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diff --git a/old/68210-0.txt b/old/68210-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index a568075..0000000 --- a/old/68210-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,2971 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Portuguese portraits, by Aubrey F. G. -Bell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Portuguese portraits - -Author: Aubrey F. G. Bell - -Release Date: May 30, 2022 [eBook #68210] - -Language: English - -Produced by: The Online Distributed Proofreading Team at - https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images - generously made available by The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PORTUGUESE PORTRAITS *** - - - - - -PORTUGUESE PORTRAITS - - - - -_By the same Author_ - - THE MAGIC OF SPAIN, 1912. - IN PORTUGAL, 1912. - POEMS FROM THE PORTUGUESE, 1913. - STUDIES IN PORTUGUESE LITERATURE, 1914. - LYRICS OF GIL VICENTE, 1914. - PORTUGAL OF THE PORTUGUESE, 1915. - - - New York Agents - LONGMANS, GREEN & CO. - FOURTH AVENUE AND 30TH STREET - - - - -[Illustration: NUN’ ALVAREZ. - -From the earliest (1526) edition of the _Cronica_. - - [_Frontispiece._] - - - - - PORTUGUESE PORTRAITS - - BY - - AUBREY F. G. BELL - - _A notavel fama dos excelentes barões e muito antiguos antecessores - dina de perpetua lembrança_ - - DUARTE PACHECO PEREIRA, _Esmeraldo_ - - - Oxford - B. H. BLACKWELL, BROAD STREET - MCMXVII - - - - -TO - - THE COUNTLESS FORGOTTEN HEROES - OF PORTUGAL - - In burning sands or Ocean’s blinding silt, - In Africa, Asia, and the icy North, - They lie: yet came they home who thus went forth, - Since of their bones is all their country built. - - - - -Preface - - -Not seven, nor seventy, names exhaust the tale of Portugal’s great -men. The reader need but turn to the fascinating pages of Portuguese -history. There he will find a plentiful feast set out before him--the -epic strife between Portuguese and Moor, Portuguese and Spaniard, -and deeds of high emprise in the foam of perilous seas and the -ever-mysterious lands of the East. His delight will be impaired unless -he can follow the events in detail in the chronicles and histories of -the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and for this a knowledge of -Portuguese is requisite, since there are few satisfactory translations. -But it is as easy to acquire a sufficient knowledge of Portuguese to -read it with pleasure as it is difficult to write or speak it. - -There is a whole literature, often not less attractive in style than in -subject, of histories, memoirs, travels, accounts of wrecks and sieges, -recording the deeds of the Portuguese on and beyond the seas. Of the -battle of Ourique (1139) Portuguese historians have loved to tell how -the Moors numbered 600,000 (since to say 900,000 were an exaggeration) -and how, heavy rain having fallen after the battle, the streams that -flowed into the far-distant Guadiana ran red with blood. But there were -scrupulous and moderate chroniclers like Fernam Lopez and Azurara, and -many of the historians of India were sober writers whose narratives -(those, for instance, of Fernam Lopez de Castanheda, Diogo do Couto, -and Gaspar Correa) bear the stamp of truth while they delight the -reader by their wealth of detail and personal anecdote. - -They may be pardoned for declaring that their heroes’ achievements -outshone those of Greek and Roman. For indeed the half-century -(1498-1548) between the voyage of Vasco da Gama and the death of -Dom João de Castro is thick with names; the great men tread on one -another’s heels in the halls of fame, worthily continuing the work of -their predecessors during four centuries in Portugal. Sousa, Mello, -Meneses, Cunha, Castro, Noronha, Mascarenhas, Coutinho, Pereira, -Pacheco, Almeida, Azevedo, Sá, Silva, Silveira--these are names the -very catalogue of which must be music to a Portuguese, and which would -require a large volume to chronicle in detail. - -And many women hold a high place in Portuguese history, as the -Queen-Saint Elizabeth (or Isabel),[1] the stout-hearted bakeress of -Aljubarrota, Brites (Beatrice) de Almeida, who slew, if we are to trust -the tradition, seven Spaniards with her wooden baker’s shovel, or the -heroines of Diu.[2] - -Among the men there is Affonso Henriquez, first King of Portugal, half -French by birth, and grandson of the Spanish King of Leon, but in heart -and action wholly Portuguese; loyal Egas Moniz; Gualdim Paes and other -legendary heroes in the conflict with the Moors which transformed -Portugal from a dependent province into a free kingdom; and later, if -not less legendary, Fernão Rodriguez Pacheco, the astute defender of -Celorico, who in starvation by a miracle obtained a fish and sent it to -the besieger to show that plenty reigned in the town; or the defender -of Coimbra, Martim Freitas, heroically, almost quixotically loyal to -the deposed King Sancho II. - -On the sea the first to signalise himself was Fuas Roupinho, in the -twelfth century; and thenceforth Portugal never failed to produce hardy -if obscure seamen, to fish for cod in the Northern Seas or to discover -the west coast of Africa till Bartholomeu Diaz rounded the Cape of -Storms in 1487, and King João II rechristened it the Cape of Good -Hope.[3] - -João II (1481-95), “the Perfect Prince,” or as Queen Isabella of Spain -more bluntly called him _el hombre_, “the man,” was one of a series -of great kings of the House of Avis, founded by João I (1385-1433) -“of good memory,” darling of the Lisbon people. João I was succeeded -by his eldest son, the noble but unfortunate student-king Duarte -(1433-8). Other brothers of Prince Henry the Navigator, scarcely less -famous, were the Infante Pedro, statesman and author, who travelled -through “the seven parts of the world,” and the Infante Fernando, who -died slowly with saintly patient heroism as a prisoner of the Moors in -Africa. - -Under Manoel I (1495-1521) the Great, the Fortunate, and his son João -III (1521-57), Gama, Albuquerque and Dom João de Castro are the most -conspicuous names; but Dom Francisco de Almeida, first Viceroy of -India, Pedro Alvarez Cabral, discoverer of Brazil, Fernão de Magalhães, -the harsh and fiery navigator[4] who first penetrated by sea to the -North Pacific and was slain in the hour of his triumph--his name -lives in the Straits of Magellan--and many more were almost equally -celebrated. But especially among the discoverers and early adventurers -in India the men of fame are but types of hundreds of less fortunate -heroes who perished. Men left Portugal with their lives in their hands, -and for every one who (like Fernam Mendez Pinto) survived to tell the -tale scores sailed away who were never seen or heard of afterwards. - -Yet the population of Portugal in the first third of the sixteenth -century may have been but 1,500,000, and certainly did not reach twice -that figure. That is a fact that must uplift and inspire those who -study Portugal’s history or consider her future. For the Portuguese of -the sixteenth century fought not against or not only against hordes of -undisciplined savages, but against Moors and Turks highly civilised and -well equipped with artillery. - -Perhaps the secret of their success is that their motto was “God, King, -and Country,” and that each man among them relied, under Heaven, on -himself, not on this or that sect or party or philosophy, election -promises or political programmes. They did not wait and watch for some -wonderful Ism, like a brazen serpent, to change the face of the world: -they as individuals simply, persistently set to work and--changed it. -In less than fifty years after the Portuguese first reached India they -were in Japan, converting and civilising the Japanese, and had made -possible that tremendous saying of Camões: - - E se mais mundo houvera lá chegára. - -And had there been more world they would have reached it. - -That is, of course, a terrible condemnation as well as an undying -honour, for unless each generation were to produce an Albuquerque there -could be no hope of maintaining conquests so wide, and Albuquerque had -had his hands tied by his own countrymen, so that, like the blinded -Samson, he achieved the ruin of his enemies by his unaided strength -and at the expense of his own life. But if Portuguese statesmanship -was at fault in India, there never failed a sprinkling of individuals -who spent their lives in ungrudging service and heroic effort to -counterbalance errors committed, and often died heartbroken for their -pains. - -Two anecdotes will give an idea of the spirit that animated the -Portuguese in the sixteenth century. During the siege of Diu a soldier, -Fernão Penteado, seriously wounded in the head, went to the surgeon, -but, finding him busy with other wounded and hearing the noise of a -Turkish attack, he returned to the fight and came back with a second -serious wound in the head, only to find the surgeon busier than -before. Again he went to fight, and when the surgeon was finally able -to attend to him he had a third wound, in his right arm. - -The second incident occurred in North-West Africa. During a fight Dom -Affonso da Cunha, aiming a mighty cut with his sword at a Moor, missed -him, and the sword leapt from his hand. “Go fetch it, you dog!” roared -Cunha, and the terror-stricken Moor obediently picked it up and gave it -to him, trembling. Cunha thereupon spared his life. - -Such were those Portuguese of old, persistent, brave, proud, -magnificent. And something of their spirit survives in the Portugal of -to-day, ready to reappear at a crisis--more of it, perhaps, than is -generally imagined. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Antonio Coelho Gasco in his _Conquista, Antiguidade e Nobreza -da mui insigne e inclita Cidade de Coimbra_ (Lisboa, 1805) drew the -following rash picture of her from an ancient portrait at Coimbra: -“This very saintly lady was of gigantic frame and very stout, very -white and very red, with a long face and large serene green eyes, nose -rather low with wide nostrils, head long and beautiful.” - -[2] Isabel Fernandez, Barbara Fernandez, and Isabel Madeira. Later -heroines at home were Isabel Pereira in the defence of Ouguella against -the Spanish in 1644 and Elena Perez in the similar siege of Monção in -1656. - -[3] The Portuguese accounts of these discoveries are most vivid and -minute, a fascinating introduction to the geography of what is now -largely part of the British Empire. - -[4] Garcia da Orta introduces him with the words “The Devil entered -into a Portuguese.” - - - - -Contents - - - I - - PAGE - - KING DINIS 1 - - - II - - NUN’ ALVAREZ 17 - - - III - - PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR 47 - - - IV - - VASCO DA GAMA 61 - - - V - - DUARTE PACHECO PEREIRA 79 - - - VI - - AFFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE 103 - - - VII - - DOM JOÃO DE CASTRO 127 - - - - -List of Illustrations - - - NUN’ ALVAREZ _Frontispiece_ - From the earliest (1526) edition of the _Cronica_. - - FACING PAGE - - PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR 49 - - VASCO DA GAMA 63 - - AFFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE 105 - From Gaspar Correa, _Lendas da India_, frontispiece to vol. ii. pt. 1. - - JOÃO DE CASTRO 129 - - - - -I - -KING DINIS - -(1261-1325) - - Co’ este o reino prospero florece. - - CAMÕES, _Os Lusiadas_. - - Um Dinis que ha de admirar o mundo. - - ANTONIO DE SOUSA DE MACEDO, _Ulyssippo_. - - -When Henry of the French House of Burgundy became Count of Portugal -in 1095 he merely held a province in fealty to the King of Leon, but -by his son, the great Affonso I’s victories over the Moors it almost -automatically became an independent kingdom. The second king, Sancho -I, who has so many points of resemblance to King Dinis, further -established the new realm, and he and his successors continued to -wrest territory from the Moors. In the reign of the fifth king, Dinis’ -father, Affonso III, the conquest of Algarve was completed, and the -only remaining difficulty was the claim of the kings of Castille to -this region. - -Dinis, born on October 9, 1261, was but a few years old when he -was sent to Seville to win the consent of his mother’s father, the -celebrated Alfonso the Learned, to waive his right to the latest -Portuguese conquest. As the shrewd Affonso III had foreseen, he proved -a successful diplomatist. Alfonso X, enchanted with the grave, courtly -bearing of his little grandson, knighted him and sent him home with all -his requests granted. - -Thus it came about that when Dinis, to whom his father had given a -separate household but a few months before, ascended the throne at the -age of seventeen, he was the first king to begin to reign over Portugal -with its modern boundaries, from the River Minho to Faro. Two centuries -of great deeds had achieved this result--two more were to pass before -Spain was likewise entirely free of the Moorish invader--and Dinis now -in a reign of half a century (1279-1325) saw to it that the heroism -and sacrifices of his ancestors had not been in vain. - -His tutor had been a Frenchman, Ébrard de Cahors, who now became Bishop -of Coimbra, and the fame of his grandfather Alfonso X was spread -through the whole Peninsula. But, young as he was, Dinis at once made -it clear that he intended to rule as the national King of Portugal -and had resolution enough to withstand the Castilian influence of his -mother and Alfonso X. His first care was to acquaint himself thoroughly -with his kingdom, and he spent the great part of the first year of his -reign in visiting the country, paying especial attention to the still -almost deserted region of Alentejo. - -But the first years of his reign were not entirely peaceful, for his -younger brother Affonso laid claim to the throne. Dinis was born before -the Pope had legitimised Affonso III’s second marriage; Affonso, -two years his junior, afterwards: hence the partisans of the latter -affected to consider Dinis illegitimate. The dispute was scarcely -settled when Dinis married Isabel, daughter of Pedro III of Aragon, -who proved so efficacious a mediator in the even more serious troubles -at the end of his reign, and, after sharing his throne for forty-three -years, is still venerated as the Queen-Saint of Portugal. - -In his differences with Castile, Dinis was successful, both in peace -and war, and it was a tribute to his character and authority that he -was chosen as arbitrator between the claims of the kings of Castille -and Aragon. At home he was confronted by a powerful secular clergy, -by the excessive and growing wealth of the religious orders, and by -an overweening nobility, while his newly conquered kingdom urgently -required hands to till it and walls and castles for its defence. Dinis -dealt with all these problems in a spirit of equal wisdom and firmness, -upholding the rights of the throne and the rights of the people till he -had welded a scattered crowd of individuals into a nation. - -His quarrel with the clergy, who protested that the King had infringed -their rights, was referred to Rome, and in 1289 a formal but not a -lasting agreement was reached. - -Two years later the King checked the ever-growing possessions of the -religious orders by a law limiting their right to gifts and legacies. -Their wealth was the result of the great part they had played during -the long conflict against the Moors, but it naturally began to prove -inconvenient to King and people in time of peace. The nobles were -in like case, and Dinis showed the same resolution towards them and -abolished certain of their privileges. - -He could protect as well as check. When the Knights Templar were -abolished by the Pope, Dinis secured an exception for Portugal and -reorganised them as the Order of Christ in 1319. Indeed he was -essentially a builder, not a demolisher. In 1290 he founded the -University of Coimbra; in 1308 he renewed and consolidated the -treaty between Portugal and England; in 1317 he invited to Portugal -a Genoese, Manuel Pezagno, to organise his fleet and command it as -Admiral. - -He encouraged agriculture, calling the peasants the “nerves of the -republic” and passed many laws to ensure their security, so that in his -reign men began to go in safety along the roads of Portugal, hitherto -infested by brigands, and he divided grants of land among the poor -of the towns. He planted near Leiria the pines which still form so -delightful a feature of the country between that town and Alcobaça. - -Some have called King Dinis a miser, others declare that in his reign -there was a saying “liberal as King Dinis.” It is certain that he -expended his money wisely, and, while no early king ever accomplished -more for the land over which he ruled, he left a full treasury at his -death. The charge of avarice perhaps arose from the charming legend -which so well exemplifies the simplicity of those times. - -The Queen was in the habit of distributing bread daily to a large -number of poor, and Dinis, who perhaps would rather have seen them -digging the soil, forbade the charity. Queen Isabel continued as -before, and one morning the King met her as she went out with her apron -full of bread. - -“What have you there?” said King Dinis. - -“Roses,” said the Queen. - -“Let me see them,” said King Dinis. - -And behold the Queen’s apron was filled with roses. - -In the matter of buildings King Dinis not only fortified many towns -with castles and walls, but founded numerous churches and convents. The -traveller in Portugal even now can scarcely pass a day without coming -upon something to remind him of the sixth King of Portugal. The convent -of Odivellas, the cloisters of Alcobaça, the beautiful ruins of the -castle above Leiria are but three of many instances which show how King -Dinis’ work survives even in the twentieth century. - -It was said of him that-- - - Whate’er he willed - Dinis fulfilled. - -But he nearly always wrought even better than he knew. He realised -no doubt that Portugal was an all-but-island, especially when the -relations with Castille were unfriendly; but he could scarcely foresee -that of his pinewoods would be built the “ships that went to the -discovery of new worlds and seas”; that a future Master of his new -Order of Christ would devote its vast revenues to the great work of -exploring the West Coast of Africa, the work which bore so important a -share in transforming Europe from all that we connect with mediævalism -to all that is modern; that his embryo fleet would grow and prosper -till Portugal became the foremost sea-power; or that the treaty with -England would still be bearing fruit six centuries after his death. - -The University, too, lasted and became one of the glories of Portugal, -and a source of many of her greatest men in the sixteenth century. -Since the sixteenth century, after being several times moved from -Coimbra to Lisbon and from Lisbon to Coimbra, it has been fixed in -the little town on the right bank of the Mondego and remains one of -the most treasured possessions of modern Portugal. The quality that -explains how so many of King Dinis’ institutions endured and prospered -marvellously in succeeding centuries was thoroughness, the conviction -that any work, however humble, if thoroughly done must bear excellent -fruit, and a certain solidity which finds little satisfaction in -feeding beggars precariously, but great satisfaction in setting them to -work on the land. - -Perhaps, then, it may come as a surprise that King Dinis was also a -poet, one of the greatest of Portugal’s early poets. We have nearly one -hundred and fifty poems under his name. He may not have written them -all, some may have been composed by the palace _jograes_, but he showed -his good taste and inclination for the national and popular elements in -writing or collecting not only poems in the Provençal manner, then on -the wane in Portugal, but that older, indigenous poetry which is the -most charming feature of early Portuguese literature. - -And King Dinis’ poems are among the most charming of all. Here is one -of his quaint popular songs, the fascination of which is only faintly -discernible in translation: - - Friend and lover mine - --Be God our shield!-- - See the flower o’ the pine - And fare afield. - - Friend and lover, ah me! - --Be God our shield!-- - See the flower on the tree - And fare afield. - - See the flower o’ the pine - --Be God our shield!-- - Saddle the colt so fine - And fare afield. - - See the flower on the tree - --Be God our shield!-- - The bay horse fair to see - And fare afield. - - Saddle the little bay - --Be God our shield-- - Hasten, my love, away, - And fare afield. - - The horse so fair to see - --Be God our shield!-- - My friend, come speedily - To fare afield. - -It was King Dinis’ affection for his illegitimate son, Dom Affonso -Sanchez, also a poet, that brought trouble on the latter years of his -reign. His eldest son and the heir to the throne, Affonso, jealous -of the regard, the lands, and privileges bestowed upon Dom Affonso -Sanchez, afraid perhaps that the King might devise a way of leaving -him the throne, rose in rebellion in 1320 and advanced through Minho -to Leiria and Coimbra, ravaging the country as he came. The King, now -nearly sixty years old, set out against him and several engagements -were fought: it was not till 1322 that Queen Isabel succeeded after -strenuous exertions in bringing about peace. - -The reconciliation was but temporary. Dom Affonso Sanchez retired to -Spain, but returned, and the Prince Affonso rose in arms again in -1323. Again Queen Isabel, going from one to the other, exerted herself -to make peace. King Dinis, his anger now thoroughly roused, was not -easily appeased. Finally he agreed to increase the Prince’s income, -and, much against his will, to part once more from Dom Affonso Sanchez. - -Not many months after this settlement King Dinis fell ill at Lisbon, -where he had been born, and which he made the real centre of his -kingdom (his instinct unfailing in this as in other matters concerning -the future greatness of his country). Prince Affonso was summoned from -Leiria, and a sincere reconciliation followed. The Queen watched day -and night by her husband’s bedside, and to her his last words were -spoken when on January 7, 1325, one of the greatest of Portugal’s kings -died. He was buried according to his wish in the Convent of São Dinis -de Odivellas, which he had founded near Lisbon. - -Three hundred years after his death it was still the custom in -Portuguese law-courts for a prayer to be said for his soul; and if -we consider how far-reaching, how immense were the results of the -measures taken by this strong-willed, wise, and energetic ruler, we -may conclude that the custom might well be continued in the twentieth -century. Humane and affable (_conversavel_, the quality of so many -great men), he won the personal love of his people and gave them -immediate prosperity, but he also, apparently, saw deep into the -future. - - - - -II - -NUN’ ALVAREZ - -(1360-1431) - - Mas quem podera dignamente contar os louvores deste virtuoso barom, - cujas obras e discretos autos seemdo todos postos em escrito ocupariam - gram parte deste livro?--FERNAM LOPEZ, _Cronica del Rei Dom Joam_. - - -Fifty years after the death of King Dinis it seemed as if the kingdom -that he had so carefully built up was to crumble away like dry sand. -The disorders and extravagances of King Ferdinand’s reign had brought -it to the verge of ruin, and the marriage of his only child Beatrice -with the King of Castille in 1383 appeared to destroy the last hope of -an independent Portugal. - -It is ten years before that date that Nun’ Alvarez Pereira, to whom -mainly Portugal was to owe her continued existence as a separate -nation, first comes on the scene. His father was the powerful Prior of -Crato, Dom Alvaro Gonçalvez Pereira, in high favour at Court, son of -the Archbishop of Braga and descendant of a long line of nobles. His -mother, Iria Gonçalvez, was lady-in-waiting to the Princess Beatrice. - -In 1373 there was war between Portugal and Castile, and a rumour spread -that the enemy was approaching Santarem. The Prior sent Nuno and one -of his brothers with a few horsemen to reconnoitre. On their return -they were received by the King and Queen. Queen Lianor, struck by -the bearing of the shy, precocious boy of thirteen, took him for her -squire, and the King knighted him, after a suit of armour of his size -had at last been found, belonging to the king’s half-brother John, the -Master of Avis, he who was king thereafter. - -For three years in the palace the Queen’s squire gave his days to -riding and the chase, and to the reading of books of chivalry, of Sir -Galahad and the knights of the Round Table. Then his father arranged a -marriage for him with the rich and noble Dona Lianor d’Alvim, a young -widow of Minho. - -Marriage was not in Nuno’s thoughts, but Dona Lianor had consented, the -King approved, and reluctantly he yielded. His life on their estate -was happy. Fifteen squires and thirty henchmen were in attendance in -their house, and after hearing his daily mass Nun’ Alvarez would spend -long days hunting the boar and the wolf in the wooded hills of Minho or -exchanging visits with the Minhoto nobility. - -Of their three children two sons died in infancy; the daughter, -Beatriz, was married to the Count of Barcellos, son of King João I, and -through her Nun’ Alvarez was the ancestor of that line of kings which -was still reigning in 1910. - -It was a life too quiet for the times, and a few years later Nuno was -ordered to Portalegre to defend with his brothers the frontier against -the Spanish. As they marched from Villa Viçosa to Elvas, Nuno, the wish -father of the thought in his keenness to encounter the enemy, mistook -the glint of the morning sun on the lances of their own footmen, who -had been sent on ahead, for the enemy advancing and gave the alarm. To -his vexation there was no fighting, and when he challenged the son of -the Master of Santiago to combat, ten against ten, the king forbade the -encounter, and the Earl of Cambridge, then at the Portuguese Court, to -whom Nun’ Alvarez appealed, pleaded for him in vain. - -In 1382 a powerful Spanish fleet besieged Lisbon. The defence of the -city was entrusted to Nun’ Alvarez and his brothers. It was in late -summer, _quando l’uva imbruna_, and parties from the fleet would land -to gather grapes and other fruit. Nun’ Alvarez saw his opportunity -and, leaving the city one night with some fifty horse and foot, lay in -ambush in the vines by the bridge of Alcantara. The first boatload of -twenty Spaniards to land was driven headlong into the sea, but a larger -force came ashore and the Portuguese, seeing themselves outnumbered -five to one, fled. - -Nun’ Alvarez, left alone, spurred his horse to a gallop and dashed into -the midst of the enemy. His excellent armour stood him in good stead, -but his lance was shattered, his horse cut down, and one of his spurs -caught in the saddle as he fell. Thus disabled he still fought on, and -then for very shame his followers turned to assist him. The first to -come up was a Lisbon priest, afterwards Canon of Lisbon Cathedral. - -Nun’ Alvarez, hearing a few months later that the King was to engage -the enemy between Elvas and Badajoz, proposed to his elder brother -Pedr’ Alvarez, who had succeeded their father as Prior of Crato, that -they should have a hand in the fighting. Pedro, who had orders to -defend Lisbon and intended to obey them, refused, and, having previous -acquaintance of Nuno’s methods, gave instructions that no armed -persons should be allowed to leave the city. Nuno with a few attendants -dashed past the guard at the gate and rode post-haste to Elvas. He was -well received by the king, but again there was no fighting. Peace and -the betrothal of Beatrice were celebrated in a banquet at Elvas. King -Ferdinand was too ill to attend, but King Juan was present. - -Nun’ Alvarez, in his bitterness at seeing Portugal given over to -Castille, for once forgot his manners. He and his brother Fernão, going -in more leisurely than the rest, found all the tables crowded, and, -unable to obtain a place, he pushed away the support from one of the -tables, which went crashing to the ground, and calmly went out. King -Juan remarked that he who so acted had a heart for greater things, but, -in the words of the old chronicle, had they been Castilians he might -have spoken differently. - -After King Ferdinand’s death Nun’ Alvarez, brooding over his country’s -wrongs, keenly took the part of the young Master of Avis. He was not -present at the murder of the Queen’s favourite, the Count Andeiro, but -he approved the act, and when news of it reached him at Santarem he -hastened to Lisbon to the Master of Avis. - -It was at Santarem one evening as he sauntered along the banks of the -Tagus after supper that he chanced to pass the door of an armourer -and sent for his sword to be sharpened. The _alfageme_ refused any -payment till he should return as Count of Ourem. Hail to thee, Thane of -Cawdor! The story adds that Nun’ Alvarez, returning Conde de Ourem to -Santarem after the battle of Aljubarrota, found the armourer in prison -as a friend of Castille and his property confiscated, and was able, by -protecting him, to pay his debt. - -Nun’ Alvarez now became one of the Prince of Avis’ Council, his most -loyal and most trusted counsellor to the end of their lives. His first -important command was in Alentejo, and after delaying in order to take -part in a fight with eight Spanish ships in the Tagus he set out at the -head of his two hundred horsemen. Henceforth Evora, the ancient walled -city in the wide plain of Alentejo, was his headquarters. He instilled -confidence into his men and increased his army, although it rarely -exceeded five hundred horse and as many thousand foot, and was often -very much below that number. - -The war continued with varying success. At one time Nun’ Alvarez -advanced to Badajoz, at another the Spanish were at Viana, but a -couple of leagues from Evora across the flowered _charneca_. But Nun’ -Alvarez seized town after town and more than once defeated the enemy -in the open field. Monsaraz was taken by a wile, for some cows were -driven temptingly beneath the walls and when the commander sallied out -to seize them the Portuguese rushed in through the open gate. Nun’ -Alvarez’ favourite method was to ride all night across the _charneca_ -and appear unexpectedly before a town in the early dawn, so that the -enemy called him “Dawn Nuno,” _Nuno Madrugada_. - -Thus he attacked Almada. He had but recently taken Palmella on the -height overlooking the Tagus, and, hunting in the neighbourhood, had -slain a boar and sent it as a present to the commander of Almada, -promising to pay him a visit soon. He now set out to ride thither by -night across the _charneca_, but they lost their way in the many paths, -and the sun was up when Nun’ Alvarez, in his eagerness outriding his -companions, advanced alone into the town. Four squires presently came -up to his support, and Almada was taken without difficulty. - -The Master of Avis had summoned Nun’ Alvarez to Lisbon or Nun’ Alvarez -had determined to see the Master. From Palmella one night looking -across the river he saw the whole city apparently in flames. Not -knowing that the fires were lit by the King of Castille, whom plague -in his camp had forced to raise the siege, and aware that the Master -had powerful enemies within the walls, he watched the conflagration in -dismay, but next morning the city reappeared in all its beauty. - -The Spanish fleet remained in the Tagus, and a squire besought Nun’ -Alvarez not to cross, saying that he had dreamt that the enemy had -captured him as he passed through their fleet. Nun’ Alvarez went on his -way, leaving the squire with his dream on the further shore. When he -was in mid-stream, still perhaps thinking of the timid _escudeiro_, he -bade his trumpets blow the enemy a challenge. But the Castilians little -imagined what a prey was within their grasp, and his small boat passed -through safely to Lisbon. - -A little later he joined the Master of Avis at Torres Vedras and -together they advanced to Coimbra, where the Master was crowned king as -João I. His first act was to appoint Nun’ Alvarez his Constable. - -At Oporto, whither he went to organise a fleet, Nun’ Alvarez found his -wife and daughter, who had been prisoners of the Castilians for a time -at Guimarães. - -From Oporto he set out on a pilgrimage to Santiago de Compostela. His -purpose was threefold, “to serve God in pilgrimage,” to reduce Minho -on the way, and to secure mounts for his men. But the River Minho -was too swollen to cross, and the news that Braga was wavering thus -came opportunely. Leaving Viana do Castello he turned east along the -beautiful valley of the Lima and seized the little granite town of -Ponte do Lima and Braga on its steep hill. The King had also come -north, but the news that King Juan had crossed the Beira frontier and -was advancing rapidly into the heart of Portugal brought them south -again. - -At Abrantes the King held a council. Many were of opinion that he -should not advance further against the enemy. Nun’ Alvarez--the same -Nuno who had ridden alone into two hundred and fifty of the enemy -on the banks of the Tagus and advanced alone into Almada--thereupon -set out with his men, and in the name of God and Saint George sent a -challenge to the King of Castille. Each fresh success of Nun’ Alvarez -had raised him envious backbiters in Portugal, and here was a new -opportunity to accuse him of arrogance. King João silenced his accusers -by following him to Thomar. - -They then went west to Ourem and took up a position towards Leiria. -The advance of the King of Castille caused them to turn the front of -their battle towards the little village of Aljubarrota. The Portuguese, -barely 5,000 strong, were outnumbered seven to one, but they were -drawn up on foot in a small compact force and desperate, flight being -practically cut off. On the right was the _Ala dos Namorados_, the -lovers’ wing, pledged to yield no inch of ground; on the left fought a -few hundred English archers, _gens-d’armes Anglois si peu qu’il en y -avoit_, says Froissart. - -The Spanish chronicler and poet, Pero Lopez de Ayala, and Nun’ Alvarez’ -brother Diogo rode over before the battle and asked to speak with him -alone, but succeeded neither in winning him to their side nor in -casting suspicion on his loyalty. As he had said when fighting against -his brothers earlier in Alentejo, for the land that gave him birth he -would fight against his own father. - -At nine o’clock on the morning of August 15, 1385, the battle began -with a great hurling of stones, followed by fighting with the lance, -and then at still closer quarters with axe and sword. Nun’ Alvarez was -constantly where the fight raged most fiercely, and his words “Fight, -Portuguese, fight for king and country” kept ringing out above the din. -The flower of Castilian chivalry fell that day and many Portuguese -nobles fighting for Castille. Nun’ Alvarez saw his brother the Master -of Calatrava fall pierced by a lance, but was never able to find his -body. The King of Castille fled to Santarem. The Convent of Alcobaça -still preserves a huge cauldron taken from the enemy at Aljubarrota, -but the noblest memorial of Nun’ Alvarez’ victory is the Church and -Monastery of Batalha. - -Nun’ Alvarez, not yet as old as Napoleon when he conquered Italy, -crossed the Guadiana with a few hundred horse and a few thousand foot -and advanced into Castille. All the nobles from the south of Spain who -had not been present at Aljubarrota collected to give him battle. The -enemy, he was told, were as the grass of the field in number. “All the -greater will be our honour,” said Nun’ Alvarez. - -A trumpeter with a bundle of rods knelt before Nun’ Alvarez seated to -receive him: “My Lord Constable, the Master of Santiago, my lord, sends -to defy you with this rod,” and the Master of Calatrava, the Master of -Alcantara, the Count of Medina Celi and many another had sent him rods -of defiance. The Constable received them one by one patiently, gave the -messenger a hundred gold pieces and bade him thank the senders for the -rods with which he would presently come and beat them. - -The battle of Valverde that followed was an attack of several hills -from which the enemy had to be dislodged. “If Portuguese kneel in -battle,” said a later, sixteenth-century historian, “it is to the Cross -of Christ”; and certainly it was from no fear or weakness that Nun’ -Alvarez, wounded by an arrow in the foot, knelt to pray in the thickest -of the fight. Anxious messengers came up with news that his men were -hard pressed, imploring his presence, but he, without answering, still -knelt in prayer. At last rising with a look of great joy he ordered on -his standard to the attack, and a few hours later no Spaniard was to be -seen. - -It was in memory of this battle that the Constable built the Church -and Convent of Carmo, still in its ruins one of the most beautiful of -Lisbon’s buildings. This was the last of his great battles, although he -saw much more fighting (for peace with Castille did not come for many -years), and when fifty-five years old took part in the expedition that -conquered Ceuta. - -But his abiding fame was won when he was twenty-five. His success was -due to his singleness of purpose. The independence of Portugal was -his object, and to secure that object he put forth his whole strength -not only ungrudgingly, but with a passionate eagerness, his strength -based on deep piety and faith. A keen judge of men, he was terrible in -his calm disdain to those whom he suspected of shirking or treachery; -without a word of abuse on his part he made their humiliation -unbearable. But he inspired his followers with extraordinary -devotion. His clear, piercing eyes and his self-possession gave -them confidence--_des yeux pleins de mitraille et un air de -tranquillité_--and he was always generous in rewarding constancy and -valour. His energy, fearless courage and fervent serenity won many a -fight against overpowering odds. - -His fame extended throughout Spain. One evening near Caceres ten -henchmen appeared before him. The Count received them kindly, and on -hearing that they were from Castille asked how they were so bold as to -come without safe-conduct. Relying on his great goodness, they said. -He then asked what he could do for them, and they announced that their -only object in coming was to see him, and now they had seen him; and -so, refusing the supper he ordered for them, they departed as they had -come. - -Many incidents show his power over his own men. Once, when they were -unwilling to go forward to attack a superior force, he just stepped -across a stream and bade those who were willing to follow him cross it, -and not one held back. - -On another occasion an uproar arose in his camp owing to the fact that -the day’s booty had consisted of “many and good wines.” The Constable -came unarmed from his tent, but many soldiers, seeing him thus and -hearing the noise, rushed forward to protect him and formed a canopy of -swords over his head. - -The irregular pay and supplies received for his men made it difficult -to maintain strict discipline; for some days they lived entirely on -figs, then as now one of the principal fruits south of the Tagus; for -one whole day Nun’ Alvarez’ own food consisted merely of a piece of -dry bread, a turnip, and a drink of wine from the flask of a common -soldier. Another time there was no bread in the whole camp except five -small loaves reserved for Nun’ Alvarez’ table; five starving Englishmen -came up, and he entertained them to dinner, giving each a loaf of bread. - -It was impossible in such circumstances to forbid or prevent plunder -when it was obtainable. But, although he was obliged to allow his -followers to live on the land, he set his face against any unnecessary -pilfering, and one squire, convicted of taking a chalice from a church, -he sentenced to be burnt--indeed, the wood was piled and the fire lit -before he pardoned him at the instance of his captains. - -In the teeth of great opposition, too, he resolutely forbade the -presence of women in his camp. - -He was not less renowned for his chivalry towards the weak, women, -prisoners, and peasants, than for his victories in battle. He provided -pensions for “women who had been honoured and prosperous and were now -poor.” - -But his chivalry went further. A countess at Coimbra who had held out -against him, and then plotted to seize his person by treachery, he -secured from the reprisals of his followers; the wife of the commander -of a captured town he sent away free to Castille. And these were no -isolated instances; his conduct never varied in its simplicity, dignity -and charming thought for others. - -His biographers love to tell of the poor blind man of Torres Vedras -who had no way of escaping from the advancing Castilians and whom Nun’ -Alvarez carried behind him on his mule for four leagues out of the -town. “Oo que humano e caridoso señor!” exclaims the old chronicler. - -But it is the incidents of an illness when he was between thirty -and forty that throw most light on his character and on the devoted -attachment of those around him. The fever and deep depression that -came over him seem to have been in part, at least, due to the perpetual -self-seeking and mendicity with which he had to deal now that he was -a power in the land as great as the King himself--greater, said his -enemies. Sometimes, we are told, he seemed to have recovered from -his illness, and then the very sight of a stranger, especially of a -man with a letter, would give him a relapse. His secretary found it -necessary to intercept all letters. - -Nun’ Alvarez, who had sought health in vain at Lisbon, set out to -return to Evora. Accompanied by his mother and his daughter, he was -carried in a litter to Palmella. His illness prevented him from going -further, and he was taken to the small village of Alfarrara, where -there were many trees and streams. The very sight of the garden of the -_quinta_ where he was to lodge seemed to restore his health. Several of -the foremost citizens of Setubal came to welcome him, and he received -them gladly; but, as they were leaving, one of them (who was very -stout) had the misfortune to bid him “remember the town of Setubal.” - -Nun’ Alvarez, thus reminded of “men with letters,” fell into so great -a passion and fever that he was like to die. He refused to eat, and -it was only after much coaxing that he was persuaded to sit down at -table. They brought him water for his hands and roast birds to eat. His -daughter began to carve them before him, and his mother fanned him with -a fan; but he refused to eat, telling his mother that “that bloated -churl with his Setubal has been the death of me.” - -His secretary, Gil Airaz, would have excused the offender, but Nun’ -Alvarez turned on him in a rage: “The fellow, for what he said, -deserved a score of blows, and if you cared for me or my health you -would have given him them.” - -Gil Airaz said that there was still time, if that was his pleasure, and -the Constable answered that such a pleasure would seem to him all too -long in coming. So the secretary, in his presence, took a stick and -went out. When he came back and told him how he had beaten and kicked -and covered with mud and water the citizen of Setubal, Nun’ Alvarez -seemed to recover instantly and began to eat and drink. - -To any other man, lord of half Portugal, it might perhaps have seemed -a little thing to have had a citizen beaten and rolled in a ditch, but -presently Nun’ Alvarez stopped eating, his eyes filled with tears, and -he began to wish he was dead. “Do you not see, Gil Airaz,” he said, -“that it would have been better for me to die than that you should have -done what you did to that good man?” “Now would to God I had no part of -all that land that God and my Lord the King have given me, so that this -thing were undone!” - -When Gil Airaz saw that he was in earnest he told him how he had only -made a pretence of having beaten the man of Setubal and how all the -citizens had gone contentedly home. Nun’ Alvarez was so overjoyed -at this that he rose straightway from the table and went out to the -orchard and flowing streams. In three months, with the help of the -King’s physicians, he was well, and going alone with a page he set -to cutting the brushwood in front of him, and found his strength had -returned. - -There is something infinitely touching in this story about a man who -was usually so calm and restrained that he might be in a passion of -anger and only show it--to those who knew him--by his smile, and -whose whole life was marked by exceptional strength of will. But his -old vigour returned, and very soon he was challenging the Master of -Santiago, begging him not to tire himself in advancing through so hot a -country, as he, “Nun’ Alvarez Pereira, Count of Barcellos and of Ourem -and of Arrayolos and Constable of my Lord the King of Portugal,” would -save him the trouble. - -The great grief of the latter part of his life was the death of his -daughter Beatriz, Countess of Barcellos, and his life must have been -lonely despite the friendship of the King and especially of Prince -Duarte, heir to the throne. Before the expedition to Ceuta they went to -ask his advice under pretext of consulting him about some dogs for the -chase, so as to keep the secret of their enterprise. None better than -the King knew the value of Nun’ Alvarez’ opinion. He always seemed to -know precisely the right thing to be done and the right moment to do -it, was as far removed from boasting and vanity as from false humility, -and respected his own rights as well as those of others. - -In charity he gave liberally, but never carelessly. Thus he yearly -bestowed the same quantity of cloth, but bestowed it in different -districts, and stored the corn from his estates, to be given away in -years of scarcity. - -Before the end of the fourteenth century (1393) he divided most of -his land, that is a great part of Portugal, between his followers. -Large portions of Tras-os-Montes, Minho, and Alentejo belonged to him. -He was Count of Ourem, of Arrayolos and Barcellos, Lord of Braga, -Guimarães, Chaves, Montalegre, and nearly a score of other towns. His -policy of dividing these lands among his vassals under condition that -they should maintain certain forces in his and the King’s service, -proved unsatisfactory. Like the sated Marshals of Napoleon, they were -subsequently less willing to leave their estates and risk their persons -in battle. - -The King, who had been too lavish in his gifts, proposed to buy back -his grants of land. Other nobles agreed to sell, but Nun’ Alvarez was -resolved not to brook the injustice, and, far from agreeing to the -proposal, departed to Alentejo and gathered his followers with a view -to leave Portugal, although, as he said, he would never serve any other -king. - -King João, thoroughly alarmed, sent the Bishop of Evora, the Dean of -Coimbra and the Master of the Order of Avis post-haste after him. But -Nun’ Alvarez then, as always when he seemed to be acting rashly on -impulse, was carrying out a quick but well-reasoned decision, and was -only with difficulty persuaded to a compromise. It was finally agreed -that his vassals should be transferred to the King, while Nun’ Alvarez -was to retain in his own hands most of his territorial possessions. -Seven years after the victorious capture of Ceuta he again renounced -them. - -He had always been a man of great piety; after one of his victories -he had gone barefoot in pilgrimage to Santa Maria de Assumar; he -had founded churches throughout the country, heard mass twice or -thrice daily, and would rise at midnight to pray the hours. But it -was probably the death of his only daughter that moved him to retire -to serve God in the monastery of Santa Maria do Carmo, which he had -founded in memory of his victory of Valverde. There, on August 15, -1423, he professed as Frei Nuno de Santa Maria, after giving away all -his lands and titles. Of his daughter’s three children, Isabel married -the Infante João, Affonso became Conde de Ourem, and, later, Marquez de -Valença, and Fernando, Conde de Arrayolos and, later, Duke of Braganza. - -When Nun’ Alvarez, penniless, retired to his cell it was his purpose to -beg his daily bread in the streets of Lisbon, and he also intended to -end his days where he might be quite unknown; but Prince Duarte went to -see him at the Carmo and affectionately ordered him to accept a pension -from the King, a great part of which, however, he spent in charities. - -In 1431, in his seventy-first year, and two years before his life-long -friend, King João, the greatest of all Portugal’s great men died. “God -grant him as much glory and honour as in this world was his,” says the -old chronicle. - -Surely no truer man or more chivalrous knight ever donned helmet or -drew sword. Tradition says that the Lisbon people long assembled to -sing songs and witness many miracles at his grave. But his fittest and -most enduring monuments are the noble buildings of Carmo and Batalha, -and, above all, a free and united Portugal. - - -[Illustration: PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR.] - - - - -III - -PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR - -(1394-1460) - - Ca trabalho seria de se achar antre os vivos seu semelhante.--GOMEZ - EANNEZ DE AZURARA, _Cronica de Guiné_. - - Mestre insigne de toda a arte militar.--D. FRANCISCO MANOEL DE MELLO. - - O homem a quem a Europa deve mais.--JOSÉ AGOSTINHO DE MACEDO, _Motim - Literario_. - - -For some years before his death, Nun’ Alvarez might well rest satisfied -with the prosperity which largely by his own exertions had fallen -upon his country. Nor was it a careless or degenerate prosperity. The -five noble sons of King João I and his English wife, Queen Philippa, -daughter of “time-honoured Lancaster,” had grown to manhood, and the -time was pregnant with great deeds. If Duarte was perhaps Nun’ Alvarez’ -favourite among the princes, he certainly must have discerned in his -younger brother his own successor in guiding the destinies of Portugal. -Although possibly less chivalrous than Nun’ Alvarez, Prince Henry -possessed his strong will and intensity of purpose, with a wider range -of vision. A Portuguese writer represents him living in retirement at -Sagres, his eyes fixed exclusively on Heaven; but Prince Henry believed -that he could best serve Heaven by bringing to success the earthly -affairs on which he had set his heart. - -It was certainly with the keenness which marked the young Nun’ Alvarez -that Henrique, then twenty-one, embarked with his father, King João I, -and his brothers, Duarte and Pedro, in the expedition against Ceuta in -1415. He had his father’s promise that he should be the first to land, -and in the storming of the town he was ever in the thickest of the -fighting. The Moors defended the town obstinately, and a fresh danger -arose when the victorious Portuguese dispersed to plunder. Henry, with -a little band of seventeen followers, saved the situation against such -odds that news was at first brought to the King that his son was dead. -For his gallant behaviour on that day he was made Duke of Vizeu and -Lord of Covilhã, while his brother Pedro became Duke of Coimbra. - -But Henry returned from North-West Africa with perhaps a still -greater prize--increased knowledge of the Dark Continent and a fixed -determination to explore further a land which he now knew to be no mere -sandy and unfertile desert. To this work he devoted the next forty-five -years, without a shadow of turning, since political events might hamper -but could not weaken his purpose, merely delaying the promised end. - -It is often asked what was his object, as though the wish to win -fresh knowledge, to acquire new territory for his country, and glory -and riches, and to extend the Christian faith were unaccountable or -unworthy aims. Rather we cannot wonder that the discoveries became the -absorbing passion of his life, so that he has been blamed for his -lukewarm intervention in contemporary politics and his weak defence of -his brother, the Duke of Coimbra. - -On the discoveries as Grand Master of the Order of Christ he spent its -princely revenues, and in 1418, retiring from the Court, he settled -on the Sacred Cape, or Sagres, now Cape St. Vincent. His palace and -observatory soon drew a village round it, known as Terça Naval, or -the Villa do Infante (Princestown). Here, as Governor of Algarve, he -spent the greater part of his life, fitting out ships in Lagos harbour, -welcoming travellers, poring over maps brought to him by Prince Pedro -and others from their travels, observing the heavens, and watching for -the return of his ships. - -His keenness was not inconsistent with a certain shyness and reserve. -He was a student prince, but less literary and more scientific than his -brothers. All day, and often far into the night, he would be at work, -an energetic hermit such as the Middle Ages had not known. His eyes in -the intensity and even fierceness of their glance repelled the timid, -but they also had the far-away look as of one watching and dreaming, -while his firm lips and jaws were those of one planning and willing. -His iron will and self-discipline curbed his equally strong temper and -impatient eagerness, so that when most moved to anger he would merely -say, like an Irishman, “I leave you to God.” - -Courageous and persistent, he prepared all his schemes with the utmost -thoroughness, and all the help that science could afford, and he -carried them out with unfaltering resolution. All through his life he -acted up to his French motto, _Talent de bien faire_, which we may -translate by the “love of useful glory” to which, according to the poet -Thomson, he roused mankind. And if we do not sit cowering before the -unknown on all sides it is to Prince Henry and a few men of similarly -keen intellect and stout will that we owe it. - -It must not be thought that he met with no opposition, apart from -the great difficulties that naturally beset all discoverers and -innovators. On the one hand, the perils of navigating down the coast of -Africa were considered insurmountable, and, on the other, the gains to -be derived from it were held to be nugatory. It was not till the first -slaves and the first gold arrived that men began to realise thoroughly -that Prince Henry was something more than an empty dreamer. No one with -less faith, a faith based both on religion and science, would have -persevered, as Prince Henry persevered, in face of the slight support -at first given by public opinion and the slight success obtained. -But, although there were many disappointments and progress was slow, -the mysteries of the African coast did gradually recede before his -persistency, as year after year he sent out ships with definite -instructions based on his maps and scientific knowledge. - -The death of King João I in 1433 did not seriously interfere with his -plans; his brother Duarte gave him every possible support, and the -expedition against Tangier in 1437 was not an interruption but rather -one aspect of his life-work. Indeed, he was the leading spirit of -the enterprise. He and his younger brother, Fernando, obtained from -King Duarte the consent for which they had ceased to hope from their -father; but Duarte at first, and Pedro throughout, were opposed to -the expedition. It set out in August, and the little army of some six -thousand men disembarked at Ceuta, and, without waiting for the ships -to return to Portugal for reinforcements, marched to attack Tangier. - -Failing to take the place by storm, the princes settled down to -blockade it. The danger of such a course was obvious, but even when the -Moors, who trooped down from the hinterland, outnumbered the Christian -force by twenty to one they were driven back in a series of magnificent -attacks. But the Moorish host continued to grow by scores of thousands -daily, and in the second week of October it became apparent even to -the fiery heart of Prince Henry that he was embarked on a hopeless -enterprise. - -The siege was raised and the small army attempted to regain their -ships. Henry with the cavalry protected their retreat. But the -cowardice of some, the treachery of others, and the overwhelming number -of the enemy proved too much for his splendid defence, and on October -15 he was forced to come to an agreement with the enemy. By this -capitulation the Portuguese were to be allowed to re-embark without -their arms, Ceuta, their twenty-two years’ possession, was to be given -up, and Prince Fernando, with certain other hostages, was to remain in -the hands of the enemy until the Portuguese should have evacuated the -town. - -Prince Henry, in his despair, fell ill at Ceuta and afterwards retired -to Sagres. He would not give up Ceuta, and he could not save Fernando -otherwise. King Duarte, confronted by the same cruel alternative, -succumbed to grief and illness at Thomar in the following year. - -To Henry’s sorrow for the death of one brother and the living death of -another--the tortures of Fernando’s captivity ended in a miserable -dungeon in 1443--was added the crushing of his hopes and projects. For -the new King was but a boy, and it needed no peculiar foresight to -prophesy impending trouble in Portugal. It required all Prince Henry’s -fortitude and faith to persevere, in loneliness and remorse. Prince -Pedro had strongly opposed the expedition: it was on Henry that its -failure rested. Nor was he one to wish to shirk responsibility, and -many an hour he must have spent brooding over the fatal effects of his -rashness. - -Henry is too great a man to need to have his mistakes glossed over. -He had underestimated the difficulty of the enterprise, he had been -rash in advancing from Ceuta without awaiting reinforcements, he had -been rasher in not retiring after the first unsuccessful attempt to -scale the walls of Tangier. His object certainly had been a noble one, -based on no personal greed or ambition, and the results of his failure -were felt by none more than by himself. In the eyes of others his -magnificent courage and steadfast retreat placed him even higher than -before. - -Fortunately for him, there was plenty of work ready to his hand, for, -although he did not personally accompany the ships of exploration, -he scientifically worked out their instructions, equipped them, and -followed their progress on his maps. Perhaps a certain estrangement -between Pedro and Henry was natural after 1437; Henry, at least, -did not very actively support his brother in his quarrel with the -Queen-Regent, and failed to stand by him later when he had resigned his -Regency and was venomously attacked and slandered by his enemies before -his weak son-in-law, King Affonso V. When the matter came to open -conflict Pedro, with his small band of followers, could not hope for -victory, and again Henry did not resolutely intervene. Pedro’s tragic -death at Alfarrobeira in 1449 cannot have diminished Henry’s remorse -for the death of Duarte and Fernando eleven and six years earlier. - -Meanwhile, his austere devotion to the work of discovery bore -increasing fruit, and before he died the rich islands of the Azores, -Madeira, the Canaries, and Cape Verde were discovered, and the coast of -Africa explored as far as Sierra Leone, which was reached by the famous -Venetian, Luigi Cadamosto, in the service of Prince Henry, nearly a -quarter of a century after Gil Eannez had rounded Cape Bojador in 1434. -The Infante himself had lost little of his energy, and although nearly -sixty-five, accompanied his nephew Affonso V in the expedition against -Morocco in 1558, and took a prominent part in the siege and capture of -Alcacer. - -The last two years of his life were spent at Sagres. In September 1460 -he disposed of certain of his revenues, potential rather than actual, -to the Order of Christ and to the State, which had hitherto recognised -his right to receive the profits of the discoveries as it had allowed -him to bear its burden. The burden to the day of his death was far -greater than the profits. Yet he must have realised that his life’s -purpose was attained, and that the rest was but a matter of time, as -surely as though he had planted an orange-tree and died when it was -covered with blossom. His body was taken to Batalha, and, if it was -not to remain on Cape St. Vincent looking southwards over the sea -to Africa, no worthier resting-place could be found for it than the -splendid church built to commemorate the victory of his father and of -his friend Nun’ Alvarez. Prince Henry spent himself, his time, and -his revenues without stint in the service of a great idea and a high -ambition. Nun’ Alvarez had worked for the independence of Portugal; -Prince Henry left it well on the road to an imperishable glory. - -A generation later, when the full effects of his life’s work were -manifest, his countrymen and the world recognised in this strong, -tenacious ascetic, with his burning zeal for God and country, his -fearlessness and unwavering devotion, the inspirer and origin of -Portugal’s new greatness. - -[Illustration: VASCO DA GAMA] - - - - -IV - -VASCO DA GAMA - -(1460?-1524) - - O qual Vasco da Gama era homem prudente e de bom saber e de grande - animo para todo bom feito.--GASPAR CORREA, _Lendas da India_. - - -King João II pressed on vigorously with the discovery of the west -coast of Africa. The year of his accession was not ended before Diogo -de Azambuja set out with ten ships (1481), and after his return the -King assumed the title of “Lord of Guinea.” Diogo Cam in 1484 and -1485 carried the discovery still further, past the River of Crabs -(Cameroons), past Congo and Angola to Walvisch Bay, and two years later -Bartholomeu Diaz rounded the Cape, and with that the problem of the -sea-route to India was practically solved, so that King John died -(October 1495) in sight of the promised land. Indeed, the departure of -the ships which Vasco de Gama was destined to command was only delayed -by the King’s death. He had given “orders for such wood to be cut in -wood and forest as the carpenters and builders should desire, and this -was brought to Lisbon, where at once three small ships were begun.” - -In appointing Vasco da Gama, a knight of his household, to the command -King Manoel showed that he knew the value of the men who had grown up -in the stern school of João II. The Gamas were a distinguished family -of the south of Portugal; they had already rendered good service to the -State--Vasco himself may have had a part in the work of discovering the -coast of Africa--and if they were at times quarrelsome and unruly their -loyalty and courage were never in doubt. In 1497 the meekest of them, -Paulo, Vasco’s eldest brother, was in trouble for having wounded a -judge at Setubal,[5] and received the King’s pardon before he sailed as -captain of one of the ships. - -Vasco, a man of medium height and knightly bearing, was bold and -daring in enterprise, patient and determined in adversity, but harsher -and more irascible than his brother. It is a curious instance of the -continuous if often slight connection between the two nations of -seafarers, the English and the Portuguese, that Vasco da Gama had -English blood in his veins. The name of his mother, Isabel Sodré, which -survives in Lisbon’s _Caes do Sodré_, was a corruption of Sudley, her -grandfather having been Frederick Sudley, of the family of the Earls of -Hereford. Vasco was born probably in 1460, in the little sea-town of -Sines, of which his father was _Alcaide Môr_, and in honour of which -Vasco later is said to have been in the habit of firing a salute as he -passed. - -The third captain appointed by King Manoel was Nicolao Coelho. - -The three ships, of about a hundred tons, _São Gabriel_ (Vasco da -Gama), _São Raphael_ (Paulo da Gama), and _São Miguel_[6] (Nicolao -Coelho), after solemn procession and leave-taking of the King, on July -8, 1497, sailed down the Tagus from Belem and rounded Cape Espichel to -the south. The crews averaged little over fifty men, being perhaps 170 -in all, including six convicts in each ship to be cast ashore in order -to spy out the land at different points. Bartholomeu Diaz, bound for -the fortress of São Jorge da Mina, accompanied them as far as the Cape -Verde Islands. - -In November they reached the bay of St. Helena where Vasco da Gama was -slightly wounded in an affray with the natives. Hitherto their voyage -had been prosperous; but they encountered heavy storms both before and -after rounding the Cape of Good Hope, and it required all Vasco’s -resolution and Paulo’s persuasiveness to keep the crews to their -voyage. The mutinous crew of the _São Gabriel_ had counted without its -host, and found Gama little less formidable than the storms of these -unknown seas. Not if he were confronted with a hundred deaths, he said, -and not if the ships were all filled with gold, would he go back a -single yard; but he did not wholly disregard the murmurings of the men, -for he clapped the mate and pilot of his ship in irons, to hold them as -hostages, and, as they were the only persons who knew anything of the -art of navigation, the crew was effectually cowed. - -At Christmas they reached the land which to this day bears the -Portuguese name, Natal, of the time of its discovery. Passing slowly -north along the coast, they arrived towards the end of January at the -Zambezi River, and in this shelter made a stay of several weeks; but -scurvy among the crew forced them again to sea, and in the beginning of -March they reached Mozambique. Here, as at Mombasa a month later, the -natives received them with every appearance of friendship, but made a -treacherous if rather courageous attempt to seize their ships. The King -of Melinde, a little further north, was friendly and loyal, and here -the Portuguese obtained pilots for the voyage to India. - -The passage lasted less than a month, and on May 18 they sighted -Asia, the end and object of their enterprise, and came to anchor -off Calicut on the 21st. Calicut was a few miles distant, and Vasco -da Gama, although implored by his brother not to risk his person -by disembarking, started on the overland journey. It required some -courage, for among the native sightseers who crowded round the -Portuguese there were not a few armed and covertly hostile Moors. - -In the minds of the Portuguese, the East had long been connected with -the empire of the Christian Prester John, the half mythical ruler of -Abyssinia, and they expected to find the majority of the natives -Christians. Accordingly they were easily duped here (as indeed they -had been in Africa) and Vasco da Gama and his companions on the way -to Calicut worshipped in a Hindu pagoda. The images on the walls -were unlike those of the saints to which they had been accustomed in -Portugal. Some of them had four arms, the teeth of others protruded a -whole inch from their mouths, and their faces were hideous as the faces -of devils. Like Little Red Ridinghood, one of the Portuguese, João de -Sá, was in the most serious doubt when he saw these figures, and, as he -knelt down, in order to avoid any mistake, he said aloud “If this is a -devil I worship the true God.” And Vasco da Gama looked across at him -and smiled. - - A che guardando il suo duca sorrise. - -This does not tally well with the character of the disciplinarian, -despotic Gama, as it is usually represented. But these qualities -developed later. - -The Portuguese were as ignorant about the King of the country as about -its gods. For the Samuri of Calicut was no simple King of Melinde, but -a great potentate accustomed to traders and to foreign civilisations. -It was not without difficulty that Gama obtained an interview, and -when he succeeded, the King, all aglow with jewellery, seated chewing -betel, a page on either side, and his chief Brahman behind his chair, -was fully a match for the haughty Gama. From one of his bracelets -gleamed a priceless stone of a thumb’s thickness, his necklace was of -pearls almost of the size of small acorns, and from a gold chain hung -a heart-shaped jewel surrounded by pearls and covered with rubies, -and in the centre a great green stone, an emerald, of the size of a -large bean, belonging to the ancient treasure of the Kings of Calicut. -His golden trumpets were longer by a third than those of the King of -Portugal. - -It appears that the Portuguese had brought no present worthy of -so great a monarch. The same historian, Correa, who thus vividly -describes the King’s appearance, also gives a detailed account of the -present. It consisted, he says, of “a very delicate piece of scarlet, -and a piece of crimson velvet, and a piece of yellow satin and a chair -richly upholstered with brocade, with silver-gilt nails, and a cushion -of crimson satin with tassels of gold thread, and another cushion of -red satin for the feet, and a very richly wrought gilt ewer and basin, -and a large and very beautiful gilt mirror and fifty red caps with -buttons and veils of crimson silk and gold thread upon them, and fifty -gilt sheaths of Flemish knives, which had been inlaid in Lisbon with -ivory.” - -The King should have been satisfied, but probably this present, if it -ever existed, had dwindled in gifts to natives of Africa on the way. -The question in the King’s mind was that asked once of Telemachus: Had -they come as peaceful traders, or were they pirates? - -Vasco da Gama, faced by a reception so courteous yet so insulting, -maintained a proud, serene attitude, as he had when on his way to the -palace--he is represented advancing slowly, waiting for the crowds -to be cleared out of his way--and as he did later when placed under -arrest by the Catual, or Governor of the city. By his resolution during -the dangers and obstacles of the voyage and by his calm behaviour in -Calicut he justified the King’s choice and his subsequent fame. - -The Samuri himself was far more favourably inclined to the new-comers -than were the Moors, who naturally resented the appearance of other -traders. The Portuguese were greatly helped throughout by a Mohammedan -who had learnt Spanish at Tunis, but, although Gama brought home -specimens of pepper, ginger, cloves, musk, benjamin, and other spices -as well as pearls and rubies, his visit to Calicut, which ended with -the high-handed measure of seizing and carrying off several natives, -was unsuccessful, since it resulted in no treaty of friendship or -commerce. - -At the end of August they started on the homeward voyage, but remained -for some time off the coast of India, and in the Indian Ocean lay -becalmed for many days, during which the crew again suffered terribly -from scurvy, a considerable number dying. The remnant of the crews -struggled on in their three ships towards Portugal; at Cabo Verde, -Coelho separated from the others and carried the news to King Manoel -(July 1499). Paulo da Gama was worn out by anxiety and exertions, and -Vasco sailed with him north-west to the Azores, where, in the island of -Terceira, Paulo died. It was not till the end of the summer that Vasco -da Gama reached the Tagus. - -It is said--although Coelho’s earlier arrival contradicts the -story--that a Terceira trader, Arthur Rodriguez, about to sail from his -island to Algarve, saw two ships at anchor and asked whence they were. -“From India,” came the answer. At these magic words he set sail, not, -however, to Algarve, but due East, and in four days cast anchor in the -harbour of Cascaes. The King was at Sintra, and had just sat down to -supper when Rodriguez hurried in with the good news. - -When the few survivors[7] arrived at Lisbon (September 1499) they -were given a splendid reception, and Vasco da Gama was never able -to complain that his services went unrewarded. He was granted the -coveted title of Dom, and became hereditary Admiral of India, while -his pensions (300,000 réis a year) and facilities of trade with India -made him one of the richest men in the realm. So powerful did he become -in Sines that the Order of Santiago interfered, with the result that -Gama was obliged to leave his native town and in 1507 went to live at -Evora.[8] In November 1519 the Duke James of Braganza sold him the town -of Vidigueira, of which Gama became first Count. - -A large part of his triumph belonged to Prince Henry, to King João II, -and to Bartholomeu Diaz, who was drowned in the following year off the -Cape which he had been the first to round. - -King Manoel, overjoyed at having attained the goal of nearly a -century’s constant striving, now styled himself not only King -of Portugal and the Algarves and Lord of Guinea but Lord of the -Navigation, Conquest, and Commerce of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and -India; he sent word of the discovery to the Pope and all the princes -of Christendom; and at Belem, on the right bank of the Tagus, whence -the discoverers had set sail over two years before, he built the fine -monastery of São Jeronimo, where now are the tombs of the King himself, -of Dom Vasco, who brought him all this glory, and of Camões, who -celebrated it in deathless verse. - -The building stands in strange contrast to that of Batalha, where -Prince Henry the Navigator lies buried. The pure Gothic of Batalha, -with its magnificent plain pillars and soaring arches, spells heroic -aspiration; the Manueline of Belem in its exuberance and rich profusion -of detail bears traces of satisfied accomplishment, as though Portugal -might now throw simplicity and austere endeavour to the winds. - -Dom Vasco da Gama in February 1502 set sail a second time for India, -and returned in September 1303 with the first tribute of gold from -India. “As the King was then at Lisbon, Dom Vasco, when he went to see -him, took the tribute which he had received from the King of Quiloa[9]. -A nobleman in plain doublet with uncovered head went before the Admiral -on horseback in great solemnity, carrying the gold in a large basin of -silver, to the sound of drums and trumpets, and in company of all the -gentlemen of the Court. And the King ordered a monstrance to be wrought -of it, as rich in workmanship as in weight, and offered it to Our Lady -of Bethlehem as first fruits of those victories of the East.” - -The death of Paulo da Gama seems to have killed the gentler strain -in Vasco’s nature, and his many honours, titles, and estates rendered -him more overbearing. It was on his second voyage to India, in October -1502, that he blew up a peaceful trading ship from Mecca with 380 (or -by another account, 240) men on board, besides many women and children, -after relieving it of all gold and merchandise. As to his overweening -pride, he is said to have signed himself Count in a letter to the King -before the title had been actually conferred. - -Despite the crying need for a strong man to restore discipline in India -after Albuquerque’s death, King Manoel did not send Dom Vasco out as -Governor, and it was only in the reign of King João III, and when -Gama was over sixty, that he left Lisbon, in April 1524, as Viceroy -of India, with his sons Estevão and Paulo and a force of 3,000 men. -He reached Goa in September and presently proceeded to Cochin. He -was resolved to bring some measure of order and justice out of the -confusion and corruption of India; and whereas most other Governors on -their arrival were too busily occupied in enriching themselves to pay -careful attention to other matters, Gama bent his whole will to effect -reforms. - -The reforms were salutary, but they filled native and Portuguese alike -with consternation and were decreed in a harsh, unconciliatory spirit. -Gama came into conflict with the outgoing Governor, Dom Duarte de -Meneses, and only reduced him to obedience by giving orders to bombard -him in his ship. - -The first three months of Gama’s vice-royalty proved that the task of -reforming the rule of the Portuguese in India was work for a younger -man, and on Christmas Day 1524, to the relief of the self-seekers, -to the grief of those who cared for the future of their country, Dom -Vasco da Gama died, exactly twenty-seven years after the sight of Natal -had given him the first real promise of success in his earlier great -adventure. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[5] This may have been the occasion on which Vasco da Gama, closely -wrapped in his _capa_, one night in the streets of Setubal refused to -reveal his identity to the Alcaide going his rounds, declaring that he -was no _malfeitor_. The Alcaide’s attempt to arrest him failed. - -[6] Also apparently called _Berrio_, after the pilot from whom it was -bought (?). Since Berrio = New (Basque _berri_) it was an appropriate -name for a ship going to the discovery of _mares nunca dantes -navegados_. - -[7] It is said that only 55 out of the original 170 returned. - -[8] This apparently continued to be his home for twelve years, since a -document of November 7, 1519, has “in the city of Evora in the house -in which now lives the magnificent Lord Dom Vasco da Gama, Admiral of -India.” - -[9] Now Kilwa; soon, perhaps, Quiloa again. - - - - -V - -DUARTE PACHECO PEREIRA - -(1465?-1533?) - - O gram Pacheco, Achilles lusitano. - - LUIS DE CAMÕES, _Os Lusiadas_. - - Diversas et incredibiles victorias obtinens. - - DAMIÃO DE GOES, _Hispania_. - - -One of the captains who sailed from Lisbon with the cousins Albuquerque -in 1503 was Duarte Pacheco Pereira. Like the great Affonso de -Albuquerque with whom he sailed, he was still unknown to fame. He -may have been between thirty-five and forty years of age, but his -subsequent glory has thrown no light for us on his earlier years; and -beyond the fact that he was born at Lisbon, that he was a knight of -the King’s household, and that under João II he was employed in the -discovery of the west coast of Africa, we have to be content with -silence. - -Five years had passed since the Portuguese had first reached India, and -instead of peaceful trade there was war between the King of Calicut and -the Portuguese, and hostilities between Cochin and Calicut by reason -of the King of Cochin’s friendship with the new-comers. The King of -Cochin, indeed, had been uniformly loyal to the Portuguese and had -shown conspicuous firmness of purpose, and to Cochin the Albuquerques -directed their course. - -It was in an expedition against one of the King of Cochin’s enemies, -the Lord of Repelim (Eddapalli), that Pacheco first signalised himself -for dashing bravery and learnt what daring and energy could do against -a numerous but ill-equipped and undisciplined enemy. As he returned -in four boats at ten o’clock one night from a long day’s victorious -expedition against six or seven thousand natives he found his progress -blocked by thirty-four ships chained to one another. After encouraging -his men by a stirring speech he locked his own boats together and -forced his way through, and then immediately went about so as to be -able to stop the enemy’s pursuit with his artillery. A fierce combat -ensued, but Pacheco had completed his victory before the Albuquerques -could come to his assistance. - -The King of Cochin was so greatly impressed by this exploit that he -henceforth held Pacheco in the highest esteem. He little knew at the -time how intimately their fortunes were to be linked. Before Affonso -and Francisco de Albuquerque left for home it was known that the King -(the Samuri) of Calicut was about to attack Cochin with his entire -forces by land and sea. None of the Portuguese captains evinced any -alacrity to be left behind in its defence, and when Pacheco accepted -with a good will, but “rather to serve God and the King than for any -hope of profit,” those who knew how great was the might of Calicut -said: “God have mercy on Duarte Pacheco and those who remain with -him,” scarcely expecting to set eyes on him again. As it proved it was -Francisco de Albuquerque who perished, on his way home, while Pacheco -died many years later, in peace and on dry land. - -Whatever Pacheco’s thoughts may have been at the prospect before him, -he knew that to instil confidence into his men was half the battle; -he said little, but showed by his demeanour that he was perfectly -satisfied, and asked for not a single man beyond those whom the -Albuquerques had found possible to leave him. Thus he remained alone in -India, still an unknown country to the Portuguese, with his own ship -and three even smaller vessels, and, in all, ninety men. - -It was little wonder that even the faithful and resolute King of Cochin -began to despair when it was known that the host, or horde, from -Calicut consisted of 60,000 men. He himself could provide about half -that number, but of these three-quarters were actively or passively -hostile. The Moors, moreover, who supplied Cochin with provisions were -minded to abandon the city, and would have done so had not Pacheco -intervened. - -He at first determined to hang the ring-leader in this treachery, but -the King declared that, should he do so, the rest would rise in mutiny, -and he accordingly assembled the “honest merchants,” and addressed -them in a speech of such vigour that for the moment he had no further -trouble from the Moors. Purple with rage and speaking so loud that he -seemed to be actually fighting, he offered them his friendship, but -should they thwart him he promised to be a crueller enemy to them than -any King of Calicut. Their respect for Pacheco was further increased -by his astonishing energy, for, after working all day at preparations -against the coming invasion, he spent the nights in forays into the -Repelim country. - -Pacheco’s task was to defend the city of Cochin, and the Portuguese -fort recently built by the Albuquerques. The territory of Cochin -was separated from that of Repelim by salt-water channels, and the -preparations of the Portuguese were directed to the defence of the -principal ford, which was only passable at low tide, with deeper water -at each end. With this object stakes were made ready to be driven in -all along the ford in a serried stockade. By the time the King of -Calicut reached Repelim, Pacheco had put a salutary fear into the -hearts of the citizens of Cochin, so that when the news of his arrival -came their first impulse to abandon the city was immediately checked. - -The better to inspire them with his own fearlessness, he made his usual -night expedition into Repelim and set fire to one of the villages. -He experienced some difficulty in returning, and five of his men -were wounded, but when the King of Cochin expostulated against this -foolhardiness he merely laughed and said that all he wished for was -that the King of Calicut should advance to attack him. - -The first attack at the ford occurred on the last day of March 1504 -(Palm Sunday), and the period that followed may well claim to be one -of the most brilliant Hundred Days in history. The enemy on this Palm -Sunday, relying on their overwhelming numbers, crowded down to the ford -at low tide, but the sharp stockade confronted them and the artillery -from the boats stationed in the deep water on both sides of the -stockade cut them down. Their own “cannon” were not very formidable, -for we are told that they did not propel their projectiles with greater -violence than that with which one might throw a stone, and at the end -of the day the Portuguese had but a few injured and none killed. Their -danger was nevertheless great, for although the enemy had suffered -considerably in this first assault they were so numerous that they -could continually renew the attack, and sleepless vigilance, with -intervals of terrific exertion, was necessary to defeat them. - -But Pacheco had succeeded in imparting something of his own spirit -to his men. Undeterred by the flight of the Nairs who should have -supported him, he took advantage with his usual energy of the -breathing-space secured by this first victory, ordered his men to make -a show of revelry at intervals during the following night in order to -impress the enemy, and next day with forty men set out and burnt a -village. The enemy’s attacks were repeated on Good Friday and Easter -Sunday and Easter Tuesday, and in the intervals of victory Pacheco kept -on burning villages, to the delight of those in Cochin. - -The endurance of the defenders was tested to the utmost when the -King of Calicut attacked on the same day in two places, at the ford -and in a deep water channel. He seems to have made a mistake in not -waiting to attack with his fleet until low tide enabled the infantry -simultaneously to assault the ford, or, at least, the plan did not work -out well, and Pacheco was able to deal first with the numerous fleet of -boats, said to have been two hundred and fifty in number. - -The four little Portuguese ships seemed almost lost in the multitude -of the enemy. The darts and arrows, says one of the early Portuguese -historians, were in such quantity that they cast a shadow over the -ships, and so loud were the shouts and cries that it seemed to be the -end of the world. Again and again the enemy’s boats, chained together, -came on to the attack, but they never succeeded in boarding the -Portuguese _caravelas_, although many of the Portuguese were wounded. - -Meanwhile twelve thousand infantry had advanced against the ford. -Message after message came to Pacheco for help, but the tide was still -running out and he contented himself with answering that he was still -engaged with the fleet but that this was “not the day of the King of -Calicut.” At the turn of the tide, after having dealt faithfully with -the fleet of the enemy’s boats, he went; but the water was still too -shallow when he approached the ford and the ships grounded. He was -able, however, to work great havoc with his artillery among the many -thousands of assailants, although he could not come up to fight with -them at close quarters. - -For a long hour the low water at the ford gave every advantage to the -enemy. Crowds of them surrounded the stranded ships, thousands rushed -forward to attack the ford. The water was tinged with red. And still -the ships refused to move. At last they floated, and as the tide rose -the danger of the attack grew less and less, till at dusk it ceased -entirely. - -Another most formidable battle was fought at the beginning of May when -the King of Calicut in person attacked the ford. The Nairs from Cochin -who were to have defended the stockade deserted their post, many of the -enemy actually succeeded in crossing, and it was only by unparalleled -exertions that Pacheco, after being retained with his ship by the low -water, was able to hurl them back with great loss. A cannon-shot aimed -at the King of Calicut, which succeeded in killing several persons -near him, profoundly discouraged him in what began to seem a hopeless -enterprise, instead of child’s play as at first. - -But the strain on Pacheco was not relaxed, and he spent night and day -watching and fighting. One Sunday as he sat at his midday meal in -his caravel after keeping watch all night, the look-out man sighted -eighteen hostile craft approaching. He determined to attack, but when -he arrived in mid-stream another fleet of sixteen, and then eighteen -more, darted out suddenly from behind a promontory, and it proved no -simple affair to beat them off. - -The King of Cochin came up in time to witness Pacheco’s victory, and -after congratulating him reproached him for having exposed himself -alone to such a risk. Pacheco did not think it advisable to tell the -King that he had attacked in the belief that the enemy were only a -third of their real number, and his prestige with the natives was still -further enhanced. - -The King of Calicut was in despair, and his forces were already reduced -from 60,000 to 40,000 men by battle and cholera, when a Moor of -Repelim invented a scheme which put new heart into the King and seemed -to give certain promise of capturing the Portuguese ships and all the -Portuguese in them. The device resembled that of moving towers built -to the height of the walls of a besieged town. Two boats were lashed -together to support a square wooden tower capable of holding some forty -men. - -Pacheco had spies in the enemy’s camp who warned him of the new danger, -but the information was also divulged in Cochin, to the dismay of the -King and his subjects. The King paid Pacheco a visit, and, although -he was received on board with dance and song, besought him with tears -in his eyes to save himself by flight since further resistance was -useless, and when he left bade him farewell as for the last time. - -To embolden the natives, Pacheco declared that he intended to defeat -the enemy now as on previous occasions, and asked them if he had ever -failed to keep his word. The further to encourage them, he erected -a great pointed stake on which to “spit the King of Calicut.” He did -not neglect more practical measures, for he raised the prows of his -vessels by means of wooden structures high enough to dominate the -enemy’s castles, and he put together a boom and fixed it by means of -six anchors a stone’s throw in front of his ships. - -About two hours after midnight on Ascension Day a few shots announced -that the enemy were in motion. Pacheco landed, and after harrying -the advancing infantry returned to his ships at dawn in readiness to -receive the approaching fleet. At first the Portuguese artillery seemed -to make no impression on the strongly built tower that confronted them, -and for a short time it seemed that the enemy must be victorious. -“Lord, visit not my sins upon me now!” was Pacheco’s despairing cry. -But at last one of the towers came crashing down and Pacheco knelt on -deck and gave thanks to God, for the destruction of the rest was now -only a matter of time. The fighting lasted till dusk fell. So complete -was the discomfiture of the enemy and so miraculous seemed the escape -of the handful of Portuguese that the natives of Cochin lost all -fear of Calicut, and the Portuguese in India acquired far and wide a -reputation for invincible prowess. - -The King of Calicut now had serious thoughts of giving over the war, -but two Italians, Milanese, persuaded him to attempt a night attack. -The plan was for the Prince of Repelim to advance with a large force, -and when he had engaged the enemy certain Nairs, posted in palm-trees, -were to raise fire-signals for the King of Calicut to follow with the -second army. - -Unfortunately for them, Pacheco had wind of the arrangement and, aware -of his great danger, resolved to save the Nairs their trouble. He -accordingly set friendly Nairs in palm-trees, and as soon as the first -army started they gave the fire signal. The King of Calicut hurried -forward, but in the darkness either army mistook the other for an -ambush of natives from Cochin, and a long, fierce battle followed -between them, while Pacheco listened to the uproar but awaited the -enemy in vain. At dawn the two hostile armies found out their mistake -and retired in horror and dismay, while Pacheco, like some great -gloating demon, appeared in the increasing light to add to their -confusion with his artillery. - -This was the last serious attack, and one by one the lords and princes -opposed to him came to terms with Pacheco. By boundless energy, -complete fearlessness, bluff, and the power of inspiring men at will -with fear or with confidence and devotion, Pacheco had achieved this -amazing triumph, which certainly had far-reaching effects on Portuguese -rule in India. - -The King of Cochin lacked Pacheco’s imposing personality, but he was -affectionate and reliable throughout, bidding his subjects obey Pacheco -as they would his own person, and this despite the fact that Pacheco’s -behaviour was often very disconcerting. More than once he all but -hanged some treacherous Moors, although the King had warned him that -this would entail the cutting off of provisions from Cochin. - -On another occasion a body of hostile Nairs made a surprise attack on -the island of Cochin, but were beaten off by the workers in the rice -swamps with their rustic weapons. Their victory was the easier because -a Nair considered himself polluted if one of these low-caste peasants -approached him. - -Pacheco, delighted at the victory of these humble workmen, and mindful -moreover of more than one desertion of Nairs at difficult moments, -suggested that the King should make Nairs of these men, in the belief -apparently that the caste system could be brushed aside or altered at -will.[10] It was only after heated and repeated argument that the King -was able to persuade him that the thing he asked was impossible. The -heroic labourers were, however, permitted to bear arms and to approach -Nairs in future. - -For himself Pacheco refused the King’s spices and other gifts, -aware that he could ill afford them, and accepted only the strange -coat-of-arms that the King bestowed on him--five crowns of gold on a -crimson ground--emblem of the much blood he had shed in his victory -over five kings--surrounded by eight green castles on blue and white. - -At the beginning of the year 1505 he set out for home, to the sorrow -of the King of Cochin, and in the summer arrived at Lisbon. He was -received with great honour; on the Thursday after his arrival he walked -with the King in solemn procession from the Cathedral to the Convent of -São Domingos. The Bishop of Vizeu preached, exalting Pacheco’s heroic -deeds, and similar services were held throughout Portugal. News of his -exploits were sent to the Pope and to the Kings of Christendom. - -Pacheco received a yearly pension of 50,000 réis, a considerable sum in -those days,[11] and other gifts and favours, and he married D. Antonia -de Albuquerque, daughter of one of King Manoel’s secretaries. Better -still, he received further employment from the King, being entrusted -with the survey of the coast of South-East Africa. - -Already in 1505 he was at work on his _Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis_, -which had to wait nearly four centuries for a publisher. He was more -accustomed to hold the sword than the pen, but his book contains much -of interest and affords occasional insight into the character of its -author. Thus he says--and the philosophic tone of the words is of -interest in view of the neglect and poverty into which he is said to -have fallen in his last years: “No one is content with his possessions, -and in the end eight feet of earth suffice us and there ends and is -consumed the vanity of our high thoughts,” and “Virtuous men who love -God and are of clean heart and uncovetous are never forsaken of the -grace of the Holy Spirit.” - -He dwells more than once on the iniquity of oblivion wrought by time: -“Difference of ages and length of time hide the knowledge of things -and render them forgotten.” His descriptions are clearly those of -an eyewitness, as that of “a little river which flows from the top -of the mountains to the sea through reeds and mint and rushes and -wild-olives.” He praises Prince Henry the Navigator and King João II, -whose deeds are worthy to be told “by the ancient fathers of eloquence -and learning,” and it was in gratitude to them, a gratitude which -posterity shares, that he wrote: “Experience causes us to live free -of the false abuses and fables that some of the ancient cosmographers -recorded.” - -Although the great events of India under the rule of Albuquerque may -have obscured the deeds of Pacheco, he was evidently not forgotten, -for in January 1509 he was sent with several ships against the French -pirate Mondragon and defeated and captured him off Cape Finisterre, and -probably about the year 1520 he was appointed Governor of the fort of -São Jorge de Mina, a coveted post on the west coast of Africa. - -Tradition has it that he came home in irons, and he may have been the -victim of one of those accusations by subordinates which were becoming -so common in the Portuguese overseas possessions. Pacheco had shown of -old that he was one of those whom he calls _inimigos da cobiça_, with -thoughts set on higher things than gold. But a new king was on the -throne, who was but two years old when Pacheco was winning immortal -renown for the Portuguese in India, and it seems to have been the -general feeling that he was unfairly treated. Camões speaks of his -“harsh and unjust reward.” - -It appears that he continued to receive his pension, yet he is said to -have died, about the year 1530, in extreme penury. We may be sure at -least that his heart did not quail before poverty any more than it had -before the countless host of Calicut. The recollection of his wiles and -devices during those hundred days at Cochin must have been a powerful -antidote to neglect and old age. “The thought of what he had done would -prove music to him at midnight.” - -A few, no doubt, of the heroic ninety on whose behalf Pacheco wrote to -the King, recalling their services, survived, and they might discuss -the apparent miracle of their famous victory, and, in Pacheco’s words, -“the multitude of things in the very wealthy kingdoms of India,” glad -at heart the while to be at home under the more temperate sun of -Portugal and to rind their “eight feet of earth” in their own soil. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[10] “The nobles,” says Correa, “are called Nairs, and are men devoted -to war.” The peasants “are so accursed that if they go along a road -they must go shouting, lest Nairs should meet and kill them, for they -may not carry arms, whereas the Nairs are always armed. And if as they -go shouting a Nair answers they scuttle away into the wilds far from -the road.” - -[11] The poet Luis de Camões, after his return from the East, supported -life on less than a third of that amount. - - -[Illustration: AFFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE. - -From Gaspar Correa, _Lendas da India_, frontispiece to vol. ii. pt. 1.] - - - - -VI - -AFFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE - -(1462?-1515) - - Aquelle invencivel e espantoso capitão Affonso de Albuquerque.--HEITOR - PINTO, _Imagem da Vida Christam_. - - O sem segundo Affonso de Albuquerque, honra de todos os advertidos - e scientes capitães que teve o mundo.--JOÃO RIBEIRO, _Fatalidade - historica da Ilha de Ceilão_. - - Albuquerque terribil, Castro forte.--CAMÕES, _Os Lusiadas_. - - -Had Affonso de Albuquerque died five or six years before he did the -world would never have realised that it had lost one of the greatest -men of all nations and ages. Born of an ancient family[12] about the -year 1460,[13] Albuquerque had in 1514 seen thirty-eight years’ -service. He won the regard of Prince João in the campaign against Spain -in which that prince saved his father from irretrievable defeat, and he -became his equerry when he had succeeded to the throne as João II. He -also served with distinction in Africa. - -It was in 1503, when he was over forty, that he first went to India. In -April of that year he sailed with his cousin Francisco de Albuquerque -in command of six ships, the chief object of the expedition being to -establish the friendship existing between the King of Cochin and the -Portuguese and to build a fort at Cochin. Albuquerque made no long stay -in India, and in July of the following year was back in Lisbon. But -he remained long enough to see the vast possibilities there of failure -or success for Portugal, and when, two years later, he again went out, -although he sailed as the subordinate of Tristão da Cunha, it was on -the understanding that he should soon obtain independent command and -with the provisional appointment as Governor of India in his pocket. - -Smooth co-operation with other officials was not Albuquerque’s -strong point, and he felt no doubt that if he was to serve his King -and country as he would wish he must be able to act freely. It is -significant of his commanding personality that during his two years’ -presence at Court he succeeded in imposing his views. In his absence -later his enemies were often able to tie him hand and foot even though -he was Governor of India. - -There were two opposed policies. Hitherto the Portuguese in India had -been confined to the sea, and many considered that this situation -should continue. In a sense they were right, since it was obviously -impossible in so vast an empire to conquer and hold large tracts of -land. But Albuquerque considered that this floating empire should -be nailed down at cardinal points by capturing important towns and -building strong forts, and it was with this purpose that he went out to -India. - -In the summer of 1507 he separated, according to his instructions, from -Tristão da Cunha, and when the latter returned to Portugal with the -rest of the fleet Albuquerque with his six ships remained in India. Of -these ships he has left a vivid description: there were no provisions, -the lances and other arms were few and rotten, with great scarcity of -cables, sails, and rigging; the powder was all wet, of bombardiers -there were but few, of carpenters one or two, and a hundred and fifty -men were dying of disease. - -Even so he set to work to strike terror into the Moors and hammer the -Portuguese Empire into shape. Coasting down Arabia he sacked various -cities, spreading desolation with fire and sword and mercilessly -mutilating the Moors who surrendered. The poet Antonio Ferreira called -Albuquerque “clement.” It is not a clemency that we would wish to -encounter in ordinary life, and even among his contemporaries some -condemned his cruelty. Bishop Osorio, for instance, considered it as -unworthy of so great a man: _illius rebus gestis indignum_. - -But although Albuquerque could be harsh and grim enough (his suggestion -to King Manoel that Spanish and Portuguese Jews in India should be -extinguished one by one is most sinister), and was quick to anger and -a stern disciplinarian, he had no delight in cruelty for cruelty’s -sake. He wished to reduce the Moors throughout India to subjection, and -considered that such acts would best spread the terror of his name and -conceal the difficulties of his position. He would have been the first -to admit that his policy in this respect was a sign of weakness. - -Albuquerque’s first great achievement was the bombardment and capture -of the important city of Ormuz, at the entrance of the Persian -Gulf, and in October he set about building a fortress. Milton in the -following century wrote of “the wealth of Ormuz.” To Albuquerque it -was but the first stone in the vast edifice of his projects, but to -his captains it was already more than enough. They wished to be making -prizes on the high seas, not to be bottled up in Ormuz building a fort -as if they were masons. Albuquerque, to whom in their complaints they -were very much like gnats in a thunderstorm, went on with his work, -tore up their first petition and placed a second under a jamb of one of -the fort’s doorways as it was being built. This was too much for the -vanity of his captains and several of them sailed away to India. - -The result of this desertion was that Albuquerque was obliged -temporarily to abandon Ormuz. Small wonder that he wrote of their -conduct with extreme bitterness. “Without shame or fear of the -King or your Lordship,” he says in his letter to the Viceroy, Dom -Francisco de Almeida, “they deserted me in time of war, and during -actual hostilities with this city they left me and fled.... Portuguese -gentlemen have been guilty of no such vileness these three hundred -years, nor have I read of any such in the ancient chronicles.” - -Even if they had all the right in the world on their side, these men -had deserted in the presence of the enemy; and had they been shot by -order of the Viceroy there and then, Portuguese rule would have been -greatly helped and strengthened and not only many troubles but many -lives spared in the future. - -But no such salutary discipline prevailed in India; the instructions -given to the captains were partly independent, and the Viceroy -received them courteously and bade them draw up a document of their -complaints. When Albuquerque arrived in India his enemies took care -to foster differences between him and the Viceroy, who was opposed -to Albuquerque’s policy and methods, and, after being treated with -great discourtesy, Albuquerque was placed under arrest. One of the -accusations of his captains was that he wished to make himself King of -Ormuz. - -They little knew their man. To expect Albuquerque, whose dreams of -conquest were as wide and magnificent as those of Alexander, to -vegetate as King of Ormuz was a mistake as colossal as to believe that -Napoleon could be content to rule Elba. There can be no doubt that -Albuquerque was unjustly treated by men incapable of understanding him, -all the more so in that Almeida’s term of office was up and by right -it was Albuquerque and not he who should have been governing India. -Albuquerque for his part disdained to be conciliatory. - -Fortunately for Albuquerque and for India his imprisonment only lasted -a few weeks. The arrival of the Marshal, Fernando Coutinho, from -Portugal put a new face on the situation; he released Albuquerque and -installed him as Governor of India. Almeida set out for, but never -reached, Portugal. - -The year 1509 was almost out, and it is 1510 which marks the beginning -of Albuquerque’s victories. With the Marshal he attacked Calicut, -but the Marshal’s impetuous rashness (he was so nettled by a first -success of the impetuous but wise Albuquerque that he said he would -take Calicut with no other arm than a stick in his hand) involved the -expedition in disaster, and, although they sacked Calicut, the Marshal -and many of the Portuguese lost their lives in a disorderly retreat -to the ships, Albuquerque himself receiving a wound which permanently -disabled his left arm. - -The rest of the year was occupied with Goa.[14] He obtained possession -of this city after a mere show of resistance, but a large and -ever-growing army of Turks forced him to abandon it after being reduced -to great straits and danger. Albuquerque had had fresh trouble with his -captains, but on the arrival of a few ships from Portugal he returned -to Goa in the autumn and stormed it. Most of the Moors were put to -the sword in a massacre which lasted four days. Some Moorish women of -almost white complexion he married to Portuguese soldiers. This was -a deliberate policy, approved by the King of Portugal, in order to -provide a peaceful settled population. - -The possession of Goa changed the whole position of the Portuguese -in India. Remote kings who had hitherto looked on the new-comers as -passing freebooters now sent ambassadors offering friendship and -treaties. - -Barely six months after taking Goa, Albuquerque stormed and sacked -Malaca, in Malay, a city which now belongs to the British Empire and -has about 100,000 inhabitants, and which then, in Albuquerque’s own -words, was “_muito grande cousa_.”[15] Of all the great spoils the -Governor characteristically reserved for himself only two great bronze -lions which he intended to have placed on his tomb. But his ship, laden -with the costliest plunder, much of which was intended for King Manoel, -met with a violent storm and foundered. Albuquerque, dressed in a brown -coat and anything that came to hand, escaped on a raft. - -In 1513 he carried out his long-cherished project of an attack on Aden, -whence, he said, “vermilion, currants, almonds, opium, horses, dates, -gold” went to India. The Portuguese assaulted but failed to take the -town--in their eagerness the ladders broke again and again under their -weight--and it was not safe to blockade it for fear of adverse winds, -lack of water, and the large and speedy assistance the enemy might -expect. Swift cameleers carried the news of the attack in fifteen days -to Cairo, and, generally, the presence of a large Portuguese fleet in -the Red Sea made a far-reaching impression. - -Albuquerque set out to attack Aden again in 1515, but was occupied for -some time at Ormuz, and fell ill there. He started to return to India, -and on the way received tidings from a passing boat that his successor -to the Governorship of India had been appointed, and many important -posts given to his personal enemies. - -This was his death-blow. Only a year before he had written to the King -of his determination to continue in India for the rest of his life, -at whatever sacrifice to himself, for the sake of maintaining and -strengthening the empire he had won. Now heartbroken he exclaimed, “Out -of favour with men for the sake of the King, and out of favour with the -King for the sake of men. It is good to make an end.” He dictated a -last brief letter to the King “in the throes of death,” recommending -his son, and died as the ship came in sight of Goa, straining his eyes -to see the tower of the church he had founded (December 1515). - -Next day his body, dressed in the habit of Santiago, was carried ashore -and buried amid universal grief. The natives perhaps mourned him -sincerely, since he had worked for their prosperity and his attitude -towards them, as distinguished from the Moors, had always been kindly. -The gods, they said, had summoned him to war in heaven. His enemies -continued to fear him even dead, so that King João III declared that -India would be safe so long as Albuquerque’s body remained there, and -it was only in 1566 that his bones were brought to Portugal. - -A contemporary Portuguese historian, Barros, thus describes -Albuquerque: “He was a man of medium height, of a cheerful, pleasant -countenance, but when angry he had a melancholy look; he wore his beard -very long during the time of his command in India, and as it was white -it made him very venerable. He was a man of many witty sayings and -in some slight annoyances [_menencorias leves!_ Had not Barros read -Albuquerque’s letters?] during his command he said many things the wit -of which delighted those whom they did not immediately affect. He spoke -and wrote very well with the help of a certain knowledge of Latin [the -superior Barros!]. He was cunning and sagacious in business, and knew -how to mould things to his purpose, and had a great store of anecdotes -suited to different times and persons. He was very rough and violent -when displeased and he tired men greatly by his orders, being of a very -urgent disposition. He was very charitable and devout, ever ready to -bury the dead. In action he was somewhat impetuous and harsh. He made -himself greatly feared by the Moors and always succeeded in getting the -better of them.” - -Another historian, Correa, who had served Albuquerque three years -as private secretary in India, knew him better and appreciated his -greatness. It is Correa who gives us an imposing glimpse of the -Governor of India two years before his death, _i.e._ at the time when -Albuquerque described himself as “a weak old man.” He was dressed “in -doublet and flowing open robe, as was then the fashion, all of black -damask streaked with black velvet, on his head a net of black and -gold thread, and above this a large cap of black velvet; in his belt -a dagger of gold and precious stones worth fifteen thousand crusados, -round his neck a thick chain; and his long white beard, knotted at the -end, gave him a very venerable presence.” - -Albuquerque was sincerely devout, even to the verge of mysticism or -superstition. He believed that St. James went before the Portuguese on -a white horse guiding them to victory, and when in the Red Sea that a -fiery cross in the sky was specially sent to beckon him on to further -conquests. - -There is a massive strength in all that he said and did.[16] After -he had subdued Ormuz its king hesitated whether he should pay -his customary tribute to Persia and sent to consult Albuquerque. -Albuquerque made a little collection of firearms and cannon-balls and -answered, “In this coin is the King of Portugal wont to pay tribute.” - -But the whole man is in his letters, aptly described as being “written -with a sword.” Perhaps it is only in the letters of Napoleon that one -finds the same mingling of great plans and conceptions with a mastery -of the smallest details and concern for things which a lesser man would -scorn to notice. - -This Governor, the fear of whose name extended far into China, to -whom the Kings of Narsinga and Persia, Siam, Cambaya, Turkey, and -Cairo sent gifts, the conqueror of Ormuz and Cananor, Goa and Malaca, -who dispatched his agents even to the remote Moluccas, and who was -determined to destroy Mecca (five hundred Portuguese were to ride -swiftly inland from the coast, take it by surprise and burn it to -ashes) and thought of altering the course of the Nile, did not disdain -to occupy himself with the alphabets for teaching children to read, the -missals and pontificals for churches, pearl-fisheries, the horse trade, -the colour of the Red Sea, how to pack quicksilver, and a hundred -other matters of great diversity, while on the question of arms and -merchandise to be sent from Portugal to India[17] no modern official -report could exceed his letters in accuracy and minuteness. - -For instance, he declares that lances are sent out unsharpened, as they -come from the Biscay factories, to the care of a _barbeiro inchado_ in -India, and in 1513 says that he now has workmen in Goa who can turn out -better guns than those of Germany. Unfortunately in Portugal India was -regarded merely as a mine to be exploited, not as a field that required -farming in order to continue productive. Albuquerque, when, as he says, -over his neck in work, had to answer great bundles of letters from the -King, often filled with carping criticisms of his actions or containing -contradictory projects. He complains that there is a new policy for -each year, almost in the words of Dante in the _Purgatorio_: - - fai tanto sottili - Provvedimenti ch’ a mezzo Novembre - Non giunge quel que tu d’Ottobre fili. - -It must be confessed that Albuquerque in these letters, filled with the -eloquence of the Old Testament, gave as good as he got: the pity is -that the King probably only saw them in the official summaries. “Sir, -the soldiers in India require to be paid their salaries,” he says on -one occasion, or “Your Highness is not well informed,” and he warns -him that should matters continue as in the past the empire will come -crumbling about the King’s ears. - -Again he writes that he is not amazed that the accusations should be -made, but amazed that the King should believe them. The names of his -accusers were withheld, as later in trials before the Inquisition, but -he knew whence the trouble came and does not mince his words in telling -the King of the corruption, greed, carelessness, and incompetence of -the officials in India appointed by the King. “And if I were not afraid -of Your Highness I would send you a dozen of these mischief-makers in a -cage.” - -In five days he writes nineteen letters to the King, some of them -of considerable length, this task occupying him till dawn, after a -long day’s work. On a single day he wrote the King eight letters, one -of which contains a splendid general account of the state of India, -another is a little masterpiece describing the misdeeds of one of his -captains. - -No doubt his critics believed him to be harsh and insensible. -That this was far from being the case is shown by the fact that on -receiving, amid a shower of blame and criticisms, a sympathetic letter -from his old friend, the historian Duarte Galvão, he shed tears, and -also by the deep feeling he displayed when a whole batch of letters -came from the King full of dispraise. “Your Highness blames me, blames -me, blames me,” he wrote, and again, “My spirits fell to the ground and -my hair turned twice as white as it was before.” - -When, therefore, a few months after he had written of his intention to -return from Ormuz to India in order to see the King’s letters and know -if he had sent ships and men for the expedition against Aden, he heard -that his successor was appointed, it is scarcely an exaggeration to say -that the news killed him. - -Albuquerque’s crime was to have thought of India and Portugal first, -before personal interests and ambitions. “They call me a harsh man,” -he said; and “these officials of yours do not love me.” But if he -could vigorously show his dislike of the false and slovenly, he always -liberally rewarded good service, was loyal, generous, and unselfish, -and showed a most delightful pleasure in any thorough work or workman. -“The best thing I ever saw,” he says of a map; and of a good carpenter, -“he is a marvellous man.”[18] - -No sooner was Albuquerque dead than his greatness was felt, and -posterity has never sought to deny it. If we consider the conditions -under which his great work was accomplished in six years--his ships -often so rotten that they sank of sheer old age, his men few and -ill-armed (before he received reinforcements in October 1512 he says -that the whole number of Europeans under his command in India were but -1,200, of whom barely 300 were properly armed), the fact that all his -projects were liable to be upset by orders dictated in ignorance at -home, and that as soon as his back was turned (for instance, when he -went to attack Aden) all the officials in India treated him as dead and -his instructions as a dead letter--we will not deny that posterity has -done well to honour and admire this man in his lonely magnificence. -_Fannomi onore e di ciò fanno bene._ - -No doubt he had great faults, since everything in him was great. He -adopted oriental methods in dealing with the kings of the East. He -murdered in cold blood the powerful minister of the young King of -Cochin, and in one of his letters to King Manoel he remarks calmly, “In -all my letters I bade him kill the Samuri of Calicut with poison.” But -he understood the East and was the only man who could have established -the Portuguese Empire firmly. That he was not given a free hand and -every assistance from the first was the doom of that empire, and -Portugal never saw his like again. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[12] Albuquerque’s father, Gonçalo de Albuquerque, was in favour at -Court. His grandfather João Gonçalvez had been secretary to King João I -and King Duarte, but was hanged for murdering his wife in 1437. - -[13] In 1461 or 1462. In one of his letters (April 1, 1512) he says -that he is fifty. Correa, who calls him old in 1509, says that he -was over seventy at the time of his death. Despite the very definite -assertion in his letter, perhaps the last word has not been said as to -his age. Misprints in these matters are common. Couto, for instance, -says that Albuquerque’s nephew Naronha is nearly seventy in 1538 and -eighty in 1540. All the historians call Albuquerque old, yet the -captain of a fortress was considered too young for the post because he -was under forty (Correa III, 687). On the other hand not Borrow merely -but Couto (VI. 2. ix) calls Castro old, although he did not live to be -fifty. Perhaps in Albuquerque’s letter we should read LX instead of L -(for indeed why should he speak so fatherly to King Manoel (1469-1521) -if he was not considerably older than the King?), and _sesenta_ for -_setenta_ in Correa. - -[14] Goa is thus described by an early traveller: “La città di Goa è -la più fresca delle Indie e la più abbondante di tutte le cose da.... -È detta città molto grande, con buone case e grandi e belle strade -e piazze, murata d’intorno con le sue torri e fatta in una buona -fortezza. Fuori di detta città vi erano molti horti e giardini copiosi -e pieni d’infiniti arbori fruttiferi, con molti stagni di acque; eranvi -molte moschee e case d’ orationi di gentili. Il paese d’intorno è molto -fertile e ben lavorato.” - -[15] The same traveller says: “Questa città di Malaca è la più ricca -scala di più ricchi mercatanti e di maggior navigatione e traffico che -si possa trovare nel mondo.” - -[16] The story, maliciously recorded by Barros, that Albuquerque sent -ruby and diamond rings to the historian Ruy de Pina to jog his memory -in relating the events of India, may or may not be true. In a way it is -characteristic, for Albuquerque, if he wished for Pina’s praise, which -one may be inclined to doubt, was not a man to beat about the bush. -Perhaps after all it was more honest to plump down the rubies than to -indulge in _elogio mutuo_. - -[17] In one letter he bids the King plant all the marsh-lands of -Portugal with poppies, since opium is the most welcome merchandise in -India. - -[18] _Estimava muito os homens cavalleiros_, says Correa, who knew him -personally and insists more than once that he was very accessible. To -cope with what Albuquerque himself calls the “mountains of petitions” -that beset him he employed six or seven secretaries, but he dealt with -them unconventionally, signing them or tearing them up in the street as -they were given him, thereby expediting his business but offending the -vanity of the petitioners. - - -[Illustration: JOÃO DE CASTRO.] - - - - -VII - -DOM JOÃO DE CASTRO - -(1500-1548) - - Era tambem de sua pessoa tam esforçado como em letras insigne.--PEDRO - DE MARIZ, _Dialogos de Varia Historia_. - - In that low shady quinta, embowered amongst those tall alcornoques, - once dwelt John de Castro, the strange old Viceroy of India.--GEORGE - BORROW, _The Bible in Spain_. - - -Castro was still a schoolboy when Albuquerque died. Born in 1500, the -son of D. Alvaro de Castro, in high office under Kings João II and -Manoel, and a daughter of the Count of Abrantes, he studied with the -famous mathematician, Pedro Nunez, and had a scientific as well as -a classical education. There is every reason to believe that he was -a promising and fervent scholar, but the victories of Dom Duarte de -Meneses in North Africa appealed to him even more than did the figures -of Euclid, and in 1518 he “took the key of the fields” and fled to -Tangier. There he served with the greatest distinction for nine years, -and stood high in favour with the Governor, Meneses, who knighted him -and on his return to Portugal in 1527 furnished him with a glowing -recommendation to the King. - -Of the next few years of his life comparatively little is known. He -received a _comenda_ from the King, was employed on various service, -and married D. Leonor de Coutinho, of noble family but poor. Probably -he was able to devote considerable time to quiet study. In 1535 he -commanded one of the twenty-five Portuguese ships in the Emperor -Charles V’s victorious expedition against Tunis. It was on this -occasion that Castro’s lifelong friend, the gallant poet Prince Luis, -followed his example of 1518 and ran away to join the expedition -against the wishes of his brother King João III.[19] - -In the autumn Castro was back in his favourite Cintra. There he himself -planted a _quinta_, to which his thoughts, later in India, constantly -turned. Those who go along the delightful shady road of orchard -and running streams, rock and woodland from Cintra to Monserrate -and Collares come in a few minutes to an archway and green door on -the right. It is here, in the _quinta_ now known as _Penha Verde_, -overlooking the fertile plain of Collares to the sea, that Castro, like -Pitt planting by moonlight or Garibaldi in his island, indulged his -love of husbandry. - -“Here,” says one of his early biographers, “he entertained himself with -a new and strange kind of agriculture, for he cut down fruit-bearing -trees and planted wild woods, perhaps to show that he was so -disinterested that not even from the earth would he expect reward. Yet -it is no wonder if one who disdained the rubies and diamonds of the -East should think little of the products of Cintra’s rocks.” It was to -the _matos_ of the Serra de Cintra that he longed to return in 1546. -But he certainly did not despise the fruits of the soil, and probably -occupied himself with grafting experiments. - -In the spring of 1538, as perhaps previously in the spring of 1537, -he sailed to India as captain of a ship. The fleet arrived at Goa -in September 1538 and went on to the relief of Diu. In March of the -following year he returned to Goa, and two years later accompanied the -new Governor, Dom Estevão da Gama, to the Red Sea. - -On all these occasions Castro kept a log or _roteiro_, from Lisbon -to Goa, from Goa to Diu, and from Goa to the Red Sea. They display -a strong scientific interest, a spirit thoroughly modern--nothing, -however small it might be, was to him necessarily unimportant or -negligible--or perhaps ancient, since he complains that in his day the -scientific investigations of the ancients were no longer in vogue. The -logs are written with that vivid directness which mark his letters, -“written,” he said, “not for the ladies and gallants of the Court and -royal palaces, but for the mariners of Leça and Mattosinhos.” - -His descriptions are precise and accurate, which does not prevent -them from being often picturesque. He notices many birds, including -one white and grey which, he says, the sailors call _frades_ (monks). -“I pay great attention to eclipses of the moon,” he writes, as also -to longitudes and latitudes, fishes, seaweeds, currents, winds, the -colour of the Red Sea, and every detail that might concern the art -of navigation, to the delight of his friends Dr. Pedro Nunez and -Prince Luis, who had furnished him with special instruments and other -assistance for his voyage. - -In the summer of 1542 he was back at Cintra, but in December of that -year he was appointed to the command of the coast fleet, the main -duties of which were to keep clear the coast of Portugal from pirates, -such as Mondragon, who perpetually hovered in wait for the priceless -spoils and cargoes of Portuguese ships homeward bound from India. He -seems to have gone to sea before the end of the year and held this -post for two years, with a brief interval in 1543 when he commanded -the Portuguese fleet sent to co-operate with the Spanish against -Barbarossa. They did not come to an engagement, and Dom João, after -visiting Ceuta, returned to Portugal. - -He was at Cintra in the beginning of 1545 when the unwelcome news -reached him that he had been appointed Governor of India. Most -unwillingly he accepted this new post, the difficulties and disquiet of -which he had been able to gauge at first hand during his former sojourn -in Goa. His young sons were to accompany him. - -A picturesque story of the Governor-elect cannot be better told than -in the words of the historian Couto, who served under him in India: -“Passing one day by the door of a tailor [in Lisbon] he noticed a -pair of very rich and fashionable velvet breeches, and pulling up his -horse asked to see them. After examining their curious workmanship he -asked whose they were. The tailor, not knowing whom he was addressing, -answered that they were for a son of the Governor who was going to -India. Dom João de Castro thereupon in a rage took up a pair of -scissors and cut them into shreds. “Bid that young man buy arms,” he -said to the tailor, and so passed on.” - -At the end of March the fleet sailed. The number of men actually -enlisted was eight hundred, but many more who had been rejected for -some defect or were escaping from justice succeeded in embarking as -stowaways. In the Governor’s ship alone there were nearly two hundred -of them, and they required to be fed during a voyage of many weeks. The -Governor was advised to cast them adrift in the provision ship or to -maroon them in the Cape Verde Islands, but humanely and persistently -refused. - -He had not been long at Goa when, in April 1546, news was brought -that a formidable attack was being prepared against Diu, the fort -commanded by the heroic Dom João de Mascarenhas. Castro sent his son -Dom Alvaro with a strong fleet to its relief. The fleet was delayed by -violent storms, and when it finally reached Diu there was little of the -fortress left. The walls and bulwarks were levelled with the ground, -most of the defenders dead, and those who remained either wounded or -ill. No one but Mascarenhas could have held on in such conditions, and -even so “six more days,” wrote Castro to the King, “and relief would -have come too late.” - -Most of the nobles in Diu were dead, and among them Dom João de -Castro’s other son, Fernando, who had been blown up with many others on -a mined part of the wall on which they had rashly remained, although -warned by Mascarenhas of their danger. “He should have obeyed Dom -João,” wrote Castro stoically to the King, and he added: “Of what Dom -Fernando did till the time of his death I will say nothing to your -Highness, for it cannot be that men are so wicked but that some among -them will inform your Highness of the services and great exertions that -my sons undergo in your service.” - -The King of Cambaya still boasted of victory, and Dom João de Castro -himself sailed north with a powerful fleet from Goa. After striking -terror into the enemy by ravaging the coast of Cambaya, setting it all -aflame and, in his own words, “sparing no living thing,” he left these -shores covered with dead and crossed to Diu. - -The fortress was now again invested by an army of 60,000 Moors, and -in the battle with the besieging force the Governor was himself more -than once in the greatest danger before the enemy was routed. Indeed, -it was his personal exertions which largely decided the day, and with -pardonable pride he wrote to the King that it was “the greatest victory -ever seen in all the East.” - -He sent the King a long list of those who had conspicuously -distinguished themselves, and for himself he asked for the reward or -_alviçaras_ which it was customary to give to a general who had won -a battle or taken a city. “And because your Highness may give me one -unsuited to my nature and mode of life, I will ask for it specifically, -and it is that you should grant me a chestnut-grove which you have in -the Serra de Cintra, by the King’s Fountain, bordering on my _quinta_, -that my servants, having chestnuts to eat on my estate, may not go -plundering what does not belong to them. Its value may be ten or twelve -thousand réis, but to me it will be worth many thousands of crusados.” - -There may be something a little theatrical and fantastic (contemporary -historians call him _bizarro_ and _fanfarrão_) in some of Castro’s -actions in India, in his Albuquerquian prowess on the coast of Cambaya, -the pawning of his beard (again in imitation of Albuquerque), his -triumphal entry into Goa, his preparation of stakes on which to spit -the Sultan as Pacheco had prepared one for the Samuri of Calicut; but -there can be no doubt of the sincerity of his desire to obtain this -Cintra _castanhal_. - -After his victory he besought the King not to prolong his term of -office beyond the ordinary three years, and to allow him to return to -the Serra de Cintra, and in his will he says: “I have near Cintra a -_quinta_, called the Quinta of the King’s Fountain, which I made, and -to which I am greatly devoted because I made it and because it is in -a country where my father and ancestors were born,” while his letters -contain several pathetic references of the same kind.[20] - -After his victory over the Moors, Dom João de Castro set about -rebuilding Diu, and to obtain money sent an appeal to the citizens of -Goa with some hairs of his beard in pawn,[21] since it was impossible -to send the bones of his son, as he had first intended, his death being -but recent. The citizens of Goa responded nobly to the appeal, and when -the Governor returned to Goa in the spring of 1547 received him with -great rejoicing. His barbaric “triumph” has been often described. - -“He was richly Cloath’d, giving the season its due, and became them -as well and sprightly as his Arms. He had on a French suit of crimson -satin, with Gold twist about the Slashes and Seams, and, not to forget -he was a Souldier, he put on a Coat of Mail wrought on Cloth of Gold -with Buttons of Plate [_i.e._ silver]. - -“The Magistrates of the City received the Governour under a Canopy and -presently a Citizen of Quality, reverently bowing, took his Hat from -his Head, putting him on a Crown of Triumph and in his Hand a Palm. - -“The ladies from their Windows sprinkled the Triumpher with distilled -Waters of diverse Spices.”[22] - -In Portugal, too, the news of the victory before Diu was received -with universal exultation. The King raised Castro to the dignity -of Viceroy--the fourth Viceroy of India--granted him ten thousand -crusados, and gave his son Dom Alvaro the command of the Indian Sea. -But instead of allowing him to return he prolonged his term of office -for another four years. Castro was ill at the time, and shortly -afterwards this “saint and hero,” as the modern Portuguese historian -Oliveira Martins calls him, died at Goa in the arms of his friend St. -Francis Xavier (June 1548). - -Thus Albuquerque, whose ties with Portugal had been gradually replaced -by those that bound him to Goa, which he had made, as Castro his -_quinta_, died with the bitter knowledge that, if he lived, he must -spend his years in Portugal, a whale among minnows, and watch his work -being undone by others; Castro, with his thoughts ever turning to the -rocks and woods of Cintra and the study of philosophy in his beloved -_quinta_, died in a foreign grandeur at Goa. He died in poverty, for, -ever disinterested and humane and generous towards others, he had spent -his money on the soldiers whom the State neglected to pay, and himself -remained penniless. - -The last scene of his life in which he addressed the chief officials -and magistrates of Goa is almost as famous as the pawning of his beard. -“I am not asham’d, gentlemen, to tell you that the Vice Roy of India -wants in this sickness those Conveniences the meanest Souldier finds -in the Hospitals. I came to Serve not to Traffick in the East, I would -to your Selves have pawn’d the Bones of my Son and did pawn the Hairs -of my Beard to assure you I had no other Plate or Hangings in the -House to buy me a Hen, for in the Fleets I set forth the Souldiers fed -upon the Governour’s Salary before the King’s pay, and ’tis no wonder -for the Father of so many children to be poor. I request of you during -the time of this Sickness to order me out of the King’s Revenue a -proportionable maintenance and to appoint a Person of your own who may -provide me a moderate allowance.”[23] - -It may be said that for the Governor of a great Empire to leave himself -without the means “to buy me a Hen” was the height of extravagance, but -that is only the cavil of a more mundane spirit, incapable of attaining -so heroic a sublimity, and his countrymen, at least, have always -been grateful to Castro for ostentatiously proving that amid all the -prevailing corruption there remained one honest man. - -Like Albuquerque and Gama, he died in harness. But, great as Castro was -as a soldier, he would in all probability have been no less celebrated -for his services to literature had it been granted him to spend his -old age in the quiet of his shady _quinta_. - -Couto ends his portrait of the Viceroy thus: “And for his great -charity, temperance, disinterestedness, exceeding love of God, and -other qualities of a good Christian, it may be affirmed that he will be -receiving in glory the prize and guerdon of all his trouble and toil.” -By his energy, vigour of thought and action, by his splendid character, -humane and resolute, he closed the most brilliant half-century of -Portugal’s history with a key of gold. - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[19] The Emperor, who was the Prince’s cousin and brother-in-law, -welcomed him with open arms at Barcelona. On one occasion, when neither -would go through a door before the other and the Emperor insisted on -Prince Luis being the first to pass, the latter seized a torch from one -of the pages and so preceded him. - -[20] In a letter to King João III from India he recalls all his -services since the age of eighteen and says: “For the love of God and -in reward for these services I beg your Highness to allow me to return -to Portugal to live with my wife and children and end the few troubled -days that remain to me in the Serra de Cintra,” and in 1540 he writes -to Prince Luis that only the arrival of a Turkish fleet in India will -prevent him from returning to Portugal. - -[21] Then, as in the Middle Ages, the beard was considered an -honourable pledge, and men swore by it as Zeus might swear by the River -Styx. Albuquerque in India had given some hairs of his beard to a -soldier and afterwards redeemed them by a payment of money. - -[22] From Sir Peter Wyche’s picturesque seventeenth-century translation -of Jacinto Freire de Andrada’s _Life of Dom João de Castro_. - -[23] Wyche’s version. - - -_Printed by Hazell, Watson & Viney, Ld., London and Aylesbury._ - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - -A few minor errors in punctuation have been corrected. - -The spelling of “King Diniz” changed to “King Dinis” in a few spots -throughout the text. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK PORTUGUESE PORTRAITS *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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