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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..e822bac --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #68181 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68181) diff --git a/old/68181-0.txt b/old/68181-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b62feca..0000000 --- a/old/68181-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,753 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Address of President Roosevelt at St. -Louis, Missouri, October 2, 1907, by Theodore Roosevelt - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Address of President Roosevelt at St. Louis, Missouri, October 2, - 1907 - -Author: Theodore Roosevelt - -Release Date: May 26, 2022 [eBook #68181] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from - images generously made available by The Internet - Archive/American Libraries.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT -ROOSEVELT AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, OCTOBER 2, 1907 *** - - - - - - ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI [Illustration] OCTOBER 2, 1907 - - - [Illustration] - - - WASHINGTON - GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE - 1907 - - - - -It is a very real pleasure to address this body of citizens of Missouri -here in the great city of St. Louis. I have often visited St. Louis -before, but always by rail. Now I am visiting it in the course of a -trip by water, a trip on the great natural highway which runs past -your very doors――a highway once so important, now almost abandoned, -which I hope this nation will see not only restored to all its -former usefulness, but given a far greater degree of usefulness to -correspond with the extraordinary growth in wealth and population of -the Mississippi Valley. We have lived in an era of phenomenal railroad -building. As routes for merchandise, the iron highways have completely -supplanted the old wagon roads, and under their competition the -importance of the water highways has been much diminished. The growth -of the railway system has been rapid all over the world, but nowhere so -rapid as in the United States. Accompanying this there has grown in the -United States a tendency toward the practically complete abandonment of -the system of water transportation. Such a tendency is certainly not -healthy and I am convinced that it will not be permanent. There are -many classes of commodities, especially those which are perishable in -their nature and where the value is high relatively to the bulk, which -will always be carried by rail. But bulky commodities which are not of -a perishable nature will always be specially suited for the conditions -of water transport. To illustrate the truth of this statement it would -only be necessary to point to the use of the canal system in many -countries of the Old World; but it can be illustrated even better by -what has happened nearer home. The Great Lakes offer a prime example of -the importance of a good water highway for mercantile traffic. As the -line of traffic runs through lakes, the conditions are in some respects -different from what must obtain on even the most important river. -Nevertheless, it is well to remember that a very large part of this -traffic is conditioned upon an artificial waterway, a canal――the famous -Soo. The commerce that passes through the Soo far surpasses in bulk and -in value that of the Suez Canal. - -From every standpoint it is desirable for the Nation to join in -improving the greatest system of river highways within its borders, a -system second only in importance to the highway afforded by the Great -Lakes; the highways of the Mississippi and its great tributaries, such -as the Missouri and Ohio. This river system traverses too many States -to render it possible to leave merely to the States the task of fitting -it for the greatest use of which it is capable. It is emphatically -a national task, for this great river system is itself one of our -chief national assets. Within the last few years there has been an -awakening in this country to the need of both the conservation and the -development of our national resources under the supervision of and by -the aid of the Federal Government. This is especially true of all that -concerns our running waters. On the mountains from which the springs -start we are now endeavoring to preserve the forests which regulate the -water supply and prevent too startling variations between droughts and -freshets. Below the mountains, in the high dry regions of the western -plains, we endeavor to secure the proper utilization of the waters -for irrigation. This is at the sources of the streams. Farther down, -where they become navigable, our aim must be to try to develop a policy -which shall secure the utmost advantage from the navigable waters. -Finally, on the lower courses of the Mississippi, the Nation should -do its full share in the work of levee building; and, incidentally -to its purpose of serving navigation, this will also prevent the ruin -of alluvial bottoms by floods. Our knowledge is not sufficiently far -advanced to enable me to speak definitely as to the plans which should -be adopted; but let me say one word of warning: The danger of entering -on any such scheme lies in the adoption of impossible and undesirable -plans, plans the adoption of which means an outlay of money extravagant -beyond all proportion to the return, or which, though feasible, are -not, relatively to other plans, of an importance which warrant their -adoption. It will not be easy to secure the assent of a fundamentally -cautious people like our own to the adoption of such a policy as that -I hope to see adopted; and even if we begin to follow out such a -policy it certainly will not be persevered in if it is found to entail -reckless extravagance or to be tainted with jobbery. The interests of -the Nation as a whole must be always the first consideration. - -This is properly a national movement, because all interstate and -foreign commerce, and the improvements and methods of carrying it on, -are subjects for national action. Moreover, while of course the matter -of the improvement of the Mississippi River and its tributaries is one -which especially concerns the great middle portion of our country, the -region between the Alleghenies and the Rockies, yet it is of concern to -the rest of the country also, for it can not too often be said that -whatever is really beneficial to one part of our country is ultimately -of benefit to the whole. Exactly as it is a good thing for the interior -of our country that the seaports on the Atlantic and the Pacific and -the Gulf should be safe and commodious, so it is to the interest of the -dwellers on the coast that the interior should possess ample facilities -for the transportation of its products. Our interests are all closely -interwoven, and in the long run it will be found that we go up or go -down together. - -Take, for instance, the Panama Canal. If the Mississippi is restored -to its former place of importance as a highway of commerce, then the -building of the Panama Canal will be felt as an immediate advantage -to the business of every city and country district in the Mississippi -Valley. I think that the building of that canal will be of especial -advantage to the States that lie along the Pacific and the States that -lie along the Gulf; and yet, after all, I feel that the advantage will -be shared in an only less degree by the States of the interior and of -the Atlantic coast. In other words, it is a thoroughly national work, -undertaken for and redounding to the advantage of all of us――to the -advantage of the Nation as a whole. Therefore I am glad to be able to -report to you how well we are doing with the canal. There is bound to -be a certain amount of experiment, a certain amount of feeling our way, -in a task so gigantic――a task greater than any of its kind that has -ever hitherto been undertaken in the whole history of mankind; but the -success so far has been astonishing, and we have not met with a single -one of the accidents or drawbacks which I freely confess I expected -we should from time to time encounter. We, in the first place, laid -the foundation for the work by securing the most favorable possible -conditions as regard the health, comfort, and safety of the men who -were to do it; and now the Canal Zone is in point of health better -off than the average district of the same size at home. Then we went -at the problem of the actual digging and dam building. For over a year -past we have been engaged in making the dirt fly in good earnest, -and the output of the giant steam shovels has steadily increased. It -is now the rainy season, when work is most difficult on the Isthmus, -yet in the month of August last we excavated over a million and two -hundred thousand cubic yards of earth and rock, a greater amount than -in any previous month. If we are able to keep up substantially the -rate of progress that now obtains we shall finish the actual digging -within five or six years; though when we come to the great Gatun dam -and locks, while there is no question as to the work being feasible, -there are several elements entering into the time problem which make it -unwise at present to hazard a prophecy in reference thereto. - -Now, gentlemen, this leads me up to another matter for national -consideration, and that is our Navy. The Navy is not primarily of -importance only to the coast regions. It is every bit as much the -concern of the farmer who dwells a thousand miles from sea water as -of the fisherman who makes his living on the ocean, for it is the -concern of every good American who knows what the meaning of the -word patriotism is. This country is definitely committed to certain -fundamental policies――to the Monroe doctrine, for instance, and to -the duty not only of building, but, when it is built, of policing -and defending the Panama Canal. We have definitely taken our place -among the great world powers, and it would be a sign of ignoble -weakness, having taken such a place, to shirk its responsibilities. -Therefore, unless we are willing to abandon this place, to abandon -our insistence upon the Monroe doctrine, to give up the Panama Canal, -and to be content to acknowledge ourselves a weak and timid nation, -we must steadily build up and maintain a great fighting Navy. Our -Navy is already so efficient as to be a matter of just pride to every -American. So long as our Navy is no larger than at present, it must -be considered as an elementary principle that the bulk of our battle -fleet must always be kept together. When the Panama Canal is built it -can be transferred without difficulty from one part of our coast to -the other; but even before that canal is built it ought to be thus -transferred to and fro from time to time. In a couple of months our -fleet of great armored ships starts for the Pacific. California, -Oregon, and Washington have a coast line which is our coast line just -as emphatically as the coast line of New York and Maine, of Louisiana -and Texas. Our fleet is going to its own home waters in the Pacific, -and after a stay there it will return to its own home waters in the -Atlantic. The best place for a naval officer to learn his duties is -at sea, by performing them, and only by actually putting through a -voyage of this nature, a voyage longer than any ever before undertaken -by as large a fleet of any nation, can we find out just exactly what -is necessary for us to know as to our naval needs and practice our -officers and enlisted men in the highest duties of their profession. -Among all our citizens there is no body of equal size to whom we owe -quite as much as to the officers and enlisted men of the Army and Navy -of the United States, and I bespeak from you the fullest and heartiest -support, in the name of our Nation and of our flag, for the services -to which these men belong. - -In conclusion I wish to say a word to this body, containing as it -does so many business men, upon what is preeminently a business -proposition, and that is the proper national supervision and control of -corporations. At the meeting of the American Bar Association in this -last August, Judge Charles F. Amidon, of North Dakota, read a paper on -the Nation and the Constitution so admirable that it is deserving of -very wide study; for what he said was, as all studies of law in its -highest form ought to be, a contribution to constructive jurisprudence -as it should be understood not only by judges but by legislators, not -only by those who interpret and decide the law, but by those who make -it and who administer or execute it. He quoted from the late Justice -Miller, of the Supreme Court, to show that even in the interpretation -of the Constitution by this, the highest authority of the land, the -court’s successive decisions must be tested by the way they work in -actual application to the National life; the court adding to its -thought and study the results of experience and observation until the -true solution is evolved by a process both of inclusion and exclusion. -Said Justice Miller: “The meaning of the Constitution is to be sought -as much in the National life as in the dictionary;” for, as has been -well said, government purely out of a law library can never be really -good government. - -Now that the questions of government are becoming so largely economic, -the majority of our so-called constitutional cases really turn not -upon the interpretation of the instrument itself, but upon the -construction, the right apprehension of the living conditions to which -it is to be applied. The Constitution is now and must remain what it -always has been; but it can only be interpreted as the interests of -the whole people demand, if interpreted as a living organism, designed -to meet the conditions of life and not of death; in other words, if -interpreted as Marshall interpreted it, as Wilson declared it should be -interpreted. The Marshall theory, the theory of life and not of death, -allows to the Nation, that is to the people as a whole, when once it -finds a subject within the national cognizance, the widest and freest -choice of methods for national control, and sustains every exercise of -national power which has any reasonable relation to national objects. -The negation of this theory means, for instance, that the Nation――that -we, the ninety millions of people of this country――will be left -helpless to control the huge corporations which now domineer in our -industrial life, and that they will have the authority of the courts to -work their desires unchecked; and such a decision would in the end be -as disastrous for them as for us. If the theory of the Marshall school -prevails, then an immense field of national power, now unused, will be -developed, which will be adequate for dealing with many, if not all, -of the economic problems which vex us; and we shall be saved from the -ominous threat of a constant oscillation between economic tyranny and -economic chaos. Our industrial, and therefore our social, future as a -Nation depends upon settling aright this urgent question. - -The Constitution is unchanged and unchangeable save by amendment in due -form. But the conditions to which it is to be applied have undergone -a change which is almost a transformation, with the result that many -subjects formerly under the control of the States have come under the -control of the Nation. As one of the justices of the Supreme Court has -recently said: “The growth of national powers, under our Constitution, -which marks merely the great outlines and designates only the great -objects of national concern, is to be compared to the growth of a -country not by the geographical enlargement of its boundaries, but -by the increase of its population.” A hundred years ago there was, -except the commerce which crawled along our seacoast or up and down our -interior waterways, practically no interstate commerce. Now, by the -railroad, the mails, the telegraph, and the telephone an immense part -of our commerce is interstate. By the transformation it has escaped -from the power of the State and come under the power of the Nation. -Therefore there has been a great practical change in the exercise -of the National power, under the acts of Congress, over interstate -commerce; while on the other hand there has been no noticeable change -in the exercise of the National power “to regulate commerce with -foreign nations and with the Indian tribes.” The change as regards -interstate commerce has been, not in the Constitution, but in the -business of the people to which it is to be applied. Our economic -and social future depends in very large part upon how the interstate -commerce power of the Nation is interpreted. - -I believe that the Nation has the whole governmental power over -interstate commerce and the widest discretion in dealing with that -subject; of course under the express limits prescribed in the -Constitution for the exercise of all powers, such for instance as the -condition that “due process of law” shall not be denied. The Nation -has no direct power over purely intrastate commerce, even where it is -conducted by the same agencies which conduct interstate commerce. The -courts must determine what is national and what is State commerce. The -same reasoning which sustained the power of Congress to incorporate -the United States Bank tends to sustain the power to incorporate an -interstate railroad, or any other corporation conducting an interstate -business. - -There are difficulties arising from our dual form of government. -If they prove to be insuperable resort must be had to the power of -amendment. Let us first try to meet them by an exercise of all the -powers of the National Government which in the Marshall spirit of -broad interpretation can be found in the Constitution as it is. They -are of vast extent. The chief economic question of the day in this -country is to provide a sovereign for the great corporations engaged -in interstate business; that is, for the railroads and the interstate -industrial corporations. At the moment our prime concern is with -the railroads. When railroads were first built they were purely -local in character. Their boundaries were not coextensive even with -the boundaries of one State. They usually covered but two or three -counties. All this has now changed. At present five great systems -embody nearly four-fifths of the total mileage of the country. All the -most important railroads are no longer State roads, but instruments -of interstate commerce. Probably 85 per cent of their business is -interstate business. It is the Nation alone which can with wisdom, -justice, and effectiveness exercise over these interstate railroads -the thorough and complete supervision which should be exercised. One -of the chief, and probably the chief, of the domestic causes for the -adoption of the Constitution was the need to confer upon the Nation -exclusive control over interstate commerce. But this grant of power -is worthless unless it is held to confer thoroughgoing and complete -control over practically the sole instrumentalities of interstate -commerce――the interstate railroads. The railroads themselves have -been exceedingly shortsighted in the rancorous bitterness which they -have shown against the resumption by the Nation of this long-neglected -power. Great capitalists, who pride themselves upon their extreme -conservatism, often believe they are acting in the interests of -property when following a course so shortsighted as to be really an -assault upon property. They have shown extreme unwisdom in their -violent opposition to the assumption of complete control over the -railroads by the Federal Government. The American people will not -tolerate the happy-go-lucky system of no control over the great -interstate railroads, with the insolent and manifold abuses which -have so generally accompanied it. The control must exist somewhere; -and unless it is by thoroughgoing and radical law placed upon the -statute books of the Nation, it will be exercised in ever-increasing -measure by the several States. The same considerations which made -the founders of the Constitution deem it imperative that the Nation -should have complete control of interstate commerce apply with peculiar -force to the control of interstate railroads at the present day; and -the arguments of Madison of Virginia, Pinckney of South Carolina, -and Hamilton and Jay of New York, in their essence apply now as they -applied one hundred and twenty years ago. - -The national convention which framed the Constitution, and in which -almost all the most eminent of the first generation of American -statesmen sat, embodied the theory of the instrument in a resolution, -to the effect that the National Government should have power in cases -where the separate States were incompetent to act with full efficiency, -and where the harmony of the United States would be interrupted by -the exercise of such individual legislation. The interstate railroad -situation is exactly a case in point. There will, of course, be local -matters affecting railroads which can best be dealt with by local -authority, but as national commercial agents the big interstate -railroad ought to be completely subject to national authority. Only -thus can we secure their complete subjection to, and control by, a -single sovereign, representing the whole people, and capable both of -protecting the public and of seeing that the railroads neither inflict -nor endure injustice. - -Personally I firmly believe that there should be national legislation -to control all industrial corporations doing an interstate business, -including the control of the output of their securities, but as to -these the necessity for Federal control is less urgent and immediate -than is the case with the railroads. Many of the abuses connected -with these corporations will probably tend to disappear now that -the Government――the public――is gradually getting the upper hand as -regards putting a stop to the rebates and special privileges which -some of these corporations have enjoyed at the hands of the common -carriers. But ultimately it will be found that the complete remedy for -these abuses lies in direct and affirmative action by the National -Government. That there is constitutional power for the national -regulation of these corporations I have myself no question. Two or -three generations ago there was just as much hostility to national -control of banks as there is now to national control of railroads -or of industrial corporations doing an interstate business. That -hostility now seems to us ludicrous in its lack of warrant; in -like manner, gentlemen, our descendants will regard with wonder the -present opposition to giving the National Government adequate power to -control those great corporations, which it alone can fully, and yet -wisely, safely, and justly control. Remember also that to regulate -the formation of these corporations offers one of the most direct and -efficient methods of regulating their activities. - -I am not pleading for an extension of constitutional power. I am -pleading that constitutional power which already exists shall be -applied to new conditions which did not exist when the Constitution -went into being. I ask that the national powers already conferred upon -the National Government by the Constitution shall be so used as to -bring national commerce and industry effectively under the authority -of the Federal Government and thereby avert industrial chaos. My plea -is not to bring about a condition of centralization. It is that the -Government shall recognize a condition of centralization in a field -where it already exists. When the national banking law was passed it -represented in reality not centralization, but recognition of the fact -that the country had so far advanced that the currency was already -a matter of National concern and must be dealt with by the central -authority at Washington. So it is with interstate industrialism and -especially with the matter of interstate railroad operation to-day. -Centralization has already taken place in the world of commerce and -industry. All I ask is that the National Government look this fact in -the face, accept it as a fact, and fit itself accordingly for a policy -of supervision and control over this centralized commerce and industry. - - - [Illustration] - - - * * * * * - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT -AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, OCTOBER 2, 1907 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Address of President Roosevelt at St. Louis, Missouri, October 2, 1907</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Theodore Roosevelt</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: May 26, 2022 [eBook #68181]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Donald Cummings and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI, OCTOBER 2, 1907 ***</div> - - -<div class="figcenter" id="cover"> - <img src="images/cover.jpg" alt="cover" title="cover" /> - <div class="caption"> - <p class="noic">Transcriber’s Note: The cover image was created from -the title page by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.</p> - </div> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h1 class="nobreak"><small>ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT - ST. LOUIS, MISSOURI</small> - <img class="illowe08" src="images/deco_01sm.jpg" - alt="small title decoration" title="small title decoration" /> - <small>OCTOBER 2, 1907</small></h1> - -<div class="pad6"> -<div class="figcenter" id="deco_02bg"> - <img class="illowe3" src="images/deco_02bg.jpg" - alt="large title decoration" title="large title decoration" /> -</div> -</div> - -<p class="noic">WASHINGTON<br /> -GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE<br /> -1907</p> -</div> - - - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span></p> - -<p class="p4">It is a very real pleasure to address -this body of citizens of Missouri here in -the great city of St. Louis. I have often -visited St. Louis before, but always by -rail. Now I am visiting it in the course -of a trip by water, a trip on the great -natural highway which runs past your -very doors—a highway once so important,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -now almost abandoned, which I -hope this nation will see not only restored -to all its former usefulness, but given a -far greater degree of usefulness to correspond -with the extraordinary growth in -wealth and population of the Mississippi -Valley. We have lived in an era of -phenomenal railroad building. As routes -for merchandise, the iron highways have -completely supplanted the old wagon -roads, and under their competition the -importance of the water highways has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -been much diminished. The growth of -the railway system has been rapid all -over the world, but nowhere so rapid as -in the United States. Accompanying this -there has grown in the United States -a tendency toward the practically complete -abandonment of the system of -water transportation. Such a tendency is -certainly not healthy and I am convinced -that it will not be permanent. There are -many classes of commodities, especially -those which are perishable in their nature<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span> -and where the value is high relatively to -the bulk, which will always be carried by -rail. But bulky commodities which are -not of a perishable nature will always be -specially suited for the conditions of water -transport. To illustrate the truth of this -statement it would only be necessary to -point to the use of the canal system in -many countries of the Old World; but it -can be illustrated even better by what has -happened nearer home. The Great Lakes -offer a prime example of the importance<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -of a good water highway for mercantile -traffic. As the line of traffic runs through -lakes, the conditions are in some respects -different from what must obtain on even -the most important river. Nevertheless, -it is well to remember that a very large -part of this traffic is conditioned upon an -artificial waterway, a canal—the famous -Soo. The commerce that passes through -the Soo far surpasses in bulk and in value -that of the Suez Canal.</p> -</div> - -<p>From every standpoint it is desirable<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -for the Nation to join in improving the -greatest system of river highways within -its borders, a system second only in importance -to the highway afforded by the -Great Lakes; the highways of the Mississippi -and its great tributaries, such as the -Missouri and Ohio. This river system -traverses too many States to render it -possible to leave merely to the States the -task of fitting it for the greatest use of -which it is capable. It is emphatically a -national task, for this great river system<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span> -is itself one of our chief national assets. -Within the last few years there has been -an awakening in this country to the need -of both the conservation and the development -of our national resources under the -supervision of and by the aid of the Federal -Government. This is especially true -of all that concerns our running waters. -On the mountains from which the springs -start we are now endeavoring to preserve -the forests which regulate the water supply -and prevent too startling variations<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -between droughts and freshets. Below -the mountains, in the high dry regions -of the western plains, we endeavor to -secure the proper utilization of the waters -for irrigation. This is at the sources of -the streams. Farther down, where they -become navigable, our aim must be to try -to develop a policy which shall secure the -utmost advantage from the navigable -waters. Finally, on the lower courses of -the Mississippi, the Nation should do its -full share in the work of levee building;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -and, incidentally to its purpose of serving -navigation, this will also prevent the ruin -of alluvial bottoms by floods. Our knowledge -is not sufficiently far advanced to -enable me to speak definitely as to the -plans which should be adopted; but let me -say one word of warning: The danger of -entering on any such scheme lies in the -adoption of impossible and undesirable -plans, plans the adoption of which means -an outlay of money extravagant beyond -all proportion to the return, or which,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -though feasible, are not, relatively to other -plans, of an importance which warrant their -adoption. It will not be easy to secure -the assent of a fundamentally cautious -people like our own to the adoption of -such a policy as that I hope to see adopted; -and even if we begin to follow out such a -policy it certainly will not be persevered -in if it is found to entail reckless extravagance -or to be tainted with jobbery. The -interests of the Nation as a whole must -be always the first consideration.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span></p> - -<p>This is properly a national movement, -because all interstate and foreign commerce, -and the improvements and methods -of carrying it on, are subjects for national -action. Moreover, while of course the -matter of the improvement of the Mississippi -River and its tributaries is one which -especially concerns the great middle portion -of our country, the region between -the Alleghenies and the Rockies, yet it is -of concern to the rest of the country -also, for it can not too often be said that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span> -whatever is really beneficial to one part of -our country is ultimately of benefit to the -whole. Exactly as it is a good thing for -the interior of our country that the seaports -on the Atlantic and the Pacific and -the Gulf should be safe and commodious, -so it is to the interest of the dwellers on -the coast that the interior should possess -ample facilities for the transportation of -its products. Our interests are all closely -interwoven, and in the long run it will be -found that we go up or go down together.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span></p> - -<p>Take, for instance, the Panama Canal. -If the Mississippi is restored to its former -place of importance as a highway of commerce, -then the building of the Panama -Canal will be felt as an immediate advantage -to the business of every city and -country district in the Mississippi Valley. -I think that the building of that canal will -be of especial advantage to the States that -lie along the Pacific and the States that -lie along the Gulf; and yet, after all, I feel -that the advantage will be shared in an<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -only less degree by the States of the interior -and of the Atlantic coast. In other -words, it is a thoroughly national work, -undertaken for and redounding to the -advantage of all of us—to the advantage of -the Nation as a whole. Therefore I am -glad to be able to report to you how well -we are doing with the canal. There is -bound to be a certain amount of experiment, -a certain amount of feeling our way, -in a task so gigantic—a task greater than -any of its kind that has ever hitherto been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -undertaken in the whole history of mankind; -but the success so far has been -astonishing, and we have not met -with a single one of the accidents -or drawbacks which I freely confess I -expected we should from time to time -encounter. We, in the first place, laid the -foundation for the work by securing the -most favorable possible conditions as regard -the health, comfort, and safety of -the men who were to do it; and now the -Canal Zone is in point of health better<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -off than the average district of the same -size at home. Then we went at the problem -of the actual digging and dam building. -For over a year past we have been -engaged in making the dirt fly in good -earnest, and the output of the giant steam -shovels has steadily increased. It is now -the rainy season, when work is most difficult -on the Isthmus, yet in the month of -August last we excavated over a million -and two hundred thousand cubic yards of -earth and rock, a greater amount than in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span> -any previous month. If we are able to -keep up substantially the rate of progress -that now obtains we shall finish the actual -digging within five or six years; though -when we come to the great Gatun dam and -locks, while there is no question as to the -work being feasible, there are several elements -entering into the time problem -which make it unwise at present to hazard -a prophecy in reference thereto.</p> - -<p>Now, gentlemen, this leads me up to -another matter for national consideration,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -and that is our Navy. The Navy is not -primarily of importance only to the coast -regions. It is every bit as much the concern -of the farmer who dwells a thousand -miles from sea water as of the fisherman -who makes his living on the ocean, for it -is the concern of every good American who -knows what the meaning of the word patriotism -is. This country is definitely committed -to certain fundamental policies—to -the Monroe doctrine, for instance, and to -the duty not only of building, but, when it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -is built, of policing and defending the Panama -Canal. We have definitely taken our -place among the great world powers, and -it would be a sign of ignoble weakness, -having taken such a place, to shirk its responsibilities. -Therefore, unless we are -willing to abandon this place, to abandon -our insistence upon the Monroe doctrine, -to give up the Panama Canal, and to be -content to acknowledge ourselves a weak -and timid nation, we must steadily build -up and maintain a great fighting Navy.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -Our Navy is already so efficient as to be a -matter of just pride to every American. -So long as our Navy is no larger than at -present, it must be considered as an elementary -principle that the bulk of our -battle fleet must always be kept together. -When the Panama Canal is built it can be -transferred without difficulty from one part -of our coast to the other; but even before -that canal is built it ought to be thus transferred -to and fro from time to time. In -a couple of months our fleet of great<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -armored ships starts for the Pacific. California, -Oregon, and Washington have a -coast line which is our coast line just as -emphatically as the coast line of New York -and Maine, of Louisiana and Texas. Our -fleet is going to its own home waters in the -Pacific, and after a stay there it will return -to its own home waters in the Atlantic. -The best place for a naval officer to learn -his duties is at sea, by performing them, and -only by actually putting through a voyage -of this nature, a voyage longer than any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span> -ever before undertaken by as large a fleet -of any nation, can we find out just exactly -what is necessary for us to know as to our -naval needs and practice our officers and -enlisted men in the highest duties of their -profession. Among all our citizens there -is no body of equal size to whom we owe -quite as much as to the officers and -enlisted men of the Army and Navy -of the United States, and I bespeak -from you the fullest and heartiest support, -in the name of our Nation and of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span> -our flag, for the services to which these -men belong.</p> - -<p>In conclusion I wish to say a word to -this body, containing as it does so many -business men, upon what is preeminently -a business proposition, and that is the -proper national supervision and control of -corporations. At the meeting of the American -Bar Association in this last August, -Judge Charles F. Amidon, of North -Dakota, read a paper on the Nation and the -Constitution so admirable that it is deserving<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -of very wide study; for what he said -was, as all studies of law in its highest -form ought to be, a contribution to constructive -jurisprudence as it should be -understood not only by judges but by -legislators, not only by those who interpret -and decide the law, but by those who -make it and who administer or execute -it. He quoted from the late Justice -Miller, of the Supreme Court, to show -that even in the interpretation of the -Constitution by this, the highest authority<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span> -of the land, the court’s successive decisions -must be tested by the way they work in -actual application to the National life; the -court adding to its thought and study the results -of experience and observation until the -true solution is evolved by a process both -of inclusion and exclusion. Said Justice -Miller: “The meaning of the Constitution is -to be sought as much in the National life -as in the dictionary;” for, as has been well -said, government purely out of a law library -can never be really good government.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span></p> - -<p>Now that the questions of government -are becoming so largely economic, the majority -of our so-called constitutional cases -really turn not upon the interpretation of -the instrument itself, but upon the construction, -the right apprehension of the living -conditions to which it is to be applied. The -Constitution is now and must remain what -it always has been; but it can only be interpreted -as the interests of the whole people -demand, if interpreted as a living organism, -designed to meet the conditions of life and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -not of death; in other words, if interpreted -as Marshall interpreted it, as Wilson declared -it should be interpreted. The Marshall -theory, the theory of life and not of -death, allows to the Nation, that is to the -people as a whole, when once it finds a -subject within the national cognizance, the -widest and freest choice of methods for -national control, and sustains every exercise -of national power which has any reasonable -relation to national objects. The -negation of this theory means, for instance,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span> -that the Nation—that we, the ninety -millions of people of this country—will be -left helpless to control the huge corporations -which now domineer in our industrial -life, and that they will have the authority of -the courts to work their desires unchecked; -and such a decision would in the end be -as disastrous for them as for us. If the -theory of the Marshall school prevails, then -an immense field of national power, now -unused, will be developed, which will be -adequate for dealing with many, if not all,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span> -of the economic problems which vex us; -and we shall be saved from the ominous -threat of a constant oscillation between -economic tyranny and economic chaos. -Our industrial, and therefore our social, -future as a Nation depends upon settling -aright this urgent question.</p> - -<p>The Constitution is unchanged and -unchangeable save by amendment in due -form. But the conditions to which it is to -be applied have undergone a change which -is almost a transformation, with the result<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -that many subjects formerly under the -control of the States have come under the -control of the Nation. As one of the justices -of the Supreme Court has recently -said: “The growth of national powers, -under our Constitution, which marks merely -the great outlines and designates only the -great objects of national concern, is to be -compared to the growth of a country not -by the geographical enlargement of its -boundaries, but by the increase of its population.” -A hundred years ago there was,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -except the commerce which crawled along -our seacoast or up and down our interior -waterways, practically no interstate commerce. -Now, by the railroad, the mails, -the telegraph, and the telephone an immense -part of our commerce is interstate. -By the transformation it has escaped from -the power of the State and come under the -power of the Nation. Therefore there has -been a great practical change in the exercise -of the National power, under the acts -of Congress, over interstate commerce;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -while on the other hand there has been no -noticeable change in the exercise of the -National power “to regulate commerce -with foreign nations and with the Indian -tribes.” The change as regards interstate -commerce has been, not in the Constitution, -but in the business of the people to -which it is to be applied. Our economic -and social future depends in very large -part upon how the interstate commerce -power of the Nation is interpreted.</p> - -<p>I believe that the Nation has the whole<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span> -governmental power over interstate commerce -and the widest discretion in dealing -with that subject; of course under the -express limits prescribed in the Constitution -for the exercise of all powers, such for -instance as the condition that “due process -of law” shall not be denied. The Nation -has no direct power over purely intrastate -commerce, even where it is conducted by -the same agencies which conduct interstate -commerce. The courts must determine -what is national and what is State<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -commerce. The same reasoning which -sustained the power of Congress to incorporate -the United States Bank tends to -sustain the power to incorporate an interstate -railroad, or any other corporation -conducting an interstate business.</p> - -<p>There are difficulties arising from our -dual form of government. If they prove -to be insuperable resort must be had to -the power of amendment. Let us first -try to meet them by an exercise of all the -powers of the National Government which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -in the Marshall spirit of broad interpretation -can be found in the Constitution as it is. -They are of vast extent. The chief economic -question of the day in this country -is to provide a sovereign for the great -corporations engaged in interstate business; -that is, for the railroads and the -interstate industrial corporations. At the -moment our prime concern is with the -railroads. When railroads were first built -they were purely local in character. -Their boundaries were not coextensive<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -even with the boundaries of one State. -They usually covered but two or three -counties. All this has now changed. At -present five great systems embody nearly -four-fifths of the total mileage of the -country. All the most important railroads -are no longer State roads, but instruments -of interstate commerce. Probably -85 per cent of their business is -interstate business. It is the Nation alone -which can with wisdom, justice, and effectiveness -exercise over these interstate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -railroads the thorough and complete supervision -which should be exercised. One -of the chief, and probably the chief, of the -domestic causes for the adoption of the -Constitution was the need to confer upon -the Nation exclusive control over interstate -commerce. But this grant of power -is worthless unless it is held to confer -thoroughgoing and complete control over -practically the sole instrumentalities of -interstate commerce—the interstate railroads. -The railroads themselves have been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -exceedingly shortsighted in the rancorous -bitterness which they have shown against -the resumption by the Nation of this long-neglected -power. Great capitalists, who -pride themselves upon their extreme conservatism, -often believe they are acting in -the interests of property when following a -course so shortsighted as to be really an -assault upon property. They have shown -extreme unwisdom in their violent opposition -to the assumption of complete control -over the railroads by the Federal Government.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -The American people will not -tolerate the happy-go-lucky system of no -control over the great interstate railroads, -with the insolent and manifold abuses -which have so generally accompanied it. -The control must exist somewhere; and -unless it is by thoroughgoing and radical -law placed upon the statute books of the -Nation, it will be exercised in ever-increasing -measure by the several States. The -same considerations which made the founders -of the Constitution deem it imperative<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -that the Nation should have complete control -of interstate commerce apply with peculiar -force to the control of interstate railroads -at the present day; and the arguments -of Madison of Virginia, Pinckney -of South Carolina, and Hamilton and Jay -of New York, in their essence apply now -as they applied one hundred and twenty -years ago.</p> - -<p>The national convention which framed -the Constitution, and in which almost all -the most eminent of the first generation<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -of American statesmen sat, embodied the -theory of the instrument in a resolution, -to the effect that the National Government -should have power in cases where the -separate States were incompetent to act -with full efficiency, and where the harmony -of the United States would be -interrupted by the exercise of such individual -legislation. The interstate railroad -situation is exactly a case in point. There -will, of course, be local matters affecting -railroads which can best be dealt with by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -local authority, but as national commercial -agents the big interstate railroad ought to -be completely subject to national authority. -Only thus can we secure their complete -subjection to, and control by, a single -sovereign, representing the whole people, -and capable both of protecting the public -and of seeing that the railroads neither -inflict nor endure injustice.</p> - -<p>Personally I firmly believe that there -should be national legislation to control -all industrial corporations doing an interstate<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -business, including the control of the -output of their securities, but as to these -the necessity for Federal control is less -urgent and immediate than is the case -with the railroads. Many of the abuses -connected with these corporations will -probably tend to disappear now that -the Government—the public—is gradually -getting the upper hand as regards -putting a stop to the rebates and -special privileges which some of these -corporations have enjoyed at the hands of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -the common carriers. But ultimately it -will be found that the complete remedy -for these abuses lies in direct and affirmative -action by the National Government. -That there is constitutional power for the -national regulation of these corporations I -have myself no question. Two or three -generations ago there was just as much -hostility to national control of banks as -there is now to national control of railroads -or of industrial corporations doing an interstate -business. That hostility now seems<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -to us ludicrous in its lack of warrant; in like -manner, gentlemen, our descendants will -regard with wonder the present opposition -to giving the National Government adequate -power to control those great corporations, -which it alone can fully, and yet -wisely, safely, and justly control. Remember -also that to regulate the formation of -these corporations offers one of the most -direct and efficient methods of regulating -their activities.</p> - -<p>I am not pleading for an extension of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -constitutional power. I am pleading that -constitutional power which already exists -shall be applied to new conditions which -did not exist when the Constitution went -into being. I ask that the national powers -already conferred upon the National Government -by the Constitution shall be so -used as to bring national commerce and -industry effectively under the authority of -the Federal Government and thereby avert -industrial chaos. My plea is not to bring -about a condition of centralization. It is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span> -that the Government shall recognize a condition -of centralization in a field where it -already exists. When the national banking -law was passed it represented in reality -not centralization, but recognition of the -fact that the country had so far advanced -that the currency was already a matter of -National concern and must be dealt with -by the central authority at Washington. -So it is with interstate industrialism and -especially with the matter of interstate railroad -operation to-day. Centralization has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -already taken place in the world of commerce -and industry. All I ask is that the -National Government look this fact in the -face, accept it as a fact, and fit itself accordingly -for a policy of supervision and control -over this centralized commerce and -industry.</p> - - -<div class="figcenter" id="deco_03end"> - <img class="p2 illowe2" src="images/deco_03end.jpg" - alt="end decoration" title="end decoration" /> -</div> - - -<hr class="tb" /> - - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK ADDRESS OF PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT AT ST. 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