy. Its peace must be planted upon the trusted foundations of +political liberty. +<p> +We have no selfish ends to serve. We desire no conquest, no dominion. +We seek no indemnities for ourselves, no material compensation for the +sacrifices we shall freely make. We are but one of the champions of +the rights of mankind. We shall be satisfied when those rights have +been made as secure as the faith and the freedom of the nation can +make them. +<p> +Just because we fight without rancor and without selfish objects, +seeking nothing for ourselves but what we shall wish to share with +all free peoples, we shall, I feel confident, conduct our operations +as belligerents without passion and ourselves observe with proud +punctilio the principles of right and of fair play we profess to be +fighting for. +<p> +I have said nothing of the Governments allied with the Imperial +Government of Germany because they have not made war upon us or +challenged us to defend our right and our honor. +<p> +The Austro-Hungarian Government has indeed avowed its unqualified +indorsement and acceptance of the reckless and lawless submarine +warfare adopted now without disguise by the Imperial German +Government, and it has therefore not been possible for this Government +to receive Count Tarnowski, the ambassador recently accredited to this +Government by the Imperial and Royal Government of Austria-Hungary; +but that Government has not actually engaged in warfare against +citizens of the United States on the seas, and I take the liberty, +for the present at least, of postponing a discussion of our relations +with the authorities at Vienna. +<p><br> + +<b>OPPOSITION TO THE GERMAN GOVERNMENT<br> +FRIENDSHIP TOWARD THE GERMAN PEOPLE</b> +<br><br><p> +We enter this war only where we are clearly forced into it because +there are no other means of defending our rights. +<p> +It will be all the easier for us to conduct ourselves as belligerents +in a high spirit of right and fairness because we act without animus, +not in enmity toward a people or with the desire to bring any injury +or disadvantage upon them, but only in armed opposition to an +irresponsible Government which has thrown aside all considerations of +humanity and of right and is running amuck. +<p> +We are, let me say again, the sincere friends of the German people, +and shall desire nothing so much as the early re-establishment of +intimate relations of mutual advantage between us—however hard it may +be for them, for the time being, to believe that this is spoken from +our hearts. We have borne with their present Government through all +these bitter months because of that friendship—exercising a patience +and forbearance which would otherwise have been impossible. +<p> +We shall, happily, still have an opportunity to prove that friendship +in our daily attitude and actions toward the millions of men and women +of German birth and native sympathy who live amongst us and share our +life, and we shall be proud to prove it toward all who are, in fact, +loyal to their neighbors and to the Government in the hour of test. +They are, most of them, as true and loyal Americans as if they had +never known any other fealty or allegiance. They will be prompt to +stand with us in rebuking and restraining the few who may be of a +different mind and purpose. If there should be disloyalty it will be +dealt with with a firm hand of stern repression; but, if it lifts its +head at all, it will lift it only here and there and without +countenance except from a lawless and malignant few. +<p><br> + +<b>RIGHT MORE PRECIOUS THAN PEACE</b> +<br><br><p> +It is a distressing and oppressive duty, gentlemen of the Congress, +which I have performed in thus addressing you. There are, it may be, +many months of fiery trial and sacrifice ahead of us. It is a fearful +thing to lead this great, peaceful people into war, into the most +terrible and disastrous of all wars, civilization itself seeming to be +in the balance. But the right is more precious than peace, and we +shall fight for the things which we have always carried nearest our +hearts—for democracy, for the right of those who submit to authority +to have a voice in their own governments, for the rights and liberties +of small nations, for a universal dominion of right by such a concert +of free peoples as shall bring peace and safety to all nations and +make the world itself at last free. +<p> +To such a task we can dedicate our lives and our fortunes, everything +that we are and everything that we have, with the pride of those who +know that the day has come when America is privileged to spend her +blood and her might for the principles that gave her birth and +happiness and the peace which she has treasured. God helping her, she +can do no other. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="5">V</a></h3> + +<h3>A STATE OF WAR</h3> + +<h4>The President’s Proclamation of<br> +April 6, 1917</h4></center> + + +<br><br><p> +Whereas the Congress of the United States in the exercise of the +constitutional authority vested in them have resolved, by joint +resolution of the Senate and House of Representatives bearing date +this day “That the state of war between the United States and the +Imperial German Government which has been thrust upon the United +States is hereby formally declared”; +<p> +Whereas it is provided by Section 4067 of the Revised Statutes, as +follows: +<DIV class="quote"><br><p> + Whenever there is declared a war between the United States and + any foreign nation or government, or any invasion or predatory + incursion is perpetrated, attempted, or threatened against + the territory of the United States, by any foreign nation or + government, and the President makes public proclamation of the + event, all natives, citizens, denizens, or subjects of a hostile + nation or government, being males of the age of fourteen years and + upwards, who shall be within the United States, and not actually + naturalized, shall be liable to be apprehended, restrained, + secured, and removed as alien enemies. The President is authorized, + in any such event, by his proclamation thereof, or other public act, + to direct the conduct to be observed, on the part of the United + States, toward the aliens who become so liable; the manner and + degree of the restraint to which they shall be subject, and in what + cases, and upon what security their residence shall be permitted, + and to provide for the removal of those who, not being permitted + to reside within the United States, refuse or neglect to depart + therefrom; and to establish any such regulations which are found + necessary in the premises and for the public safety;</DIV> +<br><p> +Whereas, by Sections 4068, 4069, and 4070 of the Revised Statutes, +further provision is made relative to alien enemies; +<p> +Now, therefore, I, Woodrow Wilson, President of the United States of +America, do hereby proclaim to all whom it may concern that a state of +war exists between the United States and the Imperial German +Government; and I do specially direct all officers, civil or military, +of the United States that they exercise vigilance and zeal in the +discharge of the duties incident to such a state of war; and I do, +moreover, earnestly appeal to all American citizens that they, in +loyal devotion to their country, dedicated from its foundation to the +principles of liberty and justice, uphold the laws of the land, and +give undivided and willing support to those measures which may be +adopted by the constitutional authorities in prosecuting the war to a +successful issue and in obtaining a secure and just peace; +<p> +And, acting under and by virtue of the authority vested in me by the +Constitution of the United States and the said sections of the Revised +Statutes, I do hereby further proclaim and direct that the conduct to +be observed on the part of the United States toward all natives, +citizens, denizens, or subjects of Germany, being males of the age of +fourteen years and upwards, who shall be within the United States and +not actually naturalized, who for the purpose of this proclamation and +under such sections of the Revised Statutes are termed alien enemies, +shall be as follows: +<br><br><p> + All alien enemies are enjoined to preserve the peace towards the + United States and to refrain from crime against the public safety, + and from violating the laws of the United States and of the States + and Territories thereof, and to refrain from actual hostility or + giving information, aid or comfort to the enemies of the United + States, and to comply strictly with the regulations which are + hereby or which may be from time to time promulgated by the + President; and so long as they shall conduct themselves in + accordance with law, they shall be undisturbed in the peaceful + pursuit of their lives and occupations and be accorded the + consideration due to all peaceful and law-abiding persons, + except so far as restrictions may be necessary for their own + protection and for the safety of the United States; and towards + such alien enemies as conduct themselves in accordance with law, + all citizens of the United States are enjoined to preserve the + peace and to treat them with all such friendliness as may be + compatible with loyalty and allegiance to the United States. +<p> + And all alien enemies who fail to conduct themselves as so enjoined, + in addition to all other penalties prescribed by law, shall be + liable to restraint, or to give security, or to remove and depart + from the United States in the manner prescribed by Sections 4069 + and 4070 of the Revised Statutes, and as prescribed in the regulations + duly promulgated by the President; +<br><br><p> +And pursuant to the authority vested in me, I hereby declare and +establish the following regulations, which I find necessary in the +premises and for the public safety: +<DIV class="quote"><DIV class="quote"><p><br> + First. An alien enemy shall not have in his possession, at any time + or place, any fire-arm, weapon or implement of war, or component + part thereof, ammunition, maxim or other silencer, bomb or explosive + or material used in the manufacture of explosives; +<p><br> + Second. An alien enemy shall not have in his possession at any + time or place, or use or operate any aircraft or wireless apparatus, + or any form of signalling device, or any form of cipher code, or any + paper, document or book written or printed in cipher or in which + there may be invisible writing; +<p><br> + Third. All property found in the possession of an alien enemy in + violation of the foregoing regulations shall be subject to seizure + by the United States; +<p><br> + Fourth. An alien enemy shall not approach or be found within one-half + of a mile of any Federal or State fort, camp, arsenal, aircraft + station, Government or naval vessel, navy yard, factory, or workshop + for the manufacture of munitions of war or of any products for the + use of the army or navy; +<p><br> + Fifth. An alien enemy shall not write, print, or publish any attack + or threats against the Government or Congress of the United States, + or either branch thereof, or against the measures or policy of the + United States, or against the person or property of any person + in the military, naval or civil service of the United States, + or of the States or Territories, or of the District of Columbia, + or of the municipal governments therein; +<p><br> + Sixth. An alien enemy shall not commit or abet any hostile acts + against the United States, or give information, aid, or comfort to + its enemies; +<p><br> + Seventh. An alien enemy shall not reside in or continue to reside in, + to remain in, or enter any locality which the President may from time + to time designate by Executive Order as a prohibited area in + which residence by an alien enemy shall be found by him to constitute + a danger to the public peace and safety of the United States, except + by permit from the President and except under such limitations or + restrictions as the President may prescribe; +<p><br> + Eighth. An alien enemy whom the President shall have reasonable + cause to believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy, or to be + at large to the danger of the public peace or safety of the United + States, or to have violated or to be about to violate any of these + regulations, shall remove to any location designated by the President + by Executive Order, and shall not remove therefrom without a permit, + or shall depart from the United States if so required by the President; +<p><br> + Ninth. No alien enemy shall depart from the United States until he + shall have received such permit as the President shall prescribe, + or except under order of a court, judge, or justice, under Sections + 4069 and 4070 of the Revised Statutes; +<p><br> + Tenth. No alien enemy shall land in or enter the United States, + except under such restrictions and at such places as the President + may prescribe; +<p><br> + Eleventh. If necessary to prevent violation of the regulations, + all alien enemies will be obliged to register; +<p><br> + Twelfth. An alien enemy whom there may be reasonable cause to + believe to be aiding or about to aid the enemy, or who may be at large + to the danger of the public peace or safety, or who violates or + attempts to violate, or of whom there is reasonable ground to + believe that he is about to violate, any regulation duly promulgated + by the President, or any criminal law of the United States, or of + the States or Territories thereof, will be subject to summary arrest + by the United States Marshal, or his deputy, or such other officer as + the President shall designate, and to confinement in such penitentiary, + prison, jail, military camp, or other place of detention as may be + directed by the President.</DIV></DIV> +<br><p> +This proclamation and the regulations herein contained shall extend +and apply to all land and water, continental or insular, in any way +within the jurisdiction of the United States. +<br> +<br> +<hr> +<br> +<center><h3><a name="6">VI</a></h3> + +<h3>“SPEAK, ACT, AND SERVE TOGETHER”</h3> + +<h4>Message to the American People<br> +April 15, 1917</h4></center> + + +<p><br> +My Fellow-Countrymen: +<br><br><p> +The entrance of our own beloved country into the grim and terrible war +for democracy and human rights which has shaken the world creates so +many problems of national life and action which call for immediate +consideration and settlement that I hope you will permit me to address +to you a few words of earnest counsel and appeal with regard to them. +<p> +We are rapidly putting our navy upon an effective war footing and are +about to create and equip a great army, but these are the simplest +parts of the great task to which we have addressed ourselves. There is +not a single selfish element, so far as I can see, in the cause we are +fighting for. We are fighting for what we believe and wish to be the +rights of mankind and for the future peace and security of the world. +To do this great thing worthily and successfully we must devote +ourselves to the service without regard to profit or material +advantage and with an energy and intelligence that will rise to the +level of the enterprise itself. We must realize to the full how great +the task is and how many things, how many kinds and elements of +capacity and service and self-sacrifice it involves. +<p><br> + +<b>WHAT WE MUST DO</b> +<br><br><p> +These, then, are the things we must do, and do well, besides +fighting—the things without which mere fighting would be fruitless: +<p> +We must supply abundant food for ourselves and for our armies and our +seamen, not only, but also for a large part of the nations with whom +we have now made common cause, in whose support and by whose sides we +shall be fighting. +<p> +We must supply ships by the hundreds out of our shipyards to carry to +the other side of the sea, submarines or no submarines, what will +every day be needed there, and abundant materials out of our fields +and our mines and our factories with which not only to clothe and +equip our own forces on land and sea, but also to clothe and support +our people, for whom the gallant fellows under arms can no longer +work; to help clothe and equip the armies with which we are +co-operating in Europe, and to keep the looms and manufactories there +in raw material; coal to keep the fires going in ships at sea and in +the furnaces of hundreds of factories across the sea; steel out of which +to make arms and ammunition both here and there; rails for wornout +railways back of the fighting fronts; locomotives and rolling-stock to +take the place of those every day going to pieces; mules, horses, +cattle for labor and for military service; everything with which the +people of England and France and Italy and Russia have usually +supplied themselves, but cannot now afford the men, the materials or +the machinery to make. +<p><br> + +<b>GREATER EFFICIENCY</b> +<br><br><p> +It is evident to every thinking man that our industries, on the farms, +in the shipyards, in the mines, in the factories, must be made more +prolific and more efficient than ever, and that they must be more +economically managed and better adapted to the particular requirements +of our task than they have been; and what I want to say is that the +men and the women who devote their thought and their energy to these +things will be serving the country and conducting the fight for peace +and freedom just as truly and just as effectively as the men on the +battle-field or in the trenches. The industrial forces of the country, +men and women alike, will be a great national, a great international, +service army—a notable and honored host engaged in the service of the +nation and the world, the efficient friends and saviors of free men +everywhere. Thousands, nay, hundreds of thousands, of men otherwise +liable to military service will of right and of necessity be excused +from that service and assigned to the fundamental sustaining work of +the fields and factories and mines, and they will be as much part of +the great patriotic forces of the nation as the men under fire. +<p><br> + +<b>THE RESPONSIBILITY OF THE FARMERS</b> +<br><br><p> +I take the liberty, therefore, of addressing this word to the farmers +of the country and to all who work on the farms: The supreme need of +our own nation and of the nations with which we are co-operating is an +abundance of supplies, and especially of foodstuffs. The importance of +an adequate food-supply, especially for the present year, is +superlative. Without abundant food, alike for the armies and the +peoples now at war, the whole great enterprise upon which we have +embarked will break down and fail. The world’s food reserves are low. +Not only during the present emergency, but for some time after peace +shall have come, both our own people and a large proportion of the +people of Europe must rely upon the harvests in America. +<p> +Upon the farmers of this country, therefore, in large measure rests +the fate of the war and the fate of the nations. May the nation not +count upon them to omit no step that will increase the production of +their land or that will bring about the most effectual co-operation in +the sale and distribution of their products? The time is short. It is +of the most imperative importance that everything possible be done, +and done immediately, to make sure of large harvests. I call upon +young men and old alike and upon the able-bodied boys of the land to +accept and act upon this duty—to turn in hosts to the farms and make +certain that no pains and no labor is lacking in this great matter. +<p> +I particularly appeal to the farmers of the South to plant abundant +foodstuffs, as well as cotton. They can show their patriotism in no +better or more convincing way than by resisting the great temptation +of the present price of cotton and helping, helping upon a great +scale, to feed the nation and the peoples everywhere who are fighting +for their liberties and for our own. The variety of their crops will +be the visible measure of their comprehension of their national duty. +<p> +The Government of the United States and the Governments of the several +States stand ready to co-operate. They will do everything possible to +assist farmers in securing an adequate supply of seed, an adequate +force of laborers when they are most needed, at harvest-time, and the +means of expediting shipments of fertilizers and farm machinery, as +well as of the crops themselves when harvested. The course of trade +shall be as unhampered as it is possible to make it, and there shall +be no unwarranted manipulation of the nation’s food-supply by those +who handle it on its way to the consumer. This is our opportunity to +demonstrate the efficiency of a great democracy, and we shall not fall +short of it! +<p><br> + +<b>THE DUTY OF MIDDLEMEN</b> +<br><br><p> +This let me say to the middlemen of every sort, whether they are +handling our foodstuffs or the raw materials of manufacture or the +products of our mills and factories: The eyes of the country will be +especially upon you. This is your opportunity for signal service, +efficient and disinterested. The country expects you, as it expects +all others, to forego unusual profits, to organize and expedite +shipments of supplies of every kind, but especially of food, with an +eye to the service you are rendering and in the spirit of those who +enlist in the ranks, for their people, not for themselves. I shall +confidently expect you to deserve and win the confidence of people of +every sort and station. +<p><br> + +<b>THE MEN OF THE RAILWAYS</b> +<br><br><p> +To the men who run the railways of the country, whether they be +managers or operative employees, let me say that the railways are the +arteries of the nation’s life and that upon them rests the immense +responsibility of seeing to it that those arteries suffer no +obstruction of any kind, no inefficiency or slackened power. To the +merchant let me suggest the motto, “Small profits and quick service,” +and to the shipbuilder the thought that the life of the war depends +upon him. The food and the war supplies must be carried across the +seas, no matter how many ships are sent to the bottom. The places of +those that go down must be supplied, and supplied at once. To the +miner let me say that he stands where the farmer does: the work of the +world waits on him. If he slackens or fails, armies and statesmen are +helpless. He also is enlisted in the great Service Army. The +manufacturer does not need to be told, I hope, that the nation looks +to him to speed and perfect every process; and I want only to remind +his employees that their service is absolutely indispensable and is +counted on by every man who loves the country and its liberties. +<p> +Let me suggest also that every one who creates or cultivates a garden +helps, and helps greatly, to solve the problem of the feeding of the +nations; and that every housewife who practises strict economy puts +herself in the ranks of those who serve the nation. This is the time +for America to correct her unpardonable fault of wastefulness and +extravagance. Let every man and every woman assume the duty of +careful, provident use and expenditure as a public duty, as a dictate +of patriotism which no one can now expect ever to be excused or +forgiven for ignoring. +<p><br> + +<b>THE SUPREME TEST</b> +<br><br><p> +In the hope that this statement of the needs of the nation and of the +world in this hour of supreme crisis may stimulate those to whom it +comes and remind all who need reminder of the solemn duties of a time +such as the world has never seen before, I beg that all editors and +publishers everywhere will give as prominent publication and as wide +circulation as possible to this appeal. I venture to suggest also to +all advertising agencies that they would perhaps render a very +substantial and timely service to the country if they would give it +widespread repetition. And I hope that clergymen will not think the +theme of it an unworthy or inappropriate subject of comment and homily +from their pulpits. +<p> +The supreme test of the nation has come. We must all speak, act, and +serve together! +<br><br><hr size="3" noshade></DIV> +<br><DIV align="justify"> +<a name="trailer">*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK, WHY WE ARE AT WAR ***</a> +<p class="pg"> +This file should be named whwar10h.htm or whwar10h.zip<br> +Corrected EDITIONS of our eBooks get a new NUMBER, whwar11h.htm<br> +VERSIONS based on separate sources get a new LETTER, whwar10ha.htm +<p class="pg"> +Project Gutenberg eBooks are often created from several printed +editions, all of which are confirmed as Public Domain in the US +unless a copyright notice is included. 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