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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e318107 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #68266 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68266) diff --git a/old/68266-0.txt b/old/68266-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 2f2ea7a..0000000 --- a/old/68266-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,697 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at the -Lincoln dinner of the Republican club of the city of New York, -Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, February 13, 1905, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at the Lincoln dinner of the - Republican club of the city of New York, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, - February 13, 1905 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: June 8, 2022 [eBook #68266] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF -NEW YORK, WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL, FEBRUARY 13, 1905 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT - AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE - REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF - NEW YORK [Illustration] WALDORF-ASTORIA - HOTEL [Illustration] FEBRUARY 13, 1905 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1905 - - - - -MR. PRESIDENT, AND YOU, MY FELLOW-MEMBERS OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB, AND -YOU, MY FELLOW-GUESTS OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB: - -In his second inaugural, in a speech which will be read as long as the -memory of this nation endures, Abraham Lincoln closed by saying: - -“With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the -right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish -the work we are in; * * * to do all which may achieve and cherish a -just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations.” - -Immediately after his reelection he had already spoken thus: - -“The strife of the election is but human nature practically applied -to the facts of the case. What has occurred in this case must ever -recur in similar cases. Human nature will not change. In any future -great national trial, compared with the men of this, we shall have -as weak and as strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as good. Let -us, therefore, study the incidents of this as philosophy to learn -wisdom from, and none of them as wrongs to be revenged. * * * May not -all having a common interest reunite in a common effort to (serve) -our common country? For my own part, I have striven and shall strive -to avoid placing any obstacle in the way. So long as I have been here -I have not willingly planted a thorn in any man’s bosom. While I -am deeply sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, and duly -grateful, as I trust, to Almighty God for having directed my countrymen -to a right conclusion, as I think, for their own good, it adds nothing -to my satisfaction that any other man may be disappointed or pained by -the result. - -“May I ask those who have not differed with me to join with me in this -same spirit toward those who have?” - -This is the spirit in which mighty Lincoln sought to bind up the -nation’s wounds when its soul was yet seething with fierce hatreds, -with wrath, with rancor, with all the evil and dreadful passions -provoked by civil war. Surely this is the spirit which all Americans -should show now, when there is so little excuse for malice or rancor or -hatred, when there is so little of vital consequence to divide brother -from brother. [Applause.] - -Lincoln, himself a man of southern birth, did not hesitate to appeal -to the sword when he became satisfied that in no other way could the -Union be saved, for high though he put peace he put righteousness still -higher. [Applause.] He warred for the Union; he warred to free the -slave; and when he warred he warred in earnest, for it is a sign of -weakness to be half-hearted when blows must be struck. [Applause.] But -he felt only love, a love as deep as the tenderness of his great and -sad heart, for all his countrymen alike in the North and in the South, -and he longed above everything for the day when they should once -more be knit together in the unbreakable bonds of eternal friendship. -[Applause.] - -We of to-day, in dealing with all our fellow-citizens, white or -colored, North or South, should strive to show just the qualities that -Lincoln showed: His steadfastness in striving after the right, and -his infinite patience and forbearance with those who saw that right -less clearly than he did; his earnest endeavor to do what was best, -and yet his readiness to accept the best that was practicable when -the ideal best was unattainable; his unceasing effort to cure what was -evil, coupled with his refusal to make a bad situation worse by any -ill-judged or ill-timed effort to make it better. - -The great civil war in which Lincoln towered as the loftiest figure -left us not only a reunited country, but a country which has the proud -right to claim as its own the glory won alike by those who wore the -blue and by those who wore the gray, by those who followed Grant and -by those who followed Lee [applause]; for both fought with equal -bravery and with equal sincerity of conviction, each striving for the -light as it was given him to see the light; though it is now clear -to all that the triumph of the cause of freedom and of the Union was -essential to the welfare of mankind. [Applause.] We are now one people, -a people with failings which we must not blink, but a people with great -qualities in which we have the right to feel just pride. - -All good Americans who dwell in the North must, because they are good -Americans, feel the most earnest friendship for their fellow-countrymen -who dwell in the South, a friendship all the greater because it is -in the South that we find in its most acute phase one of the gravest -problems before our people: the problem of so dealing with the man of -one color as to secure him the rights that no one would grudge him if -he were of another color. [Applause.] To solve this problem it is, of -course, necessary to educate him to perform the duties, a failure to -perform which will render him a curse to himself and to all around him. - -Most certainly all clear-sighted and generous men in the North -appreciate the difficulty and perplexity of this problem, sympathize -with the South in the embarrassment of conditions for which she is -not alone responsible, feel an honest wish to help her where help -is practicable, and have the heartiest respect for those brave and -earnest men of the South who, in the face of fearful difficulties, -are doing all that men can do for the betterment alike of white and -of black. The attitude of the North toward the negro is far from what -it should be and there is need that the North also should act in good -faith upon the principle of giving to each man what is justly due him, -of treating him on his worth as a man, granting him no special favors, -but denying him no proper opportunity for labor and the reward of -labor. [Applause.] But the peculiar circumstances of the South render -the problem there far greater and far more acute. - -Neither I nor any other man can say that any given way of approaching -that problem will present in our time even an approximately perfect -solution, but we can safely say that there can never be such solution -at all unless we approach it with the effort to do fair and equal -justice among all men; and to demand from them in return just and -fair treatment for others. Our effort should be to secure to each man, -whatever his color, equality of opportunity, equality of treatment -before the law. As a people striving to shape our actions in accordance -with the great law of righteousness we can not afford to take part -in or be indifferent to the oppression or maltreatment of any man -who, against crushing disadvantages, has by his own industry, energy, -self-respect, and perseverance struggled upward to a position which -would entitle him to the respect of his fellows, if only his skin were -of a different hue. [Applause.] - -Every generous impulse in us revolts at the thought of thrusting down -instead of helping up such a man. To deny any man the fair treatment -granted to others no better than he is to commit a wrong upon him――a -wrong sure to react in the long run upon those guilty of such denial. -The only safe principle upon which Americans can act is that of “all -men up,” not that of “some men down.” [Applause.] If in any community -the level of intelligence, morality, and thrift among the colored men -can be raised, it is, humanly speaking, sure that the same level among -the whites will be raised to an even higher degree; and it is no less -sure that the debasement of the blacks will in the end carry with it an -attendant debasement of the whites. [Applause.] - -The problem is so to adjust the relations between two races of -different ethnic type that the rights of neither be abridged nor -jeoparded; that the backward race be trained so that it may enter into -the possession of true freedom, while the forward race is enabled to -preserve unharmed the high civilization wrought out by its forefathers. -The working out of this problem must necessarily be slow; it is not -possible in offhand fashion to obtain or to confer the priceless boons -of freedom, industrial efficiency, political capacity, and domestic -morality. Nor is it only necessary to train the colored man; it is -quite as necessary to train the white man, for on his shoulders rests -a well-nigh unparalleled sociological responsibility. It is a problem -demanding the best thought, the utmost patience, the most earnest -effort, the broadest charity, of the statesman, the student, the -philanthropist; of the leaders of thought in every department of our -national life. The church can be a most important factor in solving it -aright. But above all else we need for its successful solution the -sober, kindly, steadfast, unselfish performance of duty by the average -plain citizen in his everyday dealings with his fellows. [Applause.] - -The ideal of elemental justice meted out to every man is the ideal we -should keep ever before us. It will be many a long day before we attain -to it, and unless we show not only devotion to it, but also wisdom and -self-restraint in the exhibition of that devotion, we shall defer the -time for its realization still further. In striving to attain to so -much of it as concerns dealing with men of different colors, we must -remember two things. - -In the first place, it is true of the colored man, as it is true of the -white man, that in the long run his fate must depend far more upon his -own effort than upon the efforts of any outside friend. [Applause.] -Every vicious, venal, or ignorant colored man is an even greater foe to -his own race than to the community as a whole. [Applause.] The colored -man’s self-respect entitles him to do that share in the political -work of the country which is warranted by his individual ability and -integrity and the position he has won for himself. But the prime -requisite of the race is moral and industrial uplifting. - -Laziness and shiftlessness, these, and above all, vice and criminality -of every kind, are evils more potent for harm to the black race than -all acts of oppression of white men put together. The colored man who -fails to condemn crime in another colored man, who fails to cooperate -in all lawful ways in bringing colored criminals to justice, is the -worst enemy of his own people, as well as an enemy to all the people. -Law-abiding black men should, for the sake of their race, be foremost -in relentless and unceasing warfare against law-breaking black men. -If the standards of private morality and industrial efficiency can -be raised high enough among the black race, then its future on this -continent is secure. The stability and purity of the home is vital to -the welfare of the black race, as it is to the welfare of every race. - -In the next place the white man, who, if only he is willing, can help -the colored man more than all other white men put together, is the -white man who is his neighbor, North or South. Each of us must do his -whole duty without flinching, and if that duty is national it must -be done in accordance with the principles above laid down. But in -endeavoring each to be his brother’s keeper it is wise to remember -that each can normally do most for the brother who is his immediate -neighbor. If we are sincere friends of the negro let us each in his own -locality show it by his action therein, and let us each show it also -by upholding the hands of the white man, in whatever locality, who is -striving to do justice to the poor and the helpless, to be a shield to -those whose need for such a shield is great. - -The heartiest acknowledgments are due to the ministers, the judges and -law officers, the grand juries, the public men, and the great daily -newspapers in the South, who have recently done such effective work in -leading the crusade against lynching in the South; and I am glad to say -that during the last three months the returns, as far as they can be -gathered, show a smaller number of lynchings than for any other three -months during the last twenty years. Let us uphold in every way the -hands of the men who have led in this work, who are striving to do all -their work in this spirit. I am about to quote from the address of the -Right Reverend Robert Strange, Bishop Coadjutor of North Carolina, as -given in the Southern Churchman of October 8, 1904: - -The Bishop first enters an emphatic plea against any social -intermingling of the races; a question which must, of course, be left -to the people of each community to settle for themselves, as in such a -matter no one community――and indeed no one individual――can dictate to -any other; always provided that in each locality men keep in mind the -fact that there must be no confusing of civil privileges with social -intercourse. [Applause.] Civil law can not regulate social practices. -Society, as such, is a law unto itself, and will always regulate its -own practices and habits. Full recognition of the fundamental fact that -all men should stand on an equal footing, as regards civil privileges, -in no way interferes with recognition of the further fact that all -reflecting men of both races are united in feeling that race purity -must be maintained. The Bishop continues: - -“What should the white men of the South do for the negro? They must -give him a free hand, a fair field, and a cordial godspeed, the two -races working together for their mutual benefit and for the development -of our common country. He must have liberty, equal opportunity to make -his living, to earn his bread, to build his home. He must have justice, -equal rights, and protection before the law. He must have the same -political privileges; the suffrage should be based on character and -intelligence for white and black alike. He must have the same public -advantages of education; the public schools are for all the people, -whatever their color or condition. The white men of the South should -give hearty and respectful consideration to the exceptional men of the -negro race, to those who have the character, the ability and the desire -to be lawyers, physicians, teachers, preachers, leaders of thought -and conduct among their own men and women. We should give them cheer -and opportunity to gratify every laudable ambition, and to seek every -innocent satisfaction among their own people. Finally, the best white -men of the South should have frequent conferences with the best colored -men, where, in frank, earnest, and sympathetic discussion they might -understand each other better, smooth difficulties, and so guide and -encourage the weaker race.” - -Surely we can all of us join in expressing our substantial agreement -with the principles thus laid down by this North Carolina bishop, this -representative of the Christian thought of the South. [Applause.] - -I am speaking on the occasion of the celebration of the birthday of -Abraham Lincoln, and to men who count it their peculiar privilege -that they have the right to hold Lincoln’s memory dear, and the duty -to strive to work along the lines that he laid down. We can pay most -fitting homage to his memory by doing the tasks allotted to us in the -spirit in which he did the infinitely greater and more terrible tasks -allotted to him. - -Let us be steadfast for the right; but let us err on the side of -generosity rather than on the side of vindictiveness toward those who -differ from us as to the method of attaining the right. Let us never -forget our duty to help in uplifting the lowly, to shield from wrong -the humble; and let us likewise act in a spirit of the broadest and -frankest generosity toward all our brothers, all our fellow-countrymen; -in a spirit proceeding not from weakness but from strength, a spirit -which takes no more account of locality than it does of class or of -creed; a spirit which is resolutely bent on seeing that the Union which -Washington founded and which Lincoln saved from destruction shall grow -nobler and greater throughout the ages. [Cheers and applause.] - -I believe in this country with all my heart and soul. I believe that -our people will in the end rise level to every need, will in the end -triumph over every difficulty that rises before them. I could not have -such confident faith in the destiny of this mighty people if I had it -merely as regards one portion of that people. [Applause.] Throughout -our land things on the whole have grown better and not worse, and this -is as true of one part of the country as it is of another. I believe -in the southerner as I believe in the northerner. I claim the right to -feel pride in his great qualities and in his great deeds exactly as I -feel pride in the great qualities and deeds of every other American. -[Applause.] For weal or for woe we are knit together, and we shall go -up or go down together; and I believe that we shall go up and not down, -that we shall go forward instead of halting and falling back, because -I have an abiding faith in the generosity, the courage, the resolution, -and the common sense of all my countrymen. [Applause.] - -The Southern States face difficult problems; and so do the Northern -States. Some of the problems are the same for the entire country. -Others exist in greater intensity in one section; and yet others exist -in greater intensity in another section. But in the end they will all -be solved; for fundamentally our people are the same throughout this -land; the same in the qualities of heart and brain and hand which have -made this Republic what it is in the great to-day; which will make it -what it is to be in the infinitely greater to-morrow. [Applause.] I -admire and respect and believe in and have faith in the men and women -of the South as I admire and respect and believe in and have faith -in the men and women of the North. All of us alike, Northerners and -Southerners, Easterners and Westerners, can best prove our fealty to -the Nation’s past by the way in which we do the Nation’s work in the -present; for only thus can we be sure that our children’s children -shall inherit Abraham Lincoln’s single-hearted devotion to the great -unchanging creed that “righteousness exalteth a nation.” [Cheers and -applause.] - - * * * * * - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, -WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL, FEBRUARY 13, 1905 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Address of President Roosevelt at the Lincoln dinner of the Republican club of the city of New York, Waldorf-Astoria Hotel, February 13, 1905</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theodore Roosevelt</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 8, 2022 [eBook #68266]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL, FEBRUARY 13, 1905 ***</div> - - -<div class="figcenter" id="cover_sm"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" /> - <div class="caption"> - <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: The cover image was created -from the decorative cover and title page by the transcriber, and is -placed in the public domain.</p> - </div> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h1 class="nobreak"><small>ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT<br /> -AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE<br /> -REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF<br /> -NEW YORK</small> - <img class="illowe065" src="images/deco_01sm.jpg" - alt="small title decoration" title="small title decoration" /> - <small>WALDORF-ASTORIA<br /> -HOTEL</small> - <img class="illowe065" src="images/deco_01sm.jpg" - alt="small title decoration" title="small title decoration" /> - <small>FEBRUARY 13, 1905</small></h1> - -<div class="pad6"> -<div class="figcenter" id="deco_02lg"> - <img class="illowe3" src="images/deco_02lg.jpg" - alt="large title decoration" title="large title decoration" /> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noic">WASHINGTON<br /> -GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br /> -1905</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[1]</span></p> - -<p class="p4 hang"><span class="smcap">Mr. President, and you, my fellow-members -of the Republican Club, -and you, my fellow-guests of the -Republican Club</span>:</p> -</div> - -<p>In his second inaugural, in a speech -which will be read as long as the memory -of this nation endures, Abraham Lincoln -closed by saying:</p> - -<p>“With malice toward none; with charity -for all; with firmness in the right, as -God gives us to see the right, let us strive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -on to finish the work we are in; * * * -to do all which may achieve and cherish -a just and lasting peace among ourselves, -and with all nations.”</p> - -<p>Immediately after his reelection he -had already spoken thus:</p> - -<p>“The strife of the election is but human -nature practically applied to the facts of -the case. What has occurred in this case -must ever recur in similar cases. Human -nature will not change. In any future -great national trial, compared with the men<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -of this, we shall have as weak and as -strong, as silly and as wise, as bad and as -good. Let us, therefore, study the incidents -of this as philosophy to learn wisdom -from, and none of them as wrongs -to be revenged. * * * May not all -having a common interest reunite in a -common effort to (serve) our common -country? For my own part, I have striven -and shall strive to avoid placing any obstacle -in the way. So long as I have been -here I have not willingly planted a thorn<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -in any man’s bosom. While I am deeply -sensible to the high compliment of a reelection, -and duly grateful, as I trust, to -Almighty God for having directed my -countrymen to a right conclusion, as I -think, for their own good, it adds nothing -to my satisfaction that any other man may -be disappointed or pained by the result.</p> - -<p>“May I ask those who have not differed -with me to join with me in this same spirit -toward those who have?”</p> - -<p>This is the spirit in which mighty Lincoln<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -sought to bind up the nation’s wounds -when its soul was yet seething with fierce -hatreds, with wrath, with rancor, with all -the evil and dreadful passions provoked -by civil war. Surely this is the spirit -which all Americans should show now, -when there is so little excuse for malice or -rancor or hatred, when there is so little of -vital consequence to divide brother from -brother. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>Lincoln, himself a man of southern -birth, did not hesitate to appeal to the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -sword when he became satisfied that in no -other way could the Union be saved, for -high though he put peace he put righteousness -still higher. [Applause.] He warred -for the Union; he warred to free the slave; -and when he warred he warred in earnest, -for it is a sign of weakness to be half-hearted -when blows must be struck. [Applause.] -But he felt only love, a love as deep as the -tenderness of his great and sad heart, for all -his countrymen alike in the North and in -the South, and he longed above everything<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -for the day when they should once more -be knit together in the unbreakable bonds -of eternal friendship. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>We of to-day, in dealing with all our -fellow-citizens, white or colored, North or -South, should strive to show just the qualities -that Lincoln showed: His steadfastness -in striving after the right, and his infinite -patience and forbearance with those who -saw that right less clearly than he did; -his earnest endeavor to do what was best, -and yet his readiness to accept the best<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -that was practicable when the ideal best was -unattainable; his unceasing effort to cure -what was evil, coupled with his refusal to -make a bad situation worse by any ill-judged -or ill-timed effort to make it better.</p> - -<p>The great civil war in which Lincoln -towered as the loftiest figure left us not -only a reunited country, but a country -which has the proud right to claim as its -own the glory won alike by those who -wore the blue and by those who wore the -gray, by those who followed Grant and by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -those who followed Lee [applause]; for both -fought with equal bravery and with equal -sincerity of conviction, each striving for -the light as it was given him to see the -light; though it is now clear to all that -the triumph of the cause of freedom and -of the Union was essential to the welfare -of mankind. [Applause.] We are now -one people, a people with failings which -we must not blink, but a people with great -qualities in which we have the right to -feel just pride.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span></p> - -<p>All good Americans who dwell in the -North must, because they are good Americans, -feel the most earnest friendship for -their fellow-countrymen who dwell in the -South, a friendship all the greater because -it is in the South that we find in its most -acute phase one of the gravest problems -before our people: the problem of so -dealing with the man of one color as to -secure him the rights that no one would -grudge him if he were of another color. -[Applause.] To solve this problem it is,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -of course, necessary to educate him to -perform the duties, a failure to perform -which will render him a curse to himself -and to all around him.</p> - -<p>Most certainly all clear-sighted and -generous men in the North appreciate the -difficulty and perplexity of this problem, -sympathize with the South in the embarrassment -of conditions for which she is not -alone responsible, feel an honest wish to -help her where help is practicable, and -have the heartiest respect for those brave<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -and earnest men of the South who, in the -face of fearful difficulties, are doing all -that men can do for the betterment alike -of white and of black. The attitude of -the North toward the negro is far from -what it should be and there is need that -the North also should act in good faith -upon the principle of giving to each man -what is justly due him, of treating him on -his worth as a man, granting him no -special favors, but denying him no proper -opportunity for labor and the reward<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -of labor. [Applause.] But the peculiar -circumstances of the South render the -problem there far greater and far more -acute.</p> - -<p>Neither I nor any other man can say -that any given way of approaching that -problem will present in our time even an -approximately perfect solution, but we can -safely say that there can never be such -solution at all unless we approach it with -the effort to do fair and equal justice among -all men; and to demand from them in return<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -just and fair treatment for others. -Our effort should be to secure to each man, -whatever his color, equality of opportunity, -equality of treatment before the law. As -a people striving to shape our actions in -accordance with the great law of righteousness -we can not afford to take part in or -be indifferent to the oppression or maltreatment -of any man who, against crushing -disadvantages, has by his own industry, -energy, self-respect, and perseverance -struggled upward to a position which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -would entitle him to the respect of his -fellows, if only his skin were of a different -hue. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>Every generous impulse in us revolts -at the thought of thrusting down instead -of helping up such a man. To deny any -man the fair treatment granted to others -no better than he is to commit a wrong -upon him—a wrong sure to react in the -long run upon those guilty of such denial. -The only safe principle upon which Americans -can act is that of “all men up,” not<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -that of “some men down.” [Applause.] -If in any community the level of intelligence, -morality, and thrift among the -colored men can be raised, it is, humanly -speaking, sure that the same level among -the whites will be raised to an even higher -degree; and it is no less sure that the -debasement of the blacks will in the end -carry with it an attendant debasement of -the whites. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>The problem is so to adjust the relations -between two races of different ethnic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -type that the rights of neither be abridged -nor jeoparded; that the backward race -be trained so that it may enter into the -possession of true freedom, while the -forward race is enabled to preserve unharmed -the high civilization wrought out -by its forefathers. The working out of -this problem must necessarily be slow; -it is not possible in offhand fashion to -obtain or to confer the priceless boons of -freedom, industrial efficiency, political -capacity, and domestic morality. Nor is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -it only necessary to train the colored man; -it is quite as necessary to train the white -man, for on his shoulders rests a well-nigh -unparalleled sociological responsibility. -It is a problem demanding the -best thought, the utmost patience, the -most earnest effort, the broadest charity, -of the statesman, the student, the philanthropist; -of the leaders of thought in -every department of our national life. -The church can be a most important -factor in solving it aright. But above all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -else we need for its successful solution -the sober, kindly, steadfast, unselfish performance -of duty by the average plain -citizen in his everyday dealings with his -fellows. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>The ideal of elemental justice meted -out to every man is the ideal we should -keep ever before us. It will be many -a long day before we attain to it, and -unless we show not only devotion to it, -but also wisdom and self-restraint in the -exhibition of that devotion, we shall defer<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -the time for its realization still further. -In striving to attain to so much of it as -concerns dealing with men of different -colors, we must remember two things.</p> - -<p>In the first place, it is true of the colored -man, as it is true of the white man, -that in the long run his fate must depend -far more upon his own effort than upon the -efforts of any outside friend. [Applause.] -Every vicious, venal, or ignorant colored -man is an even greater foe to his own -race than to the community as a whole.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -[Applause.] The colored man’s self-respect -entitles him to do that share in the -political work of the country which is -warranted by his individual ability and -integrity and the position he has won for -himself. But the prime requisite of the -race is moral and industrial uplifting.</p> - -<p>Laziness and shiftlessness, these, and -above all, vice and criminality of every -kind, are evils more potent for harm to -the black race than all acts of oppression -of white men put together. The colored<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -man who fails to condemn crime in another -colored man, who fails to cooperate in all -lawful ways in bringing colored criminals -to justice, is the worst enemy of his own -people, as well as an enemy to all the -people. Law-abiding black men should, -for the sake of their race, be foremost in -relentless and unceasing warfare against -law-breaking black men. If the standards -of private morality and industrial efficiency -can be raised high enough among the -black race, then its future on this continent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -is secure. The stability and purity -of the home is vital to the welfare of the -black race, as it is to the welfare of every -race.</p> - -<p>In the next place the white man, who, -if only he is willing, can help the colored -man more than all other white men put -together, is the white man who is his neighbor, -North or South. Each of us must do -his whole duty without flinching, and if -that duty is national it must be done in -accordance with the principles above laid<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -down. But in endeavoring each to be his -brother’s keeper it is wise to remember -that each can normally do most for the -brother who is his immediate neighbor. -If we are sincere friends of the negro let -us each in his own locality show it by his -action therein, and let us each show it also -by upholding the hands of the white man, -in whatever locality, who is striving to do -justice to the poor and the helpless, to be -a shield to those whose need for such a -shield is great.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span></p> - -<p>The heartiest acknowledgments are -due to the ministers, the judges and law -officers, the grand juries, the public men, -and the great daily newspapers in the -South, who have recently done such effective -work in leading the crusade against -lynching in the South; and I am glad to -say that during the last three months the -returns, as far as they can be gathered, -show a smaller number of lynchings than -for any other three months during the last -twenty years. Let us uphold in every<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -way the hands of the men who have led -in this work, who are striving to do all -their work in this spirit. I am about to -quote from the address of the Right Reverend -Robert Strange, Bishop Coadjutor -of North Carolina, as given in the Southern -Churchman of October 8, 1904:</p> - -<p>The Bishop first enters an emphatic -plea against any social intermingling of -the races; a question which must, of -course, be left to the people of each community -to settle for themselves, as in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -such a matter no one community—and -indeed no one individual—can dictate to -any other; always provided that in each -locality men keep in mind the fact -that there must be no confusing of -civil privileges with social intercourse. -[Applause.] Civil law can not regulate -social practices. Society, as such, is a law -unto itself, and will always regulate its own -practices and habits. Full recognition of -the fundamental fact that all men should -stand on an equal footing, as regards civil<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -privileges, in no way interferes with recognition -of the further fact that all reflecting -men of both races are united in feeling -that race purity must be maintained. -The Bishop continues:</p> - -<p>“What should the white men of the -South do for the negro? They must give -him a free hand, a fair field, and a cordial -godspeed, the two races working together -for their mutual benefit and for the development -of our common country. He -must have liberty, equal opportunity to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -make his living, to earn his bread, to -build his home. He must have justice, -equal rights, and protection before the law. -He must have the same political privileges; -the suffrage should be based on -character and intelligence for white and -black alike. He must have the same -public advantages of education; the public -schools are for all the people, whatever -their color or condition. The white -men of the South should give hearty and -respectful consideration to the exceptional<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -men of the negro race, to those who have -the character, the ability and the desire to -be lawyers, physicians, teachers, preachers, -leaders of thought and conduct -among their own men and women. We -should give them cheer and opportunity -to gratify every laudable ambition, and to -seek every innocent satisfaction among -their own people. Finally, the best white -men of the South should have frequent -conferences with the best colored men, -where, in frank, earnest, and sympathetic<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -discussion they might understand each -other better, smooth difficulties, and so -guide and encourage the weaker race.”</p> - -<p>Surely we can all of us join in expressing -our substantial agreement with the -principles thus laid down by this North -Carolina bishop, this representative of the -Christian thought of the South. [Applause.]</p> - -<p>I am speaking on the occasion of the -celebration of the birthday of Abraham -Lincoln, and to men who count it their -peculiar privilege that they have the right<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -to hold Lincoln’s memory dear, and the -duty to strive to work along the lines that -he laid down. We can pay most fitting -homage to his memory by doing the -tasks allotted to us in the spirit in which -he did the infinitely greater and more -terrible tasks allotted to him.</p> - -<p>Let us be steadfast for the right; but -let us err on the side of generosity rather -than on the side of vindictiveness toward -those who differ from us as to the method -of attaining the right. Let us never forget<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -our duty to help in uplifting the lowly, -to shield from wrong the humble; and let -us likewise act in a spirit of the broadest -and frankest generosity toward all our -brothers, all our fellow-countrymen; in a -spirit proceeding not from weakness but -from strength, a spirit which takes no more -account of locality than it does of class or -of creed; a spirit which is resolutely bent -on seeing that the Union which Washington -founded and which Lincoln saved -from destruction shall grow nobler and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -greater throughout the ages. [Cheers -and applause.]</p> - -<p>I believe in this country with all my -heart and soul. I believe that our people -will in the end rise level to every -need, will in the end triumph over every -difficulty that rises before them. I could -not have such confident faith in the destiny -of this mighty people if I had it -merely as regards one portion of that -people. [Applause.] Throughout our -land things on the whole have grown<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -better and not worse, and this is as true of -one part of the country as it is of another. -I believe in the southerner as I believe in -the northerner. I claim the right to feel -pride in his great qualities and in his great -deeds exactly as I feel pride in the great -qualities and deeds of every other American. -[Applause.] For weal or for woe -we are knit together, and we shall go up -or go down together; and I believe that -we shall go up and not down, that we shall -go forward instead of halting and falling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -back, because I have an abiding faith in -the generosity, the courage, the resolution, -and the common sense of all my countrymen. -[Applause.]</p> - -<p>The Southern States face difficult -problems; and so do the Northern States. -Some of the problems are the same for -the entire country. Others exist in -greater intensity in one section; and yet -others exist in greater intensity in another -section. But in the end they will all -be solved; for fundamentally our people<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -are the same throughout this land; the -same in the qualities of heart and brain -and hand which have made this Republic -what it is in the great to-day; which will -make it what it is to be in the infinitely -greater to-morrow. [Applause.] I admire -and respect and believe in and have faith -in the men and women of the South as I -admire and respect and believe in and -have faith in the men and women of -the North. All of us alike, Northerners -and Southerners, Easterners and Westerners,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -can best prove our fealty to the -Nation’s past by the way in which we do -the Nation’s work in the present; for only -thus can we be sure that our children’s -children shall inherit Abraham Lincoln’s -single-hearted devotion to the great unchanging -creed that “righteousness exalteth -a nation.” [Cheers and applause.]</p> - -<hr class="tb" /> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT THE LINCOLN DINNER OF THE REPUBLICAN CLUB OF THE CITY OF NEW YORK, WALDORF-ASTORIA HOTEL, FEBRUARY 13, 1905 ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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