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diff --git a/old/68181-0.txt b/old/68181-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b62feca..0000000 --- a/old/68181-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,753 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at St. -Louis, Missouri, October 2, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at St. Louis, Missouri, October 2, - 1907 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: May 26, 2022 [eBook #68181] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, OCTOBER 2, 1907 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI [Illustration] OCTOBER 2, 1907 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1907 - - - - -It is a very real pleasure to address this body of citizens of Missouri -here in the great city of St. Louis. I have often visited St. Louis -before, but always by rail. Now I am visiting it in the course of a -trip by water, a trip on the great natural highway which runs past -your very doors――a highway once so important, now almost abandoned, -which I hope this nation will see not only restored to all its -former usefulness, but given a far greater degree of usefulness to -correspond with the extraordinary growth in wealth and population of -the Mississippi Valley. We have lived in an era of phenomenal railroad -building. As routes for merchandise, the iron highways have completely -supplanted the old wagon roads, and under their competition the -importance of the water highways has been much diminished. The growth -of the railway system has been rapid all over the world, but nowhere so -rapid as in the United States. Accompanying this there has grown in the -United States a tendency toward the practically complete abandonment of -the system of water transportation. Such a tendency is certainly not -healthy and I am convinced that it will not be permanent. There are -many classes of commodities, especially those which are perishable in -their nature and where the value is high relatively to the bulk, which -will always be carried by rail. But bulky commodities which are not of -a perishable nature will always be specially suited for the conditions -of water transport. To illustrate the truth of this statement it would -only be necessary to point to the use of the canal system in many -countries of the Old World; but it can be illustrated even better by -what has happened nearer home. The Great Lakes offer a prime example of -the importance of a good water highway for mercantile traffic. As the -line of traffic runs through lakes, the conditions are in some respects -different from what must obtain on even the most important river. -Nevertheless, it is well to remember that a very large part of this -traffic is conditioned upon an artificial waterway, a canal――the famous -Soo. The commerce that passes through the Soo far surpasses in bulk and -in value that of the Suez Canal. - -From every standpoint it is desirable for the Nation to join in -improving the greatest system of river highways within its borders, a -system second only in importance to the highway afforded by the Great -Lakes; the highways of the Mississippi and its great tributaries, such -as the Missouri and Ohio. This river system traverses too many States -to render it possible to leave merely to the States the task of fitting -it for the greatest use of which it is capable. It is emphatically -a national task, for this great river system is itself one of our -chief national assets. Within the last few years there has been an -awakening in this country to the need of both the conservation and the -development of our national resources under the supervision of and by -the aid of the Federal Government. This is especially true of all that -concerns our running waters. On the mountains from which the springs -start we are now endeavoring to preserve the forests which regulate the -water supply and prevent too startling variations between droughts and -freshets. Below the mountains, in the high dry regions of the western -plains, we endeavor to secure the proper utilization of the waters -for irrigation. This is at the sources of the streams. Farther down, -where they become navigable, our aim must be to try to develop a policy -which shall secure the utmost advantage from the navigable waters. -Finally, on the lower courses of the Mississippi, the Nation should -do its full share in the work of levee building; and, incidentally -to its purpose of serving navigation, this will also prevent the ruin -of alluvial bottoms by floods. Our knowledge is not sufficiently far -advanced to enable me to speak definitely as to the plans which should -be adopted; but let me say one word of warning: The danger of entering -on any such scheme lies in the adoption of impossible and undesirable -plans, plans the adoption of which means an outlay of money extravagant -beyond all proportion to the return, or which, though feasible, are -not, relatively to other plans, of an importance which warrant their -adoption. It will not be easy to secure the assent of a fundamentally -cautious people like our own to the adoption of such a policy as that -I hope to see adopted; and even if we begin to follow out such a -policy it certainly will not be persevered in if it is found to entail -reckless extravagance or to be tainted with jobbery. The interests of -the Nation as a whole must be always the first consideration. - -This is properly a national movement, because all interstate and -foreign commerce, and the improvements and methods of carrying it on, -are subjects for national action. Moreover, while of course the matter -of the improvement of the Mississippi River and its tributaries is one -which especially concerns the great middle portion of our country, the -region between the Alleghenies and the Rockies, yet it is of concern to -the rest of the country also, for it can not too often be said that -whatever is really beneficial to one part of our country is ultimately -of benefit to the whole. Exactly as it is a good thing for the interior -of our country that the seaports on the Atlantic and the Pacific and -the Gulf should be safe and commodious, so it is to the interest of the -dwellers on the coast that the interior should possess ample facilities -for the transportation of its products. Our interests are all closely -interwoven, and in the long run it will be found that we go up or go -down together. - -Take, for instance, the Panama Canal. If the Mississippi is restored -to its former place of importance as a highway of commerce, then the -building of the Panama Canal will be felt as an immediate advantage -to the business of every city and country district in the Mississippi -Valley. I think that the building of that canal will be of especial -advantage to the States that lie along the Pacific and the States that -lie along the Gulf; and yet, after all, I feel that the advantage will -be shared in an only less degree by the States of the interior and of -the Atlantic coast. In other words, it is a thoroughly national work, -undertaken for and redounding to the advantage of all of us――to the -advantage of the Nation as a whole. Therefore I am glad to be able to -report to you how well we are doing with the canal. There is bound to -be a certain amount of experiment, a certain amount of feeling our way, -in a task so gigantic――a task greater than any of its kind that has -ever hitherto been undertaken in the whole history of mankind; but the -success so far has been astonishing, and we have not met with a single -one of the accidents or drawbacks which I freely confess I expected -we should from time to time encounter. We, in the first place, laid -the foundation for the work by securing the most favorable possible -conditions as regard the health, comfort, and safety of the men who -were to do it; and now the Canal Zone is in point of health better -off than the average district of the same size at home. Then we went -at the problem of the actual digging and dam building. For over a year -past we have been engaged in making the dirt fly in good earnest, -and the output of the giant steam shovels has steadily increased. It -is now the rainy season, when work is most difficult on the Isthmus, -yet in the month of August last we excavated over a million and two -hundred thousand cubic yards of earth and rock, a greater amount than -in any previous month. If we are able to keep up substantially the -rate of progress that now obtains we shall finish the actual digging -within five or six years; though when we come to the great Gatun dam -and locks, while there is no question as to the work being feasible, -there are several elements entering into the time problem which make it -unwise at present to hazard a prophecy in reference thereto. - -Now, gentlemen, this leads me up to another matter for national -consideration, and that is our Navy. The Navy is not primarily of -importance only to the coast regions. It is every bit as much the -concern of the farmer who dwells a thousand miles from sea water as -of the fisherman who makes his living on the ocean, for it is the -concern of every good American who knows what the meaning of the -word patriotism is. This country is definitely committed to certain -fundamental policies――to the Monroe doctrine, for instance, and to -the duty not only of building, but, when it is built, of policing -and defending the Panama Canal. We have definitely taken our place -among the great world powers, and it would be a sign of ignoble -weakness, having taken such a place, to shirk its responsibilities. -Therefore, unless we are willing to abandon this place, to abandon -our insistence upon the Monroe doctrine, to give up the Panama Canal, -and to be content to acknowledge ourselves a weak and timid nation, -we must steadily build up and maintain a great fighting Navy. Our -Navy is already so efficient as to be a matter of just pride to every -American. So long as our Navy is no larger than at present, it must -be considered as an elementary principle that the bulk of our battle -fleet must always be kept together. When the Panama Canal is built it -can be transferred without difficulty from one part of our coast to -the other; but even before that canal is built it ought to be thus -transferred to and fro from time to time. In a couple of months our -fleet of great armored ships starts for the Pacific. California, -Oregon, and Washington have a coast line which is our coast line just -as emphatically as the coast line of New York and Maine, of Louisiana -and Texas. Our fleet is going to its own home waters in the Pacific, -and after a stay there it will return to its own home waters in the -Atlantic. The best place for a naval officer to learn his duties is -at sea, by performing them, and only by actually putting through a -voyage of this nature, a voyage longer than any ever before undertaken -by as large a fleet of any nation, can we find out just exactly what -is necessary for us to know as to our naval needs and practice our -officers and enlisted men in the highest duties of their profession. -Among all our citizens there is no body of equal size to whom we owe -quite as much as to the officers and enlisted men of the Army and Navy -of the United States, and I bespeak from you the fullest and heartiest -support, in the name of our Nation and of our flag, for the services -to which these men belong. - -In conclusion I wish to say a word to this body, containing as it -does so many business men, upon what is preeminently a business -proposition, and that is the proper national supervision and control of -corporations. At the meeting of the American Bar Association in this -last August, Judge Charles F. Amidon, of North Dakota, read a paper on -the Nation and the Constitution so admirable that it is deserving of -very wide study; for what he said was, as all studies of law in its -highest form ought to be, a contribution to constructive jurisprudence -as it should be understood not only by judges but by legislators, not -only by those who interpret and decide the law, but by those who make -it and who administer or execute it. He quoted from the late Justice -Miller, of the Supreme Court, to show that even in the interpretation -of the Constitution by this, the highest authority of the land, the -court’s successive decisions must be tested by the way they work in -actual application to the National life; the court adding to its -thought and study the results of experience and observation until the -true solution is evolved by a process both of inclusion and exclusion. -Said Justice Miller: “The meaning of the Constitution is to be sought -as much in the National life as in the dictionary;” for, as has been -well said, government purely out of a law library can never be really -good government. - -Now that the questions of government are becoming so largely economic, -the majority of our so-called constitutional cases really turn not -upon the interpretation of the instrument itself, but upon the -construction, the right apprehension of the living conditions to which -it is to be applied. The Constitution is now and must remain what it -always has been; but it can only be interpreted as the interests of -the whole people demand, if interpreted as a living organism, designed -to meet the conditions of life and not of death; in other words, if -interpreted as Marshall interpreted it, as Wilson declared it should be -interpreted. The Marshall theory, the theory of life and not of death, -allows to the Nation, that is to the people as a whole, when once it -finds a subject within the national cognizance, the widest and freest -choice of methods for national control, and sustains every exercise of -national power which has any reasonable relation to national objects. -The negation of this theory means, for instance, that the Nation――that -we, the ninety millions of people of this country――will be left -helpless to control the huge corporations which now domineer in our -industrial life, and that they will have the authority of the courts to -work their desires unchecked; and such a decision would in the end be -as disastrous for them as for us. If the theory of the Marshall school -prevails, then an immense field of national power, now unused, will be -developed, which will be adequate for dealing with many, if not all, -of the economic problems which vex us; and we shall be saved from the -ominous threat of a constant oscillation between economic tyranny and -economic chaos. Our industrial, and therefore our social, future as a -Nation depends upon settling aright this urgent question. - -The Constitution is unchanged and unchangeable save by amendment in due -form. But the conditions to which it is to be applied have undergone -a change which is almost a transformation, with the result that many -subjects formerly under the control of the States have come under the -control of the Nation. As one of the justices of the Supreme Court has -recently said: “The growth of national powers, under our Constitution, -which marks merely the great outlines and designates only the great -objects of national concern, is to be compared to the growth of a -country not by the geographical enlargement of its boundaries, but -by the increase of its population.” A hundred years ago there was, -except the commerce which crawled along our seacoast or up and down our -interior waterways, practically no interstate commerce. Now, by the -railroad, the mails, the telegraph, and the telephone an immense part -of our commerce is interstate. By the transformation it has escaped -from the power of the State and come under the power of the Nation. -Therefore there has been a great practical change in the exercise -of the National power, under the acts of Congress, over interstate -commerce; while on the other hand there has been no noticeable change -in the exercise of the National power “to regulate commerce with -foreign nations and with the Indian tribes.” The change as regards -interstate commerce has been, not in the Constitution, but in the -business of the people to which it is to be applied. Our economic -and social future depends in very large part upon how the interstate -commerce power of the Nation is interpreted. - -I believe that the Nation has the whole governmental power over -interstate commerce and the widest discretion in dealing with that -subject; of course under the express limits prescribed in the -Constitution for the exercise of all powers, such for instance as the -condition that “due process of law” shall not be denied. The Nation -has no direct power over purely intrastate commerce, even where it is -conducted by the same agencies which conduct interstate commerce. The -courts must determine what is national and what is State commerce. The -same reasoning which sustained the power of Congress to incorporate -the United States Bank tends to sustain the power to incorporate an -interstate railroad, or any other corporation conducting an interstate -business. - -There are difficulties arising from our dual form of government. -If they prove to be insuperable resort must be had to the power of -amendment. Let us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the -powers of the National Government which in the Marshall spirit of -broad interpretation can be found in the Constitution as it is. They -are of vast extent. The chief economic question of the day in this -country is to provide a sovereign for the great corporations engaged -in interstate business; that is, for the railroads and the interstate -industrial corporations. At the moment our prime concern is with -the railroads. When railroads were first built they were purely -local in character. Their boundaries were not coextensive even with -the boundaries of one State. They usually covered but two or three -counties. All this has now changed. At present five great systems -embody nearly four-fifths of the total mileage of the country. All the -most important railroads are no longer State roads, but instruments -of interstate commerce. Probably 85 per cent of their business is -interstate business. It is the Nation alone which can with wisdom, -justice, and effectiveness exercise over these interstate railroads -the thorough and complete supervision which should be exercised. One -of the chief, and probably the chief, of the domestic causes for the -adoption of the Constitution was the need to confer upon the Nation -exclusive control over interstate commerce. But this grant of power -is worthless unless it is held to confer thoroughgoing and complete -control over practically the sole instrumentalities of interstate -commerce――the interstate railroads. The railroads themselves have -been exceedingly shortsighted in the rancorous bitterness which they -have shown against the resumption by the Nation of this long-neglected -power. Great capitalists, who pride themselves upon their extreme -conservatism, often believe they are acting in the interests of -property when following a course so shortsighted as to be really an -assault upon property. They have shown extreme unwisdom in their -violent opposition to the assumption of complete control over the -railroads by the Federal Government. The American people will not -tolerate the happy-go-lucky system of no control over the great -interstate railroads, with the insolent and manifold abuses which -have so generally accompanied it. The control must exist somewhere; -and unless it is by thoroughgoing and radical law placed upon the -statute books of the Nation, it will be exercised in ever-increasing -measure by the several States. The same considerations which made -the founders of the Constitution deem it imperative that the Nation -should have complete control of interstate commerce apply with peculiar -force to the control of interstate railroads at the present day; and -the arguments of Madison of Virginia, Pinckney of South Carolina, -and Hamilton and Jay of New York, in their essence apply now as they -applied one hundred and twenty years ago. - -The national convention which framed the Constitution, and in which -almost all the most eminent of the first generation of American -statesmen sat, embodied the theory of the instrument in a resolution, -to the effect that the National Government should have power in cases -where the separate States were incompetent to act with full efficiency, -and where the harmony of the United States would be interrupted by -the exercise of such individual legislation. The interstate railroad -situation is exactly a case in point. There will, of course, be local -matters affecting railroads which can best be dealt with by local -authority, but as national commercial agents the big interstate -railroad ought to be completely subject to national authority. Only -thus can we secure their complete subjection to, and control by, a -single sovereign, representing the whole people, and capable both of -protecting the public and of seeing that the railroads neither inflict -nor endure injustice. - -Personally I firmly believe that there should be national legislation -to control all industrial corporations doing an interstate business, -including the control of the output of their securities, but as to -these the necessity for Federal control is less urgent and immediate -than is the case with the railroads. Many of the abuses connected -with these corporations will probably tend to disappear now that -the Government――the public――is gradually getting the upper hand as -regards putting a stop to the rebates and special privileges which -some of these corporations have enjoyed at the hands of the common -carriers. But ultimately it will be found that the complete remedy for -these abuses lies in direct and affirmative action by the National -Government. That there is constitutional power for the national -regulation of these corporations I have myself no question. Two or -three generations ago there was just as much hostility to national -control of banks as there is now to national control of railroads -or of industrial corporations doing an interstate business. That -hostility now seems to us ludicrous in its lack of warrant; in -like manner, gentlemen, our descendants will regard with wonder the -present opposition to giving the National Government adequate power to -control those great corporations, which it alone can fully, and yet -wisely, safely, and justly control. Remember also that to regulate -the formation of these corporations offers one of the most direct and -efficient methods of regulating their activities. - -I am not pleading for an extension of constitutional power. I am -pleading that constitutional power which already exists shall be -applied to new conditions which did not exist when the Constitution -went into being. I ask that the national powers already conferred upon -the National Government by the Constitution shall be so used as to -bring national commerce and industry effectively under the authority -of the Federal Government and thereby avert industrial chaos. My plea -is not to bring about a condition of centralization. It is that the -Government shall recognize a condition of centralization in a field -where it already exists. When the national banking law was passed it -represented in reality not centralization, but recognition of the fact -that the country had so far advanced that the currency was already -a matter of National concern and must be dealt with by the central -authority at Washington. So it is with interstate industrialism and -especially with the matter of interstate railroad operation to-day. -Centralization has already taken place in the world of commerce and -industry. All I ask is that the National Government look this fact in -the face, accept it as a fact, and fit itself accordingly for a policy -of supervision and control over this centralized commerce and industry. - - - [Illustration] - - - * * * * * - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT ST. 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