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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #68159 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68159)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Good citizenship, by Grover Cleveland
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Good citizenship
-
-Author: Grover Cleveland
-
-Release Date: May 23, 2022 [eBook #68159]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed Proofreading
-             Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from
-             images generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD CITIZENSHIP ***
-
-
-
-
-
-  GOOD
-  CITIZENSHIP
-
-  BY
-  GROVER
-  CLEVELAND
-
-  [Illustration]
-
-  PHILADELPHIA
-
-  HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY
-
-
-
-
-  Copyright, 1908, by Howard E. Altemus
-
-  Published June, 1908
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
-  Introduction                            5
-
-  Good Citizenship                       11
-
-  Patriotism and Holiday Observance      37
-
-
-
-
-INTRODUCTION
-
-
-It is not of the author’s own motion that the following essays are
-given to the public in this form. With characteristic modesty, Mr.
-Cleveland was willing that these addresses should lie undiscovered and
-unread in the limbo of pigeonholes or of yellowing newspaper-file; and
-yet the thoughtful reader will be the first to proclaim that these
-utterances are neither insignificant nor ephemeral. Their very themes
-are age-old. Before Rome was, Patriotism and Good Citizenship were the
-purest and loftiest ideals of the ancient world; and, through the
-ages that have followed, those nations have been noblest, bravest and
-most enduring in which love of home and love of country have been most
-deep-seated.
-
-Mr. Cleveland’s address on Good Citizenship was delivered before the
-Commercial Club of Chicago in October, 1903; and that on Patriotism and
-Holiday Observance before the Union League Club, of the same city, on
-Washington’s Birthday, 1907. Now, with Mr. Cleveland’s sanction, they
-appear for the first time in book form.
-
-No one can scan these pages, however hastily, without saying to
-himself, “Here is a man who preaches what, for a lifetime, he has been
-practicing.”
-
-Not all patriotism finds expression in the heat and joy of the
-battlefield; nor does good citizenship begin and end on election day.
-Mr. Cleveland has, in himself, proved that an upright and fearless
-chief magistrate in the White House may be as true a patriot as the
-leader of a forlorn hope, as lofty a type of citizen as a Garrison or
-a Phillips. No public man of this generation has been more bitterly
-assailed than Grover Cleveland; none has met with more unswerving
-serenity the attacks, fair and foul, of those whose selfish interests
-have made them his sworn foes.
-
-That famous phrase, uttered years ago, “We love him for the enemies he
-has made,” is a true saying.
-
-                                                       THE PUBLISHERS.
-
-
-
-
-GOOD CITIZENSHIP
-
-[Illustration]
-
-
-
-
-GOOD CITIZENSHIP
-
-
-There is danger that my subject of American good citizenship
-is so familiar and so trite as to lack interest. This does not
-necessarily result from a want of appreciation of the importance of
-good citizenship, nor from a denial of the duty resting upon every
-American to be a good citizen. There is, however, abroad in our land a
-self-satisfied and perfunctory notion that we do all that is required
-of us in this direction when we make profession of our faith in the
-creed of good citizenship and abstain from the commission of palpably
-unpatriotic sins.
-
-We ought not to be badgered and annoyed by the preaching and
-exhortation of a restless, troublesome set of men, who continually
-urge upon us the duty of active and affirmative participation in
-public affairs. Why should we be charged with neglect of political
-obligations? We go to the polls on election day, when not too busy with
-other things, and vote the ticket our party managers have prepared
-for us. Sometimes, when conditions grow to be so bad politically
-that a revival or stirring-up becomes necessary, a goodly number
-of us actually devote considerable time and effort to better the
-situation. Of course, we cannot do this always, because we must not
-neglect money-getting and the promotion of great enterprises, which,
-as everybody knows, are the evidence of a nation’s prosperity and
-influence.
-
-It seems to me that within our citizenship there are many whose
-disposition and characteristics very often resemble those found in the
-membership of our churches. In this membership there is a considerable
-proportion composed of those who, having made profession of their
-faith and joined the church, appear to think their duty done when they
-live honestly, attend worship regularly, and contribute liberally
-to church support. In complacent satisfaction, and certain of their
-respectability, they do not care to hear sermonizing concerning the
-sinfulness of human nature, or the wrath to come; and if haply they
-are sometimes roused by the truths of vital Christianity, they soon
-relapse again to their tranquil and easy condition of listlessness. A
-description of these, found in the Holy Writ, may fitly apply to many
-in the State as well as in the church:
-
-“For if any be a hearer of the word, and not a doer, he is like unto a
-man beholding his natural face in a glass: for he beholdeth himself,
-and goeth his way, and straightway forgetteth what manner of man he
-was.”
-
-There is an habitual associate of civic American indifference and
-listlessness, which reënforces their malign tendencies and adds
-tremendously to the dangers that threaten our body politic. This
-associate plays the _rôle_ of smooth, insinuating confidence operator
-and, clothed in the garb of immutable faith in the invulnerability of
-our national greatness, it invites our admiring gaze to the flight of
-the American eagle, and assures us that no tempestuous weather can ever
-tire his wings. Thus many good and honest men are approached through
-their patriotic trust in our free institutions and immense national
-resources, and are insidiously led to a condition of mind which will
-not permit them to =harbor= the uncomfortable thought that any omission
-on their part can check American progress or endanger our country’s
-continued development. Have we not lived as a nation more than a
-century; and have we not exhibited growth and achievement in every
-direction that discredit all parallels in history? After us the deluge.
-Why then need we bestir ourselves, and why disturb ourselves with
-public affairs?
-
-Those of our citizens who are deluded by these notions, and who allow
-themselves to be brought to such a frame of mind, may well be reminded
-of the good old lady who was wont to impressively declare that she had
-always noticed if she lived until the first of March she lived all the
-rest of the year. It is quite likely she built a theory upon this
-experience which induced her with the passing of each of these fateful
-days to defy coughs, colds and consumption and the attacks of germs and
-microbes in a million forms. However this may be, we know that with no
-design or intention on her part, there came a first day of March which
-passed without her earthly notice.
-
-The withdrawal of wholesome sentiment and patriotic activity from
-political action on the part of those who are indifferent to their
-duty, or foolhardy in their optimism, opens the way for a ruthless and
-unrelenting enemy of our free institutions. The abandonment of our
-country’s watch-towers by those who should be on guard, and the slumber
-of the sentinels who should never sleep, directly invite the stealthy
-approach and the pillage and loot of the forces of selfishness and
-greed. These baleful enemies of patriotic effort will lurk everywhere
-as long as human nature remains unregenerate; but nowhere in the world
-can they create such desolations as in free America, and nowhere
-can they so cruelly destroy man’s highest and best aspirations for
-self-government.
-
-It is useless for us to blink at the fact that our scheme of
-government is based upon a close interdependence of interest and
-purpose among those who make up the body of our people. Let us be
-honest with ourselves. If our nation was built too much upon sentiment,
-and if the rules of patriotism and benignity that were followed in the
-construction have proved too impractical, let us frankly admit it.
-But if love of country, equal opportunity and genuine brotherhood in
-citizenship are worth the pains and trials that gave them birth, and
-if we still believe them to be worth preservation and that they have
-the inherent vigor and beneficence to make our republic lasting and
-our people happy, let us strongly hold them in love and devotion. Then
-it shall be given us to plainly see that nothing is more unfriendly to
-the motives that underlie our national edifice than the selfishness
-and cupidity that look upon freedom and law and order only as so many
-agencies in aid of their designs.
-
-Our government was made by patriotic, unselfish, sober-minded men for
-the control or protection of a patriotic, unselfish and sober-minded
-people. It is suited to such a people; but for those who are selfish,
-corrupt and unpatriotic it is the worst government on earth. It is so
-constructed that it needs for its successful operation the constant
-care and guiding hand of the people’s abiding faith and love, and
-not only is this unremitting guidance necessary to keep our national
-mechanism true to its work, but the faith and love which prompt it are
-the best safeguards against selfish citizenship.
-
-Give to our people something that will concentrate their common
-affection and solicitous care, and let them be their country’s good;
-give them a purpose that stimulates them to unite in lofty endeavor,
-and let that purpose be a demonstration of the sufficiency and
-beneficence of our popular rule, and we shall find that in their
-political thought there will be no place for the suggestions of
-sordidness and pelf.
-
-Who will say that this is now our happy condition? Is not our public
-life saturated with the indecent demands of selfishness? More than
-this, can any of us doubt the existence of still more odious and
-detestable evils which, with steady, cankering growth, are more
-directly than all others threatening our safety and national life? I
-speak of the corruption of our suffrage, open and notorious, of the
-buying and selling of political places for money, the purchase of
-political favors and privileges, and the traffic in official duty for
-personal gain. These things are confessedly common. Every intelligent
-man knows that they have grown from small beginnings until they have
-reached frightful proportions of malevolence; and yet respectable
-citizens by the thousands have looked on with perfect calmness, and
-with hypocritical cant have declared they are not politicians, or with
-silly pretensions of faith in our strength and luck have languidly
-claimed that the country was prosperous, equal to any emergency and
-proof against all dangers.
-
-Resulting from these conditions in a manner not difficult to trace,
-wholesome national sentiment is threatened with utter perversion. All
-sorts of misconceptions pervade the public thought, and jealousies,
-rapidly taking on the complexion of class hatred, are found in
-every corner of the land. A new meaning has been given to national
-prosperity. With a hardihood that savors of insolence, an old pretext,
-which has preceded the doom of ancient experiments in popular vote, is
-daily and hourly dinned in our ears. We are told that the national
-splendor we have built upon the showy ventures of speculative wealth
-is a badge of our success. Unsharing contentment is enjoined upon the
-masses of our people, and they are invited, in the bare subsistence
-of their scanty homes, to patriotically rejoice in their country’s
-prosperity.
-
-This is too unsubstantial an enjoyment of benefits to satisfy those
-who have been taught American equality, and thus has arisen, by a
-perfectly natural process, a dissatisfied insistence upon a better
-distribution of the results of our vaunted prosperity. We now see
-its worst manifestation in the apparently incorrigible dislocation
-of the proper relations between labor and capital. This of itself is
-sufficiently distressing; but thoughtful men are not without dread of
-sadder developments yet to come.
-
-There has also grown up among our people a disregard for the restraints
-of law and a disposition to evade its limitations, while querulous
-strictures concerning the actions of our courts tend to undermine
-popular faith in the course of justice, and, last but by no means
-least, complaints of imaginary or exaggerated shortcomings in our
-financial policies furnish an excuse for the flippant exploitation of
-all sorts of monetary nostrums.
-
-I hasten to give assurance that I have not spoken in a spirit of gloomy
-pessimism. I have faith that the awakening is forthcoming, and on
-this faith I build a cheerful hope for the healing of all the wounds
-inflicted in slumber and neglect.
-
-It is true that there should be an end of self-satisfied gratification,
-or pretense of virtue, in the phrase, “I am not a politician,” and it
-is time to forbid the prostitution of the word to a sinister use. Every
-citizen should be politician enough to bring himself within the true
-meaning of the term, as one who concerns himself with “the regulation
-or government of a nation or State for the preservation of its safety,
-peace and prosperity.” This is politics in its best sense, and this is
-good citizenship.
-
-If good men are to interfere to make political action what it should
-be, they must not suppose they will come upon an open field unoccupied
-by an opposing force. On the ground they neglected they will find a
-host of those who engage in politics for personal ends and selfish
-purposes, and =this= ground cannot be taken without a hand-to-hand
-conflict. The attack must be made under the banner of disinterested
-good citizenship, by soldiers drilled in lessons of patriotism. They
-must be enlisted for life and constantly on duty.
-
-Their creed should bind together in generous coöperation all who are
-willing to fight to make our government what the fathers intended it to
-be--a depository of benefits which, in equal current and volume, should
-flow out to all the people. This creed should teach the wickedness of
-attempting to make free opportunity the occasion for seizing especial
-advantages, and should warn against the danger of ruthless rapacity.
-It should deprecate ostentation and extravagance in the life of our
-people, and demand in the management of public affairs simplicity
-and strict economy. It should teach toleration in all things save
-dishonesty and infidelity to public trusts.
-
-It should insist that our finance and currency concern not alone the
-large traders, merchants and bankers of our land, but that they are
-intimately and every day related to the well-being of our people in
-all conditions of life, and that, therefore, if any adjustments are
-necessary they should be made in such manner as shall certainly
-maintain the soundness of our people’s earnings and the security of
-their savings. It should enjoin respect for the law as the quality that
-cements the fabric of organized society and makes possible a government
-by the people. And in every sentence and every line of this creed of
-good citizenship the lesson should be taught that our country is a
-beautiful and productive field to be cultivated by loyal Americans,
-who, with weapons near at hand, whether they sow and reap or whether
-they rest, will always be prepared to resist those who attempt to
-despoil by day and pilfer in the night.
-
-In the day when all shadows shall have passed away and when good
-citizenship shall have made sure the safety, permanence and happiness
-of our nation, how small will appear the strifes of selfishness in
-our civic life, and how petty will seem the machinations of degraded
-politics.
-
-There shall be set over against them in that time a reverent sense
-of coöperation in Heaven’s plans for our people’s greatness, and
-the joyous pride of standing among those who, in the comradeship of
-American good citizenship, have so protected and defended our heritage
-of self-government that our treasures are safe in the citadel of
-patriotism, “where neither moth nor rust doth corrupt, and where
-thieves do not break through nor steal.”
-
-
-
-
-PATRIOTISM AND HOLIDAY OBSERVANCE
-
-[Illustration]
-
-
-
-
-PATRIOTISM AND HOLIDAY OBSERVANCE
-
-
-The American people are but little given to the observance of public
-holidays. This statement cannot be disposed of by the allegation that
-our national history is too brief to allow the accumulation of days
-deserving civic commemoration. Though it is true that our life as a
-people, according to the standard measuring the existence of nations,
-has been a short one, it has been filled with glorious achievements;
-and, though it must be conceded that it is not given to us to see in
-the magnifying mirage of antiquity the exaggerated forms of American
-heroes, yet in the bright and normal light shed upon our beginning and
-growth are seen grand and heroic men who have won imperishable honor
-and deserve our everlasting remembrance. We cannot, therefore, excuse a
-lack of commemorative inclination and a languid interest in recalling
-the notable incidents of our country’s past under the plea of a lack
-of commemorative material; nor can we in this way explain our neglect
-adequately to observe days which have actually been set apart for the
-especial manifestation of our loving appreciation of the lives and the
-deeds of Americans who, in crises of our birth and development, have
-sublimely wrought and nobly endured.
-
-If we are inclined to look for other excuses, one may occur to us
-which, though by no means satisfying, may appear to gain a somewhat
-fanciful plausibility by reason of its reference to the law of
-heredity. It rests upon the theory that those who secured for American
-nationality its first foothold, and watched over its weak infancy were
-so engrossed with the persistent and unescapable labors that pressed
-upon them, and that their hopes and aspirations led them so constantly
-to thoughts of the future, that retrospection nearly became with them
-an extinct faculty, and that thus it may have happened that exclusive
-absorption in things pertaining to the present and future became
-so embedded in their natures as to constitute a trait of character
-descendible to their posterity, even to the present generation. The
-toleration of this theory leads to the suggestion that an inheritance
-of disposition has made it difficult for the generation of to-day to
-resist the temptation inordinately to strive for immediate material
-advantages, to the exclusion of the wholesome sentiment that recalls
-the high achievements and noble lives which have illumined our national
-career. Some support is given to this suggestion by the concession,
-which we cannot escape, that there is abroad in our land an inclination
-to use to the point of abuse the opportunities of personal betterment,
-given under a scheme of rule which permits the greatest individual
-liberty, and interposes the least hindrance to individual acquisition;
-and that in the pursuit of this we are apt to carry in our minds, if
-not upon our lips, the legend:
-
-“Things done are won; joy’s soul lies in the doing.”
-
-But the question is whether all this accounts for our indifference to
-the proper observance of public holidays which deserve observance.
-
-There is another reason which might be advanced in mitigation of our
-lack of commemorative enthusiasm, which is so related to our pride
-of Americanism that, if we could be certain of its sufficiency, we
-would gladly accept it as conclusive. It has to do with the underlying
-qualities and motives of our free institutions. Those institutions
-had their birth and nurture in unselfish patriotism and unreserved
-consecration; and, by a decree of fate beyond recall or change, their
-perpetuity and beneficence are conditioned on the constant devotion
-and single-hearted loyalty of those to whom their blessings are
-vouchsafed. It would be a joy if we could know that all the bright
-incidents in our history were so much in the expected order of events,
-and that patriotism and loving service are so familiar in our present
-surroundings, and so clear in their manifestation, as to dull the
-edge of their especial commendation. If the utmost of patriotism and
-unselfish devotion in the promotion of our national interests have
-always been and still remain universal, there would hardly be need of
-their commemoration.
-
-But, after all, why should we attempt to delude ourselves? I am
-confident that I voice your convictions when I say that no play of
-ingenuity and no amount of special pleading can frame an absolutely
-creditable excuse for our remissness in appropriate holiday observance.
-
-You will notice that I use the words “holiday observance.” I have not
-in mind merely the selection or appointment of days which have been
-thought worthy of celebration. Such an appointment or selection is
-easy, and very frequently it is the outcome of a perfunctory concession
-to apparent propriety, or of a transient movement of affectionate
-sentiment. But I speak of the observance of holidays, and such
-holidays as not only have a substantial right to exist, but which
-ought to have a lasting hold upon the sentiment of our people--days
-which, as often as they recur, should stimulate in the hearts of our
-countrymen a grateful recognition of what God has done for mankind,
-and especially for the American nation; days which stir our consciences
-and sensibilities with promptings to unselfish and unadulterated love
-of country; days which warm and invigorate our devotion to the supreme
-ideals which gave life to our institutions and their only protection
-against death and decay. I speak of holidays which demand observance by
-our people in spirit and in truth.
-
-The commemoration of the day on which American independence was born
-has been allowed to lose much of its significance as a reminder of
-Providential favor and of the inflexible patriotism of the fathers
-of the republic, and has nearly degenerated into a revel of senseless
-noise and aimless explosion, leaving in its train far more of mishap
-and accident than lessons of good citizenship or pride of country.
-The observance of Thanksgiving Day is kept alive through its annual
-designation by Federal and State authority. But it is worth our while
-to inquire whether its original meaning, as a day of united praise and
-gratitude to God for the blessings bestowed upon us as a people and as
-individuals, is not smothered in feasting and social indulgence. We, in
-common with Christian nations everywhere, celebrate Christmas, but how
-much less as a day commemorating the birth of the Redeemer of mankind
-than as a day of hilarity and the interchange of gifts.
-
-I will not, without decided protest, be accused of antagonizing or
-deprecating light-hearted mirth and jollity. On the contrary, I am an
-earnest advocate of every kind of sane, decent, social enjoyment, and
-all sorts of recreation. But, nevertheless, I feel that the allowance
-of an incongruous possession by them of our commemorative days is
-evidence of a certain condition, and is symptomatic of a popular
-tendency, which are by no means reassuring.
-
-On the days these words are written, a prominent and widely read
-newspaper contains a communication in regard to the observance of the
-birthday of the late President McKinley. Its tone plainly indicates
-that the patriotic society which has for its primary purpose the
-promotion of this particular commemoration recognizes the need of a
-revival of interest in the observance of all other memorial days, and
-it announces that “its broader object is to instil into the hearts and
-minds of the people a desire for real, patriotic observance of all of
-our national days.”
-
-Beyond all doubt, the commemorations of the birth of American heroes
-and statesmen who have rendered redemptive service to their country
-in emergencies of peace and war should be rescued from entire neglect
-and from fitful and dislocated remembrance. And, while it would be
-more gratifying to be assured that throughout our country there was
-such a spontaneous appreciation of this need, that in no part of
-our domain would there be a necessity of urging such commemorations
-by self-constituted organizations, yet it is comforting to know
-that, in the midst of prevailing apathy, there are those among us
-who have determined that the memory of the events and lives we
-should commemorate shall not be smothered in the dust and =smoke= of
-sordidness, nor crushed out by ruthless materialism.
-
-On this day the Union League Club of Chicago should especially rejoice
-in the consciousness of patriotic accomplishment; and on this day,
-of all others, every one of its members should regard his membership
-as a badge of honor. Whatever else the organization may have done,
-it has justified its existence, and earned the applause of those
-whose love of country is still unclouded, by the work it has done for
-the deliverance of Washington’s birthday from neglect or indolent
-remembrance. I deem it a great privilege to be allowed to participate
-with the League in a commemoration so exactly designed, not only to
-remind those of mature years of the duty exacted by their heirship in
-American free institutions, but to teach children the inestimable value
-of those institutions, to inspire them to emulation of the virtues in
-which our nation had its birth, and to lead them to know the nobility
-of patriotic citizenship. The palpable and immediate good growing out
-of the commemorations which for twenty years have occurred under the
-auspices of the League are less impressive than the assurance that, in
-generations yet to come, the seed thus sown in the hearts of children
-and youth will bear the fruit of disinterested love of country and
-saving steadfastness to our national mission.
-
-In furtherance of the high endeavor of your organization, it would have
-been impossible to select for observance any other civic holiday having
-as broad and fitting a significance as this. It memorizes the birth of
-one whose glorious deeds are transcendently above all others recorded
-in our national annals; and, in memorizing the birth of Washington,
-it commemorates the incarnation of all the virtues and all the ideals
-that made our nationality possible, and gave it promise of growth and
-strength. It is a holiday that belongs exclusively to the American
-people. All that Washington did was bound up in our national life, and
-became interwoven with the warp of our national destiny. The battles he
-fought were fought for American liberty, and the victories he won gave
-us national independence. His example of unselfish consecration and
-lofty patriotism made manifest, as in an open book, that those virtues
-were conditions not more vital to our nation’s beginning than to its
-development and durability. His faith in God, and the fortitude of his
-faith, taught those for whom he wrought that the surest strength of
-nations comes from the support of God’s almighty arm. His universal and
-unaffected sympathy with those in every sphere of American life, his
-thorough knowledge of existing American conditions, and his wonderful
-foresight of conditions yet to be, coupled with his powerful influence
-in the councils of those who were to make or mar the fate of an infant
-nation, made him a tremendous factor in the construction and adoption
-of the constitutional chart by which the course of the newly launched
-republic could be safely sailed. And it was he who first took the
-helm, and demonstrated, for the guidance of all who might succeed him,
-how and in what spirit and intent the responsibilities of our chief
-magistracy should be discharged.
-
-If your observance of this day were intended to make more secure the
-immortal fame of Washington, or to add to the strength and beauty
-of his imperishable monument built upon a nation’s affectionate
-remembrance, =your= purpose would be useless. Washington has no need
-of you. But in every moment, from the time he drew his sword in the
-cause of American independence to this hour, living or dead, the
-American people have needed him. It is not important now, nor will it
-be in all the coming years, to remind our countrymen that Washington
-has lived, and that his achievements in his country’s service are
-above all praise. But it is important--and more important now than
-ever before--that they should clearly apprehend and adequately value
-the virtues and ideals of which he was the embodiment, and that they
-should realize how essential to our safety and perpetuity are the
-consecration and patriotism which he exemplified. The American people
-need to-day the example and teachings of Washington no less than those
-who fashioned our =nation= needed his labors and guidance; and only so
-far as we commemorate his birth with a sincere recognition of this need
-can our commemoration be useful to the present generation.
-
-It is, therefore, above all things, absolutely essential to an
-appropriately commemorative condition of mind that there should be no
-toleration of even the shade of a thought that what Washington did
-and said and wrote, in aid of the young American republic have become
-in the least outworn, or that in these later days of material advance
-and development they may be merely pleasantly recalled with a sort
-of affectionate veneration, and with a kind of indulgent and loftily
-courteous concession of the value of Washington’s example and precepts.
-These constitute the richest of all our crown jewels; and, if we
-disregard them or depreciate their value, we shall be no better than
-“the base Indian who threw a pearl away richer than all his tribe.”
-
-They are full of stimulation to do grand and noble things, and full
-of lessons enjoining loyal adherence to public duty. But they teach
-nothing more impressive and nothing more needful by way of recalling
-our countrymen to a faith which has become somewhat faint and obscured
-than the necessity to national beneficence and the =people’s= happiness
-of the homely, simple, personal virtues that grow and thrive in the
-hearts of men who, with high intent, illustrate the goodness there is
-in human nature.
-
-Three months before his inauguration as first President of the
-republic which he had done so much to create, Washington wrote a
-letter to Lafayette, his warm friend and Revolutionary ally, in which
-he expressed his unremitting desire to establish a general system of
-policy which, if pursued, would “ensure permanent felicity to the
-commonwealth;” and he added these words:
-
-“I think I see a path as clear and as direct as a ray of light, which
-leads to the attainment of that object. Nothing but harmony, honesty,
-industry and frugality is necessary to make us a great and happy
-people Happily, the present posture of affairs, and the prevailing
-disposition of my countrymen promise to coöperate in establishing those
-four great and essential pillars of public felicity.”
-
-It is impossible for us to be in accord with the spirit which should
-pervade this occasion if we fail to realize the momentous import of
-this declaration, and if we doubt its conclusiveness or its application
-to any stage of our national life, we are not in sympathy with a proper
-and improving observance of the birthday of George Washington.
-
-Such considerations as these suggest the thought that this is a time
-for honest self-examination. The question presses upon us with a demand
-for reply that will not be denied:
-
-Who among us all, if our hearts are purged of misleading impulses and
-our minds freed from perverting pride, can be sure that to-day the
-posture of affairs and the prevailing disposition of our countrymen
-coöperate in the establishment and promotion of harmony, honesty,
-industry and frugality?
-
-When Washington wrote that nothing but these was necessary to make
-us a great and happy people, he had in mind the harmony of American
-brotherhood and unenvious good-will, the honesty that insures against
-the betrayal of public trust and hates devious ways and conscienceless
-practices, the industry that recognizes in faithful work and
-intelligent endeavor abundant promise of well-earned competence and
-provident accumulation, and the frugality which outlaws waste and
-extravagant display as plunderers of thrift and promoters of covetous
-discontent.
-
-The self-examination invited by this day’s commemoration will be
-incomplete and superficial if we are not thereby forced to the
-confession that there are signs of the times which indicate a weakness
-and relaxation of our hold upon these saving virtues. When thus
-forewarned, it is the height of recreancy for us obstinately to close
-our eyes to the needs of the situation, and refuse admission to the
-thought that evil can overtake us. If we are to deserve security,
-and make good our claim to sensible, patriotic Americanism, we will
-carefully and dutifully take our bearings, and discover, if we can, how
-far wind and tide have carried us away from safe waters.
-
-If we find that the wickedness of destructive agitators and the
-selfish depravity of demagogues have stirred up discontent and strife
-where there should be peace and harmony, and have arrayed against each
-other interests which should dwell together in hearty coöperation;
-if we find that the old standards of sturdy, uncompromising American
-honesty have become so corroded and weakened by a sordid atmosphere
-that our people are hardly startled by crime in high places and
-shameful betrayals of trust everywhere; if we find a sadly prevalent
-disposition among us to turn from the highway of honorable industry
-into shorter crossroads leading to irresponsible and worthless ease; if
-we find that widespread wastefulness and extravagance have discredited
-the wholesome frugality which was once the pride of Americanism we
-should recall Washington’s admonition that harmony, industry and
-frugality are “essential pillars of public felicity,” and forthwith
-endeavor to change our course.
-
-To neglect this is not only to neglect the admonition of Washington,
-but to miss or neglect the conditions which our self-examination has
-made plain to us. These conditions demand something more from us than
-warmth and zest in the tribute we pay to Washington, and something more
-even than acceptance of his teachings, however reverent our acceptance
-may be.
-
-The sooner we reach a state of mind which keeps constantly before us,
-as a living, active, impelling force, the truth that our people, good
-or bad, harmonious or with =daggers= drawn, honest or unscrupulous,
-industrious or idle, constitute the source of our nation’s temperament
-and health, and that the traits and faults of our people must
-necessarily give quality and color to our national behavior, the
-sooner we shall appreciate the importance of protecting this source
-from unwholesome contamination. And the sooner all of us honestly
-acknowledge this to be an individual duty that cannot be shifted or
-evaded, and the more thoroughly we purge ourselves from influences that
-hinder its conscientious performance, the sooner will our country be
-regenerated and made secure by the saving power of good citizenship.
-
-It is our habit to affiliate with political parties. Happily, the
-strength and solidity of our institutions can safely withstand the
-utmost freedom and activity of political discussion so far as it
-involves the adoption of governmental policies or the enforcement of
-good administration. But they cannot withstand the frenzy of hate which
-seeks, under the guise of political earnestness, to blot out American
-brotherhood, and cunningly to persuade our people that a crusade of
-envy and malice is no more than a zealous insistence upon their manhood
-rights.
-
-Political parties are exceedingly human; and they more easily fall
-before temptation than individuals, by so much as partisan success is
-the law of their life, and because their responsibility is impersonal.
-It is easily recalled that political organizations have been quite
-willing to utilize gusts of popular prejudice and resentment; and I
-believe they have been known, as a matter of shrewd management, to
-encourage voters to hope for some measure of relief from economic
-abuses, and yet to “stand pat” on the day appointed for realization.
-
-We have fallen upon a time when it behooves =every= thoughtful citizen,
-whose political beliefs are based on reason and who cares enough for
-his manliness and duty to save them from barter, to realize that the
-organization of the party of his choice needs watching, and that at
-times it is not amiss critically to observe its direction and tendency.
-This certainly ought to result in our country’s gain; and it is only
-partisan impudence that condemns a member of a political party who, on
-proper occasion, submits its conduct and the loyalty to principle of
-its leaders to a Court of Review, over which his conscience, his reason
-and his political understanding preside.
-
-I protest that I have not spoken in a spirit of pessimism. I have and
-enjoy my full share of the pride and exultation which our country’s
-material advancement so fully justifies. Its limitless resources,
-its astonishing growth, its unapproachable industrial development and
-its irrepressible inventive genius have made it the wonder of the
-centuries. Nevertheless, these things do not complete the story of
-a people truly great. Our country is infinitely more than a domain
-affording to those who dwell upon it immense material advantages
-and opportunities. In such a country we live. But I love to think
-of a glorious nation built upon the will of free men, set apart for
-the propagation and cultivation of humanity’s best ideal of a free
-government, and made ready for the growth and fruitage of the highest
-aspirations of patriotism. This is the country that lives in us. I
-indulge in no mere figure of speech when I say that our nation, the
-immortal spirit of our domain, lives in us--in our hearts and minds
-and consciences. There it must find its nutriment or die. This thought
-more than any other presents to our minds the impressiveness and
-responsibility of American citizenship. The land we live in seems to
-be strong and active. But how fares the land that lives in us? Are we
-sure that we are doing all we ought to keep it in vigor and health?
-Are we keeping its roots well surrounded by the fertile soil of loving
-allegiance, and are we furnishing them the invigorating moisture of
-unselfish fidelity? Are we as diligent as we ought to be to protect
-this precious =growth= against the poison that must arise from the
-decay of harmony and honesty and industry and frugality; and are we
-sufficiently watchful against the deadly, burrowing pests of consuming
-greed and cankerous cupidity? Our answers to these questions make up
-the account of our stewardship as keepers of a sacred trust.
-
-The land we live in is safe as long as we are dutifully careful of the
-land that lives in us. But good intentions and fine sentiments will
-not meet the emergency. If we would bestow upon the land that lives in
-us the care it needs, it is indispensable that we should recognize the
-weakness of our human nature, and our susceptibility to temptations and
-influences that interfere with a full conception of our obligations;
-and thereupon we should see to it that cupidity and selfishness do not
-blind our consciences or dull our efforts.
-
-From different points of view I have invited you to consider with
-me what obligations and responsibilities rest upon those who in
-this country of ours are entitled to be called good citizens. The
-things I pointed out may be trite. I know I have spoken in the way
-of exhortation rather than with an attempt to say something new and
-striking. Perhaps you have suspected, what I am quite willing to
-confess, that, behind all that I have said, there is in my mind a sober
-conviction that we all can and ought to do more for the country that
-lives in us than it has been our habit to do; and that no better means
-to this end are at hand than a revival of pure patriotic affection
-for our country for its own sake, and the acceptance, as permanent
-occupants in our hearts and minds, of the virtues which Washington
-regarded as all that was necessary to make us a great and happy people,
-and which he declared to be “the great and essential pillars of public
-felicity”--harmony, honesty, industry and frugality.
-
-
-
-
-TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES:
-
-
-  Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_.
-
-  Spaced-out text is surrounded by equals signs: =spaced=.
-
-  Obvious typographical errors have been corrected.
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Good citizenship, by Grover Cleveland</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
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-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Good citizenship</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Grover Cleveland</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: May 23, 2022 [eBook #68159]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
-  <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK GOOD CITIZENSHIP ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter hide"><img src="images/coversmall.jpg" width="450" alt="" /></div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/title.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="titlepage">
-<h1>GOOD<br />
-CITIZENSHIP</h1>
-
-<p><span class="xlarge">BY<br />
-GROVER<br />
-CLEVELAND</span></p>
-
-<p>PHILADELPHIA<br />
-
-<span class="large">HENRY ALTEMUS COMPANY</span></p>
-</div>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="center">Copyright, 1908, by Howard E. Altemus<br />
-<br />
-Published June, 1908</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h2 class="nobreak">CONTENTS</h2>
-</div>
-
-<table>
-
-
-<tr><td>Introduction</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_5">5</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td>Good Citizenship</td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_11">11</a></td></tr>
-
-<tr><td>Patriotism and Holiday Observance &#160; &#160; &#160; </td><td class="tdr"><a href="#Page_37">37</a></td></tr>
-</table>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[5]</span>
-
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">INTRODUCTION</h2>
-</div>
-<div class="blockquot">
-<div class="figleft"><img src="images/i011.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-
-<div class="figright"><img src="images/i011.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-
-<p>&#160;</p>
-<p class="drop-cap">IT is not of the author’s own
-motion that the following
-essays are given to the
-public in this form. With
-characteristic modesty, Mr.
-Cleveland was willing that
-these addresses should lie undiscovered
-and unread in the
-limbo of pigeonholes or of
-yellowing newspaper-file; and
-yet the thoughtful reader will
-be the first to proclaim that
-these utterances are neither insignificant
-nor ephemeral.
-Their very themes are age-old.
-Before Rome was, Patriotism
-and Good Citizenship were the
-purest and loftiest ideals of the
-ancient world; and, through<span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[6]</span>
-the ages that have followed,
-those nations have been noblest,
-bravest and most enduring in
-which love of home and love of
-country have been most deep-seated.</p>
-
-<p>Mr. Cleveland’s address on
-Good Citizenship was delivered
-before the Commercial Club of
-Chicago in October, 1903; and
-that on Patriotism and Holiday
-Observance before the Union
-League Club, of the same city,
-on Washington’s Birthday,
-1907. Now, with Mr. Cleveland’s
-sanction, they appear for
-the first time in book form.</p>
-
-<p>No one can scan these pages,
-however hastily, without saying
-to himself, “Here is a man who
-preaches what, for a lifetime,
-he has been practicing.”</p>
-
-<p>Not all patriotism finds expression<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>
-in the heat and joy of
-the battlefield; nor does good
-citizenship begin and end on
-election day. Mr. Cleveland
-has, in himself, proved that an
-upright and fearless chief magistrate
-in the White House may
-be as true a patriot as the leader
-of a forlorn hope, as lofty a
-type of citizen as a Garrison or
-a Phillips. No public man of
-this generation has been more
-bitterly assailed than Grover
-Cleveland; none has met with
-more unswerving serenity the
-attacks, fair and foul, of those
-whose selfish interests have
-made them his sworn foes.</p>
-
-<p>That famous phrase, uttered
-years ago, “We love him for
-the enemies he has made,” is a
-true saying.</p>
-
-<p class="right"><span class="smcap">The Publishers.</span></p>
-
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span>
-<p class="ph2">GOOD CITIZENSHIP</p>
-<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/i009.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-</div>
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak">GOOD CITIZENSHIP</h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THERE is danger that my
-subject of American
-good citizenship is so
-familiar and so trite as to lack
-interest. This does not necessarily
-result from a want of
-appreciation of the importance
-of good citizenship, nor from
-a denial of the duty resting
-upon every American to be a
-good citizen. There is, however,
-abroad in our land a self-satisfied
-and perfunctory notion
-that we do all that is required
-of us in this direction<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span>
-when we make profession of
-our faith in the creed of good
-citizenship and abstain from the
-commission of palpably unpatriotic
-sins.</p>
-
-<p>We ought not to be badgered
-and annoyed by the preaching
-and exhortation of a restless,
-troublesome set of men, who
-continually urge upon us the
-duty of active and affirmative
-participation in public affairs.
-Why should we be charged
-with neglect of political obligations?
-We go to the polls on
-election day, when not too busy
-with other things, and vote the
-ticket our party managers have
-prepared for us. Sometimes,
-when conditions grow to be so<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>
-bad politically that a revival or
-stirring-up becomes necessary,
-a goodly number of us actually
-devote considerable time and
-effort to better the situation.
-Of course, we cannot do this
-always, because we must not
-neglect money-getting and
-the promotion of great enterprises,
-which, as everybody
-knows, are the evidence of
-a nation’s prosperity and
-influence.</p>
-
-<p>It seems to me that within
-our citizenship there are many
-whose disposition and characteristics
-very often resemble
-those found in the membership
-of our churches. In this membership
-there is a considerable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>
-proportion composed of those
-who, having made profession
-of their faith and joined the
-church, appear to think their
-duty done when they live honestly,
-attend worship regularly,
-and contribute liberally to
-church support. In complacent
-satisfaction, and certain of their
-respectability, they do not care
-to hear sermonizing concerning
-the sinfulness of human
-nature, or the wrath to come;
-and if haply they are sometimes
-roused by the truths of
-vital Christianity, they soon
-relapse again to their tranquil
-and easy condition of listlessness.
-A description of these,
-found in the Holy Writ, may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>
-fitly apply to many in the State
-as well as in the church:</p>
-
-<p>“For if any be a hearer of
-the word, and not a doer, he is
-like unto a man beholding his
-natural face in a glass: for he
-beholdeth himself, and goeth
-his way, and straightway forgetteth
-what manner of man
-he was.”</p>
-
-<p>There is an habitual associate
-of civic American indifference
-and listlessness, which
-reënforces their malign tendencies
-and adds tremendously
-to the dangers that threaten
-our body politic. This associate
-plays the <i>rôle</i> of smooth,
-insinuating confidence operator
-and, clothed in the garb of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>
-immutable faith in the invulnerability
-of our national greatness,
-it invites our admiring
-gaze to the flight of the American
-eagle, and assures us that
-no tempestuous weather can
-ever tire his wings. Thus many
-good and honest men are approached
-through their patriotic
-trust in our free institutions
-and immense national resources,
-and are insidiously
-led to a condition of mind
-which will not permit them to
-<span class="gesperrt">harbor</span> the uncomfortable
-thought that any omission on
-their part can check American
-progress or endanger our
-country’s continued development.
-Have we not lived as a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>
-nation more than a century;
-and have we not exhibited
-growth and achievement in
-every direction that discredit
-all parallels in history? After
-us the deluge. Why then need
-we bestir ourselves, and why
-disturb ourselves with public
-affairs?</p>
-
-<p>Those of our citizens who
-are deluded by these notions,
-and who allow themselves to
-be brought to such a frame of
-mind, may well be reminded
-of the good old lady who was
-wont to impressively declare
-that she had always noticed if
-she lived until the first of
-March she lived all the rest of
-the year. It is quite likely she<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>
-built a theory upon this experience
-which induced her
-with the passing of each of
-these fateful days to defy
-coughs, colds and consumption
-and the attacks of germs and
-microbes in a million forms.
-However this may be, we know
-that with no design or intention
-on her part, there came a
-first day of March which passed
-without her earthly notice.</p>
-
-<p>The withdrawal of wholesome
-sentiment and patriotic
-activity from political action on
-the part of those who are indifferent
-to their duty, or foolhardy
-in their optimism, opens
-the way for a ruthless and unrelenting
-enemy of our free institutions.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>
-The abandonment
-of our country’s watch-towers
-by those who should be on
-guard, and the slumber of the
-sentinels who should never
-sleep, directly invite the stealthy
-approach and the pillage and
-loot of the forces of selfishness
-and greed. These baleful
-enemies of patriotic effort will
-lurk everywhere as long as
-human nature remains unregenerate;
-but nowhere in the
-world can they create such
-desolations as in free America,
-and nowhere can they so
-cruelly destroy man’s highest
-and best aspirations for self-government.</p>
-
-<p>It is useless for us to blink<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>
-at the fact that our scheme of
-government is based upon a
-close interdependence of interest
-and purpose among those
-who make up the body of our
-people. Let us be honest with
-ourselves. If our nation was
-built too much upon sentiment,
-and if the rules of patriotism
-and benignity that were followed
-in the construction have
-proved too impractical, let us
-frankly admit it. But if love
-of country, equal opportunity
-and genuine brotherhood in
-citizenship are worth the pains
-and trials that gave them birth,
-and if we still believe them to
-be worth preservation and that
-they have the inherent vigor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>
-and beneficence to make our
-republic lasting and our people
-happy, let us strongly hold
-them in love and devotion.
-Then it shall be given us to
-plainly see that nothing is more
-unfriendly to the motives that
-underlie our national edifice
-than the selfishness and cupidity
-that look upon freedom and
-law and order only as so many
-agencies in aid of their designs.</p>
-
-<p>Our government was made
-by patriotic, unselfish, sober-minded
-men for the control or
-protection of a patriotic, unselfish
-and sober-minded people.
-It is suited to such a people;
-but for those who are
-selfish, corrupt and unpatriotic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>
-it is the worst government on
-earth. It is so constructed that
-it needs for its successful operation
-the constant care and
-guiding hand of the people’s
-abiding faith and love, and not
-only is this unremitting guidance
-necessary to keep our national
-mechanism true to its
-work, but the faith and love
-which prompt it are the best
-safeguards against selfish citizenship.</p>
-
-<p>Give to our people something
-that will concentrate their
-common affection and solicitous
-care, and let them be their
-country’s good; give them a
-purpose that stimulates them
-to unite in lofty endeavor, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>
-let that purpose be a demonstration
-of the sufficiency and
-beneficence of our popular rule,
-and we shall find that in their
-political thought there will be
-no place for the suggestions of
-sordidness and pelf.</p>
-
-<p>Who will say that this is now
-our happy condition? Is not
-our public life saturated with
-the indecent demands of selfishness?
-More than this, can
-any of us doubt the existence
-of still more odious and detestable
-evils which, with
-steady, cankering growth, are
-more directly than all others
-threatening our safety and national
-life? I speak of the corruption
-of our suffrage, open<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span>
-and notorious, of the buying
-and selling of political places
-for money, the purchase of
-political favors and privileges,
-and the traffic in official duty
-for personal gain. These things
-are confessedly common. Every
-intelligent man knows that they
-have grown from small beginnings
-until they have reached
-frightful proportions of malevolence;
-and yet respectable
-citizens by the thousands have
-looked on with perfect calmness,
-and with hypocritical cant
-have declared they are not
-politicians, or with silly pretensions
-of faith in our strength
-and luck have languidly claimed
-that the country was prosperous,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>
-equal to any emergency
-and proof against all dangers.</p>
-
-<p>Resulting from these conditions
-in a manner not difficult
-to trace, wholesome national
-sentiment is threatened with
-utter perversion. All sorts of
-misconceptions pervade the public
-thought, and jealousies,
-rapidly taking on the complexion
-of class hatred, are found
-in every corner of the land. A
-new meaning has been given to
-national prosperity. With a
-hardihood that savors of insolence,
-an old pretext, which
-has preceded the doom of ancient
-experiments in popular
-vote, is daily and hourly dinned
-in our ears. We are told that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span>
-the national splendor we have
-built upon the showy ventures
-of speculative wealth is a badge
-of our success. Unsharing
-contentment is enjoined upon
-the masses of our people, and
-they are invited, in the bare
-subsistence of their scanty
-homes, to patriotically rejoice
-in their country’s prosperity.</p>
-
-<p>This is too unsubstantial an
-enjoyment of benefits to satisfy
-those who have been taught
-American equality, and thus
-has arisen, by a perfectly natural
-process, a dissatisfied insistence
-upon a better distribution
-of the results of our
-vaunted prosperity. We now
-see its worst manifestation in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>
-the apparently incorrigible dislocation
-of the proper relations
-between labor and capital. This
-of itself is sufficiently distressing;
-but thoughtful men are
-not without dread of sadder
-developments yet to come.</p>
-
-<p>There has also grown up
-among our people a disregard
-for the restraints of law and a
-disposition to evade its limitations,
-while querulous strictures
-concerning the actions of our
-courts tend to undermine popular
-faith in the course of
-justice, and, last but by no
-means least, complaints of imaginary
-or exaggerated shortcomings
-in our financial policies
-furnish an excuse for the flippant<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>
-exploitation of all sorts of
-monetary nostrums.</p>
-
-<p>I hasten to give assurance
-that I have not spoken in a
-spirit of gloomy pessimism. I
-have faith that the awakening
-is forthcoming, and on this
-faith I build a cheerful hope
-for the healing of all the
-wounds inflicted in slumber and
-neglect.</p>
-
-<p>It is true that there should
-be an end of self-satisfied
-gratification, or pretense of
-virtue, in the phrase, “I am not
-a politician,” and it is time to
-forbid the prostitution of the
-word to a sinister use. Every
-citizen should be politician
-enough to bring himself within<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span>
-the true meaning of the term,
-as one who concerns himself
-with “the regulation or government
-of a nation or State for
-the preservation of its safety,
-peace and prosperity.” This
-is politics in its best sense, and
-this is good citizenship.</p>
-
-<p>If good men are to interfere
-to make political action what
-it should be, they must not
-suppose they will come upon an
-open field unoccupied by an
-opposing force. On the ground
-they neglected they will find a
-host of those who engage in
-politics for personal ends and
-selfish purposes, and <span class="gesperrt">this</span>
-ground cannot be taken without
-a hand-to-hand conflict.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span>
-The attack must be made under
-the banner of disinterested
-good citizenship, by soldiers
-drilled in lessons of patriotism.
-They must be enlisted for life
-and constantly on duty.</p>
-
-<p>Their creed should bind together
-in generous coöperation
-all who are willing to fight to
-make our government what the
-fathers intended it to be—a
-depository of benefits which,
-in equal current and volume,
-should flow out to all the people.
-This creed should teach
-the wickedness of attempting
-to make free opportunity the
-occasion for seizing especial
-advantages, and should warn
-against the danger of ruthless<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span>
-rapacity. It should deprecate
-ostentation and extravagance in
-the life of our people, and demand
-in the management of
-public affairs simplicity and
-strict economy. It should teach
-toleration in all things save
-dishonesty and infidelity to public
-trusts.</p>
-
-<p>It should insist that our finance
-and currency concern not
-alone the large traders, merchants
-and bankers of our land,
-but that they are intimately and
-every day related to the well-being
-of our people in all conditions
-of life, and that, therefore,
-if any adjustments are
-necessary they should be made
-in such manner as shall certainly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span>
-maintain the soundness
-of our people’s earnings and the
-security of their savings. It
-should enjoin respect for the
-law as the quality that cements
-the fabric of organized society
-and makes possible a government
-by the people. And in
-every sentence and every line
-of this creed of good citizenship
-the lesson should be taught
-that our country is a beautiful
-and productive field to be cultivated
-by loyal Americans,
-who, with weapons near at
-hand, whether they sow and
-reap or whether they rest, will
-always be prepared to resist
-those who attempt to despoil by
-day and pilfer in the night.</p>
-
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span>In the day when all shadows
-shall have passed away and
-when good citizenship shall
-have made sure the safety, permanence
-and happiness of our
-nation, how small will appear
-the strifes of selfishness in our
-civic life, and how petty will
-seem the machinations of degraded
-politics.</p>
-
-<p>There shall be set over
-against them in that time a
-reverent sense of coöperation
-in Heaven’s plans for our people’s
-greatness, and the joyous
-pride of standing among those
-who, in the comradeship of
-American good citizenship,
-have so protected and defended
-our heritage of self-government<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span>
-that our treasures are safe
-in the citadel of patriotism,
-“where neither moth nor rust
-doth corrupt, and where thieves
-do not break through nor steal.”</p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span>
-
-<p class="ph2">PATRIOTISM<br />
-AND HOLIDAY<br />
-OBSERVANCE</p>
-
-
-<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/i009.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span></p>
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span>
-
-<h2 class="nobreak" id="PATRIOTISM_AND">PATRIOTISM AND<br />
-HOLIDAY OBSERVANCE</h2>
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="drop-cap">THE American people are
-but little given to the
-observance of public
-holidays. This statement cannot
-be disposed of by the
-allegation that our national
-history is too brief to allow the
-accumulation of days deserving
-civic commemoration. Though
-it is true that our life as a people,
-according to the standard
-measuring the existence of nations,
-has been a short one, it
-has been filled with glorious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span>
-achievements; and, though it
-must be conceded that it is not
-given to us to see in the magnifying
-mirage of antiquity the
-exaggerated forms of American
-heroes, yet in the bright and
-normal light shed upon our beginning
-and growth are seen
-grand and heroic men who have
-won imperishable honor and
-deserve our everlasting remembrance.
-We cannot, therefore,
-excuse a lack of commemorative
-inclination and a languid interest
-in recalling the notable incidents
-of our country’s past
-under the plea of a lack of
-commemorative material; nor
-can we in this way explain our
-neglect adequately to observe<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span>
-days which have actually been
-set apart for the especial manifestation
-of our loving appreciation
-of the lives and the
-deeds of Americans who, in
-crises of our birth and development,
-have sublimely wrought
-and nobly endured.</p>
-
-<p>If we are inclined to look for
-other excuses, one may occur
-to us which, though by no
-means satisfying, may appear
-to gain a somewhat fanciful
-plausibility by reason of its
-reference to the law of heredity.
-It rests upon the theory that
-those who secured for American
-nationality its first foothold,
-and watched over its weak
-infancy were so engrossed with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span>
-the persistent and unescapable
-labors that pressed upon them,
-and that their hopes and aspirations
-led them so constantly to
-thoughts of the future, that retrospection
-nearly became with
-them an extinct faculty, and
-that thus it may have happened
-that exclusive absorption in
-things pertaining to the present
-and future became so embedded
-in their natures as to constitute
-a trait of character descendible
-to their posterity, even to the
-present generation. The toleration
-of this theory leads to the
-suggestion that an inheritance
-of disposition has made it difficult
-for the generation of to-day
-to resist the temptation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>
-inordinately to strive for immediate
-material advantages,
-to the exclusion of the wholesome
-sentiment that recalls the
-high achievements and noble
-lives which have illumined our
-national career. Some support
-is given to this suggestion by
-the concession, which we cannot
-escape, that there is abroad
-in our land an inclination to
-use to the point of abuse the
-opportunities of personal betterment,
-given under a scheme
-of rule which permits the greatest
-individual liberty, and interposes
-the least hindrance to
-individual acquisition; and
-that in the pursuit of this
-we are apt to carry in our<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span>
-minds, if not upon our lips,
-the legend:</p>
-
-<p>“Things done are won; joy’s
-soul lies in the doing.”</p>
-
-<p>But the question is whether
-all this accounts for our indifference
-to the proper observance
-of public holidays which
-deserve observance.</p>
-
-<p>There is another reason
-which might be advanced in
-mitigation of our lack of commemorative
-enthusiasm, which
-is so related to our pride of
-Americanism that, if we could
-be certain of its sufficiency, we
-would gladly accept it as conclusive.
-It has to do with the
-underlying qualities and motives
-of our free institutions.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span>
-Those institutions had their
-birth and nurture in unselfish
-patriotism and unreserved consecration;
-and, by a decree of
-fate beyond recall or change,
-their perpetuity and beneficence
-are conditioned on the constant
-devotion and single-hearted
-loyalty of those to whom their
-blessings are vouchsafed. It
-would be a joy if we could
-know that all the bright incidents
-in our history were so
-much in the expected order of
-events, and that patriotism and
-loving service are so familiar
-in our present surroundings,
-and so clear in their manifestation,
-as to dull the edge of their
-especial commendation. If the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span>
-utmost of patriotism and unselfish
-devotion in the promotion
-of our national interests
-have always been and still remain
-universal, there would
-hardly be need of their commemoration.</p>
-
-<p>But, after all, why should we
-attempt to delude ourselves?
-I am confident that I voice your
-convictions when I say that no
-play of ingenuity and no
-amount of special pleading
-can frame an absolutely creditable
-excuse for our remissness
-in appropriate holiday
-observance.</p>
-
-<p>You will notice that I use
-the words “holiday observance.”
-I have not in mind<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span>
-merely the selection or appointment
-of days which have been
-thought worthy of celebration.
-Such an appointment or selection
-is easy, and very frequently
-it is the outcome of a
-perfunctory concession to apparent
-propriety, or of a transient
-movement of affectionate
-sentiment. But I speak of the
-observance of holidays, and
-such holidays as not only have
-a substantial right to exist, but
-which ought to have a lasting
-hold upon the sentiment of our
-people—days which, as often
-as they recur, should stimulate
-in the hearts of our countrymen
-a grateful recognition of
-what God has done for mankind,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span>
-and especially for the
-American nation; days which
-stir our consciences and sensibilities
-with promptings to unselfish
-and unadulterated love
-of country; days which warm
-and invigorate our devotion to
-the supreme ideals which gave
-life to our institutions and their
-only protection against death
-and decay. I speak of holidays
-which demand observance by
-our people in spirit and in
-truth.</p>
-
-<p>The commemoration of the
-day on which American independence
-was born has been
-allowed to lose much of its significance
-as a reminder of
-Providential favor and of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>
-inflexible patriotism of the
-fathers of the republic, and has
-nearly degenerated into a revel
-of senseless noise and aimless
-explosion, leaving in its train
-far more of mishap and accident
-than lessons of good citizenship
-or pride of country.
-The observance of Thanksgiving
-Day is kept alive through
-its annual designation by Federal
-and State authority. But
-it is worth our while to inquire
-whether its original meaning,
-as a day of united praise and
-gratitude to God for the blessings
-bestowed upon us as a
-people and as individuals, is not
-smothered in feasting and
-social indulgence. We, in common<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span>
-with Christian nations
-everywhere, celebrate Christmas,
-but how much less as a
-day commemorating the birth
-of the Redeemer of mankind
-than as a day of hilarity and
-the interchange of gifts.</p>
-
-<p>I will not, without decided
-protest, be accused of antagonizing
-or deprecating light-hearted
-mirth and jollity. On
-the contrary, I am an earnest
-advocate of every kind of sane,
-decent, social enjoyment, and
-all sorts of recreation. But,
-nevertheless, I feel that the allowance
-of an incongruous
-possession by them of our commemorative
-days is evidence of
-a certain condition, and is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span>
-symptomatic of a popular tendency,
-which are by no means
-reassuring.</p>
-
-<p>On the days these words are
-written, a prominent and
-widely read newspaper contains
-a communication in regard to
-the observance of the birthday
-of the late President McKinley.
-Its tone plainly indicates that
-the patriotic society which has
-for its primary purpose the
-promotion of this particular
-commemoration recognizes the
-need of a revival of interest in
-the observance of all other memorial
-days, and it announces
-that “its broader object is to
-instil into the hearts and minds
-of the people a desire for real,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span>
-patriotic observance of all of
-our national days.”</p>
-
-<p>Beyond all doubt, the commemorations
-of the birth of
-American heroes and statesmen
-who have rendered redemptive
-service to their country in
-emergencies of peace and war
-should be rescued from entire
-neglect and from fitful and dislocated
-remembrance. And,
-while it would be more gratifying
-to be assured that throughout
-our country there was such
-a spontaneous appreciation of
-this need, that in no part of our
-domain would there be a necessity
-of urging such commemorations
-by self-constituted organizations,
-yet it is comforting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span>
-to know that, in the midst of
-prevailing apathy, there are
-those among us who have determined
-that the memory of
-the events and lives we should
-commemorate shall not be
-smothered in the dust and
-<span class="gesperrt">smoke</span> of sordidness, nor
-crushed out by ruthless materialism.</p>
-
-<p>On this day the Union
-League Club of Chicago should
-especially rejoice in the consciousness
-of patriotic accomplishment;
-and on this day, of
-all others, every one of its members
-should regard his membership
-as a badge of honor.
-Whatever else the organization
-may have done, it has justified<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span>
-its existence, and earned the
-applause of those whose love of
-country is still unclouded, by
-the work it has done for the
-deliverance of Washington’s
-birthday from neglect or indolent
-remembrance. I deem
-it a great privilege to be allowed
-to participate with the
-League in a commemoration so
-exactly designed, not only to
-remind those of mature years
-of the duty exacted by their
-heirship in American free institutions,
-but to teach children
-the inestimable value of those
-institutions, to inspire them to
-emulation of the virtues in
-which our nation had its birth,
-and to lead them to know the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span>
-nobility of patriotic citizenship.
-The palpable and immediate
-good growing out of the commemorations
-which for twenty
-years have occurred under the
-auspices of the League are less
-impressive than the assurance
-that, in generations yet to
-come, the seed thus sown in
-the hearts of children and
-youth will bear the fruit of disinterested
-love of country and
-saving steadfastness to our national
-mission.</p>
-
-<p>In furtherance of the high
-endeavor of your organization,
-it would have been impossible
-to select for observance any
-other civic holiday having as
-broad and fitting a significance<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span>
-as this. It memorizes the birth
-of one whose glorious deeds
-are transcendently above all
-others recorded in our national
-annals; and, in memorizing the
-birth of Washington, it commemorates
-the incarnation of
-all the virtues and all the ideals
-that made our nationality possible,
-and gave it promise of
-growth and strength. It is a
-holiday that belongs exclusively
-to the American people. All
-that Washington did was bound
-up in our national life, and became
-interwoven with the warp
-of our national destiny. The
-battles he fought were fought
-for American liberty, and the
-victories he won gave us<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span>
-national independence. His example
-of unselfish consecration
-and lofty patriotism made manifest,
-as in an open book, that
-those virtues were conditions
-not more vital to our nation’s
-beginning than to its development
-and durability. His faith
-in God, and the fortitude of his
-faith, taught those for whom
-he wrought that the surest
-strength of nations comes from
-the support of God’s almighty
-arm. His universal and unaffected
-sympathy with those
-in every sphere of American
-life, his thorough knowledge of
-existing American conditions,
-and his wonderful foresight of
-conditions yet to be, coupled<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span>
-with his powerful influence in
-the councils of those who were
-to make or mar the fate of an
-infant nation, made him a tremendous
-factor in the construction
-and adoption of the constitutional
-chart by which the
-course of the newly launched
-republic could be safely sailed.
-And it was he who first took
-the helm, and demonstrated,
-for the guidance of all who
-might succeed him, how and in
-what spirit and intent the responsibilities
-of our chief magistracy
-should be discharged.</p>
-
-<p>If your observance of this
-day were intended to make
-more secure the immortal fame
-of Washington, or to add to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span>
-the strength and beauty of his
-imperishable monument built
-upon a nation’s affectionate remembrance,
-<span class="gesperrt">your</span> purpose
-would be useless. Washington
-has no need of you. But
-in every moment, from the time
-he drew his sword in the cause
-of American independence to
-this hour, living or dead, the
-American people have needed
-him. It is not important now,
-nor will it be in all the coming
-years, to remind our countrymen
-that Washington has lived,
-and that his achievements in
-his country’s service are above
-all praise. But it is important—and
-more important now
-than ever before—that they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span>
-should clearly apprehend and
-adequately value the virtues
-and ideals of which he was the
-embodiment, and that they
-should realize how essential
-to our safety and perpetuity are
-the consecration and patriotism
-which he exemplified. The
-American people need to-day
-the example and teachings of
-Washington no less than those
-who fashioned our <span class="gesperrt">nation</span>
-needed his labors and guidance;
-and only so far as we commemorate
-his birth with a
-sincere recognition of this need
-can our commemoration be useful
-to the present generation.</p>
-
-<p>It is, therefore, above all
-things, absolutely essential to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span>
-an appropriately commemorative
-condition of mind that
-there should be no toleration
-of even the shade of a thought
-that what Washington did and
-said and wrote, in aid of the
-young American republic have
-become in the least outworn, or
-that in these later days of material
-advance and development
-they may be merely pleasantly
-recalled with a sort of affectionate
-veneration, and with a kind
-of indulgent and loftily courteous
-concession of the value
-of Washington’s example and
-precepts. These constitute the
-richest of all our crown jewels;
-and, if we disregard them or depreciate
-their value, we shall be<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span>
-no better than “the base Indian
-who threw a pearl away richer
-than all his tribe.”</p>
-
-<p>They are full of stimulation
-to do grand and noble things,
-and full of lessons enjoining
-loyal adherence to public duty.
-But they teach nothing more
-impressive and nothing more
-needful by way of recalling our
-countrymen to a faith which
-has become somewhat faint and
-obscured than the necessity to
-national beneficence and the
-<span class="gesperrt">people’s</span> happiness of the
-homely, simple, personal virtues
-that grow and thrive in
-the hearts of men who, with
-high intent, illustrate the goodness
-there is in human nature.</p>
-
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span>Three months before his inauguration
-as first President of
-the republic which he had done
-so much to create, Washington
-wrote a letter to Lafayette, his
-warm friend and Revolutionary
-ally, in which he expressed his
-unremitting desire to establish
-a general system of policy
-which, if pursued, would “ensure
-permanent felicity to the
-commonwealth;” and he added
-these words:</p>
-
-<p>“I think I see a path as clear
-and as direct as a ray of light,
-which leads to the attainment
-of that object. Nothing but
-harmony, honesty, industry and
-frugality is necessary to make
-us a great and happy people<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span>
-Happily, the present posture of
-affairs, and the prevailing disposition
-of my countrymen
-promise to coöperate in establishing
-those four great and
-essential pillars of public felicity.”</p>
-
-<p>It is impossible for us to be
-in accord with the spirit which
-should pervade this occasion if
-we fail to realize the momentous
-import of this declaration,
-and if we doubt its conclusiveness
-or its application to any
-stage of our national life, we
-are not in sympathy with a
-proper and improving observance
-of the birthday of George
-Washington.</p>
-
-<p>Such considerations as these<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span>
-suggest the thought that this is
-a time for honest self-examination.
-The question presses upon
-us with a demand for reply that
-will not be denied:</p>
-
-<p>Who among us all, if our
-hearts are purged of misleading
-impulses and our minds
-freed from perverting pride,
-can be sure that to-day the
-posture of affairs and the prevailing
-disposition of our countrymen
-coöperate in the establishment
-and promotion of
-harmony, honesty, industry and
-frugality?</p>
-
-<p>When Washington wrote
-that nothing but these was
-necessary to make us a great
-and happy people, he had in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span>
-mind the harmony of American
-brotherhood and unenvious
-good-will, the honesty that insures
-against the betrayal of
-public trust and hates devious
-ways and conscienceless practices,
-the industry that recognizes
-in faithful work and
-intelligent endeavor abundant
-promise of well-earned competence
-and provident accumulation,
-and the frugality which
-outlaws waste and extravagant
-display as plunderers of thrift
-and promoters of covetous discontent.</p>
-
-<p>The self-examination invited
-by this day’s commemoration
-will be incomplete and superficial
-if we are not thereby<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span>
-forced to the confession that
-there are signs of the times
-which indicate a weakness and
-relaxation of our hold upon
-these saving virtues. When
-thus forewarned, it is the
-height of recreancy for us obstinately
-to close our eyes to
-the needs of the situation, and
-refuse admission to the thought
-that evil can overtake us. If
-we are to deserve security, and
-make good our claim to sensible,
-patriotic Americanism, we
-will carefully and dutifully take
-our bearings, and discover, if
-we can, how far wind and tide
-have carried us away from safe
-waters.</p>
-
-<p>If we find that the wickedness<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span>
-of destructive agitators
-and the selfish depravity of
-demagogues have stirred up
-discontent and strife where
-there should be peace and harmony,
-and have arrayed against
-each other interests which
-should dwell together in hearty
-coöperation; if we find that
-the old standards of sturdy, uncompromising
-American honesty
-have become so corroded
-and weakened by a sordid
-atmosphere that our people are
-hardly startled by crime in high
-places and shameful betrayals
-of trust everywhere; if we find
-a sadly prevalent disposition
-among us to turn from the
-highway of honorable industry<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span>
-into shorter crossroads leading
-to irresponsible and worthless
-ease; if we find that widespread
-wastefulness and extravagance
-have discredited the
-wholesome frugality which was
-once the pride of Americanism
-we should recall Washington’s
-admonition that harmony, industry
-and frugality are “essential
-pillars of public felicity,”
-and forthwith endeavor to
-change our course.</p>
-
-<p>To neglect this is not only
-to neglect the admonition of
-Washington, but to miss or
-neglect the conditions which
-our self-examination has made
-plain to us. These conditions
-demand something more from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span>
-us than warmth and zest in the
-tribute we pay to Washington,
-and something more even than
-acceptance of his teachings,
-however reverent our acceptance
-may be.</p>
-
-<p>The sooner we reach a state
-of mind which keeps constantly
-before us, as a living, active,
-impelling force, the truth that
-our people, good or bad, harmonious
-or with <span class="gesperrt">daggers</span>
-drawn, honest or unscrupulous,
-industrious or idle, constitute
-the source of our nation’s temperament
-and health, and that
-the traits and faults of our people
-must necessarily give quality
-and color to our national
-behavior, the sooner we shall<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span>
-appreciate the importance of
-protecting this source from unwholesome
-contamination. And
-the sooner all of us honestly
-acknowledge this to be an individual
-duty that cannot be
-shifted or evaded, and the more
-thoroughly we purge ourselves
-from influences that hinder its
-conscientious performance, the
-sooner will our country be
-regenerated and made secure
-by the saving power of good
-citizenship.</p>
-
-<p>It is our habit to affiliate
-with political parties. Happily,
-the strength and solidity of our
-institutions can safely withstand
-the utmost freedom and
-activity of political discussion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span>
-so far as it involves the adoption
-of governmental policies
-or the enforcement of good
-administration. But they cannot
-withstand the frenzy of
-hate which seeks, under the
-guise of political earnestness,
-to blot out American brotherhood,
-and cunningly to persuade
-our people that a crusade
-of envy and malice is no more
-than a zealous insistence upon
-their manhood rights.</p>
-
-<p>Political parties are exceedingly
-human; and they more
-easily fall before temptation
-than individuals, by so much as
-partisan success is the law of
-their life, and because their responsibility
-is impersonal. It<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span>
-is easily recalled that political
-organizations have been quite
-willing to utilize gusts of popular
-prejudice and resentment;
-and I believe they have been
-known, as a matter of shrewd
-management, to encourage
-voters to hope for some measure
-of relief from economic
-abuses, and yet to “stand pat”
-on the day appointed for realization.</p>
-
-<p>We have fallen upon a time
-when it behooves <span class="gesperrt">every</span>
-thoughtful citizen, whose political
-beliefs are based on reason
-and who cares enough for his
-manliness and duty to save
-them from barter, to realize
-that the organization of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span>
-party of his choice needs watching,
-and that at times it is not
-amiss critically to observe its
-direction and tendency. This
-certainly ought to result in our
-country’s gain; and it is only
-partisan impudence that condemns
-a member of a political
-party who, on proper occasion,
-submits its conduct and the
-loyalty to principle of its leaders
-to a Court of Review, over
-which his conscience, his reason
-and his political understanding
-preside.</p>
-
-<p>I protest that I have not
-spoken in a spirit of pessimism.
-I have and enjoy my full share
-of the pride and exultation
-which our country’s material<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span>
-advancement so fully justifies.
-Its limitless resources, its astonishing
-growth, its unapproachable
-industrial development
-and its irrepressible
-inventive genius have made it
-the wonder of the centuries.
-Nevertheless, these things do
-not complete the story of a
-people truly great. Our country
-is infinitely more than a
-domain affording to those who
-dwell upon it immense material
-advantages and opportunities.
-In such a country we
-live. But I love to think of a
-glorious nation built upon the
-will of free men, set apart for
-the propagation and cultivation
-of humanity’s best ideal of a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span>
-free government, and made
-ready for the growth and fruitage
-of the highest aspirations
-of patriotism. This is the
-country that lives in us. I indulge
-in no mere figure of
-speech when I say that our nation,
-the immortal spirit of our
-domain, lives in us—in our
-hearts and minds and consciences.
-There it must find its
-nutriment or die. This thought
-more than any other presents
-to our minds the impressiveness
-and responsibility of
-American citizenship. The land
-we live in seems to be strong
-and active. But how fares the
-land that lives in us? Are we
-sure that we are doing all we<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span>
-ought to keep it in vigor and
-health? Are we keeping its
-roots well surrounded by the
-fertile soil of loving allegiance,
-and are we furnishing them the
-invigorating moisture of unselfish
-fidelity? Are we as diligent
-as we ought to be to protect
-this precious <span class="gesperrt">growth</span>
-against the poison that must
-arise from the decay of harmony
-and honesty and industry
-and frugality; and are we
-sufficiently watchful against the
-deadly, burrowing pests of consuming
-greed and cankerous
-cupidity? Our answers to
-these questions make up the
-account of our stewardship as
-keepers of a sacred trust.</p>
-
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span>The land we live in is safe
-as long as we are dutifully careful
-of the land that lives in us.
-But good intentions and fine
-sentiments will not meet the
-emergency. If we would bestow
-upon the land that lives
-in us the care it needs, it is
-indispensable that we should
-recognize the weakness of our
-human nature, and our susceptibility
-to temptations and
-influences that interfere with a
-full conception of our obligations;
-and thereupon we should
-see to it that cupidity and selfishness
-do not blind our consciences
-or dull our efforts.</p>
-
-<p>From different points of
-view I have invited you to consider<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span>
-with me what obligations
-and responsibilities rest upon
-those who in this country of
-ours are entitled to be called
-good citizens. The things I
-pointed out may be trite. I
-know I have spoken in the way
-of exhortation rather than with
-an attempt to say something
-new and striking. Perhaps you
-have suspected, what I am quite
-willing to confess, that, behind
-all that I have said, there is in
-my mind a sober conviction that
-we all can and ought to do more
-for the country that lives in us
-than it has been our habit to
-do; and that no better means
-to this end are at hand than a
-revival of pure patriotic affection<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span>
-for our country for its own
-sake, and the acceptance, as
-permanent occupants in our
-hearts and minds, of the virtues
-which Washington regarded
-as all that was necessary
-to make us a great and happy
-people, and which he declared
-to be “the great and essential
-pillars of public felicity”—harmony,
-honesty, industry and
-frugality.</p>
-
-
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