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If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The archæology of the cuneiform inscriptions - -Author: Archibald Henry Sayce - -Release Date: March 31, 2022 [eBook #67742] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Wouter Franssen, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ARCHÆOLOGY OF THE -CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS *** - - - [Illustration: REVERSE OF A TABLET IN THE HITTITE LANGUAGE FROM - BOGHAZ KEUI. - - _Frontispiece._ [_See Preface, p._ vi.] - - - - - The Archæology of the - Cuneiform Inscriptions - - - BY THE - - REV. A. H. SAYCE - - PROFESSOR OF ASSYRIOLOGY, OXFORD - - - PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE GENERAL - LITERATURE COMMITTEE - - - _SECOND EDITION--REVISED_ - - - LONDON - SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE - NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C.; 43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C. - BRIGHTON: 129, NORTH STREET - NEW YORK: E. S. GORHAM - - 1908 - - - - - RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, - BREAD STREET HILL, E.C., AND - BUNGAY, SUFFOLK. - - - - - CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - - PREFACE v - - I. THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS 7 - - II. THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL MATERIALS; THE EXCAVATIONS AT SUSA - AND THE ORIGIN OF BRONZE 36 - - III. THE SUMERIANS 67 - - IV. THE RELATION OF BABYLONIAN TO EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION 101 - - V. BABYLONIA AND PALESTINE 135 - - VI. ASIA MINOR 160 - - VII. CANAAN IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE EXODUS 187 - - INDEX 215 - - - - - LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - - - _Facing page_ - - REVERSE OF A TABLET IN THE HITTITE LANGUAGE FROM - BOGHAZ KEUI (_Frontispiece_) - - MAP--THE EASTERN WORLD IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B.C. 7 - - THE TOMB OF DARIUS 16 - - BLACK OBELISK OF SHAL-MANESER II 21 - - CHALDÆAN HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS IN TERRA-COTTA 21 - - THE TELL OF JERABIS (PROBABLY THE ANCIENT CARCHEMISH) 40 - - THE TUMULUS OF SUSA, AS IT APPEARED TOWARDS THE MIDDLE OF - LAST CENTURY 46 - - HEAD OF ONE OF THE STATUES FROM TELLO 58 - - VASE OF SILVER, DEDICATED TO NINGIRSU BY ENTENA PATESI OF - LAGAS 58 - - THE TELL OF BORSIPPA, THE PRESENT BIRS-NIMRUD 78 - - THE SEAL OF SHARGANI-SHAR-ALI (SARGON OF AKKAD): GILGAMES - WATERS THE CELESTIAL OX 88 - - BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN 88 - - SITTING STATUE OF GUDEA 122 - - MAP--THE FIRST ASSYRIAN EMPIRE 135 - - VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF UR IN ITS PRESENT STATE, ACCORDING - TO LOFTUS 141 - - THE GARDENS AND HILL OF DHUSPAS OR VAN 163 - - THE RUINS OF A PALACE OF URARTU AT TOPRAK-KALEH 166 - - THE RUINS AT BOGHAZ KEUI 174 - - ONE OF THE PROCESSIONS IN THE RAVINE OF BOGHAZ 176 - - - - - PREFACE - - -The first six chapters which follow, embody the Rhind Lectures in -Archæology which I delivered at Edinburgh in October 1906. The seventh -chapter appeared as an article in the _Contemporary Review_ for -August 1905, and is here reprinted by the courtesy of the Editor to -whom I render my thanks. The book is the first attempt to deal with -what I would call the archæology of cuneiform decipherment, and like -all pioneering work consequently claims the indulgence of the reader. -For the sake of clearness I have been forced to repeat myself in a -few instances, more especially in the sixth chapter, but what has -thereby been lost in literary finish will, I hope, be compensated by an -increase of clearness in the argument. - -If what I have written serves no other purpose, I shall be content -if it draws attention to the miserably defective state of our -archæological knowledge of Babylonia and Assyria, and to the necessity -of scientific excavations being carried on there similar to those -inaugurated by Mr. Rhind in Egypt. We have abundance of epigraphic -material; it is the more purely archæological material that is still -wanting. - -The need of it is every year becoming more urgent with the ever-growing -revelation of the important and far-reaching part played by Babylonian -culture in the ancient East. Excavation is just commencing in Asia -Minor, and there are many indications that it has startling discoveries -and surprises in store for us. Even while my manuscript was in the -printer’s hands, Professor Winckler has been examining the cuneiform -tablets found by him last spring at Boghaz Keui, on the site of the -old Hittite capital in Cappadocia, and reading in them the records of -the Hittite kings, Khattu-sil, Sapaluliuma, Mur-sila and Muttallu. -Most of the tablets, though written in cuneiform characters, are in -the native language of the country, but among them is a version in -the Babylonian language of the treaty between the “great king of the -Hittites” and Riya-masesa Mai or Ramses II., the Egyptian copy of which -has long been known to us. The two Arzawan letters in the Tel el-Amarna -collection no longer stand alone; the Boghaz Keui tablets show that -an active correspondence was carried on between Egypt and Cappadocia. -We must revise our old ideas about an absence of intercourse between -different parts of the ancient Oriental world: there was quite as much -intercommunication as there is to-day. Elam and Babylonia, Assyria -and Asia Minor, Palestine and Egypt, all were linked together by the -ties of a common culture; there were no exclusive religions to raise -barriers between nation and nation, and the pottery of the Hittites -was not only carried to the south of Canaan, but the civilization of -Babylonia made its way through Hittite lands to the shores and islands -of Greece. On the south, the Ægean became a highway from Asia Minor to -Europe, while northward the Troad formed a bridge which carried the -culture of Cappadocia to the Balkans and the Danube. - - A. H. SAYCE. - _November_ 1906. - - [Illustration: THE EASTERN WORLD IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B.C.] - - - - - THE ARCHÆOLOGY OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS - - - - - CHAPTER I - - THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS - - -The decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions was the archæological -romance of the nineteenth century. There was no Rosetta stone to -offer a clue to their meaning; the very names of the Assyrian kings -and of the gods they worshipped had been lost and forgotten; and the -characters themselves were but conventional groups of wedges, not -pictures of objects and ideas like the hieroglyphs of Egypt. The -decipherment started with the guess of a classical scholar who knew no -Oriental languages and had never travelled in the East. And yet it is -upon this guess that the vast superstructure of cuneiform decipherment -has been slowly reared, with its ever-increasing mass of literature -in numerous languages, the very existence of some of which had been -previously unknown, and with its revelation of a civilized world that -had faded out of sight before Greek history began. The ancient East -has risen, as it were, from the dead, with its politics and its wars, -its law and its trade, its art, its industries and its science. And -this revelation of a new world, this resurrection of a dead past, -has started from a successful guess. But the guess had been made in -accordance with scientific method and had scientific reasons behind it, -and it has proved to be the fruitful seed of an overspreading tree. - -Seventy years ago a single small case was sufficient to hold all the -Assyrian and Babylonian antiquities possessed by the British Museum. -They had been collected by Rich, to whom we owe the first accurate -plans of the sites of Babylon and Nineveh. But the cuneiform characters -found on the seals and clay cylinders of Babylonia were not the only -characters of the kind that were known. Similar characters had been -noticed by travellers on the walls of the ruined palaces of Persepolis -in Persia. As far back as 1621 the Italian traveller Pietro della -Valle had copied two or three of these, which he reproduced in the -account of his travels some thirty years later. One of the first acts -of the newly-founded Royal Society of Great Britain was to ask in their -_Philosophical Transactions_ (p. 420) whether some draughtsman -could not be found to copy the bas-reliefs and inscriptions which -had thus been observed at Persepolis, though the only result of the -inquiry was that a few years afterwards (in June 1693) two lines of -cuneiform were published in the _Transactions_ from the papers of -a Mr. Samuel Flower, who had been the agent of the East India Company -in Persia. The editor of the _Transactions_ correctly concluded -that the inscriptions were to be read from left to right. The cuneiform -characters which were printed in the _Transactions_ were, however, -not the first specimens of cuneiform script that had been published in -England. Thomas Herbert, in the fourth edition of his Travels, which -appeared in 1677, had already given three lines of characters taken -indifferently from the three classes of inscriptions engraved on the -Persian monuments; these were afterwards annexed by an Italian named -Careri, who published them as his own. But the earliest inscription to -be reproduced in full was a short one inscribed by Darius I. over the -windows of his palace, which had been copied by Sir John Chardin during -one of his two visits to Persepolis (in 1665 and 1673). Chardin was -the son of a Huguenot jeweller in Paris, and after returning from his -travels settled in London, where he became a great favourite of Charles -II., and was made a Fellow of the Royal Society. The inscription he had -copied, however, was not printed in the earlier edition of his Travels, -and had to wait until 1735 before it saw the light.[1] - -The existence of the cuneiform script thus became known in Europe, -and that was all. It was not until Carsten Niebuhr, the father of the -better-known historian, had been sent by the Danish Government on -an exploring mission to the East that fairly complete and accurate -copies of the inscriptions of Persepolis were at last put into the -hands of European scholars. Niebuhr, who sacrificed his sight to the -work, returned to Denmark in 1767, and seven years later the first -of the three volumes in which the scientific results of his travels -were embodied was published at Copenhagen. With the publication of the -second volume, which contained his description of the Persepolitan -monuments, the attempt to decipher the cuneiform characters began. He -himself had noticed that in the first of the three classes or systems -of cuneiform writing of which every inscription consisted, only -forty-two characters were employed, and he therefore concluded that the -system was alphabetic. Another Dane, Bishop Münter, discovered that the -words in it were divided from one another by an oblique wedge,[2] and -further showed that the monuments must belong to the age of Cyrus and -his successors.[3] One word, which occurs without any variation towards -the beginning of each inscription, he correctly inferred to signify -“king”; but beyond this he was unable to advance. - -Meanwhile, Anquetil-Duperron, with self-sacrificing enthusiasm, had -rediscovered the Zend of the later Zoroastrian faith, and de Sacy, with -the help of it, had deciphered the Pehlevi inscriptions of the Sassanid -kings. It was only the older Persian of the Achæmenian cuneiform -inscriptions that still awaited interpretation; and a bridge had been -built between it and modern Persian by means of the Zendic texts. In -1802 the guess was made which opened the way to the decipherment of the -mysterious wedge-shaped signs. The inspired genius was Grotefend, an -accomplished Latinist and a school-master at Frankfort-on-the-Main. -He knew no Oriental languages, but his mother-wit and common-sense -more than made up for the deficiency. It was clear to him that the -three systems of cuneiform represented three different languages, -the Persian kings being like a Turkish pasha of to-day, who, when he -wishes an edict to be understood, writes it in Turkish and Arabic. It -was also clear to him that the first system must be the script of the -Persian kings themselves, of which the other two were translations. The -preparatory work for reading this had already been done by Münter; what -Grotefend now had to do was to identify and read the names to which the -word for “king” was attached. - -On comparing the inscriptions together he found that while the word -for “king” remained unchanged, the word which accompanied it at the -beginning of an inscription varied on different monuments. There were, -in fact, two wholly different words, one of which was peculiar to one -set of monuments, the other to another set. But he also found that the -first of these words followed the other on the second set of monuments, -though with a different termination from that which belonged to it when -it took the place of the first word. Hence he conjectured that the two -words represented the names of two Persian kings, one of whom was the -son of the other, the termination of the second name when it followed -the first being that of the genitive. It was now necessary to discover -who the kings were whose names had thus been found. Fortunately the -Achæmenian dynasty was not a long one, and the number of royal names -in it was not large. And of these names, Cyrus was too short and -Artaxerxes too long for either of the two names which Grotefend had -detected. There only remained Darius and Xerxes, and as Xerxes was the -son of Darius, the name which characterized the first set of monuments -must be Darius. - -Grotefend’s next task was to ascertain the old Persian pronunciation of -the name of Darius. This had been given by Strabo, while the Persian -pronunciation of Xerxes was indicated in the Old Testament. With this -assistance Grotefend was able to assign alphabetic values to the -cuneiform characters which composed the two names, and a corner of the -veil which had so long covered the cuneiform records was lifted at -last. A comparison of the names which he had thus read gave the needful -verification of the correctness of his method. In the names of Darius -and Xerxes the same letters occur, but in different places; _a_ and _r_ -in _Darius_ occupy the second and third places, in _Xerxes_ the fourth -and fifth, while _sh_, which is the last letter in _Darius_, would -be the second and sixth in _Xerxes_. And such was actually the case. -Grotefend was therefore justified in concluding that his guesses were -correct, and that the right values had been assigned to the cuneiform -characters. A beginning had been made in cuneiform decipherment, and in -this instance the beginning was half the whole. - -Grotefend’s Memoir was presented to the Göttingen Academy on September -4, 1802. By a curious accident it was at the same meeting that Heyne -described the first attempts that had been made towards deciphering -the Egyptian hieroglyphs. But the learned world looked askance at the -discoveries of the young Latinist. The science of archæology was still -unborn, and Oriental philologists were unable even to understand the -inductive method of the decipherer. The Academy of Göttingen refused to -print his communications, and it was not until 1815 that they appeared -in the first volume of the History of his friend Heeren, who, being -untrammelled by the prejudices of Oriental learning, had been one of -the earliest to accept his conclusions.[4] For a whole generation the -work of decipherment was allowed to sleep. - -It is unfortunately true that after his initial success Grotefend’s -ignorance of Oriental languages really did stand in his way. He -assumed that the language of the inscriptions and that of the -_Zend-Avesta_ were one and the same, and accordingly went to the -newly-found Zend dictionary for the readings of the cuneiform names -and words. Vishtaspa, the name of the father of Darius, was thus -read Goshtasp, the word for “king” became _khsheh_ instead of -_khshayathiya_, and that which Grotefend had correctly divined -to signify “great,” _eghre_ instead of _vazraka_. It is not -wonderful, therefore, that he was never able to follow up the beginning -he had made. - -To do this was reserved for the Zendic scholars of a later generation. -Rask the Dane in 1826 determined the true form of the genitive plural, -and thereby identified the character for _m_ which gave him the -names of the supreme god Auramazda and of Achæmenes the forefather of -Cyrus.[5] But the great step forward was made by the eminent French -scholar, Emile Burnouf, in 1836.[6] The first of the inscriptions -published by Niebuhr he discovered to contain a list of the satrapies -of Darius. With this clue in his hand the reading of the names and the -subsequent identification of the letters which composed them could -be a question only of patience and time. For this Burnouf was well -equipped by his philological knowledge and training, and the result -was an alphabet of thirty letters, the greater part of which had been -correctly deciphered. - -Burnouf’s Memoir on the subject was published in June 1836. In the -preceding month his friend and pupil, Professor Lassen of Bonn, had -also published a work on “The Old Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions of -Persepolis.”[7] He and Burnouf had been in frequent correspondence, and -his claim to have independently detected the names of the satrapies, -and thereby to have fixed the values of the Persian characters, was -in consequence fiercely attacked. To the attacks made upon him, -however, Lassen never vouchsafed a reply. Whatever his obligations to -Burnouf may have been, his own contributions to the decipherment of -the inscriptions were numerous and important. He succeeded in fixing -the true values of nearly all the letters in the Persian alphabet, in -translating the texts, and in proving that the language of them was not -Zend, but stood to both Zend and Sanskrit in the relation of a sister. - -Meanwhile another scholar, armed with fresh and important material, -had entered the field. A young English officer in the East India -Company’s service, Major Rawlinson by name, was attached to the -British Mission in Persia. A happy inspiration led him to attempt the -decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions. It was in 1835, when he -was twenty-five years old, that he first began his work. All that he -knew was that Grotefend had discovered in the texts of Persepolis the -names of Darius, of Xerxes and of Hystaspes, but cut off as he was in -his official position at Kirmanshah on the western frontier of Persia -from European libraries, he was unable to procure either the Memoir of -the German scholar or the articles to which it had given rise. Like -Burnouf, he set himself to decipher the two inscriptions of Hamadan, -which he had himself copied with great care. He soon recognized in them -the names that had been read by Grotefend, and thus obtained a working -alphabet. But his position in Persia soon gave him an advantage which -was denied to his fellow-workers in Europe. It was not long before he -found an opportunity of copying the great inscription on the sacred -rock of Behistun, which had never been copied before. It was by far -the longest cuneiform inscription yet discovered, and was filled with -proper names, including those of the Persian satrapies. The copying of -it, however, cost much time and labour, and was accomplished at actual -risk of life, as Major Rawlinson, better known by his later title of -Sir Henry Rawlinson, had to be lowered in a basket from the top of the -cliff in order to ascertain the exact forms of certain characters. - - [Illustration: THE TOMB OF DARIUS.] - -In the following year (1836) Rawlinson moved to Teheran, and there -received from Edwin Norris, the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, -the Memoirs of Grotefend and Saint-Martin. In 1837 he finished his copy -of the Behistun inscription, and sent a translation of its opening -paragraphs to the Royal Asiatic Society. Before, however, his Paper -could be published, the works of Lassen and Burnouf reached him, -necessitating a revision of his Paper and the postponement of its -publication. Then came other causes of delay. He was called away to -Afghanistan to perform the onerous and responsible duties of British -Agent at Kandahar, and it was not until 1843 that he was once more -free to resume his cuneiform studies. A year later he was visited by -the Danish Professor, Westergaard, who placed at his disposal the -copies he had just made of the inscription on the tomb of Darius at -Naksh-i-Rustam and of some shorter inscriptions from Persepolis, -and Rawlinson’s Memoir was accordingly finished at last and sent -to England. Here Norris subjected it to a careful revision, and at -his suggestion Rawlinson once more visited Behistun, where he took -squeezes and re-examined doubtful characters. In 1847 the first part -of the Memoir was published, though the second part, containing the -analysis and commentary on the text, did not appear till 1849.[8] -The work, however, was well worthy of the time and care that had been -bestowed upon it. The task of deciphering the Persian cuneiform texts -was virtually accomplished, and the guesses of Grotefend had developed -into the discovery of a new alphabet and a new language. The capstone -was put to the work by the discovery of Hincks, an Irish clergyman, -that the alphabet was not a true one in the modern sense of the word, a -vowel-sound being attached in pronunciation to each of the consonants -represented in it. - -The mystery of the Persian cuneiform texts was thus solved after nearly -fifty years of endeavour. A harder task still remained. The Persian -texts were accompanied by two other cuneiform transcripts, which, as -Grotefend had perceived, must have represented the other two principal -languages that were spoken in the Persian Empire. That the third -transcript was Babylonian seemed evident from the resemblance of the -characters contained in it to those on the bricks and seal-cylinders of -Babylonia. Grotefend had already written upon the subject, and had even -divined the name of Nebuchadrezzar on certain Babylonian bricks. - -But this third species of writing, which we must henceforth term -Babylonian or Assyrian, presented extraordinary difficulties. Instead -of an alphabet of forty-two letters, the decipherer was confronted by -an enormous number of different characters, while no indication was -given of the separation of one word from another. Moreover the forms -of the characters as found on the Persepolitan monuments differed -considerably from those found on the Babylonian monuments, which -again differed greatly from each other. On the seal-cylinders, more -especially, they assumed the most complicated shapes, between which and -the Persepolitan forms it was often impossible to trace any likeness -whatever. - -Suddenly a discovery was made which furnished an abundance of new -material and incited the decipherer to fresh efforts. In 1842 Botta -was sent to Mossul as French Consul, and at Mohl’s instigation began -to excavate on the site of Nineveh. His first essays there not proving -very successful, he transferred his workmen further north, to the mound -of Khorsabad, and there laid bare the ruins of a large and splendid -palace which subsequently turned out to be that of Sargon. In the -autumn of 1845 the excavations of Botta were succeeded by those of -Layard, first at Nimrûd (the ancient Calah), and then at Kûyunjik or -Nineveh, the result being to fill the British Museum with bas-reliefs -covered with cuneiform writing and with other relics of Assyrian -civilization. - -The inscriptions brought to light by Botta were copied and published by -him in 1846–50.[9] The sumptuous work which was dedicated to them was -followed by a smaller and cheaper edition, and the author gave further -help to the student by classifying the characters, which amounted to -as many as 642.[10] His work proved conclusively the identity of the -script used at Nineveh with that of the third transcripts on the -Persian monuments, as well as the substantial agreement of the groups -of characters occurring in each. - -The Irish scholar Dr. Hincks--one of the most remarkable and acute -decipherers that have ever lived--was already at work on the -newly-found texts. In 1847 he published a long article on “The Three -Kinds of Persepolitan Writing,”[11] and, two years later, another “On -the Khorsabad Inscriptions.”[12] In 1850 he read a Paper before the -British Association,[13] summing up his conclusions and announcing the -important discovery that the Assyrian characters were syllabic and not -alphabetic, as had hitherto been supposed. With this discovery the -scientific decipherment of the Assyrian inscriptions actually begins. - -The proper names contained in the Persian texts furnished the clue to -the reading of the Babylonian transcripts. The values thus obtained -for the Babylonian characters made it possible to read many of the -words, the meaning of which was fixed by a comparison with the Persian -original. It then became clear that Assyrian was a Semitic language, -standing in much the same relation to Hebrew that the Old Persian stood -to Zend. - -Its Semitic origin was proved to demonstration by the French scholar -de Saulcy in 1849. Another French scholar, de Longpérier, had already -discovered the name of Sargon in the Khorsabad inscriptions[14]--the -first royal Assyrian name that had yet been read. De Saulcy himself -subjected the Babylonian transcript of the trilingual inscription of -Elwend to a minute analysis, and so carefully was the work performed, -and so secure were the foundations upon which it rested, that the -translation needs but little revision even to-day.[15] The old belief -in the alphabetic nature of the characters, however, still possessed -the mind of the decipherer, although in one passage he goes so far as -to say, “I am tempted to believe” that the signs are syllabic. But he -did not go beyond the temptation to believe, and the discovery was -reserved for Hincks. - -Rawlinson was now at Bagdad. De Saulcy sent him his Memoirs, and the -British scholar had the immense advantage of having in his hands the -Babylonian version of the great Behistun inscription, of knowing the -country in which the monuments were found, and of possessing copies of -inscriptions which had not yet made their way to Europe. - -Nevertheless, it is amazing with what rapidity and perspicacity he -forced his way through the thick jungle of cuneiform script. In his -Memoir on the Persian texts, published in 1847, he already maps out -with marvellous fulness and exactitude the different varieties of -cuneiform writing. It is his second Memoir, however, which excites in -the Assyriologist of to-day the profoundest feelings of surprise and -admiration. This consists of notes on the inscriptions of Assyria and -Babylonia, and was communicated to the Royal Asiatic Society at the -beginning of the year 1850.[16] - - [Illustration: BLACK OBELISK OF SHAL-MANESER II. - - [_See p. 21._] - - [Illustration: CHALDÆAN HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS IN TERRA-COTTA. - - [_See p. 52._] - -One of the inscriptions he has translated in full--the annals of -Shalmaneser II., on an obelisk of black marble discovered at Nimrûd -and now in the British Museum. The text is a long one, and for the -first time the European reader had placed before him a contemporaneous -account of the campaigns of an Assyrian monarch in the ninth century -before our era. The translation is substantially correct; it is only -in the proper names that Rawlinson has gone much astray. The values -of many of the characters were still uncertain or unknown, and he was -under the domination of the belief that they represented alphabetic -letters. - -He was, moreover, mistaken as to the age of the monument itself, which -he assigned to too early an epoch. It was Dr. Hincks who again settled -the question, by reading upon it the names of Hazael of Damascus and -Jehu of Israel.[17] This was one of the first-fruits of his discovery -of the syllabic character of the Assyrian signs. Another was the -discovery of the name of Sennacherib,[18] as well as those of Hezekiah -and Jerusalem.[19] - -Shortly before this Hincks had made another discovery of importance. He -had deciphered the names of Nebuchadrezzar and his father on the bricks -of Babylon,[20] and had further shown that a cylinder of Nebuchadrezzar -brought from Babylon by Sir Robert Ker-Porter, and written in the -cuneiform characters met with on the Persian monuments, contained -the same text as another cylinder obtained by Sir Harford Jones, and -inscribed with characters of the most complex kind. A comparison of the -two texts gave him the values of the latter characters, which we now -know to represent the archaic Babylonian forms of the cuneiform signs. - -But the decipherment of the Assyro-Babylonian script was not yet -complete. In 1851 Rawlinson’s long-promised Memoir on the Babylonian -version of the inscription of Behistun was given to the world,[21] -and consisted of the cuneiform text, with translation, grammar and -commentary, besides a list of 242 characters. It announced, moreover, -two facts about these characters, one of which had already been -recognized, while the second was received by the Orientalists with -shouts of incredulity. The first fact was that the characters, besides -having phonetic values, could also be used ideographically to denote -objects and ideas. The second fact was that they were polyphonous, each -character possessing more than one phonetic value. - -For once the sceptics seemed to have common-sense upon their side. -How, it was asked, could a system of writing be read the symbols of -which might be pronounced sometimes in one way, sometimes in another? -Anything could be made out of anything upon such principles, and a -method of interpretation which ended in such a result was pronounced -to be self-condemned. Hincks, however, once more entered the field and -demonstrated that Rawlinson was right.[22] Hincks was an Egyptologist, -and consequently the polyphony of the cuneiform characters was not -to him a new and startling phenomenon. It merely showed that they -must once have been pictorial--as, indeed, their ideographic use also -indicated--and in a picture-writing each picture could necessarily -be represented by more than one word, and therefore by more than one -phonetic value, when the pronunciation of the word came to be employed -phonetically. The picture of a foot, for instance, would denote not -only a “foot,” but also such ideas as “go,” “run,” “walk,” each of -which would become one of its phonetic values with the development of -the picture into a conventional syllabic sign. - -Excavation was still proceeding on the site of Nineveh. Mr. Hormuzd -Rassam, himself a native of Mossul and the active assistant of Layard, -was sent in 1852 by the British Museum to complete the work from -which Layard had now been called away by diplomatic duties.[23] In -1853 he made a discovery which proved to be of momentous importance -for Assyrian decipherment, and without which, in fact, it could never -have advanced very far. He discovered the library of Nineveh with its -multitudes of closely-written clay tablets, many of them containing -long lists of characters, dictionaries and grammars, which have served -at once to verify and to extend the knowledge of the script and -language that the early decipherers had obtained. Meanwhile a careful -survey of the whole country was made at the expense of the East India -Company,[24] and the French Government sent out an exploring and -excavating expedition to Babylonia under a young and brilliant scholar, -Jules Oppert. The results of the mission, which lasted from 1851 to -1854, were embodied in two learned volumes, the first of which appeared -in 1863.[25] In these Oppert showed, what Hincks and Rawlinson had -already pointed out, that the peculiarities of the Assyrian syllabary -were due not only to its pictorial origin but also to the fact that it -had been invented by a non-Semitic people. This primitive population of -Babylonia, called Akkadian by Hincks, Sumerian by Oppert, had spoken -an agglutinative language similar to that of the Turks or Finns, and -had been the founders of Babylonian civilization. For these views -Oppert found support in the tablets of the library of Nineveh, a large -part of which consists of translations from the older language into -Semitic Assyrian, as well as of comparative grammars, vocabularies and -reading-books in the two languages. - -Once more the Semitic scholars protested. There was no end to the -extravagant fantasies of the Assyriologists! The learned world was -comfortably convinced that none but a Semitic or Aryan people could -have been the originators of civilization, and to assert that the -Semites had borrowed their culture from a race which seemed to have -affinities with Mongols or Tatars was an outrage upon established -prejudices. The Semitic philologist was more certain than ever that -Assyrian decipherment was the folly of a few “untrained” amateurs, and -could safely be disregarded. - -But the little band of Assyriologists pursued their labours -undisturbed. In 1855–6 Hincks published a most remarkable series of -articles in the _Journal of Sacred Literature_, in which the -various forms of the Assyrian verb were analyzed and given once for -all. The work has never had to be repeated, and the foundations of -Assyrian grammar were solidly laid. A few years later (in 1860) a -complete grammar of the language was published by Oppert. The initial -stage of Assyrian decipherment was thus at an end. - -We must now turn back to the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions, which, thanks to its greater simplicity, had been -deciphered before the Assyro-Babylonian. The way was opened in 1844 by -the Danish scholar Westergaard.[26] With the help of the proper names -he fixed the values of many of the characters and made a tentative -endeavour to read the texts. But the language he brought to light was -of so strange a nature as to throw doubt on the correctness of his -method. Turkish, Arabic, Indian and even Keltic elements seemed alike -to be mingled in it. It was not, therefore, till his readings had been -subjected to revision by Hincks in 1846[27] and de Saulcy in 1850[28] -that any confidence was reposed in it, and the results made available -for the decipherment of the Babylonian transcripts, the characters of -which frequently had the same forms. It must be remembered, however, -that Westergaard worked from defective materials. Rawlinson had not yet -published his copy of the Behistun inscription, which he eventually -placed in the hands of Edwin Norris, who, in 1853, edited the text -along with a syllabary, grammar and vocabulary, as well as translations -and commentary.[29] This edition was a splendid piece of work, and -with it the decipherment of the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions may be said to have been accomplished. Oppert’s _Peuple -et Langage des Médes_, which appeared in 1870, did but revise, -supplement and systematize the work of Norris. - -The new language which had thus been brought to light was -agglutinative. Westergaard had seen in it the language of the Medes, -and, like Rawlinson, had connected it with a hypothetical “Scythian” -family of speech. The term “Scythian” was retained by Norris, who, -however, attempted to show that it was really related to the Finnish -dialects. But the excavations made at Susa by Loftus in 1851 put -another face on the matter. In 1874, and again more fully in 1883,[30] -I pointed out that the inscriptions found at Susa and other ancient -Elamite sites were in an older form of the same language as that -of the second Achæmenian transcripts, and furthermore that certain -inscriptions discovered by Layard in the plain of Mal-Amîr eastward -of Susa were in practically the same script and dialect. At the same -time I fixed the values of the characters in the Mal-Amîr texts -and gave provisional translations of them, with a vocabulary and -commentary. Oppert and myself had already been working at the reading -of the older Susian inscriptions, a task in which we were followed by -Weissbach with a greater measure of success. But the same cause which -had retarded the decipherment of the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions--a want of materials--militated against any great advance -being made in the decipherment of the older Susian, and it is only -since 1897, when the excavations of M. de Morgan at Susa were begun, -that the student has been at last provided with the necessary means. -Thanks to the brilliant penetration of the French Assyriologist, Dr. -Scheil, the outlines of the language of the ancient kingdom of Elam can -now be sketched with a fair amount of completeness and accuracy.[31] -The name of Neo-Susian has by common consent been conferred upon the -language of the second Achæmenian transcripts; perhaps Neo-Elamite -would be better. At all events it represents the language of the second -capital of the Persian Empire as it was spoken in the age of Darius and -his successors, and is a lineal descendant of the old agglutinative -language of Elam. - -The three systems of cuneiform script, which a hundred years ago seemed -so impenetrable in their mystery, have thus, one by one, been forced -to yield their secrets. But as each in turn has been deciphered, -fresh forms of cuneiform writing and new languages expressed in -cuneiform characters have come to light. The first to emerge was that -agglutinative language of primitive Chaldæa which so scandalized -the philological world and excited such strong distrust of the -Assyriologists. The question of the name by which it should be called -has been set at rest by the discovery of tablets in which its native -designation is made known to us. Some years ago Bezold published a -bilingual text in which it is termed “the language of Sumer,”[32] and -more recently Messerschmidt has edited a bilingual inscription of the -Babylonian king Samsu-ditana in which the Semitic “translation” is -described as “Akkadian.”[33] Oppert is thus shown to have been right in -the name which he proposed to give to the language of the inventors of -the cuneiform script. - -The first analysis of Sumerian grammar was made by myself in 1870, when -the general outlines of the language were fixed and the verbal forms -read and explained.[34] Three years later Lenormant threw the materials -I had collected into a connected and systematic form, one result of -which was a controversy started by the Orientalist, Joseph Halévy, who -maintained that Sumerian was not a language at all, but a cryptograph -or secret writing. The answers made by the Assyriologists to this -curious theory obliged its author constantly to shift his ground, -but at the same time it also obliged them to examine their materials -more carefully and to revise conclusions which had been arrived at on -insufficient evidence. An important discovery was now made by Haupt, -who had already given the first scientific translation of a Sumerian -text;[35] he demonstrated the existence of two dialects, one of -which is marked by all the phenomena of phonetic decay.[36] This was -naturally supposed to indicate a difference of age in the two dialects, -the one being the older and the other the later form of the language. -Subsequent research, however, has gone to show that the two dialects -were really used contemporaneously, the decayed state of that which was -called “the woman’s language” by the Babylonians being due to the fact -that it was spoken in Akkad or Northern Babylonia, where the Semitic -element became predominant at a much earlier period than in Sumer or -Southern Babylonia. - -Up to this time the study of Sumerian had been almost entirely confined -to the bilingual texts, of which a very large number existed in the -library of Nineveh, and in which a Semitic translation was attached to -the Sumerian original. Now, however, the French excavations at Tello in -Southern Babylonia began to furnish European scholars with monuments -of the pre-Semitic period, and to these the decipherers, among whom -Amiaud and Thureau Dangin hold the first place, accordingly turned -their attention. Texts composed in days when Sumerian princes still -governed the country, and written by scribes who were unacquainted with -a Semitic language, were successfully attacked with the assistance of -the bilingual tablets of Nineveh. But it was soon found that between -these genuine examples of Sumerian composition and the Sumerian which -was written and explained by Semitic scribes there was a good deal of -difference. The Semites had derived their culture from their Sumerian -predecessors, and a considerable part of the religious and legal -literature that had been handed on to them was in the older language. -This older language long continued to be that of both religion and -law, the two conservative forces in society, Sumerian becoming to the -Semitic Babylonians what Latin was to mediæval Europe. The inevitable -result followed: Semitic idioms and modes of thought were clothed -in a Sumerian dress, and the ignorance of the scribe produced not -infrequently the equivalent of the dog-Latin of a modern school-boy. -The gradual changes that took place in the cuneiform system of writing, -and the adaptation of it to the requirements of Semitic speech, -contributed to the creation of an artificial and quite unclassical -Sumerian, and the lexical tablets became filled with uses and -combinations of characters which were professedly Sumerian but really -Semitic in origin. All this renders the decipherment of a Sumerian text -even now a difficult affair, and many years must elapse before we can -say that the stage of decipherment is definitely passed and that the -scholar may content himself with a purely philological treatment of the -language. - -But Sumerian was not the only new language outside the circle -recognized by the Persian monarchs which the decipherment of the -cuneiform characters has revealed to us. Even before the discovery -of Sumerian, cuneiform inscriptions had been copied on the rocks and -quarried stones of Armenia, which, when the characters composing -them came to be read, proved to belong to a language as novel and as -apparently unrelated to any other as Sumerian itself. As far back -as 1826 a young scholar of the name of Schulz had been sent by the -French Government to Van in Armenia, where, according to Armenian -writers, Semiramis, the fabled queen of Assyria, had once left her -monuments. Here Schulz actually found that the cliff on which the -ancient fortress of the city stood was covered with lines of cuneiform -characters, and similar inscriptions soon came to light in other parts -of the country. Before Schulz, however, could return to Europe he was -murdered (in 1829) by a Kurdish chief, whose guest he had been. But his -papers were recovered, and the copies of the inscriptions he had made -were published in 1840 in the _Journal Asiatique_. The first to -attempt to read them was Dr. Hincks, whom no problem in decipherment -ever seemed to baffle.[37] The characters, he showed, were practically -identical with those found in the Assyrian texts, the values of many of -which had now been ascertained; but Hincks, with his usual acuteness, -went on to use the Armenian or Vannic inscriptions for settling -the values of other Assyrian characters which had not as yet been -determined. In 1848 he was already able to read the names of the Vannic -kings and fix their succession, to make out the sense of several -passages in the texts, and to indicate the nominative and accusative -suffixes of the noun. - -Here Vannic decipherment rested for many years. There was no difficulty -in reading the inscriptions phonetically, for they were written in a -very simplified form of the Assyrian syllabary; but the language which -was thus revealed stood isolated and alone, without linguistic kindred -either ancient or modern. The various attempts made to decipher it were -all failures. - -So things remained until 1882–3, when I published my Memoir on “The -Decipherment of the Vannic Inscriptions” in the _Journal of the Royal -Asiatic Society_. Here for the first time translations were given of -the inscriptions, together with a commentary, grammar and vocabulary. -At the same time I settled the chronological place of the Vannic kings, -which had hitherto been uncertain, as well as the geography of the -country over which they ruled, and analyzed the ancient religion of -the people as made known to us by the decipherment of the texts. In -revising and supplementing Schulz’s copies of the inscriptions I had -obtained the help of squeezes taken by Layard and Rassam. The task -of decipherment was, after all, not so hard a matter as the absence -of a bilingual text might make it appear. The want of a bilingual -was compensated by the numerous ideographs and “determinatives” -scattered through the inscriptions, which indicated their general -meaning, pointed out to the decipherer the names of countries, -cities, individuals and the like, and gave him the signification of -the phonetically-written words which in parallel passages often -replaced them. Moreover, the French Assyriologist, Stanislas Guyard, -and myself had independently made the discovery that a clause which -frequently comes at the end of a Vannic inscription corresponds with -the imprecatory formula of the Assyrians, while the decipherment of -the inscriptions led to the further discovery that not only had the -characters employed in them been borrowed from the Assyrians in the -time of the Assyrian conqueror, Assur-natsir-pal, but that many of the -phrases used in Assur-natsir-pal’s texts had been borrowed at the same -time. - -Other scholars soon appeared to pursue and extend my work, more -especially Drs. Belck and Lehmann, whose expedition to Armenia in 1898 -has placed at our disposal a large store of fresh material. Amongst -this fresh material are two long bilingual inscriptions, in Vannic and -Assyrian, one of which had been discovered by de Morgan in 1890. These -have verified my system of decipherment, have increased our knowledge -of the Vannic vocabulary, have corrected a few errors, and, I am bound -to add, have in one or two cases justified renderings of mine to which -exception had been taken. A historical Vannic text can now be read with -almost as much certainty as an Assyrian one. - -With the discovery of the language spoken in Armenia before the arrival -of the modern Armenians the list of lost languages and dialects -brought to light by the decipherment of the cuneiform script is by no -means exhausted. Among the tablets found in 1887 at Tel el-Amarna in -Upper Egypt was a long letter from the king of Mitanni or Northern -Mesopotamia in the native language of his country, which has been -partially deciphered by Messerschmidt, Jensen and myself.[38] The -language turns out to be distantly related to the Vannic, but is of -a much more complicated description. Two of the other letters in the -same collection were in yet another previously unknown language, which -the contents of one of them showed to be that of a kingdom in Asia -Minor called Arzawa. Since then tablets have been found at Boghaz Keui -in Cappadocia, on the site of the ancient capital of the Hittites, -which are in the same dialect and form of cuneiform writing, and prove -that in them we have discovered at last actual relics of the Hittite -tongue. Thanks to the light thrown upon them by a tablet from the same -locality, which I obtained last year, it is now possible to raise the -veil which has hitherto concealed the Hittite language, and in a Paper -which will shortly be printed I have succeeded in partially translating -the texts and sketching the outlines of their grammar. But any detailed -account of these discoveries must be reserved for a future chapter; at -present I can do no more than refer briefly to these latest problems in -cuneiform decipherment. - -That other problems still await us cannot be doubted. The number of -different languages which the decipherment of the cuneiform script -has thus far revealed to us is an assurance that, as excavation and -research proceed, fresh languages will come to light which have -employed the cuneiform syllabary as a means of expression. Indeed, we -already know that it was used by the Kossæans, wild mountaineers who -skirted the eastern frontiers of Babylonia, and a list of whose words -has been preserved in a cuneiform tablet,[39] and also that there was -a time, before the introduction of the Phœnician alphabet, when “the -language of Canaan”--better known as Hebrew--was written in cuneiform -characters. Canaanite glosses are found in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, -and two Sidonian seals exist in which the cuneiform syllabary is -employed to represent the sounds of Canaanitish speech.[40] - -And the key to all this varied literature, this medley of languages, -the very names of which had perished, was a simple guess! But it was a -scientific guess, made in accordance with scientific method, and based -upon sound scientific reasoning. It is true that it needed the slow -and patient work of generations of scholars before the guess could -ripen into maturity; the discovery of the value of a single letter -in the Old Persian alphabet was sometimes the labour of a lifetime; -but, like the seed of the mustard tree, the guess contained within -itself all the promise of its future growth. On the day when Grotefend -identified the names of Darius and Xerxes, the decipherment of the -cuneiform inscriptions, and therewith of the history, the theology -and the civilization of the ancient Oriental world, was potentially -accomplished. - - - - - CHAPTER II - - THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL MATERIALS; THE EXCAVATIONS - AT SUSA AND THE ORIGIN OF BRONZE - - -The modern science of archæology has been derisively called “the study -of pots.” As a matter of fact, the study of ancient pottery occupies a -prominent place in it, and we cannot turn over the pages of a standard -archæological work without constantly coming across photographs and -illustrations of the ceramic art or reading descriptions of vases -and bowls, of coloured ware and fragmentary sherds. Questions of -date and origin are made to turn on the presence or absence of some -particular form of pottery on a given site, and fierce controversies -have arisen over a single fragment of a vessel of clay. A knowledge of -ancient pottery is a primary requisite in the scientific excavator and -archæologist of to-day. - -The reason of this is obvious. Archæology is an inductive science; -its conclusions, therefore, are drawn from the comparison and -co-ordination of objects which can be seen and handled, as well as -tested by all competent observers. It is built upon what our German -friends would call objective facts, and the method it employs is that -carefully-disciplined and experimentally-guarded application of the -ordinary logic of life which can alone give us scientific results. -The method is one which the purely literary mind seems often curiously -incapable of comprehending; the literary student is accustomed to deal -so exclusively with matters of merely individual taste and theory -that he is as little able to understand what is meant by scientific -evidence and probability as the scholar who is not a mathematician is -able to follow the reasoning of Lord Kelvin. This is a fact which has -to be borne in mind more especially in archæological science, for the -questions with which archæology is concerned so frequently invade the -domain of literature or appear so closely connected with questions that -are more or less literary, that the purely literary scholar is apt to -think himself just as well qualified to discuss them as “the man in the -street” is apt to think himself qualified to discuss the etymology of a -word. To all such the archæologist would say, “Go and study your pots.” - -For pottery is practically indestructible. Like the fossils on which -the geologist has built up the past history of life upon the earth, it -is an enduring evidence, when rightly interpreted, of the past history -of man. Like the fossils, moreover, it exhibits a multitudinous variety -of types and forms. But in all these types and forms there is an -underlying unity. The primitive needs of man are everywhere the same, -and the powers of mind called in to supply them are the same also. -The dish and bowl, the vase and its handles, meet us again and again -wherever we go; and the same materials for making them meet us also. -The hands of man, guided by the brain of man, found clay wherewith to -manufacture the vessels that he needed, and to harden it afterwards in -the sun or fire. Where or how the first pottery was made we do not -know, we probably shall never know. When palæolithic man first makes -his appearance in Europe he seems not yet to have been acquainted with -it; but it is difficult to prove a negative in archæology as in other -sciences, and the absence of palæolithic pottery may be due only to -the imperfection of the record. At any rate, as we descend the ladder -of chronology the existence of man is marked more and more by the -fragments of pottery he has left behind him; at Rome a whole mountain -of it grew up in the space of a few centuries, and the huge mounds that -encircled Cairo a hundred years ago were mainly formed of mediæval -sherds. When excavating on an Egyptian site I have sometimes been -tempted to think that the people who once lived there must have spent -their whole time in breaking their household ware. - -Now not only are the primitive needs of man much the same throughout -the world and at all periods of time, the nature of man is much -the same also; and a distinguishing feature in his nature is love -of variety. The same variety which we see in the forms of life and -in the outward appearance and mental aptitudes of man himself is -reflected in the products of his skill. Yet along with this love of -variety goes a strong conservative or imitative instinct--an instinct -which finds, too, its counterpart in nature, “so careful of the -type.” On the one hand, fashions change; on the other, a fashion once -introduced spreads rapidly and maintains itself to the exclusion of -all others for a determinate period of time throughout a determinate -area. And to nothing does this apply with more truth than to pottery. -Observation has shown that not only are different tribes or countries -distinguished by a difference in their pottery, but that in each tribe -or country similar differences distinguish successive periods of time. -When to this is added the practical indestructibility of the potsherd, -it will easily be seen what a criterion is afforded by it for fixing -the age and character of ancient remains, and their relation to other -monuments of the past. It is not surprising that a study of pottery -has become the sheet-anchor of archæological chronology, and that the -first object of the scientific excavator is to determine the relative -succession of the ceramic remains he discovers and their connection -with similar remains found elsewhere. Scientific excavation means, -before all things else, careful observation and record of every piece -of pottery, however apparently worthless, which the excavator disinters. - -But now, unfortunately, I have to make an admission. We have, as yet, -no ceramic record in either Babylonia or Assyria. Until very recently -there has been no attempt in either country at scientific excavation. -The pioneers, Layard and Botta and Loftus, lived and worked before it -was known or thought of, and we cannot, therefore, be too thankful to -Layard for having nevertheless given us so full and accurate an account -of what he found, and the conditions under which he found it. The -excavations controlled by the British Museum have, I am sorry to say, -been for the most part destructive rather than scientific; such objects -as were wanted by the Museum were alone sought after; little or no -record has been kept of their discovery, and they have been mixed with -objects bought from natives, of whose origin nothing was known. At one -spot, Carchemish, the old Hittite capital, which, though not strictly -in Assyria, formed part of the Assyrian Empire, and was the seat of an -Assyrian governor, the so-called excavations conducted by the Museum in -1880 were simply a scandal, which Dr. Hayes Ward, who visited the spot -shortly afterwards, has characterized as “wicked.” The archæological -evidence there, which would have thrown so much light on the Hittite -problem, has been irretrievably lost. - -Matters are better now, and if I may judge from the work done by Mr. -H. R. Hall at Dêr el-Bâharî in Egypt for the Egypt Exploration Fund, -his colleague, Mr. L. W. King, who has recently been excavating for -the British Museum in Assyria, will have done something to retrieve -the archæological good name of our British excavators in the East. -M. de Sarzec’s excavations at Tello in Southern Babylonia were also -conducted with some consideration for archæological method, at all -events on the architectural side, and in the capable hands of M. -Heuzey the works of art found there have been made to yield valuable -results. Moreover, the history of Tello may be said to be comprised -in a single epoch of archaic Babylonia, and all objects discovered -on the site may consequently be regarded as belonging to one age -and phase of Babylonian civilization. Of the American excavations -at Niffer it is difficult to speak at present. The work there has -been careful and patient, and has extended over a long series of -years. The architectural facts have been accurately recorded, at -all events in the case of the great temple of Bel, and about the -sequence of the inscribed monuments there is little room for -doubt. But accusations of carelessness have lately been brought by -the excavators one against the other, and when we find the sharpest -critic among them unable to substantiate his own account of the -discovery of a library and implicitly endorsing the assignment of a -Parthian palace to the “Mykenæan” age, it is impossible to put much -faith in their descriptions of archæological details. Some years ago -the Germans explored a cemetery at El-Hibba with considerable care -and thoroughness, and thus revealed to us pretty much all we know at -present about Babylonian funereal customs; yet here again too little -attention was paid to the pottery, and the actual date of the cemetery -is still uncertain. It may belong to the Babylonian period, but it may -also not be older than the Persian or even Parthian age. - - [Illustration: - - THE TELL OF JERABIS (PROBABLY THE ANCIENT CARCHEMISH).] - -The Germans are once more working in the lands of the Euphrates and -Tigris, but in Babylonia their labours have been mainly confined -to the Babylon of Nebuchadrezzar, where comparatively little has -been discovered. Since 1904, however, the chief strength of the -expedition has been directed upon Qal’at Shirqât, where Assur, the -primitive capital of Assyria, formerly stood, and here we may expect -that archæological results of first-class importance will at last be -obtained. But the work there has not yet advanced far enough for more -to be done than the mapping out of the old city, the ascertainment of -certain architectural facts, and the recovery of inscriptions of great -historical value. - -It will be seen, therefore, that the reproach brought against -excavations in Egypt by Mr. Rhind in 1862 still holds good of -excavations in Babylonia and Assyria. The first stage in their -history is only just passing away. The idea that excavation is a trade -which any one can take up without previous training, and that all the -excavator need think about is the discovery of objects for a museum, -is only beginning to disappear. In 1862 Rhind could write of Egyptian -tombs: “I am not aware that there can be found the contents of a -single sepulchre duly authenticated with satisfactory precision as to -what objects were present, and as to the relative positions all these -occupied when deposited by contemporary hands. Indeed, for many of the -Egyptian sepulchral antiquities scattered over Europe there exists -no record to determine even the part of the country where they were -exhumed.... There have thus been swept away unrecorded into the past -illustrative facts of very great interest, which cannot now, according -to any reasonable probability, be replaced, at all events in the degree -which there are grounds to believe were then possible.”[41] Happily, -Mr. Rhind’s words are no longer true of Egypt, where he himself set the -first example of showing how scientific exploration ought to be carried -on, and the result is that the ancient civilization and culture of -Egypt are now known to us even better than those of classical Greece or -Rome. - -But what was true in 1862 of Egypt is still very largely true of -Assyria and Babylonia. We are beginning to know something about the -history of Assyro-Babylonian architecture; we know a little about the -early work of the Babylonians in metal and stone; but the history of -Assyro-Babylonian pottery is still, speaking broadly, a blank. For -most of his knowledge of the ancient Euphratean civilizations the -archæologist has to turn to the inscriptions and written literature of -which such vast quantities have survived, and hence, besides being an -archæologist in the strict sense, he must be also a decipherer and a -philologist. He is still precluded from appealing to the evidence which -can be handled and felt. - -From the point of view of the archæologist written evidence is usually -unsatisfactory because it admits of more than one interpretation. A -translation which seems certain to one scholar may be questioned by -another; an inference drawn from the words of a text by one student -may be denied by another. The statements in the texts themselves may -be contradictory, or their imperfection may lead to wrong conclusions. -Above all, the evidence may come to the archæologist from a philologist -whose bent of mind is literary rather than scientific, and who will -therefore be unable either to appreciate or to understand scientific -testimony. Nothing is more common than to come across literary critics -who cannot be made to understand the nature of inductive proof. - -On the other hand, the decipherer of a lost language must necessarily -be an archæologist as well. The clues he follows will be largely -archæological, and he has to appeal to archæology at every step. -The method he must pursue is the method of archæology and of other -inductive sciences, and the materials he uses are in part the materials -of archæology also. The philologist who knows nothing of history and -geography, who is unable to follow a scientific argument and appreciate -scientific reasoning, can never decipher; he may take the materials -given him by the decipherer and work them into philological shape, -but that is all. We must listen to him on questions of grammar and -vocabulary; on questions of archæology his opinions are worth no more -than those of the ordinary man. - -I have insisted on this point because it is a very important one in -a study like Assyriology. The public naturally thinks that in all -Assyriological matters the opinion of one Assyriologist is as good as -that of another. We might just as well suppose that in all matters -which come under the head of astronomy the opinions of every class -of astronomer are equally authoritative. But in astronomy there are -questions which are purely mathematical, and there are other questions -which are more or less chemical, and the astronomer who has devoted -his attention to the spectrum analysis is contented to leave to his -mathematical colleague abstruse calculations in advanced mathematics. -The Assyriologist who is a grammarian pure and simple is just as little -an authority on the archæological side of his study as any one else who -is ignorant of archæology, and the materials he provides must be dealt -with by the archæologist like the literary materials provided for him -by the classical philologist; the materials in both cases stand on the -same footing. - -At the same time, there is a difference between them. In the first -place, the literary materials with which the Assyriologist deals are -in a very large number of instances autographs. They are the actual -documents of the writers whose names they bear or to whose age they -belong. And there is all the difference in the world between the -letters of a Plato or a Cicero which have come down to us through -numerous copyists and the letters of Khammu-rabi of Babylon, the -originals of which are now in our hands. The inscriptions in which -Nebuchadrezzar describes his building operations or the contemporaneous -annals of the Assyrian kings are, from the historical point of view, -of far more value than the books written about them at a later date, -however admirable the latter may be as works of literature; in other -words, they are first-hand sources, and, as such, objective facts of -much the same character as ancient pottery or stone implements. Then, -in the second place, the documents have to be deciphered before they -can be treated philologically; and, as I have already said, the task -of decipherment is in itself an archæological pursuit. If carried -out on correct lines it is itself an instance of the application of -the inductive method, and it is, moreover, constantly compelled to -call archæology or history to its aid. Assyriology is thus primarily -an archæological study, using the methods of archæological science -and demanding the help of the archæologist, even though there are -Assyriologists who are not archæologists themselves. - -But for the present our archæological facts have to be taken -mainly from the results of the decipherment of the inscriptions. -They are for the most part epigraphical; the excavator has not yet -supplemented them, as in Egypt or prehistoric Greece, on what I would -term the ceramic side. This, at least, is the case in Babylonia and -Assyria. It is no longer the case, however, throughout the ancient -Assyro-Babylonian world. There is one exception to the charge brought -by modern archæology against the excavators in the lands of the Tigris -and Euphrates. M. de Morgan has been working for the last ten years -on the site of Susa, the capital of Elam, and he has brought to his -labours the knowledge and experience of an excavator who has been -trained in modern methods and is fully awake to the requirements of -modern science. At last, at Susa, we have an archæological record of -the history of culture, based not only on written monuments, but also -on the more tangible evidence of scientifically-observed strata of -human remains. It is true that Elam is not Babylonia; but one of the -surprises of M. de Morgan’s discoveries is that in the early days of -Babylonian history Elam was a Babylonian province, and Susa the seat of -a Babylonian governor. The same culture extended from Sippara on the -Euphrates to Susa in Elam, and this culture was Babylonian. Hence, in -default of materials from Babylonia itself, we may see in the history -of cultural development at Susa a counterpart of that in Babylonia, at -any rate during the period when Elam and Babylonia were alike under -Semitic rule.[42] - - [Illustration: THE TUMULUS OF SUSA, AS IT APPEARED TOWARDS THE MIDDLE - OF LAST CENTURY.] - -At Susa the line of division between the prehistoric or neolithic -age and the historical epoch is very clearly marked. The prehistoric -stratum lies twenty-five metres below the surface of the mounds, and -is divided by M. de Morgan and his fellow-workers into two periods. -The first is distinguished by a fine thin pottery, with yellow paste, -which is already made upon a wheel. It does not exceed from two to -seven millimetres in thickness; it is polished, and decorated with -black bands and various patterns in a brown colour produced by oxide -of iron. The designs are not only geometric, but also represent animal -and vegetable forms. Among them are rows of ostriches identical with -those found on the painted prehistoric pottery of Egypt. Indeed, the -explorers were especially struck by the resemblance of the pottery as a -whole to that of Egypt in the prehistoric age, though it is difficult -to see what connection there can have been between the two countries at -so remote a date, and the curious similarity between the rows of birds -depicted on the vases must remain for the present an archæological -puzzle. There is also a certain amount of resemblance between the -geometric pottery and that disinterred by M. Chantre at the early -Assyrian colony at Kara Eyuk in Cappadocia, which will be discussed -more fully in a later chapter.[43] Among the geometrical patterns of -the Susian ware spherical forms are common; the herring-bone pattern is -also met with, as well as a pattern like the Greek _sigma_. The -under-part of the vases is often decorated, so also is the inside. A -form of vase frequently found is the water-jar with a rounded foot; the -goblet is another common shape. Sometimes the vases are supplied with -four handles for suspension. - -This fine yellow pottery occurs not only at Susa, but also throughout -Elam, but practically none of it has hitherto been discovered in -Babylonia.[44] One cause of this is doubtless that in the alluvial -plain of Babylonia a purely neolithic stratum, if it existed at all, -would lie below the water-level. Maritime shells are met with as far -north as the site of Babylon, showing that the Persian Gulf once -extended thus far, and the water of the Euphrates still infiltrates -through the soil. - -The period of the fine thin pottery in Elam comes suddenly to an -end, and the people of the second prehistoric period seem to have -been intruders who were less civilized than their predecessors and -unacquainted with the art of making the older ware. Their pottery is -coarse and porous, and the geometric designs upon it are traced with -the pen, not freely painted as in the case of the earlier ceramic. The -animal and vegetable designs of the older ware have disappeared, and -the zones, triangles and other geometric figures which take their place -are traced in black or maroon-red upon a yellow clay. The resemblance -between this pottery and that of Kara Eyuk is even greater than in the -case of the pottery of the first period. Thick cylindrical vases are -common, as well as bowls with a flat bottom and broad sides. Some of -the vases resemble the bulbous vases of the Egyptian Twelfth dynasty; -there are others with flat bottoms and angular sides which are also -like Egyptian water-jars of the same Twelfth-dynasty period. Along with -these more characteristic forms of pottery many small, unpainted cups -have been found, as well as a few finer wheel-made vases of ovoid shape -and yellow or reddish colour. It should be added that coarse, red, -hand-made pottery abounds in both the prehistoric periods, as indeed it -does also in the later historic epoch. - -As the second prehistoric epoch drew to a close at Susa, many -indications of an advance in culture began to show themselves. Vases -and flat-bottomed cups of soft stone were introduced, among them -being a few of alabaster; the bricks began to be burnt in a kiln, and -even seals with a species of writing upon them made their appearance. -Nevertheless, the neolithic age does not pass into the age of metal -through any transitional stages. - -The earliest stratum which marks the historic age yields for the first -time clay tablets with inscriptions, the characters of which are -already developing out of pictures into the cursive cuneiform. The -inscribed cylinder-seals of Babylonia naturally appear along with them; -alabaster vases, cups and bowls become common, and some of them are cut -into the forms of animals. Comparatively little pottery has been found -in this stratum; but this is probably an accident. - -The next stratum brings us to the period of Babylonian supremacy, -when the viceroys of the Babylonian king ruled at Susa, and Semitic -influence was already predominant in the Babylonian plain. It is -the age of Sargon of Akkad, and its commencement may approximately -be placed about B.C. 4000. The pottery still consists of -a yellow paste, though there are also many specimens of a coarse -black clay decorated with incrustations in white. The yellow ware is -occasionally ornamented with mouldings of trees and other natural -objects. A typical vase of the period is one of globular shape and -small rim, and with a moulded or incised rope-pattern running round -the centre and lower part of the rim. Another type is one which looks -like an inverted vase, with a series of rope-patterns encircling it, -while another seems to have been copied from the pile of cylindrical -vases into which, as into a drain, the body of the dead Babylonian -was inserted. These types of vase appear to have lasted, with -little variation, down to the end of the Persian period, though, -unfortunately, the disturbance of the ground and the consequent mixture -of objects under the temple of In-Susinak, where the excavations -were carried on, makes certainty on the point unattainable. Immense -quantities of bronze votive offerings, of all kinds and sorts, -were, however, found here, along with fragments of glass, and, as -inscriptions show that they must all have been buried on the spot -before the tenth century B.C., we have a time-limit for dating -the forms of the bronze weapons and tools. - -The archæological evidence obtained at Susa has been supplemented by -excavations made some ninety miles to the west of it, at a place called -Mussian, on the eastern bank of the river Tib. Here there are graves, -as well as the remains of a temple and houses with vaults, columns and -walls of burnt brick. Where the strata have allowed a section to be -cut down to the virgin soil the results are found to agree with those -revealed by the excavations at Susa. The earliest layer belongs to the -neolithic age, flint and obsidian, as at Susa, being the materials -employed for tools and weapons. The pottery is thick and hand-made, -the paste being either yellow or red in colour, and the surface is -often polished, while many of the vases are furnished with holes for -suspension. This layer seems older than anything discovered at Susa. It -is followed by a second layer, in which the pottery is wheel-made, and -is decorated with animal and vegetable figures in black or red, like -the first prehistoric ware of the Susa mounds. Among the animal figures -are those of men, and one fragment of yellow ware is ornamented with -the so-called swastika. In the upper part of the layer a few fragments -of copper have been met with, indicating that the neolithic age was -beginning to pass into that of copper. - -Above this layer is a third, characterized by a fine ware, usually -yellow but sometimes greenish in colour, and decorated with designs -in lustrous black. In the fine specimens the decoration has been laid -on before firing, in other cases after firing. The pottery as a whole -has a general resemblance to that of prehistoric Egypt. The culture -represented by this layer was still neolithic, but objects of copper -were making their appearance, and the flint instruments of the past -were beginning to be superseded by metal, a knowledge of which appears -to have come from abroad. With the introduction of copper the Elamite -or historical epoch may be said to have begun. It was now that the -temple was first built of crude bricks, reeds taking the place of -wood, and so pointing to the influence of Babylonia, where reeds were -plentiful and wood was scarce. - -Another proof of Babylonian influence must be seen not only in ware -of Babylonian origin, but also in the figures of a nude goddess with -the hands placed upon the breasts, which originally represented the -divinity called Istar by the Semitic Babylonians. Indeed, from the -fact that the goddess was represented in human form we may infer -that the figures, though first met with in the Sumerian age, were -of Semitic derivation, and show that Sumerian culture was already -being affected by the influence of Semitic religious ideas.[45] The -pottery found along with the figures is of a very varied description, -including coarse red and fine yellow ware. Among the fine yellow ware -are goblets with a tall cup supported on a foot. A typical form of -the yellow ware is the vase with angular sides; this, together with -vases of more bulbous shape and terra-cotta stands, is remarkably like -some of the Egyptian Twelfth-dynasty pottery in form. The stands, more -especially, remind us of Twelfth-dynasty Egypt. There is also a black -ware decorated with incised lines which are filled in with white. -This black ware is also found in Egypt, where Professor Petrie is now -inclined to associate it with the Hyksos. At all events it is absent -there during the interval that elapsed between the prehistoric period -and the epoch of the Twelfth dynasty, and it characterizes the Hyksos -sites of the Delta, while its foreign and non-Egyptian character has -been recognized from the first. A few fragments of the same class of -pottery have been brought to light at Tello in Babylonia, where they -would appear to belong to the age of Gudea (B.C. 2700). One of -these formed part of a cylindrical vase or pyxis, identical in shape -with the black incised pyxides found at Susa at a depth of from five to -ten metres below the surface. On another fragment are spirited drawings -of a water-bird, a fish seized by a gull, a four-footed animal, and -a boat with reeds growing behind it, each in a separate panel.[46] -Similar ware has been discovered in Southern Palestine, on the eastern -coast of Cyprus, in Spain and in the Greek islands. At Syros, for -instance, where it goes back to the neolithic age, it is associated -with alabaster vases, just as it is at Mussian. Here the bowls and -vases of alabaster are strikingly Egyptian in form. - -The clay figures of the Babylonian goddess testify to the same -extension of culture in the copper age of Western Asia as do the black -incised vases with their white fillings. M. Chantre has found them -at Kara Eyuk in Cappadocia, on the borders of the Hittite region, -though in these the arms are no longer folded across the breast. -Further west I have lately shown[47] that the so-called figure of -Niobê on Mount Sipylus in Lydia is a Hittite modification of them, -and Dr. Schliemann discovered one of them, of lead, in the ruins of -the Second (prehistoric) city at Troy.[48] At Troy, however, the type -was more usually modified in the Hittite direction, as it was also -in the islands of the Ægean, where marble figures of the goddess are -plentiful.[49] In Egypt clay figures closely resembling those of -Babylonia and Elam, but with the arms outstretched, have been met with -from time to time at Karnak, and supposed to be dolls of the Roman -period; but since the discovery by M. Legrain of remains which prove -that the history of Karnak reaches back to the prehistoric or early -dynastic period, there is no longer any reason for not connecting them -with their analogues elsewhere. And the discoveries recently made by -Professor Pumpelly in the tumuli near Askabad, west of Khiva and Herat, -go far towards supporting the identification. Here the explorers have -brought to light two periods of neolithic culture, in the earlier of -which no animals were as yet domesticated, and the pottery was of the -rudest description. During the second period the domesticated animals -were introduced, including the horse and camel. Then came an age of -copper, accompanied by figurines representing the Babylonian goddess, -sometimes with the arms outstretched, sometimes with them lying against -the sides, as in Cappadocia. The figurines are evidence that the art -of working copper was derived from Babylonia, a conclusion which is -confirmed by M. Henri de Morgan’s excavations in the tumuli of Talîsh -in Gîlân, on the south-western shore of the Caspian.[50] - -As far back as our knowledge of Babylonian history extends the -inhabitants of the country were acquainted with copper, and its use -lasted century after century into quite recent times. Of a stone age, -as I have already said, there is no clear trace. It is true that -Captain Cros has sunk shafts at Tello, and reached the virgin soil at -a depth of seventeen metres, finding there mace-heads of alabaster and -hard stone similar to those of primitive Egypt, as well as other stone -objects; but no flint flakes were met with, and the pottery was similar -to that of the higher strata.[51] On the other hand, objects of copper, -great and small, including helmets and a colossal spear dedicated by a -king of Kis, have been disinterred, though nothing of bronze has been -discovered among the earlier remains, It was the same at Muqayyar, the -ancient Ur, as well as on the site of Eridu, where Taylor found only -copper bowls and the like in the graves, even in those of so late a -date as to contain objects of iron and an Egyptian scarab.[52] At -Niffer, moreover, the ancient Nippur, American excavation has the -same tale to tell. According to Dr. Peters,[53] though iron knives, -hatchets, spear-heads and arrow-heads have been exhumed, the date of -which is said to be between 2000 and 1000 B.C., there is no -trace of bronze, the multitudinous objects, which further west would -have been of bronze, being here of copper. As at Ur, the copper age -lasts down to the very end of the Babylonian kingdom. Hilprecht, on the -authority of Haynes, does indeed say[54] that in the very lowest strata -of the temple mound, far below the pavements of Sargon and Naram-Sin -(B.C. 3750), “fragments of copper, bronze and terra-cotta -vessels” were disinterred. But no attempt seems to have been made to -analyze the so-called “bronze,” which may have been a natural alloy -of copper with a small percentage of lead or antimony, and the age -ascribed to the fragments is rendered doubtful by the accompanying -statement, that “fragments of red and black lacquered pottery” were -discovered in the same place which were indistinguishable from the red -and black pottery of classical Greece. As yet, therefore, excavation in -Babylonian lands has failed to tell us when the art of mixing tin with -the copper was discovered and copper was superseded by bronze. - -This, however, had taken place before the commencement of the Assyrian -age. The bronze scimitar of Hadad-nirari I. (B.C. 1330)[55] -finds an exact copy in a scimitar discovered by Mr. Macalister at Gezer -in Palestine,[56] and the tools and weapons exhumed at Nineveh are of -bronze and not copper. Analysis shows that the bronze usually consisted -of about one part of tin to ten of copper, though for special objects -like bells the amount of tin was considerably increased.[57] When was -it that the tin was first imported and intentionally mixed with the -copper in order to harden the metal? - -In default of archæological evidence, the only possibility there is -of discovering an answer to this question lies in an examination -of the primitive pictures out of which the cuneiform characters -eventually developed. Here we are at once struck by a curious fact. The -“determinative” attached to ideographs signifying “knife,” “weapon” -and the like is not an ideograph which expresses the name of a metal; -nor is it an ideograph denoting “stone,” but one which means “wood.” -That is to say, the material of which cutting instruments were made at -the time when the picture-writing of Babylonia came into existence was -neither metal nor stone, but wood. That it should not have been stone -is explained by the geology of the Babylonian plain, which consists of -alluvial soil devoid of stones. That it should not have been of metal -can only mean that the inventors of the pictorial script were not yet -acquainted with the use of copper, bronze or iron. In default of metal -and stone they had to content themselves with hard wood. - -On the other hand, copper, as well as gold and silver, had become -known to them when the primitive pictographs were still in process of -formation, and long before they had passed into cursive cuneiform. -Copper was represented by the picture of an ingot or square plate of -the metal with a handle attached to it, showing that it was already -in a fused and worked state when it was imported into Babylonia. Gold -seems to have originally been denoted by the picture of a collar or -necklace, which signified “shining,” and was afterwards employed -before the names of the precious metals. I have, however, never found -this collar actually used to signify “gold”; in the earliest texts -yet discovered the phonetic syllable _gi_ is attached to it when -“gold” is denoted, the Sumerian word for “gold” being _azag-gi_. -“Silver” was “the white precious metal,” the symbol for “white” being -attached to the picture of the collar, and so forming a compound -ideograph. This implies that silver became known to the inventors -of the hieroglyphs at a later period than gold, though still before -what I will call the cuneiform age. Even iron was known to them at -the same early epoch, and was expressed by ideographs which literally -mean “stone of heaven,”[58] an indication that meteoric iron must be -referred to. - - [Illustration: HEAD OF ONE OF THE STATUES FROM TELLO. - - [_See p. 73._] - - [Illustration: - - VASE OF SILVER, DEDICATED TO NINGIRSU, BY ENTENA PATESI OF LAGAS. - - [_See p. 58._] - -But now comes a fact which is difficult to explain, so contrary is -it to the archæological evidence. As we have seen, no traces of -bronze have been found in the Assyro-Babylonian region before the -beginning of the Assyrian age--let us say about B.C. 2000. -Nevertheless, by the side of the simple ideograph which denotes the -Sumerian _urudu_, “copper”--_erû_ in Semitic Babylonian--we -find a compound ideograph signifying “bronze,” called _zabar_ in -Sumerian, from which the Semites borrowed their _’siparru_. It is -true that it is a compound ideograph, but it occurs in the cuneiform -texts, not only in the era of Gudea (B.C. 2700), but even -before the age of Sargon of Akkad (B.C. 3800). And an analysis -of its earliest form seems to indicate that it really must have meant -bronze from the first, and that consequently there was no transference -of signification in later days. Literally it means “white copper,” the -word for “copper” being phonetically-written _ka-mas_, with which -the Semitic Babylonian _kemassu_ is closely connected. Lead cannot -be intended, as that was denoted by a different word and different -ideographs, and I do not see what else “white copper” can be in -contradistinction to red copper except bronze. Polished copper could -be termed “bright,” but hardly “white.”[59] - -The possibility remains that tin might have been the metal originally -denoted by the compound ideograph. If so, both the ideograph and -the words expressed by it had lost all reference to tin before the -beginning of the Assyrian period, and neither the Assyrian word for -“tin” nor the Sumerian word, if any existed, is now known. Tin, -moreover, was archæologically late in making its appearance. The -earliest examples of pure tin of which I know are of the time of the -Eighteenth Egyptian dynasty. On the other hand, bronze first appears in -Egypt in the age of the Twelfth dynasty,[60] though it does not become -common until the Hyksos predecessors of the Eighteenth dynasty had made -themselves masters of the valley of the Nile. From about B.C. -1600 onwards, enormous quantities of it were employed in the eastern -basin of the Mediterranean and the adjoining lands, necessitating an -equally large supply of tin. What the source of this tin may have been -it is not my present purpose to inquire. But the persistence of the -copper age in Babylonia, as well as in the tumuli of Askabad, east -of the Caspian, indicates that the manufacture of bronze must have -migrated from the north-west to the Babylonian plain. We find it first -in Assyria, not in Babylonia, and it may well be that the Assyrians -derived it from Armenia and the population of Cappadocia, where, as I -shall show in a subsequent chapter, they had established colonies at an -early period. At all events, the earliest examples of bronze yet met -with were discovered by Dr. Schliemann in the Second prehistoric city -at Troy. - -It was to this region that classical tradition referred the origin of -working in iron. An analysis of the gold of the first six Egyptian -dynasties submitted to Dr. Gladstone by Professor Petrie proved that -it was mixed with silver, and hence must have been derived from Asia -Minor.[61] Egyptian legend made “the followers of Horus,” who founded -dynastic Egypt, metallurgists and smiths whose metal weapons enabled -them to subdue the older neolithic population. The story as it has come -down to us declares the smiths to have been workers in iron; iron, -however, must be the substitute of the later version of the story for -some other metal, since, though Vyse claims to have discovered an iron -clamp in the great pyramid of Giza,[62] and Petrie has found a mass of -iron in a Sixth-dynasty deposit in the temple of Osiris at Abydos,[63] -ironsmiths can hardly have existed in the pre-dynastic age. It is -probable, therefore, that copper was the metal which the dynastic -Egyptians introduced into their new home, and which was already in use -in Babylonia. But the intercourse with Asia Minor, which the gold of -the First dynasty indicates must even then have been going on, makes it -possible that it was from this quarter of the world that the earliest -knowledge of the manufacture of bronze was brought to the valley of -the Nile. Even in the time of the Twelfth dynasty, however, the tools -found by Professor Petrie in the workmen’s huts at Kahûn are of copper -rather than of bronze.[64] The colossal statue of King Pepi of the -Sixth dynasty, discovered at Hierakonpolis, is of hammered copper, and -we have to wait for the advent of the Eighteenth dynasty before bronze -becomes the predominant metal. - -That such was the case points to the Hyksos period as that in which -bronze succeeded in superseding the older copper. It may be that the -Hyksos brought the extended use of it with them from Syria. In Southern -Palestine, Mr. Macalister’s excavations at Gezer have shown that bronze -rather than copper was largely employed throughout the so-called -Amorite period, which went back to an earlier age than that of the -Twelfth dynasty, and it is just here that in the time of the Eighteenth -dynasty bronze itself began to make way for iron. Mr. J. L. Myres -has recently traced the polychrome pottery of Southern Canaan to the -Hittite lands of Cappadocia,[65] where the red ochre was found by which -it was characterized, and a knowledge of bronze may have travelled -along the same road. - -But these are speculations which may or may not be verified by future -research. For the present we must be content with the fact that, in -spite of the philological evidence to the contrary, copper, and not -bronze, was the metal which preceded the use of iron in Babylonia, -whereas in the northern kingdom of Assyria bronze was already known at -a comparatively early date. So far as the existing evidence can carry -us, it seems to indicate that Babylonia was the primitive home of the -copper industry, while bronze, on the other hand, made its way eastward -from Asia Minor and the north of Syria. Where bronze was first invented -is still unknown to us; all that seems certain is that it must have -been in a land where copper and tin are found together. - - - NOTE - -According to the mineralogists, in the western part of the northern -hemisphere tin is found only in Britain, Spain and the neighbourhood -of Askabad, the scanty surface-tin of Saxony, France and Tuscany being -too poor and insignificant to have attracted attention in antiquity -(see de Morgan, _Mission Scientifique au Caucase_, ii. pp. 16–28). -The American excavations at Askabad under Professor Pumpelly appear to -have made it clear that bronze was not invented in that part of the -world, or indeed used in early days, and we are thus thrown back on -Britain and Spain. It is quite certain, however, that bronze made its -way to the west of Europe from the east, and the Hon. John Abercromby -has proved (_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxii. pp. -375–94, and _Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland_, -1903–4, pp. 323–410) that the bronze culture came to this country from -the valley of the central Rhine where it cuts the river at Mayence. On -the other hand, the bronze-age civilization of the Danube valley, the -Balkan peninsula and Italy forms a whole with that of the south-eastern -basin of the Mediterranean, which again is closely connected with -the bronze-age culture of the Ægean, Asia Minor and Egypt, while the -civilization of the Danube valley leads on to that of Central Europe -and, to a less extent, of Scandinavia and Northern Germany. Montelius -(_Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1900, pp. 89 -_sqq._) has pointed out that the early bronze culture of Northern -Italy was carried to Scandinavia along the route of the amber trade as -far back as the close of the neolithic age in Sweden, and the numerous -objects of Irish gold found in Scandinavia--though, it is true, of -somewhat later date--show that commercial relations must have existed -between the British Islands and the Scandinavian peninsula. Tin might -have followed the gold route until it met the amber route, by which it -would have been carried southward to Central Europe and the Adriatic. - -In Western Europe the sword, like the socketed celt, is first met -with in the third and last period into which the bronze age has been -divided. The earliest examples of the sword, in fact, are those -discovered at Mykenæ, which belong to the age of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty. Schliemann found only the dirk at Troy, and, so far -as our present evidence goes, the dirk alone was used by the Hittites -and Proto-Armenians down to the seventh century B.C. The -scimitar, however, was known in Assyria and at Gezer at least as early -as the fourteenth century B.C. (see p. 57 above), and in -Cyprus the sword makes its appearance along with the knife and fibula -in the later bronze age after the close of the age of copper. Similarly -in Krete it was only in tombs of the Late Mykenæan (or Late Minoan) -period that the cemetery of Knossos yielded swords of bronze (_Annual -of the British School at Athens_, x. p. 4). The dirk of the copper -age was stanged as at Troy and in the Danube valley, the Cyprian and -Hungarian forms being practically identical. From the Danube valley the -stanged spear-head passed to Western Europe during the second period -of the bronze age. The fibula is not found at Troy, where the early -bronze age will have corresponded with the copper age of Cyprus. - -All this goes to show (1) that the scimitar--the _harpê_ of -the Perseus myth--was a Semitic invention, while the long sword was -of European origin; (2) that at Troy, and possibly also in Southern -Palestine, to which Hittite polychrome pottery was carried at an early -date, bronze was known at a time when only copper was used in Cyprus -and Egypt; and (3) that the characteristic weapon of this primitive -bronze age was the dirk, which continued to characterize Asia Minor -long after the sword and scimitar had been invented elsewhere. Taken -in connection with the fact that the pottery and decorative designs -of Asia Minor can be linked with those of the Balkan peninsula and -the valley of the Danube, we may provisionally conclude that Northern -Asia Minor was the home of the invention of bronze. Against this is -the fact that no tin has hitherto been found there, and we should -accordingly have to explain the origin of bronze by the theory that -after the discovery of various processes for hardening copper, further -experiments were made with imported tin. Unfortunately, neither the -south of Cornwall nor Asia Minor, with the exception of the Troad, has -as yet been scientifically explored from an archæological point of -view. But it deserves mention that the curious needles with a double -head of twisted wire, which are met with among the remains of the -bronze age in Britain, are characteristic of the copper age in Cyprus -and of the early bronze age at Troy. - - - - - CHAPTER III - - THE SUMERIANS - - -Among the first results of the decipherment of the Assyrian cuneiform -inscriptions was one which was so unexpected and revolutionary, that -it was received with incredulity and employed to pour discredit on -the fact of the decipherment itself. European scholars had long been -nursing the comfortable belief that the white race primarily, and -the natives of Europe secondarily, were _ipso facto_ superior -to the rest of mankind, and that to them belonged of right the -origin and development of civilization. The discovery of the common -parentage of the Indo-European languages had come to strengthen the -belief; the notion grew up that in Sanskrit we had found, if not the -primeval language, at all events a language that was very near to it, -and idyllic pictures were painted of the primitive Aryan community -living in its Asiatic home and already possessed of the elements of -its later culture. Outside and beyond it were the barbarians, races -yellow and brown and black, with oblique eyes and narrow foreheads, -whose intelligence was not much above that of the brute beasts. Such -culture as some of them may have had was derived from the white race, -and perhaps spoilt in the borrowing. The idea of the rise of a -civilization outside the limits of the white race was regarded as a -paradox. - -It was just this paradox to which the first decipherers of Assyrian -cuneiform found themselves forced. And another paradox was added to it. -Not only had the civilization of the Euphrates and Tigris originated -amongst a race that spoke an agglutinative language, and therefore was -neither Aryan nor Semitic, the civilization of the Semitic Babylonians -and Assyrians was borrowed from this older civilization along with the -cuneiform system of writing. It seemed impossible that so revolutionary -a doctrine could be true, and Semitic philologists naturally denounced -it. For centuries Hebrew had been supposed to have been the language -of Paradise, and the old belief which made the Semitic Adam the first -civilized man still unconsciously affected the Semitic scholars of the -nineteenth century. It was hard to part with the prejudices of early -education, especially when they were called upon to do so by a small -group of men whose method of decipherment was an enigma to the ordinary -grammarian, and who were introducing new and dangerous principles into -the study of the extinct Semitic tongues. - -The method of decipherment was nevertheless a sound one, and the -result, which seemed so incredible and impossible when first announced, -is now one of the assured facts of science. The first civilized -occupants of the alluvial plain of Babylonia were neither Semites nor -Aryans, but the speakers of an agglutinative language, and to them -were due all the elements of the Babylonian culture of later days. It -was they who first drained the marshes, and regulated the course of -the rivers by canals, thereby transforming what had been a pestiferous -swamp into the most fertile of lands; it was they who founded the -great cities of the country, and invented the pictorial characters, -the cursive forms of which became what we term cuneiform. The theology -and law of later Babylonia went back to them, and long after Semitic -Babylonian had become the language of the country, legal judgments were -still written in the old language and the theological literature was -still studied in it. The Church and the Law were as loth to give up the -dead language of Sumer as they were in modern Europe to give up the use -of Latin. - -This dead agglutinative language has been called sometimes Akkadian, -sometimes Sumerian, but Sumerian is the name which has been finally -selected. In fact, this was the name applied to it by the Semitic -Babylonians themselves, who included in the term the two dialects--or -rather the two forms of the language at different periods of its -development--which have been preserved to us in the cuneiform tablets. -Strictly speaking, the dialect which had been most affected by contact -with the Semites, and had in consequence suffered most from phonetic -decay, was known as the language of Akkad, but this was because Akkad -represented Northern Babylonia, which had become Semitic at an earlier -date than the south and had been the seat of the first great Semitic -Empire.[66] Both names, Akkadian and Sumerian, are correct as applied -to the primitive language of Chaldæa, but of the two Sumerian is -preferable, not only because it was used by the Babylonian scribes -themselves, but also because it denoted the oldest and purest form of -the language before it had passed under foreign influence. - -This, then, was the great archæological fact which resulted from the -decipherment of the Assyro-Babylonian texts. The earliest civilized -inhabitants of Babylonia did not speak a Semitic language, and -therefore presumably they were not Semites. It is perfectly true that -language and race are not synonymous terms, and that we are seldom -justified in arguing from the one to the other. But the Sumerian -language is one of the exceptions which proves the rule. Those who -spoke it were the first civilizers of Western Asia, the inventors and -perfecters of a system of writing which was destined to be one of -the chief humanizing agents of the ancient world, the authors of the -irrigation engineering of the Babylonian plain, and the builders of -its many cities. The language they spoke, accordingly, could not have -been forced upon them by conquerors who have otherwise left no trace -behind them, and they certainly would not have exchanged it of their -own accord for their native tongue. The Semitic languages have always -been conspicuous for the tenacity with which they have held their own, -and the conservatism with which they have resisted change. We may still -hear in the Egyptian Arabic of to-day the very words which were written -by Semitic Babylonian scribes upon their tablets some four or five -thousand years ago. A Semitic people would have been the last to borrow -the language of its less-civilized neighbours without any assignable -reason. The fact, consequently, that the pioneers of Babylonian culture -spoke an agglutinative language fully justifies us in concluding that -they belonged to a race that was not Semitic. - -Sumerian, however, was not the only language in the neighbourhood of -the Babylonian plain which was agglutinative. Further to the east, -in the highlands of Elam, other agglutinative languages were spoken, -monuments of one or more of which have been preserved to us. Whether or -not the agglutinative languages of Elam were related to the Sumerian -of Babylonia, I cannot tell; so far as our materials go at present -they do not warrant us in saying more than that, like Sumerian, they -were of the agglutinative type. It is only rarely that the scientific -philologist is able to separate some of the multitudinous languages of -the globe into genealogically related groups; for the most part they -stand isolated and apart from one another, and, however much we may -wish to group them together, it is seldom that we find such proofs of -a common descent as will satisfy the requirements of science. Families -of speech--or at all events such as can be scientifically proved to be -so--are the exception and not the rule. - -Eastward of Sumer the type of language was thus agglutinative, as it -was in Sumer itself. And in the days when civilization first grew up -there, there is no sign or trace of the languages we call inflectional. -The speakers of Aryan dialects, whom we find in classical times in -Media or Persia or North-Western India, belong to a later epoch; the -old belief in the Asiatic cradle of the Aryan tongues has long since -been given up by the anthropologist and comparative philologist,[67] -and it is recognized that if we are to look for it anywhere it must -be in Eastern Europe. The Semitic languages are equally absent; the -tide of Semitic speech which eventually overflowed Babylonia, surged -northward and eastward into Assyria and Elam, but never succeeded in -passing Susiana, and was finally driven again from the ground it had -once gained there. The home of the Semite lay to the west and not to -the east of the Babylonian plain. Babylonian culture owed its origin to -a race whose type of language was that of the Finn, of the Magyar or -the Japanese. - -The physical characteristics of this race cannot as yet be fully -determined. The oldest sculptures yielded by Babylonian excavation -belong to a time when the Semite was already in the land. It might -be supposed that the early monuments of Tello, which were erected by -Sumerian princes and go back to Sumerian times, would give us the -necessary materials; but not only are they too rude and infantile -to be of scientific use, they also indicate the existence of two -ethnological types, one heavily bearded, the other beardless, with -oblique eyes and negrito-like face. It is not until we come to the -age of Semitic domination that sculpture is sufficiently realistic -for exact anthropological purposes. At the same time, there was to -the last a marked contrast of both form and feature in the artistic -representation of the Babylonian and his more purely Semitic Assyrian -neighbour. The squat, thick figure, the full, well-shaven cheeks, the -large, almond-shaped eyes and round head of King Merodach-nadin-akhi in -the twelfth century B.C. still reproduce the characteristic -form and features of the statues found in the palace of Gudea, the -Sumerian high-priest of Lagas, who lived more than a thousand years -before. The aquiline or hooked nose, the thick lips and muscular limbs -which distinguished the Assyrian are generally wanting in Babylonia. -And, on the other hand, there is a likeness between the Babylonian -as he is portrayed on the monuments and the Elamite adversaries of -Assur-bani-pal, some of whom, it is noticeable, are depicted with -beards, though the excavations of Dieulafoy and de Morgan at Susa -have shown (according to Quatrefages and Hamy) that a beardless and -short-nosed negrito type with round heads was aboriginal in Elam. The -same type is reproduced in one of the heads found at Tello, and M. -de Morgan has pointed out that similar brachycephalic and beardless -negritos are represented on the monuments of Naram-Sin as serving in -the army of Akkad.[68] We may conclude, therefore, that they still -formed a part of the population of Northern Babylonia even in the age -when it had passed completely under Semitic rule. Indeed, Dr. Pinches -has shown that the pure Semitic type is not depicted in Babylonian art, -outside the kingdom of Akkad, “before the time of the First dynasty of -Babylon, which began to reign about B.C. 2300.” - -It has often been maintained that the Sumerians themselves were an -immigrant people, who had descended from the mountains of Elam. There -is nothing unreasonable in the supposition; it was always difficult -to prevent the mountaineers of Elam from making raids in Babylonia, -and one of their tribes succeeded in settling in the country and -establishing at Babylon one of the longest-lived of its dynasties. But -the supposition mainly rests upon two facts. The pictorial hieroglyphs -out of which the cuneiform characters have developed had no special -sign for “river,” while the same character represented both “mountain” -and “country.” It would seem, therefore, that the land in which the -cuneiform system of writing was first invented was just the converse of -the Babylonian plain, being at once mountainous and riverless. That the -same character means both “mountain” and “country” is no doubt a strong -argument in favour of the Elamite origin of Babylonian civilization. -That the use of the primitive hieroglyphs should have survived in Elam -while it was lost in Babylonia, as M. de Morgan’s discoveries have -shown to be the case, is also another fact which may perhaps be claimed -on the same side; at any rate it indicates that they were known to the -Elamites before the cursive cuneiform had developed out of them. But -the want of a special character for “river” is not so decisive as it -appears at first sight to be. The word “river” is represented by two -ideographic signs which literally signify “the watery deep,” and so -point to the fact that those who originally invented them lived not in -the highlands of the East, but on the shores of that Persian Gulf which -the Babylonians of the historic period still called “the deep.” As it -was also known as “the salt river,” it is not difficult to understand -how, to those whose experience of navigable water had been confined -to the Persian Gulf, the Tigris and Euphrates would have seemed but -repetitions of the Gulf on a smaller scale.[69] - -The rise of Sumerian culture on the shores of the Persian Gulf is in -accordance with Babylonian tradition. Babylonian myths told how Oannes -or Ea, the god of culture, had risen each morning out of his palace -in “the deep,” bringing with him the elements of civilization which -he communicated to mankind. Letters, science and art had all been -his gifts. He had instructed the wild tribes of the coast to build -houses and erect temples; he had compiled for them the first law-book, -and had instructed them in the mysteries of agriculture. Babylonian -civilization was sea-born. The system of cosmology which finally won -its way to acceptance with the priesthood and philosophers of Babylonia -was one which had been first conceived at Eridu, the site of which is -now more than a hundred miles distant from the sea, but in the early -days of Babylonian history, before the silting up of the shore, had -been its seaport. Here the first man Adam[70] was supposed to have -lived, and to have spent his time fishing in the waters of the Gulf. -The whole earth was believed to have grown out of a primeval deep like -the mud-flats which the inhabitants of Eridu saw slowly emerging from -the retreating sea. Philosophy and cosmology, with the theology with -which they were associated, looked back upon Eridu and the Babylonian -coast as their primeval home.[71] - -In fact the physical conditions of the Babylonian plain rendered it -impossible for the first culture of the country to have sprung up in -it. Before it was reclaimed by engineering skill and labour the larger -part of it had been a pestiferous marsh. The science needed for making -it habitable, at least by civilized man, must have arisen outside its -boundaries. Only when he was already armed with a civilization which -enabled him to dig canals, to mould bricks, and pile his houses and -temples on artificial foundations could the Sumerian have settled in -the Babylonian plain and there developed it still further. The cities -of the plain grew up each round its sanctuary, which became a centre of -civilization and progress, of agriculture and trade. But the builders -of the sanctuaries must have brought their culture with them from -elsewhere. - -Of these sanctuaries the most venerable was that of Bel the Elder at -Nippur. It has been systematically excavated by the Americans down to -its foundations, and the successive strata of its history laid bare. -Inscribed objects have been found in all the strata, carrying the -history of the cuneiform system of writing back to the days when the -temple was originally built. But it is still the cuneiform system of -writing as far back as we can go, that is to say the characters are the -cursive forms of earlier hieroglyphic pictures, the features of which -are in most cases scarcely traceable. Here and there, it is true, the -primitive pictorial form has been preserved, but this is the exception -and not the rule. As a rule the earliest writing found at Nippur, and -coeval with the foundation of its temple, is already the degenerated -and cursive hand which we call cuneiform. - -The fact is very noteworthy. The cuneiform characters have assumed the -shapes which give them their name owing to their having been inscribed -on clay by a stylus of wood or metal, which obliged the writer to -substitute a series of wedge-like indentations for curves and straight -lines. As time went on, the number of the wedges was reduced, the forms -of the characters were simplified, and the resemblance to the pictures -they were once intended to represent became more and more indistinct. -The cuneiform script is, in short, a running hand, like the hieratic -of Egypt. But whereas in Egypt the hieratic running hand does not -come into common use until long after the beginning of the monumental -period, while the pictorial hieroglyphs continued to be employed to -the last, in Babylonia the cuneiform running hand has superseded the -primeval pictures as far back as our records carry us. When the temple -of Nippur was built--and it was probably one of the first, if not the -first, to be built in the Babylonian plain--the clay tablet was already -in use for writing purposes, and the cursive cuneiform had taken the -place of the older hieroglyphs. - -The Babylonian plain was called by its Sumerian inhabitants the Edin, -or “Plain,” a name which was borrowed by the Semites and has been made -familiar to us by the book of Genesis. Originally it had meant all -the uncultivated flats on either side of the Euphrates, but it soon -acquired the sense of the country as opposed to the city, and so of the -cultivated plain itself. Most of the important Babylonian cities were -built in it between the Euphrates on the west and the Tigris on the -east. A few only lay beyond it on the western bank of the Euphrates. -One of these was Eridu, another was Ur, a third was Borsippa. - - [Illustration: - - THE TELL OF BORSIPPA, THE PRESENT BIRS-NIMRUD.] - -Of Eridu I have already spoken. Some six or eight thousand years -ago it was the seaport of primitive Babylonia.[72] Ur, which stood -close to it, seems to have been a colony of Nippur, and therefore of -comparatively late origin.[73] Borsippa was a small and unimportant -town, which eventually became a suburb of Babylon, and Babylon, on -the eastern bank of the Euphrates, was itself a colony of Eridu.[74] -Hence of the cities which stood outside the Edin of Babylonia, and may -therefore belong to an age when Babylonian civilization was still in -its infancy, Eridu alone is of account. And the priority even of Eridu -was contested. Traditionally Sippara, which is expressly stated to have -been in “the Edin,” claimed to be the oldest of Babylonian cities; one -quarter of it bore the name of “Sippara that is from everlasting,” and -like Eridu, it believed itself to have been the abode of the first -man.[75] Thus far, however, the monuments have given us nothing to -substantiate the claim; the culture-god of Babylonia was Ea of Eridu, -not the Sun-god of Sippara, and for the present, therefore, we must -look to the shore of the Persian Gulf, rather than to the “land of -Eden” for the cradle of Babylonian civilization. - -At any rate, both Sippara and Eridu were of Sumerian foundation, as -indeed were nearly all the great cities of Babylonia. Eridu was a later -form of the older Eri-dugga, “the good city,” a name which seems to -have been the starting-point of more than one legend. The growth of the -coast to the south of it gives us some idea as to the age to which its -foundation must reach back. - -It was, as I have said, the primitive seaport of Babylonia, and its -legend of the first man Adamu made him a fisherman in the Persian Gulf. -Its site is now rather more than a hundred miles distant from the -present line of coast. The progress of alluvial deposit brought down by -the Euphrates and Tigris can be estimated by the fact that forty-seven -miles of it have been formed since Spasinus Charax, the modern -Mohammerah, was built in the age of Alexander the Great, and was for a -time the port of Chaldæa. During the last 2000 years, accordingly, the -rate of deposit would seem to have been about 115 feet a year. This, -however, does not agree with the observations of Loftus, who made the -rate not more than a mile in every seventy years,[76] while on the -other hand Sir Henry Rawlinson adduced reasons for believing it to have -been more rapid in the past than it is to-day, and that consequently -the rate must once have been as much as a mile in thirty years.[77] It -is desirable that some competent geologist should study the question -on the spot. Taking, however, as a basis of calculation, the one known -fact of the rate of growth since the foundation of Spasinus Charax, and -bearing in mind that before the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates -the rate of advance must have been comparatively slow, we should have -to go back to about B.C. 5000 as the latest date at which -Eridu could still have been the seaport of the country. - -Was it here that the system of writing which was so closely entwined -with the origin of Babylonian civilization was first invented? -Babylonian tradition in later days certainly believed that such was the -case, and the fact that Ea of Eridu was the culture-god of Babylonia -is strongly in its favour. But there are difficulties in the way. -Eridu was the home of the “white witchcraft” of early Chaldæa; it was -here that the charms and incantations were composed which gave the -priesthood of Eridu its influence, and made the god they worshipped -the impersonation of wisdom. The belief that he was the originator of -Babylonian culture may have had its source in the system of magic which -was associated with his name. Eridu was built on the Semitic side of -the Euphrates, and the Semitic tribes who received their letters and -their civilization from the Sumerians of Eridu would naturally have -looked upon the city of their teachers as the primeval home of Sumerian -culture. The traditions that made Eridu the starting-point of Sumerian -civilization could thus be explained away, and we should be left free -to settle the question of its origin upon purely archæological evidence. - -Unfortunately the site of Eridu has not yet been systematically -excavated. Once again the archæological materials for settling an -archæological question are not at hand, and we are thrown back upon an -examination of the picture-writing from which the cuneiform characters -are derived. Here the evidence on the whole may be said to be in -favour of tradition. It is true that there is no special ideograph for -“river,” but there is one for “the deep,” and “the spirit of the deep” -must have been a chief object of worship at the time when the primitive -hieroglyphs were first formed. The “ship,” too, played a prominent -part in the life of their inventors, and the picture of it represented -it as moved not by oars but by a sail.[78] The flowering reed was -equally prominent, and was even used to symbolize what stood firm and -established.[79] Houses, fortresses, temples, and cities were built of -brick, and vases were moulded out of clay.[80] The tablet, rectangular -or square, was already employed for the purpose of writing, but as it -was provided with a handle or a couple of rings at the top, I think -it was more probably of wood than of clay. The sheep, goat and ox were -domesticated,[81] and so also probably was the ass,[82] and corn was -cultivated in the fields. The symbol of the “earth” appears to have -been the picture of an island of circular or elliptical form. Among -trees the cedar was well known. - -All this points to the sea-coast of Babylonia as the district in which -its civilization first arose. But on the other hand, there is the fact -that “country” and “mountain” are alike represented by the picture of -a mountainous land. There is also the fact that the land in which the -inventors of the hieroglyphs lived was one in which copper, gold and -silver were procurable--perhaps also meteoric iron; and the further -fact that hard wood was sufficiently plentiful for tools or weapons to -have been made of it before the employment of metal. That they should -have been made of wood, however, and not of stone, is a strong argument -in favour of the Babylonian coast. - -It is on wood, moreover, that the first hieroglyphs must have been -painted or cut. Many of them represented round objects or were -formed of curved lines, which were transformed into a series of -wedge-like indentations when imprinted by a stylus upon clay. We -know, therefore, that clay was not the original writing material; -its use as such, in fact, is coeval with the rise of that cursive -script which, in the case of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, is called -hieratic, but in Assyro-Babylonian is known as cuneiform. It was the -attempt to reproduce the old pictures upon clay that created the -cuneiform characters. As metal is not likely to have been employed -by the primitive scribes of Chaldæa, and there is no trace of stone -having been used--even the stone cylinder of later days being called -a _dup-sar_ or “written tablet”--we are left to choose between -wood and papyrus. In favour of papyrus is the fact that the circular -forms of so many of the pictures suggest that they were originally -painted rather than engraved; on the other hand, it is doubtful whether -the papyrus grows in the Babylonian rivers, or at any rate did so -in the prehistoric age. And the pictograph of a “written document” -is not a strip or roll of papyrus, as in Egypt, but a tablet with a -handle or loop. It is true that the primeval picture which denoted -“copper” has much the same form, but as even cutting instruments had -the determinative of “wood” attached to them in the early picture -writing, it is clear that the original tablet could not have been of -metal, whatever might have been the case with its later successors. -The picture, moreover, of the “tablet” is distinguished from that of -a “plate of bronze” by the addition of a string which is tied to the -handle. - -On the whole, therefore, the only archæological evidence available at -present is on the side of the tradition which made Babylonian culture -move northward from the coast. The only fact against it of which I know -is that, as I have already stated, the word for land was symbolized by -the picture of a triple mountain. But this fact is not insuperable. -Before the silting up of the shore, the old coast-line of Babylonia -would have stretched away north-eastward of Eridu towards the mountains -of Elam. Whether the mountains that fringed what would then have been -the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf are visible from the site of -Eridu, I do not know; if the clear light of Upper Egypt exists there -they would be so. Nor do I know whether on the western side there -are mountain ranges visible in Arabia; these are points which can be -cleared up only when the country has been thoroughly explored. - -Eridu lay five miles southward of Ur,[83] that “Ur of the Chaldees” -from which Hebrew history affirmed the ancestor of the nation had -come. Ur was never a maritime port like Eridu; it stood on the Arabian -plateau and looked towards the west. Its face was turned to the Semitic -rather than to the Sumerian world. From the first, therefore, it must -have been in touch with Semitic tribes. And a curious reminiscence -of the fact survived in the western Semitic languages, Ur or Uru -signifies “the city”; it was a Sumerian word, another form of which was -_eri_. The word was borrowed by the Semites, and in the Hebrew -of the Old Testament, accordingly, the idea of “city” is expressed by -_’îr_. The Assyrians of the north, whose vocabulary was otherwise -so full of Sumerian loan-words, preferred the native _âlu_, “a -tent,” to which the meaning of “city” was assigned when Sumerian -culture had been passed on to the Semitic race and the tent had been -exchanged for the city. The history of the word is a history of early -culture as well. - -But I am far from saying that it was through Ur that the civilization -of Sumer came to be handed on to its Semitic neighbours. On the -contrary, such facts as there are point in a different direction. -Western Semites, whom linguistically we may call Arabs or Aramæans, or -Canaanites or Hebrews, doubtless mingled with the Sumerian population -of Ur, and adopted more or less of its manners and civilization, but it -was further north, in the Babylonian Eden itself, that the Semite first -came under the influence of the higher culture, and soon outstripped -his masters in the arts of life. - -The entrance of the Semitic element into Babylonia is at present one of -the most obscure of problems. All we can be sure of are certain main -facts. First of all, as we have seen, the early culture of Babylonia, -including so integral a part of it as the script, was of Sumerian -origin. So, too, were the great cities and sanctuaries of the country, -as well as the system of irrigation engineering which first made it -habitable. Sumerian long continued to be the language of theology and -law; indeed a large part of the Babylonian pantheon of later days -was frankly non-Semitic. As was inevitable under such conditions, -the Assyrian language contained an immense number of words--many of -them compound--which were borrowed from the older language, and its -idioms and grammar equally showed signs of Sumerian influence. I have -sometimes been tempted, from a scientific point of view, to speak of -Semitic Babylonian as a mixed language. - -On the other hand, if the elements of Babylonian civilization were -Sumerian, the superstructure was Semitic. When the Semites entered into -the heritage of Sumerian culture, the cuneiform script must have still -been in a very inchoate and immature state. Its pictorial ancestry must -still have been clear, and no scruples were felt about altering or -adding to the characters. The phonetic application of the characters, -which was still in its initial stage in the Sumerian period, was -developed and carried to perfection by the Semitic scribes, and a very -considerable proportion of their values and ideographic meanings is of -Semitic derivation. The theological system was transformed, and a new -literature and a new art came into existence. As Sumerian words had -been borrowed by the Semites, so, too, Semitic words were borrowed by -the Sumerians, and it is possible that examples of them may occur in -some of the oldest Sumerian texts known to us.[84] The Babylonians of -history, in short, were a mixed people; and their culture and language -were mixed like our own. - -This, then, is one main fact. A second is that the Semitic element -first comes to the front in the northern part of Babylonia. It is in -Akkad, and not in Sumer, that the first Semitic Empire--that of Sargon -the Elder, B.C. 3800--had its seat, and old as that empire -is, it presupposes a long preceding period of Semitic settlement and -advance in power and civilization. The cuneiform system of writing -is already complete and has ceased to be Sumerian, archive-chambers -of Semitic literature are founded, and Semitic authority is firmly -established from Susa in the east to the Mediterranean in the west. -Art is no longer Sumerian, and in the hands of the Semitic subjects of -Sargon and his son Naram-Sin has reached a perfection which in certain -directions was never afterwards surpassed. The engraved seal-cylinders -of the period are the finest that we possess. Naturally the Semitic -language has superseded the Sumerian in official documents, and the -physical type as represented on the monuments is also distinctly -Semitic. At the beginning of the fourth millennium before our era, the -civilization and culture of Northern Babylonia have thus ceased to be -Sumerian, and the sceptre has fallen into the hands of a Semitic race. - -But there is a third fact. The displacement of the Sumerian by the -Semite was the case only in Northern Babylonia. In the south, in the -land of Sumer, the older population continued to be dominant. Sumerian -dynasties continued to rule there from time to time, and the old -agglutinative language continued to be spoken. When a West-Semitic -dynasty governed the country about B.C. 2200, state proclamations -and similar official documents had still to be drawn up in the two -languages, Semitic Babylonian and Sumerian. Sumerian did not become -extinct till a later day. Indeed, after the fall of the empire of -Sargon of Akkad there seems to have been a Sumerian reaction. While -Susa was lost to the Semites and became the capital of a non-Semitic -people who spoke an agglutinative language, the power of the Sumerian -princes in Southern Babylonia appears to have revived. At all events -even the dynasty which followed that of the West-Semites bore -Sumerian names.[85] It was only under the foreign domination of the -Kassites, apparently, who governed Babylonia for nearly 600 years, -that the Sumerian element finally became merged in the Semitic and the -Babylonian of later history was born. - - [Illustration: THE SEAL OF SHARGANI-SHAR-ALI (SARGON OF AKKAD): - GILGAMES WATERS THE CELESTIAL OX.] - - [Illustration: BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN.] - -The last fact is that while what we call Assyrian is Semitic Babylonian -with a few dialectal variations, it stands apart from the other Semitic -languages. A scientific comparison of its grammar with those of the -sister-tongues leads us to believe that it represents one of the two -primeval dialects of the Semitic family of speech, the other dialect -being that which subsequently split up into the varying dialects of -Canaanite or Hebrew, Arabic, South-Arabic and Aramæan--or, adopting -the genealogical form of linguistic relationship, Assyro-Babylonian -would have been one daughter of the primitive parent-speech, while the -other daughter comprised the remaining Semitic languages.[86] There -are two conclusions to be drawn from this; one is that the Babylonian -Semites must have separated from their kinsfolk and come under Sumerian -influence at a very early period, the other that they moved northward, -along the banks of the Tigris into Assyria. - -With these two inferences we have to be content. Upon the first home -of the Semitic race or its affinities with other branches of the white -race, Babylonia can naturally throw no light. The earliest glimpses -we catch of the Semites of Babylonia are those of a people who have -already come under the influences of Sumerian civilization, who are -mingling with their teachers and helping with them to build up the -stately edifice of historical Babylonia. There were ruder Semitic -tribes, it is true, who continued to live their own nomad life on the -western bank of the Euphrates or in the marshes that bordered the -Persian Gulf. But like the Bedâwîn of to-day on the outskirts of Egypt -they were little, if at all, affected by the civilization at their -sides. They remained the same wild savages of the desert as their -descendants who encamp in the swamps of modern Babylonia; they neither -traded nor tilled the ground, and the language they spoke was not the -same as that of their Babylonian kindred. They served, however, as the -herdsmen and shepherds of their Babylonian neighbours, and the vast -flocks whose wool was so important an article of Babylonian trade, were -entrusted to their care. But Bedâwîn they were born, and Bedâwîn they -continued to be. - -Even the Aramæan tribes of the coast-land kept apart from the -Babylonians, whether Sumerian or Semitic, until the day when one of -their tribes, the Kaldâ or Chaldæans, made themselves masters of -Babylon under their prince Merodach-baladan, and from henceforward -became an integral factor in the Babylonian population. They must -have settled on the borders of Babylonia at a comparatively late -date, when Semitic Babylonian had definitely marked itself off from -its sister-tongues and the Babylonian Semite had acquired distinctive -characteristics of his own. The West-Semitic elements in the -population of Babylonia could have entered the country only long after -the mixture of Sumerian and Semite had produced the Babylonian of -history. - -The Babylonian of history came to forget that he had ever had another -fatherland than the Babylonian plain, the Eden of the Old Testament, -the land whose southern border was formed by “the salt river” or -Persian Gulf of early Sumerian geography, with its four branches -which were themselves “heads.” Here the first man Adamu[87] had been -created in Eridu, “the good city,” and here therefore the Babylonian -Semite placed the home of the first ancestor of his race. But it was a -borrowed belief, borrowed along with the other elements of Babylonian -culture, and no argument can be drawn from it as to the actual cradle -of the Semitic race. Like the story of the deluge, it was part of the -Sumerian heritage into which the Semite had entered. - -The Semitic tradition which made the first man a tiller of the ground -may also have been borrowed from the earlier inhabitants of Babylonia. -At all events it is significant that the garden in which he was -placed was in the land of Eden, and that the picture of a garden or -plantation is one of the primitive hieroglyphs of Sumer. The beginnings -of Babylonian civilization were bound up with the cultivation of the -Babylonian soil; the reclamation of the great alluvial plain was at -once the effect and the cause of Sumerian culture. Sumerian culture, in -fact, was at the outset essentially that of an agricultural people. - -Trade would have come later, when Eridu had become a seaport, and -ships ventured on the waters of the Persian Gulf. It grew up under the -shelter of the great sanctuaries. Supported at first by the labour -of their serfs, the priests in time came to exchange their surplus -revenues--the wool of their sheep, the wheat and sesame of their -fields, or the wine yielded by their palms--for other commodities, and -the temples themselves formed safe and capacious store-houses in which -such goods could be kept. In the historical period Babylonia is already -a great trading community, and as the centuries passed trade absorbed -more and more the energies of its population, agriculture fell into the -background, and the Babylonia conquered by Cyrus could be described -with truth as “a nation of shopkeepers.” Even the crown prince was a -merchant who dealt in wool.[88] - -The increasing preponderance of trade goes along with the increasing -preponderance of the Semitic element in the country, and it is -tempting to suppose that there was a connection between the two. At -present, however, there is no positive evidence that such was the case. -Nor is there any positive evidence that the Semites who settled in -Babylonia were not already agriculturists. The circumstances in which -a people lives are mainly responsible for its being agricultural or -pastoral, and the fact that the Bedâwîn neighbours of the Babylonians -on the western side of the Euphrates remained a pastoral race does -not exclude the possibility that there were other branches of the -Semitic family who had already passed out of the pastoral into the -agricultural stage before coming into contact with the Sumerians. On -the other hand, it is at least noticeable that in Semitic Babylonian -the usual word for “city” continued to be one which properly meant a -“tent”--the home of the pastoral nomad--and that no Semitic traditions -have come down to us of the beginnings of agricultural life outside the -limits of the Babylonian “Plain.” The title of “Shepherd,” moreover, -was at times given to the Babylonian kings in days subsequent to the -Semitic Empire of Sargon of Akkad. So far as our materials allow us to -judge, city-life was the gift of the Sumerian to the primitive Semitic -nomad.[89] - -To the Semite, however, I believe I have shown in my Lectures on -Babylonian religion,[90] we must ascribe an important theological -conception. In historical Babylonia the gods were conceived of in -the form of man. Man was created in the image of God because the gods -themselves were men. But the conception cannot be traced back further -than the age when the Sumerians and Semites came into contact with one -another. In pre-Semitic Sumer there are no anthropomorphic gods. We -hear, instead, of the _zi_ or “spirit,” a word properly signifying -“life” which manifested itself in the power of motion. All things -that moved were possessed of life, and there was accordingly a “life” -or “spirit” of the water as well as of man or beast. In place of the -divine “lord of heaven” whom the Semites adored there was “a spirit of -heaven”; in place of Ea, the later Babylonian god of the deep, there -was “a spirit of the abyss.” Sumerian theology, in fact, was still on -the level of animism, and the inventors of the script represented the -idea of “god” by the picture of a star. Vestiges of the old animism can -still be detected even in the later cult: by the side of the human gods -an Assyrian prayer invokes the mountains, the rivers and the winds, -and from time to time we come across a worship of deified towns. It -was the town itself that was divine, not the deity to whom its chief -temple was dedicated. So, again, the god or goddess continued to be -symbolized by some sacred animal or object whose figure appears upon -seals and boundary-stones, and in some cases we learn that the Sumerian -prototypes of the later Babylonian divinities bore such names as “the -gazelle,” “the antelope” or “the bull.” - -With the advent of the Semite all is changed. The gods have become men -and women with intensified powers and the gift of immortality, but in -all other respects they live and act like the men and women of this -nether world. Like them, too, they are born and married, and the court -of the early prince finds its counterpart in the divine court of the -supreme Bel, or “Lord.” The Semitic god of Babylon was “lord of gods” -and men, of heaven and earth; Assur of Assyria was “king of the gods” -and lord of “the heavenly hosts.” - -It was natural that, corresponding with this lord of the heavenly -hosts, there should be a lord of the hosts of earth, and that as the -divine king was clothed in the attributes of man, the human king should -take upon him the divine nature. Like the Pharaohs of Egypt or the -emperors of Rome, the early kings of Semitic Babylonia were deified. -And the deification took place during their lifetime,--in fact, so far -as we can judge, upon their accession to the throne. In the eyes of -their subjects they were incarnate deities, and in their inscriptions -they give themselves the title of god. One of them is even called “the -god” of Akkad, his capital.[91] - -Here, then, in the conception of the divine, we have a clear dividing -line between the Semite and his non-Semitic predecessor. So far back as -the cuneiform monuments allow us to carry his history, the Semite is -anthropomorphic. As a consequence, the gods he worships conform to the -social conditions under which he lives. In the desert the sacred stone -becomes “the temple of the god”; in the organized monarchy of Babylonia -each deity takes his appointed place in an imperial court. Under the -one supreme ruler there are princes and sub-princes, vice-regents and -generals, while angel-messengers carry the commands of Bel to his -subjects on earth, like the messengers who carried the letters of the -Babylonian king along the high-roads of the empire. On the other hand, -the earthly king receives his power and attributes from the god whose -adopted son and representative he claims to be. Nowhere has “the divine -right of kings” been more fully insisted on than in ancient Babylonia. -The laws of the monarch had to be obeyed, foreign nations had to become -his vassals, because he was a god on earth as the supreme Bel was god -in heaven. - -But the reflection of the divine upon the human brought with it not -only the exaltation of sovereignty, but also the rise of a priesthood. -There were priests of a sort in Sumer of whom many different classes -are enumerated. But when we examine the signification of the names -attached to them we find that they were not priests in the true sense -of the word. They were rather magicians, sorcerers, wizards, masters -of charms. They do not develop into priests until after the Semite has -entered upon the scene. The god and the priest make their appearance -together. - -I do not think, however, that we are justified in concluding that the -elaborate hierarchy of Babylonia was of purely Semitic origin. On the -contrary, like the theological system with which it was associated, -it was a composite product. Behind the gods and goddesses of Semitic -Babylonia lay the primitive “spirits” and fetishes of Sumer; its -mythology and cosmological theories rested on Sumerian foundations; -and in the same way the priestly hierarchy was the result of a racial -amalgamation in which the Semitic element had adopted and adapted the -ideas and institutions of the older people. We do not find the theology -and priesthood of Babylonia among other Semitic populations, except -where they had been borrowed from the Babylonians (as in Assyria); in -the form in which we know them they were peculiarly and distinctively -Babylonian. Like the language of Semitic Babylonia, which is permeated -with Sumerian elements, or the script, which is a Semitic adaptation of -the Sumerian system of writing, they presuppose a mixture of race. - -The priesthood eventually proved irreconcilable with “the divine -right” of the monarch, though both alike had the same origin. The -priests prevailed over the king, and as in England the doctrine of -divine right was unable to survive the accession of a German line -of princes, so in Babylonia the accession of a foreign, non-Semitic -dynasty (that of the Kassites) dealt a death-blow to the belief in a -deified king. The king became merely the representative and deputy -of the divine “Lord” of heaven, deriving his right to rule from his -adoption by the god as a son; Bel-Merodach came to be regarded as the -true ruler of Babylonia, lord of the earth as well as of the heavens, -and a theocratic state affords but little room for a secular king. -The priests of Bel decided whom their god should recognize or not, -and little by little the controlling power of the state passed into -their hands It was in a sense a triumph for the non-Semitic element -in the population. While the deification of the sovereign may be said -to have been purely Semitic in its origin, the necessary corollary of -an anthropomorphic conception of the deity, the supernatural powers -supposed to be inherent in the priesthood went back to Sumerian times. -It was because he had once been a master of spells that the priest of -the anthropomorphic god could influence the spiritual world. The final -triumph of the theocratic principle in Babylonia, where the Semite -had been so long dominant, showed that the old racial element was -still strong, and ready to reassert itself when the favourable moment -arrived. Such, indeed, is generally the history of a mixed people: the -conquering or immigrant race may seem to have suppressed or absorbed -the earlier population of the country, but as generations pass the -foreign element becomes weaker, and the nation in greater or less -degree reverts to the older type. - - - NOTE - -So far as the primitive culture of Sumer may be recovered from such -of the primitive pictographs as can be at present identified, it may -be described as follows. The inventors of them lived on the sea-coast -within sight of mountains, but in a marshy district where reeds -abounded. Trees also grew there, and the cedar was known. Stone was -scarce, but was already cut into blocks and seals. Tablets were used -for writing purposes, and copper, gold and silver were worked by the -smith. Daggers with metal blades and wooden handles were worn, and -copper was hammered into plates, while necklaces or collars were made -of gold. Brick was the ordinary building material, and with it cities, -forts, temples and houses were constructed. The city was provided with -towers and stood on an artificial platform; the house also had a -tower-like appearance. It was provided with a door which turned on a -hinge, and could be opened with a sort of key; the city gate was on a -larger scale, and seems to have been double. By the side of the house -was an enclosed garden planted with trees and other plants; wheat and -probably other cereals were sown in the fields, and the shaddûf was -already employed for the purpose of irrigation. Plants were also grown -in pots or vases. That floods took place is evident from the existence -of a pictograph denoting “inundation,” and representing a fish left -stranded above the foliage of a tree. Canals or aqueducts had already -been dug. The sheep, goat, ox and probably ass had been domesticated, -the ox being used for draught, and woollen clothing as well as -rugs were made from the wool or hair of the two first. A feathered -head-dress was worn on the head. Beds, stools and chairs were used, -with carved legs resembling those of an ox. There were fire-places and -fire-altars, and apparently chimneys also. Pottery was very plentiful, -and the forms of the vases, bowls and dishes were manifold; there were -special jars for honey, butter, oil and wine, which was probably made -from dates, and one form of vase had a spout protruding from its side. -Some of the vases had pointed feet, and stood on stands with crossed -legs; others were flat-bottomed, and were set on square or rectangular -frames of wood. The oil-jars--and probably others also--were sealed -with clay, precisely as in early Egypt. Vases and dishes of stone were -made in imitation of those of clay, and baskets were woven of reeds or -formed of leather. Knives, drills, wedges and an instrument which looks -like a saw were all known, while bows, arrows and daggers (but not -swords nor, probably, spears) were employed in war. Time was reckoned -in lunar months. Sacred cakes were offered to the gods, whose images -were symbolized sometimes by a bearded human head with a feather crown, -sometimes by a two-legged table of offerings on which stand two vases -(of incense?). Demons were feared who had wings like a bird, and the -foundation stones--or rather bricks--of a house were consecrated by -certain objects that were deposited under them. A “year” was denoted by -the branch of a tree, as in Egypt, and a “name” by a bird placed over -the sacred table of offerings. The country was full of snakes and other -creeping things, and wild beasts lurked in the jungle. The pictographs -were read from left to right, and various expedients were devised for -making them express ideas. Thus _mud_, “to beget,” was denoted by the -picture of a bird dropping an egg. At other times the pictograph was -used to express an idea, the pronunciation of which was the same as -that of the object which it represented. The bent knee, for example, -was used to express _dug_ or _tuk_, “to have,” since it represented a -“knee,” which was called _dug_ in Sumerian. - - - - - CHAPTER IV - - THE RELATION OF BABYLONIAN TO EGYPTIAN - CIVILIZATION - - -In dealing with the question of origins, science is constantly -confronted with the problem of unity or polygeneity. Has language one -origin or many; are the various races of mankind traceable to one -ancestor or to several? Do the older civilizations presuppose the same -primeval starting-point, or were there independent centres of culture -which grew up unknown to one another in different parts of the world? -Under the influences of theology the belief long prevailed that they -were all sprung from the same source; of late the tendency has been in -an opposite direction. While the biologist has inclined to a belief in -the unity of species, the anthropologist has seen reason to maintain -the diversity of origin in culture. - -The two earliest civilizations with which we are acquainted were those -of Babylonia and Egypt. To a certain extent the conditions under -which they both arose were similar. They grew up alike on the banks -of great rivers and in a warm, though not tropical, climate. They -rested, moreover, on organized systems of agriculture, which again had -been made possible by irrigation engineering. In Babylonia the first -settlers had found a plain which was little more than a swamp, over -which the swollen streams of the Euphrates and Tigris wandered at will -during the annual period of inundation, and which needed engineering -works on a large scale before it could be made habitable. The rivers -had to be confined within their channels by means of embankments, and -canals had to be cut in order to draw off the surplus supply of water -and regulate its distribution to the land. While the swamp was thus -being made possible for habitation, the population must have lived -on the edge of the desert plateau which bordered it, and have there -developed a civilization which not only produced the engineers and -their science, but also the concentrated authority which enabled the -science to be utilized. - -In Egypt it was the banks and delta of the Nile which took the place -of the Babylonian plain. Recent discoveries have shown that in the -prehistoric age, when the natives still lived in the desert and led a -pastoral life, all this was a morass, the haunt of beasts of prey and -venomous reptiles. But here again the swamp was rendered habitable by -engineering works similar to those of primeval Babylonia. The swamp -was transformed into fertile fields, the annual flood of the river was -regulated, and an elaborate network of canals and embankments spread -over the country. The pastoral nomads of the neolithic age became -agriculturists, or were employed in constructing and repairing the -works of irrigation, or in erecting monumental buildings for their -rulers. There is evidence of the same centralized government, the -same directing brain and organizing force that there is in primitive -Babylonia. - -Is it possible that two systems of engineering science, so similar -in their objects, their methods and their results, should have been -invented independently in two different countries? There are scholars -who answer in the negative. But the possibility cannot be denied, -since an even more elaborate system of irrigation was invented in -China without any suggestion, as far as we know, from outside. The -geographical conditions of Babylonia and Egypt, moreover, resemble -one another, and the question of draining the swamps and regulating -the overflow of the rivers once raised, the answer to it seems fairly -obvious. By itself, therefore, the fact that the cultures of ancient -Babylonia and Egypt alike rested on a similar system of irrigation -engineering would be no proof of their common origin. - -In some respects the problem which the Babylonian engineers were -called upon to solve was more difficult than that which faced the -Egyptians. The Nile is fed by the rains and melting snows of Abyssinia -and Central Africa, and its annual inundation takes place in the later -summer months. The Euphrates and Tigris flow from the north, from -the highlands of Armenia, and are at their fullest in the spring. -Their overflow accordingly comes just before the summer heats, when -agriculture is difficult or impossible, whereas in Egypt the period -of inundation ushers in the most favourable time of the year for the -growth of the crops. What the Babylonian engineers had to do was not -only to drain off the overflow, but also to store it for use at least -six months later. With them it was a question of storage as well as of -regulation. - -Those then, who believe that the engineering sciences of the -Babylonians and Egyptians were no independent inventions are bound to -see in Babylonia their original home. It would have been here that the -great problems were solved, the practical application of which to the -needs of Egypt would have been a comparatively simple matter. On the -chronological side there would be no difficulties in such a view. Old -as was the civilization of Egypt, the excavations in Babylonia have -made it clear that the civilization of Babylonia was at least equally -old. At Nippur the American excavators claim to have found inscribed -remains which reach back for nearly ten thousand years, and though -the data upon which this calculation is based may be disputable, it -is certain that the earliest monuments met with are of immense age. -And it must be remembered that they belong to a time when the early -pictorial writing had already passed into a cursive script, and the -plain of Babylonia had been a land of cultivated fields for unnumbered -generations. - -But by itself, I repeat, the practical identity of engineering science -in primeval Babylonia and Egypt is no proof that it had been learnt by -the one from the other. If we are to fall back on the old belief which -brought the civilized population of Egypt from the plain of Shinar, -it must be for reasons which are supported by archæological facts. If -such archæological facts exist, the parallel systems of irrigation -engineering will be additional evidence; alone, they prove nothing. - -At the outset we are met by a fact which personally I find it hard to -explain away. The hieroglyphic script of Egypt has little in common -with the primitive pictorial characters of Babylonia. Objects and -ideas like “the sun,” “man,” “number one,” will be represented by the -same pictures or symbols all the world over, and consequently the fact -that in both Babylonian and Egyptian writing the sun is denoted by a -circle and the moon by a crescent is of no significance whatsoever. -But when we turn to less obvious symbols there is comparatively little -similarity between the two forms of script. The ideograph of “god,” for -example, is a star in Babylonia, a stone axe and its shaft in Egypt; -“life” is represented by a flowering reed in the one case, by a knotted -girdle in the other. It is true that Professor Hommel and others have -pointed to a few coincidences like those between the Egyptian symbol -for “foreign land” and the Babylonian ideograph of “country,” or -between the Egyptian and Babylonian signs for “city,” “place,” but -such coincidences are rare.[92] As a rule, as soon as we leave the -more obvious conventions of pictorial writing little or no connection -can be traced between the pictorial characters of Egypt and those of -Babylonia. As a whole the two graphic systems stand apart. - -Nevertheless I am bound to add that it is only as a whole that they -do so. With all the general unlikeness there is a curious similarity -in a few--a very few--instances which it is difficult to interpret as -merely the result of accident. The round circle with lines inside it -which denotes “a city” in Egyptian might be explained from the circular -villages which still characterize Central Africa; but then how is it -that the ideograph for “place” in the pictorial script of Babylonia had -precisely the same form? That the word for “country” should be denoted -in the Babylonian script by the picture of three mountain peaks may -be due to the fact that to the Babylonian “country” and “mountain” -were the same; but such an explanation fails us in the case of the -Egyptian hieroglyph of “foreign land,” where the three peaks appear -again, since the hieroglyph for “mountain” in Egyptian has but two. -The picture of a seat, and a seat, too, of peculiar shape, represents -“place” in Egyptian; in Babylonian the same picture represents “city,” -thus inverting the ideographic signification of the picture which in -Egyptian and Babylonian has respectively the meanings of “city” and -“place.” Between the primitive Babylonian picture of a “ship” and -the boats depicted in the prehistoric pottery of Egypt, again, the -resemblance is very exact, and Professor Hommel has pointed out to me a -curious likeness between the original form of the Babylonian ideograph -for “a personal name” and the _ka_-sign with the Horus-hawk above -it within which the names of the earliest Pharaohs are inscribed.[93] -Indeed the learned and ingenious Munich Professor has made out a list -of even more striking coincidences, where the characters agree not only -in sense but also in the phonetic values attached to them.[94] - -Here, however, we trench on another question, the philological position -of the Egyptian language. Egyptian scholars to-day are practically -unanimous in believing it to belong, more or less remotely, to the -Semitic family of speech. The Berlin school of Egyptologists, who under -the guidance of Professor Erman have made Egyptian grammar a special -subject of investigation, are largely responsible for the dominance -of this belief. I ought to be the last person in the world to protest -against it, seeing that I maintained it years ago when the patronage -of the Berlin Egyptologists had not yet made it fashionable. At the -same time I confess that I cannot follow the Berlin philologists to -the extent to which they would have us go. For them the old Egyptian -language is not related to the Semitic family of speech “more or less -remotely,” but very closely indeed. Indeed in their hands it becomes -itself a Semitic language, and as a logical consequence the Egyptian -script is metamorphosed into one of purely Semitic invention. But -while admitting that Egyptian grammar is Semitic in the sense in which -English grammar is Teutonic, the comparative philologist is bound -to add that it contains much which cannot be reduced to a Semitic -pattern. The structure, moreover, is not on the whole Semitic, neither -is a large part of its vocabulary. And among the words in the lexicon -which have Semitic affinities there are a good many which are better -explained as the result of borrowing than as belonging to the original -stratum of the language. In some cases they are demonstrably words -which have been introduced into the Egyptian language at a late date; -in other cases it seems possible to regard them as loan-words from -Semitic Babylonian which entered the language at a “pre-dynastic” -epoch. Thus, _qemḳu_, “the wheaten loaf” which was used for -offerings, is the Hebrew _qemakh_, the Babylonian _qêmu_, -and may have been brought into Egypt along with the wheat which was -first cultivated in Babylonia and still grows wild on the banks of the -Euphrates. To what an early period the importation of the cereal must -be referred is shown by its occurrence in the prehistoric graves of -Upper Egypt.[95] - -When all allowances are made, however, the fact remains that the -Egyptian language as we know it was related to the Semitic family of -speech. It stood to the latter as an elder sister, or rather as the -sister of the parent-language which the existing Semitic dialects -presuppose. It was not like the so-called Hamitic dialects of Eastern -Africa, which are African languages Semitized, but it was itself -of the same stock as Hebrew or Semitic Babylonian. It represents, -however, a form of language at an earlier stage of development than -are any of those which we call Semitic, and it has, moreover, been -largely influenced and modified by foreign languages, which we may -term African. So extensive has this influence been that the Semitic -element has been even more disguised in it than the Teutonic element is -disguised in modern English. In leaving the soil of Asia the language -of Egypt took upon it an African dress. - -Now though language can prove but little as regards race, it can -prove a great deal as regards history. A mixed language means a mixed -history, and indicates an intimate contact between the populations who -spoke the languages which are represented in it. Egyptian grammar would -not have been Semitic if those who imposed it upon the natives of the -Nile had not been of Semitic descent, or at all events had not come -from a region where the language was Semitic. Nor would this grammar -have been modified by foreign admixture if a part of those who learned -to use it had not previously been accustomed to some other form of -speech. And since we know of no Semitic languages in Africa which were -not brought from Asia, we are justified in concluding that the Semitic -element in the Egyptian language was of Asiatic origin. - -But we can go yet a step further. Where two languages are brought -into close contact, the general rule is that that of the stronger -race prevails. The conqueror is less likely to learn the language -of the conquered than the conquered are to learn the language of -their masters. On the other hand, the negro slave in America became -English-speaking, whereas the English emigrant wherever he goes -preserves the language of his fathers. It is only where a conquering -caste brings no women with it that it is likely to lose its language. - -When, therefore, we find that Old Egyptian is an Africanized Semitic -language, we have every right to infer that it is because invaders -brought it with them from Asia who were Semites either by race or by -language. In other words, Egypt must have been occupied in prehistoric -days by a people who came from the Semitic area in Asia. - -The days were prehistoric, but of the invasion itself history preserved -a tradition. On the walls of the temple of Edfu it is recounted how -the followers of Horus, the totem guide and patron deity of the first -kings of Upper Egypt, made their way across the eastern desert to the -banks of the Nile, and there, with the help of their weapons of metal, -subjugated the older inhabitants of the valley. Battle after battle -was fought as the invaders slowly pushed their way down the Nile to -the Delta, establishing a forge and a sanctuary of Horus on every -spot where a victory had been gained.[96] The story has come down -to us under a disguise of euhemeristic mythology, but the tradition -it embodies has been strikingly confirmed by modern discovery. The -“dynastic” Egyptians, the Egyptians, that is to say, who founded the -Egyptian monarchy and to whom we owe the great monuments of Egypt, were -immigrants from the east. - -The culture of these “dynastic” Egyptians was built up on two solid -foundations, the engineering skill which made Egypt a land of -agriculture, and a system of writing which made the organization of -the government possible. The culture was at once agricultural and -literary, and this alone marked it off from the culture of neolithic -(or “prehistoric”) Egypt, which belonged to the desert rather than to -the banks and delta of the river, and which knew nothing of writing. -Now we have seen that there was one other country in the world in which -a similar form of culture had come into existence. In Babylonia too -we have a civilization which has as its basis the training of rivers -for the purpose of irrigation and the use of a pictorial script. The -civilization of Babylonia was, it is true, Sumerian at its outset, but -in time it became Semitic, and expressed itself in a Semitic tongue. -It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Semitic-speaking -people who brought the science of irrigation and the art of writing to -the banks of the Nile came, like the wheat they cultivated, from the -Babylonian plain. - -There are two archæological facts connected with the early culture of -“dynastic” Egypt which seem to me to prove at any rate some kind of -intercourse with Babylonia. No building-stone exists in the Babylonian -plain; it was therefore the natural home of the art of building in -brick, and since every pebble was of value it was also the natural -birthplace of the gem-cutter. Nowhere else could the use of clay as a -writing material have suggested itself, or that of the inscribed stone -cylinder which left its impression behind it when rolled over the clay. -Wherever we have the clay tablet and the seal-cylinder we have evidence -of Babylonian influence. - -Now recent discoveries have shown that the culture of the early -dynastic period of Egypt is distinguished from that of later times by -the employment of clay and the stone seal-cylinder. Neither the one nor -the other could have originated in the country itself, for Upper Egypt -(where all authenticated discoveries of early seal-cylinders have been -made) is a land of stone, and the river-silt, which is mixed with sand, -is altogether unsuited for the purpose of writing. When the Egyptians -of the Eighteenth dynasty corresponded in Babylonian cuneiform with -their subjects and allies in Asia, the clay upon which they wrote was -brought from a distance. Moreover, the stone seal-cylinder of the -early dynasties is an exact reproduction of the early seal-cylinder -of Babylonia. Substitute cuneiform characters for the hieroglyphs and -there is practically no difference between them in many cases. It is -difficult to believe that such an identity of form is the result of -accident, more especially when we find that, as Egyptian civilization -advanced, the seal-cylinder became less and less like its Babylonian -original, and finally disappeared from use altogether. That is to -say, as the culture of the people was further removed from its first -starting-point, and therefore more national, an object which never -had any natural basis in the physical conditions of the country grew -more and more of an anomaly, and was eventually superseded, first by -the “button-seal” and then by the scarab. I see no other explanation -of this than that it was originally introduced from Babylonia, and -maintained itself so long in an alien atmosphere only because it was -bound up with a culture which had come from the same region of the -world. The seal-cylinder of the early Egyptian dynasties seems to me, -apart from everything else, to prove the existence of some kind of -“prehistoric” intercourse between the civilizations of the Euphrates -and the Nile. And in this intercourse the influences came from -Babylonia to Egypt, not from Egypt to Babylonia. - -The use of brick in early Egypt points in the same direction. While -Babylonia was a land of clay, Upper Egypt was a land of stone, and -it was as unnatural to invent the art of brick-making in the latter -country as it was natural to do so in the former. To this day the -Nubians build their cottages of stone; so too do the Bedâwîn squatters -on the east bank of the Nile; it is only where the population is -Egyptian and the influence of the old Egyptian civilization is still -dominant that brick is employed. Under the Old Empire the Egyptian -Pharaohs built even the temples of the gods of brick; it was but -gradually that the brick was superseded by stone. It was the same also -in Assyria; here too, in a land of stone, brick was at first the sole -building material, and even the great brick platforms which the marshy -soil of Babylonia had necessitated continued to be laid. But Assyrian -culture was confessedly Babylonian in origin, and the brick edifice -was therefore a characteristic of it. It was only by degrees that -Assyrian architecture emancipated itself from its early traditions, -and at first timidly, then more boldly, superseded the brick by stone. -The example of Assyria throws light on that of Egypt, and as the -Assyrian employment of brick was due to the Babylonian origin of its -civilization, it is permissible to infer that the Egyptian employment -of brick was also due to the same cause. Once more we may repeat that -there was early intercourse between Egypt and Babylonia--the land of -the brick-maker--and that in this intercourse the prevailing influences -came from the east. - -Such, then, is the conclusion to which the most recent research leads -us. The “dynastic” Egyptians, the Egyptians of history, spoke a -language which is related to those of the Semitic family; their first -kingdoms, so far as we know, were in Upper Egypt, and tradition brought -them across the eastern desert to the banks of the Nile. The culture -which they possessed was characterized by Babylonian features, and was -therefore due either wholly or in part to intercourse with Babylonia. -The fact that the use of the seal-cylinder--which, by the way, bore the -Semitic name of _khetem_--should have lingered in the valley of -the Nile to the very beginnings of the Middle Empire, is an indication -that the period of its introduction could not have been very remote. -The earliest historical monuments which have been revealed to us by -modern excavation may not, after all, be many centuries later than the -time when the culture of Babylonia found its way to the Nile. - -Indeed, there is a fact which indicates that this is the case, and that -the literary culture of Babylonia had been imported into the valley of -the Nile at a time when Egypt was divided into independent kingdoms. -At an early epoch an ingenious system of official chronology had been -invented in Babylonia. The years were named there after the chief -events that had occurred in each of them, among these the accession -or death of a king being naturally prominent. At the death of a king -a list was drawn up of his regnal years, with their characteristic -events, and such lists were from time to time combined into longer -chronicles. The Babylonians were preeminently a commercial people, and -for purposes of trade it was necessary that contracts and other legal -documents should be dated accurately, and that in case of a dispute the -date should be easily ascertained. Now an exactly similar system of -dating had been adopted in Egypt before the age of the First historical -dynasty. A pre-Menic monument dated in this way has been discovered at -Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, and the same method of reckoning time -is found on ivory tablets that have been disinterred at Abydos. The -method lasted down to the age of the Fifth dynasty, since the Museum -of Palermo contains the fragment of a stone from Heliopolis, on which -the chronology of the Egyptian kings is given from Menes onward, each -year being named after the event or events from which it had received -its official title. The successive reigns are divided from one another -as in the Babylonian lists, and the height of the Nile in each year -is further added--a note which naturally is of Egyptian origin. It -is, therefore, interesting to observe that it is added as a note, -independent of the event which gave its name to the year. Nothing -could prove more clearly the foreign origin of the whole system of -chronology, since, had it been of native invention, the height of the -Nile, on which the prosperity of the country depended, would have been -the first event to be recorded. After the fall of the Old Empire this -ancient Babylonian method of dating seems to have passed out of use -like the Babylonian seal-cylinder; at all events we find no further -traces of it. It was, in short, an exotic which never took kindly to -Egyptian soil. - -Did the “dynastic” Egyptians bring this method of dating with them, -or did they borrow it after their settlement in Egypt? The second -supposition is very difficult to entertain, for intimate trade -relations between Babylonia and Upper (or Lower)[97] Egypt in the -pre-Menic age appear to be out of the question, and are unsupported by -any known facts. And literary correspondence, such as was carried on in -the time of the Eighteenth dynasty, seems equally out of the question. -How, then, did the Egyptians come to learn the peculiar Babylonian -system of chronology unless the founders of the culture of which it -formed a portion had originally brought it with them from the east? - -The same question is raised by the existence in early Egypt of an -artistic _motif_ which had its origin in Babylonia. This is what -is usually known as the heraldic position of the figures of men and -animals. An example of it is found on the famous “palette” of Nar-Buzau -discovered by Mr. Quibell at Hierakonpolis,[98] where the hybrid -monsters whose necks form the centre of the slate are heraldically -arranged. In this case the design is known to be Babylonian, since -M. Heuzey has pointed out a Babylonian seal-cylinder on which the -two monsters recur. Nar-Buzau is made the immediate predecessor of -Menes by Professor Petrie on grounds to which every archæologist must -assent; but an even better example of the heraldic design is met with -on a great isolated rock of sandstone near El-Kab which was quarried -in the time of the Old Empire. Here the ownership and opening of the -quarry are denoted by an elaborate sculpture of the Pharaoh, who is -duplicated, his two forms being figured as seated back to back, with -a column between them, while the winged solar disk of Edfu, with the -royal uræi on either side of the orb, spreads its wings above them. -Each of the royal forms holds a sceptre, but that on the left has -no head-dress, whereas that on the right wears a skull-cap, above -which is the solar orb with the uræus serpent issuing from it.[99] -In front of the latter is an altar consisting of a bowl on a stand, -loaves of bread and a cup and jar of wine (with the customary handles -for suspension) being engraved above the bowl along with a series -of perpendicular lines which in this instance cannot (as has been -suggested) represent the fringes of a mat. In front of the figure on -the left is another altar, of different shape, the place of the bowl -being taken by a flat top, above which are six upright lines and a -flat cake. Precisely the same altar with the same objects above it are -engraved on a broken seal-cylinder of ivory found by Dr. Reisner at -Naga’ ed-Dêr, which I understand from the discoverer to be of the age -of the First dynasty. When, therefore, was it that the heraldic design -in art was introduced into Egypt from its Babylonian birthplace? In any -case it would seem to have been before the foundation of the united -monarchy. - -In Babylonia itself, as we have seen, tradition looked seaward, towards -the Persian Gulf, for the elements of its civilization. At any rate -the seaport of Eridu was the gateway through which the culture of -Babylonia was believed to have passed. Here on the shores of the sea -the culture-god of Sumer had his home; here trade sprang up, and the -sailors and merchants of Eridu came into contact with men of other -lands and other habits. Is it possible to discover a connection between -Eridu and primeval Egypt? - -I believe that it is, though in making the attempt we are of -course treading upon precarious ground. There are certain curious -coincidences, one of which, since it goes to the heart of Sumerian and -Egyptian religion, is necessarily of considerable weight. But they are -all, it must be remembered, more in the nature of indications and -possibilities than of ascertained facts. - -Eridu meant in Sumerian “the good city.” Memphis (Men-nofer), “the good -place,” the name of the first capital of united Egypt, had the same -signification. In the case of Eridu the name had something to do with -the fact that the city was the seat of Ea, the god of beneficent spells -and incantations, who had given the arts and sciences to man, and was -ever ready to heal those that were sick. The son and vice-gerent of -Ea, who carried his commands to earth and spent his time in curing -diseases and raising “the dead to life,” was Asari, “the prince,” who -was usually entitled Mulu-dugga, “the good” or “beneficent one.” The -character and attributes of Asari are thus the same as those of the -Egyptian Osiris, who was also known as Ati, “the prince,” and was -commonly addressed as Un-nofer, “the good being.” Unlike most of the -Egyptian deities, Osiris had the same human form as Asari of Eridu, -and the resemblance between the names of Asari and Osiris--Asar in -Egyptian--is rendered more striking by the remarkable fact that they -are both represented by two ideographs or hieroglyphs of precisely -the same shape and signification.[100] It does not appear possible to -ascribe such a threefold identity to mere coincidence. And the theory -of coincidence becomes still more improbable when we remember that -while the story of Osiris centres in his death and resurrection, one -of the chief offices of the Sumerian Asari was to “raise the dead -to life.” Nowhere else in Babylonian literature, whether Sumerian -or Semitic, do we find any reference to a resurrection; the Semitic -Babylonians, indeed, did not look forward to a future life at all, or -if they did, it was to a shadowy existence in a subterranean land of -darkness “where all things are forgotten.” It is only in connection -with Asari that we hear of a possibility that the dead may live again. - -Other resemblances between the theologies of Eridu and primitive Egypt -have been pointed out. Professor Hommel believes that in the Egyptian -deity Nun, the heavenly ocean, we must see a Sumerian god Nun, who also -represented the celestial abyss. However this may be, an old formula, -torn from its context, which has been introduced into the Pyramid texts -of the Pharaoh Pepi I., takes us back not only to the cosmology of -Eridu but to the literary form in which it had been expressed. Pepi, it -is said, “was born of his father Tum. At that time the heaven was not, -the earth was not, men did not exist, the gods were not born, there was -no death.” The words are almost a repetition of those with which the -Babylonian epic of the creation begins: “At that time the heaven above -was not known by name, the earth beneath was not named ... at that -time the gods had not appeared, any one of them”; and they are also a -distant echo of the commencement of the cosmological legend of Sumerian -Eridu: “At that time no holy house, no house of the gods in a holy -place had been built, no reed had grown, no tree had been planted.”[101] - -The testimony of philological archæology, if I may use such a term, is -supplemented by that of archæological discovery. Sumerian Babylonia and -early dynastic Egypt are alike characterized by vases of hard stone, -many of which have the same forms. Examples of some of them will be -found in de Morgan’s _Recherches sur les Origines de l’Égypte_, -ii. p. 257, where Jéquier observes that analogues to the Egyptian vases -have been disinterred by de Sarzec at Tello in Southern Babylonia, -“the shape and execution of which are exactly like” those discovered -in Egypt, “the only difference being that the one are ornamented with -hieroglyphics, and the others with a cuneiform inscription; apart -from this they are identical in make.” The most remarkable instance -of identity, however, is the design on the palette of the pre-Menic -Pharaoh Nar-Buzau to which attention was first called by Professor -Heuzey.[102] On this we have a representation of two lions set face -to face in the Babylonian fashion, and with long serpentine necks -which are interlaced so as to enclose a circle. Precisely the same -representation is met with on an early Babylonian seal-cylinder from -Tello. - -Years ago I noticed the general likeness presented by the seated -statues of Tello to those of the Third Egyptian dynasty,[103] and -suggested that both belonged to the same school of sculpture. A little -earlier Professor Flinders Petrie had demonstrated that the standard -of measurement marked upon the plan of the city which one of the Tello -figures holds in his lap is the same as the standard of measurement of -the Egyptian pyramid-builders, the cubit, namely, of 20·63, which is -quite different from the later Assyro-Babylonian cubit of 21·6.[104] -Still more convincing, perhaps, is the Babylonian division of the year -into twelve months of thirty days each, which was already known in -Egypt in the age of the early dynasties. The Babylonian week of five -and ten days reappears in the Egyptian week of ten days, while the -division of the day into twelve “double hours,” six belonging to the -day and six to the night, has its counterpart in the Egyptian day of -twenty-four hours, twelve of which were reckoned to the day and the -other twelve to the night. Since a list of the thirty-six decans or -zodiacal stars has recently been found on a coffin of the time of the -Twelfth Dynasty[105] it is possible that this distinctively Babylonian -invention may also go back to the age of the first Egyptian dynasties. -At all events one of the chief stars in the Pyramid texts is “the Bull -of heaven,” a translation of the Sumerian Gudi-bir, or “Bull of Light,” -the name given to the planet Jupiter in its relation to the ecliptic. -In primitive Babylonian astronomy the zodiacal sign of the Bull ushered -in the year. - - [Illustration: SITTING STATUE OF GUDEA.] - -It may be that some of these evidences of Babylonian influence are -referable to contact between Babylonia and Egypt in the age that -immediately preceded the foundation of the united Egyptian monarchy -rather than to that still earlier age when the “dynastic” settlers -first settled in the valley of the Nile. But at present we do not -know how such a contact could have taken place. Upper Egypt and not -the Delta was the seat of the first Pharaohs with their Horus-hawk -totem, and at the remote period when the future civilization of the -country was being developed under their fostering care it is difficult -to believe that Babylonian soldiers or traders had made their way -to the shores of the Mediterranean, much less to the deserts of the -Sayyîd. For the present, at all events, where we have clear proof of -the dependence of early Egyptian culture upon that of the Babylonians -we have no alternative but to ascribe it to the Semitic emigrants or -invaders to whom the historical civilization of Egypt was primarily -due.[106] - -This civilization, like that of Babylonia, implied a knowledge of -metal. It was a civilization of the copper age, and thus stood in sharp -contrast to the neolithic culture, such as it was, of “prehistoric” -Egypt. Egyptian tradition, it is true, believed that the metal weapons -with which the followers of Horus had overcome the stone-defended -natives of the country were of iron, but this was because the compilers -of the story in its existing form projected the knowledge and usages -of their own time back into the past. There is incontrovertible proof -that in Egypt, as in Europe, the ages of copper and bronze preceded -that of iron. But the tradition was doubtless right in laying stress -upon the fact that the invaders were forgers and blacksmiths. It -would have been by reason of the superiority of their arms that -they succeeded in subduing the valley of the Nile and reducing its -inhabitants to serfdom. They were, too, “the followers of Horus,” -under the leadership of a single prince who was himself a Horus, that -is to say, an incarnate god. Here, again, we find ourselves in the -presence of a conception and doctrine of Semitic Babylonia. There, too, -as we have seen, the kings were incarnate gods, not only the sons of -a divinity, but themselves divine. In Egypt, apart from the Osirian -circle, the gods were not men, but animals, and so deeply rooted was -this beast-worship in the hearts of the indigenous population that -even the “dynastic” civilization, with all its unifying and absorbing -power, never succeeded in doing more than in uniting the head of the -beast with the body of the man. Even the human Pharaoh was forced to -picture himself as a hawk. In Semitic Babylonia on the other hand, as -we have seen, the deification of the king flowed naturally from the -anthropomorphic conception of the deity; where man was made in the -image of God, it was easy to see in him a god on earth. Like the use -of copper, therefore, the deification of the king which characterized -dynastic Egypt points back to Babylonia. - -It must not be supposed, however, that because certain elements and -leading characteristics in the civilization of historical Egypt -indicate that the Semitic-speaking race to whom it was mainly due -came originally from Babylonia, there are no elements in it which can -be derived from elsewhere. On the contrary, there is much that is -native to Egypt itself. Even the script shows but comparatively few -traces of a Babylonian origin. If the “dynastic” Egyptians came from -Babylonia, they must have very considerably modified and developed -the seeds of culture which they brought with them. And in Egypt they -found a neolithic culture which had already made considerable progress. -The indigenous population possessed the same artistic sense as the -palæolithic European of the Solutrian and Magdalenian epochs, with whom -perhaps it was contemporaneous, and under the direction of its dynastic -conquerors this sense was trained and educated until the Egyptians of -history became one of the most artistic peoples of the old world. - -But it is noticeable that throughout the historical period whenever the -civilizations of Egypt and Babylonia came into contact, it was Egypt -that was influenced rather than Asia. The tradition of the earliest -ages was thus carried on; the stream of influence flowed from the east, -and Herodotus was justified in assigning Egypt to Asia rather than -to Africa. It was, in fact, Asia with an African colouring. In the -days of the Eighteenth dynasty, when Egypt for the first and last time -possessed an Asiatic empire, the eastern influence is very marked. The -script itself became Babylonian, the correspondence of the Government -with its own officials in Canaan was conducted in the Babylonian -language and the Babylonian syllabary, and there are indications that -even the official memoranda of the campaigns of Thothmes III. were -drawn up in cuneiform characters. The clay tablets of Babylonia were -imitated in Upper Egypt, where hieroglyphic and hieratic characters -were somewhat awkwardly impressed upon them, and the language was -filled with Semitic loan-words. The fashionable author of the age of -the Nineteenth dynasty interlarded his style not only with Semitic -words, but even with Semitic phrases. It is true that the Semitic words -and phrases are Canaanite; but Canaan had long been a province of -Babylonia, and it was because it was permeated with Babylonian culture -and used the Babylonian script, that the foreign words and phrases were -introduced into the literary language of Egypt. - -On the other hand, so far as, we can judge, there was no reflex action -of Egypt upon Babylonia. The seal-cylinder was never superseded there -by the scarab; indeed the only scarabs yet found in the Mesopotamian -region are memorials of the Egyptian conquests of the Eighteenth -dynasty. Neither the hieroglyphs nor the hieratic of Egypt made their -way eastward into Asia, a fact which is somewhat remarkable when we -remember over how wide an area the more complicated cuneiform spread. -It was Europe that was affected by Egypt rather than Asia. Before -Egypt laid claim to Palestine, Babylonian culture had already taken -too firm a hold of Western Asia to be dislodged, and in Babylonia -itself Egyptian influences are hard to find. In the age of Khammu-rabi, -we meet with a few proper names which may contain the name of the -Sun-god Ra, as well as with the name of Anupum or Anubis on a stone -cylinder, and the hieroglyphic character _nefer_, “good,” is -affixed to a legal document.[107] But this merely proves that in a -period when the Babylonian Empire reached to the confines of Egypt, -there were Egyptians settled in Babylon for the purpose of trade. A -more curious example of possible Egyptian influence is one to which -I have drawn attention in my lectures on the _Religions of Ancient -Egypt and Babylonia_.[108] Thoth, the Egyptian god of literature, -was accompanied by four apes, who sang hymns to the rising and setting -sun. Travellers have described the dancing and screaming of troops of -apes at daybreak when the sun first lights up the earth, and the origin -of these companions of Thoth has been cleared up by an inscription in -a tomb at Assuan. Here we learn that in the age of the Old Empire, -expeditions were sent by the Pharaohs into the Sudan--the home of the -apes of Thoth--in order to bring back from “the land of the gods” -Danga dwarfs who could “dance the dances of the gods.” In the eyes of -the Egyptians, it would seem, there was little difference between the -ape and the Danga dwarf; the one was a dwarf-like ape, the other an -ape-like man. But they alone could perform correctly the dances that -were held in honour of certain gods, and which are already depicted -on the prehistoric vases of Egypt.[109] Closely allied to the Danga -dwarfs and the apes of Thoth are the Khnumu or Patæki of Memphis, the -followers of Ptah, who were also dwarfs with bowed legs. Now dwarfs of -precisely the same form are found on early Babylonian seal-cylinders -where they are associated sometimes with the goddess Istar, sometimes -with an ape and the god Sin.[110] The Babylonian name of the dwarf was -the Sumerian Nu-gidda, an indication that his association with the -deity went back to Sumerian times. We may conclude that, like the Danga -dwarf of Egypt, he, too, performed dances in honour of the gods. - -The extraordinary resemblance of form between the Egyptian and -Babylonian sacred dwarfs, as represented in art, raises the question -whether the Babylonian dwarf was not an importation from Egypt, since -the ape with which he was confounded was a native of the Sudan. This -was the view to which I was long inclined, but there are certain -considerations which make it difficult to be accepted. The Khnumu of -Memphis were not the only dwarfs who were represented by the Egyptian -artists. Still better known was Bes, who became a special favourite -in the Roman period, when he was made a sort of patron of childbirth. -But Bes, it was remembered, had come to Egypt from the southern lands -of Somali and Arabia, like the goddess Hathor or the god Horus. Hathor -is, I believe, the Babylonian Istar, who has passed to Egypt through -her South Arabian name of Athtar; however this may be, Ptah of Memphis, -whose followers were the Khnumu dwarfs, bears a Semitic name, and must -therefore be of Semitic derivation. He belongs, that is to say, to the -Egyptians of the dynastic stock, and is accordingly one of the few -Egyptian divinities who is depicted in human form. On the other hand, -the Sumerian dwarf Nu-gidda is the companion of Istar. - -On the Egyptian side, therefore, the dwarfs of Ptah are associated -with a god who has come from Asia, while the dwarf Bes was confessedly -of foreign extraction. On the Babylonian side the dwarf Nu-gidda was -the associate of Istar, the counterpart of Hathor, and of Sin, the -Moon-god, who was adopted by the people of Southern Arabia, and whose -name was carried as far as Mount Sinai on the borders of Egypt. All -this suggests that the sacred dwarf came to the valley of the Nile from -Babylonia and Arabia like the name of Ptah, the creator of the world. -In this case it would have come with the dynastic Egyptians before the -age of history begins. - -But, on the other hand, there is the ape, and the ape is figured -along with the dwarf on the Babylonian seals, It is true that the ape -is equally foreign to Egypt and Babylonia, but the Sudan is nearer -Egypt than Southern Arabia is to Babylonia. The actual date and path -of migration, therefore, of the sacred dwarf must be left undecided. -Whether he was brought to Egypt at the dawn of history, or whether he -travelled to Babylonia in the historical age remains doubtful. All we -can be sure of is that the sacred dwarfs of Babylonia and Egypt were -originally one and the same, and that they testify to an intercourse -between the two countries of which all literary record has been -lost.[111] - -The same verdict must be given in the case of another point, not only -of resemblance, but of identity, between ancient Egypt and Babylonia. -This is the shadûf or contrivance for drawing water from a falling -river for the sake of irrigation. The shadûf, which is still used -in Upper Egypt, can be traced back pictorially to the time of the -Eighteenth dynasty, but the basin system of irrigation with which it -was connected was already of immemorial antiquity. It is a simple yet -most effective invention, and on that account perhaps the less likely -to have been independently invented, for it is always the obvious -which remains longest unnoticed. In the modern shadûf a long pole is -laid across a beam which is supported at either end upon other poles -or on pillars of brick or mud; it is kept in place by thongs and is -heavily weighted at one end, while at the other end a bucket or skin -is attached to it by means of a rope. The shadûf of the Eighteenth -dynasty was supported sometimes, as to-day, on a cross-beam, sometimes -on a column of mud, and the bucket was of triangular form with two -handles to which the rope was tied. Representations of it from Theban -tombs will be found in Maspero’s _Dawn of Civilization_, p. 764, -and Sir Gardner Wilkinson’s _Ancient Egyptians_, plates 38 and -356. Precisely the same machine is represented on a bas-relief found by -Layard in the palace of Kûyunjik at Nineveh,[112] the only difference -being that the shadûf-worker stands upon a platform of brick instead -of on the bank itself, and that the pillar upon which the pole is -supported seems to be built of bricks rather than of mud. The machine, -however, is identical in both its Egyptian and its Assyrian form. That -the bas-relief should have been found in Assyria and not in Babylonia -is a mere accident. Like almost everything else in Assyrian culture, -the invention was of Babylonian origin, and, in fact, formed part of -the system of irrigation which made the plain of Babylonia habitable. -Herodotus, who calls the machine a κηλωνεῖον, describes it as being -used as in Egypt, and for the same reason, since the river did not -rise to the actual level of the cultivated ground, which, like that of -Egypt, was divided into a number of basins.[113] - -The palace of Kûyunjik belongs to the last age of Assyrian history. -But the shadûf in Babylonia went back to the Sumerian period, as we -know from the references to it in the lexical tablets. It was called -_dulâtum_ in Semitic Babylonian, the pole or poles being _kakritum_, -and the bucket _zirqu_ or _zirqatum_ (Sumerian _sû_),[114] and -an old Sumerian collection of agricultural precepts describes how -the irrigator “fixes up the shadûf, hangs up the bucket and draws -water.”[115] The “irrigator” was naturally an important personage in -early Babylonia, and legend averred that the famous Sargon of Akkad, -the founder of the first Semitic Empire, had been rescued as a child -from a watery grave, and brought up by one. In both Babylonia and Egypt -the shadûf was closely associated with a system of irrigation which -went back to the dawn of their several histories. - -What explanation must we give of its identity in the two countries? -There are three possibilities. In the first place, it may have been -invented independently on the banks of both the Euphrates and the -Nile. Similar conditions tend to produce similar results. But against -this is the fact that the shadûf was not the only kind of irrigating -machine that was suggested by the nature of the two rivers and -the lands through which they flowed. In modern Egypt, besides the -shadûf there are the _saqia_, or water-wheel, and an irrigating -contrivance which is in use in the Delta. The water-wheel, we know, was -a Babylonian invention which was imported into Egypt in comparatively -recent times; the irrigating contrivance of the Delta, which consists -of a bucket suspended on a rope swung by two men who stand facing -each other, is a primitive instrument which might have been invented -anywhere. Its survival is due to the fact that in the flat marshes of -the Delta, the shadûf, though saving labour, is not necessary, and it -therefore continued to be employed there after the shadûf was known. -But this implies that the shadûf was not the oldest instrument for -raising the water of the Nile. - -Then there is the second possibility that the shadûf was borrowed by -Egypt from Babylonia or by Babylonia from Egypt in historical times. -In Babylonia, however, we can trace its history back to the Sumerian -epoch, and in both countries it was intimately connected with a system -of irrigation the origin of which must be sought in the prehistoric -age, and which was probably carried from the valley of the Euphrates to -that of the Nile. There remains the third possibility that it came to -Egypt along with the system of irrigation itself. - -It is always easier to ask questions than to answer them, in archæology -as in other things. There are many details connected with the early -relationship between the civilizations of Babylonia and Egypt which -must be left to future research to discover. But of that relationship -there can now be little question in the minds of those who are -accustomed to deal with inductive evidence. There was intercourse in -the prehistoric age between the two countries, and the civilizing -influences, like the wheat and the language, came from the lands which -bordered on the Euphrates. Civilized man made his way from the east, -and dwelt in primeval days “in the land of Shinar.”[116] - - [Illustration: THE 1^{ST}. ASSYRIAN EMPIRE] - - - - - CHAPTER V - - BABYLONIA AND PALESTINE - - -A very few years ago Palestine was still archæologically an unknown -land. Its history subsequent to the Israelitish conquest could be -gathered from the Old Testament, and Egyptian papyri of the age of -the Nineteenth dynasty had told us something about its condition -immediately prior to that event. Thanks to the Palestine Exploration -Fund, the country had been carefully surveyed, and the monuments -still existing on its surface had been noted and registered. But the -earlier history of the people, their races and origin, their social -and religious life, and their relation to the rest of the world, were -still a blank. Of the Canaan invaded by the children of Israel we knew -nothing from an archæological point of view, and very little even of -the Palestine that was governed by Israelitish judges and Jewish kings. - -The veil has at last been lifted which so long lay over the face of -Palestine. Cuneiform texts have come to clear up its civil history, -while the spade of the excavator has supplemented their evidence on -the more purely archæological side. The history of Palestine can -now be followed back not only into the neolithic, but even into -the palæolithic age, and the source and character of Canaanite -civilization have been in large measure revealed to us. - -First and foremost among the materials which have made this possible -are the cuneiform tablets of Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt, which -were discovered in 1887. Tel el-Amarna, about midway between Minia -and Assiut, is the site of a city which sprang, like a meteor, into -a brief but glorious existence under the so-called “heretic king” -Amon-hotep IV. about B.C. 1400. Amon-hotep, under the guidance -of his mother, had endeavoured to suppress the old state religion of -Egypt, and to substitute for it a pantheistic monotheism. In spite -of persecution, however, the adherents of the old faith proved too -strong for the king; he was forced to leave Thebes, the capital of his -fathers, and to build a new capital further north, where he changed -his name to that of Khu-n-Aten, and called artists from the islands -of the Mediterranean to adorn his palace. When moving from Thebes he -naturally transferred to the new seat of government both the Foreign -Office and its records in so far as they covered the reign of his -father Amon-hotep III. and his own. For reasons unknown to us they do -not extend further back. - -They were all in the cuneiform script, and for the most part in the -Babylonian language. The fact came upon the historian with a shock -of surprise, and had far-reaching consequences, historical as well -as archæological. In the first place, they proved what had already -been suspected, that under the Eighteenth dynasty Egypt possessed an -Asiatic empire which stretched to the banks of the Euphrates. Then, -secondly, they showed that Western Asia was at the time intersected by -high-roads along which merchants and couriers were constantly passing, -and an active literary correspondence was carried on. Thirdly--and -this was the greatest surprise of all--they made it clear that this -correspondence was in the script and language of Babylonia, and that it -was shared in by writers of various nationalities and languages, of all -classes of society and of both sexes. The Hittite and Cappadocian kings -wrote to the Pharaoh in cuneiform characters, just as did the kings -of Babylonia and Assyria. Arab shêkhs and Hittite condottieri joined -in the correspondence, and politically-minded ladies did the same. -Even the Egyptian Government was compelled to suppress all feelings of -national vanity, and to conduct the whole of its correspondence with -its own governors and vassals in Palestine or Syria in the foreign -language and syllabary. There is no trace anywhere of the use of either -the Egyptian language or the Egyptian mode of writing. - -From these facts other facts follow. The age of the Eighteenth Egyptian -dynasty must have been quite as literary as the age of our own -eighteenth century, and international correspondence must have been -quite as easy, if not easier. Education, moreover, must have been very -widely spread; all the civilized world was writing and reading; and the -system of writing was a most complicated one, demanding years of study -and memory. In spite of this it was known not only to a professional -class of scribes and the officials of the Government, but also to the -shêkhs of petty Canaanitish towns and even to Bedâwîn chiefs. And along -with the system of writing went a knowledge of the foreign language -of Babylonia--the French of Western Asia--including some slight -acquaintance with the extinct language of the Sumerians. All this -presupposes libraries and archive-chambers where books and dispatches -could be stored, as well as schools where the Babylonian script and -language could be taught and learned. - -Such libraries and schools had existed in Babylonia from a very -early age. Every great city had its library, every great temple -its muniment-room. Here the clay books were numbered and arranged -on shelves, catalogues being provided which gave their titles. The -system under which the longer literary or semi-scientific works were -arranged and catalogued was at once ingenious and complete. By the -side of the library was naturally the school. Here every effort was -made to facilitate the progress of the scholars, more especially in -the study of the Sumerian language and texts. The characters of the -syllabary were classified and named; comparative grammars, dictionaries -and reading-books of Sumerian and Semitic Babylonian were compiled, -lists of Semitic synonyms were drawn up, explanatory commentaries were -written on older works, and interlinear translations provided for the -Sumerian texts. But with all this the cuneiform system of writing -must have been hard even for the native Babylonian to learn, and in -the case of the foreigner its difficulties were multiplied. It may be -doubted whether the average boy of to-day, who finds the spelling of -his own English almost too much for him, would have had the memory and -patience to learn the cuneiform characters. Even in Sumerian times the -difficulty of the task was realized, for there is a Sumerian proverb -that “he who would excel in the school of the scribes must rise with -the dawn.”[117] It says much for the educational zeal of the Oriental -world in the century before the Exodus that it was just this difficult -and complicated script which it chose as its medium for correspondence. - -The fact, however, points unmistakably to its cause. The reason why the -Babylonian language and syllabary were thus in use throughout Western -Asia, and why even the Egyptian Government was obliged to employ them -in its communications with its Asiatic subjects, can only have been -because Babylonian culture was too deeply rooted there to be superseded -by any other. Before Egypt appeared upon the scene under the conquerors -of the Eighteenth dynasty, Western Asia, as far as the Mediterranean, -must have been for centuries under the direct influence and domination -of Babylonia. I say domination as well as influence, for in the ancient -East military conquest was needed to enforce an alien language and -literature, theology and system of law upon another people. And even -military conquest was not always sufficient, as witness the Assyrian -and Persian conquests of Egypt, or the Roman conquest of Syria. - -We now have monumental testimony that such domination there actually -was. As far back as B.C. 3800, Sargon of Akkad had founded a -Semitic empire which had its centre in Babylon, and which stretched -across Asia to the shores of the Mediterranean. We learn from his -annals that three campaigns were needed to subdue “the land of the -Amorites,” as Syria and Palestine were called, and that at last, after -three years of warfare, all the coast-lands of “the sea of the setting -sun” acknowledged his sway. He set up an image of himself on the Syrian -coast in commemoration of his victories, and moulded his conquests -“into one” great empire. His son and successor, Naram-Sin, extended his -conquests into the Sinaitic peninsula, and a seal-cylinder, on which he -is adored as a god, has been found in Cyprus. But Sargon was a patron -of literature as well as a conqueror; his court was filled with learned -men, and one of the standard works of Babylonian literature is said -to have been compiled during his reign. The extension of Babylonian -rule, therefore, to Western Asia meant the extension of Babylonian -civilization, an integral part of which was its script. - - [Illustration: VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF UR IN ITS PRESENT STATE, - ACCORDING TO LOFTUS.] - -Here, then, is an explanation of the archæological fact that the graves -of the copper and early bronze age in Cyprus, which mark the beginning -of civilization in the country, contain numerous seal-cylinders made in -imitation of those of Babylonia.[118] Examples of the seal-cylinders -from which they were copied have also been discovered there. Among -them is the cylinder on which Naram-Sin is adored as a god, another is -an extremely fine specimen of the style that was current in the age -of Sargon of Akkad.[119] Along with the seal-cylinder it is probable -that the clay tablet was also introduced to the people of the -West. Though the clay tablets found by Dr. Evans and others in Krete -may not go back to so remote a date, the linear Kretan characters -belong to the same system of writing as the Cypriote syllabary, and an -inscription in the letters of this syllabary on a seal-cylinder from -the early copper-age cemetery of Paraskevi near Nikosia has recently -been published by myself.[120] We may infer that the prototypes of the -tablets of Knossos or Phæstos once existed in Cyprus and Syria, though -in the damp climate of the Mediterranean the unbaked clay of which they -were made has long since returned to its original dust. - -A few centuries after the age of Sargon of Akkad we find Gudea, a -Sumerian prince in Southern Babylonia, bringing limestone from “the -land of the Amorites,” blocks of alabaster from the Lebanon, and beams -of cedar from Mount Amanus, for his buildings in the city of Lagas. -Gold-dust and acacia wood were at the same time imported from the -“salt” desert which lay between Palestine and Egypt, and stones from -the mountains of the Taurus, to the north-east of the Gulf of Antioch, -were floated down the Euphrates on rafts.[121] At a later date we hear -of the kings of the Babylonian dynasty which had its capital at Ur, -conducting military expeditions to the district of the Lebanon. - -About B.C. 2100 Northern Babylonia was occupied by a dynasty -of kings, whose names show that they belonged to the Western division -of the Semitic family. The language of Canaan--better known to us as -Hebrew--and that of Southern and North-eastern Arabia, were at the time -substantially one and the same, and as the same deities were worshipped -and the same ancestors were claimed throughout this portion of the -Semitic world, Assyriologists are not agreed as to whether the dynasty -in question should be regarded as coming from Canaan or from Southern -Arabia. The Babylonians themselves called the names Amorite, so it is -possible that they would have pronounced the kings to have been Amorite -also. The point, however, is of little moment; the fact remains that -Northern Babylonia passed under the rule of sovereigns who belonged to -the Western and not to the Babylonian branch of the Semitic race, and -who made Babylon their capital. The contract tablets and other legal -documents of this period show that Babylonia was at the time full of -Amorite, that is Canaanite, settlers, most of whom had come there for -the sake of trade. At Sippara there was a district called “the field -of the Amorites,” over which, therefore, they must have had full legal -rights. Indeed, it would seem that in the eyes of the law the Amorite -settlers were on a complete footing of equality with the natives of the -country. - -This fact, so little in harmony with our ordinary idea of the -exclusiveness of the ancient East, is largely explained by the further -fact that Canaan and Syria were now acknowledged portions of the -Babylonian Empire. When Babylonia was conquered by the Elamites, -and the West Semitic king of Babylon allowed to retain his crown as -an Elamite vassal, his claim to rule over “the land of the Amorites” -passed naturally to his suzerain. Accordingly we find Chedor-laomer -of Elam in the Book of Genesis marching to Canaan to put down a local -rebellion there, while Eri-Aku, or Arioch, of Larsa, at the same date -describes an Elamite prince as “governor of the land of the Amorites.” -When Khammu-rabi, or Amraphel, the king of Babylon, at last succeeded -in shaking off the Elamite yoke and making himself monarch of a -free and united Babylonia, “the land of the Amorites” followed the -fortunes of Babylonia as a matter of course. On a monument discovered -at Diarbekir, in Northern Mesopotamia, the only title taken by the -Babylonian sovereign is that of “king of the land of the Amorites.” -And the same title is borne by one at least of his successors in the -dynasty. - -For more than two thousand years, therefore, Western Asia was more or -less closely attached to Babylonia. At times it was as much a part -of the dominions of the Babylonian king as the cities of Babylonia -itself, and it is consequently not surprising that it should have -become thoroughly interpenetrated with Babylonian culture. There was -an excellent postal service connecting Canaan with Babylonia which -went back to the days of Naram-Sin, and some of the clay _bullæ_ -which served as stamps for the official correspondence at that period -are now in the Museum of the Louvre.[122] On the other hand, a clay -docket has been found in the Lebanon, dated in the reign of the son of -Khammu-rabi, which contains one of the notices sent by the Babylonian -Government to its officials at the beginning of each year, in order -that they might know what was its official title and date.[123] - -When this close connection between Babylonia and its Syrian provinces -was broken off we do not as yet know. Perhaps it did not take -place until the conquest of Babylonia by a horde of half-civilized -mountaineers from Elam about B.C. 1800. At any rate, from this -time forward, though the influence of Babylonian culture continued, -Babylonian rule in the West was at an end. From the Tel el-Amarna -correspondence we learn that the Babylonian Government was still -inclined to intrigue in Palestine; the memories of its ancient empire -were not altogether obliterated, and just as the English sovereigns -called themselves kings of France long after they had ceased to possess -an inch of French ground, so the Babylonian kings doubtless persuaded -themselves that they were still by right the rulers of Canaan. - -The wild mountaineers from the Kossæan highlands who had conquered -Babylon soon passed under the spell of Babylonian culture, and became -themselves Babylonian in habits, if not in name. They founded a dynasty -which lasted for five hundred and seventy-six years and nine months. It -is a curious coincidence that Egypt also was governed about the same -time by foreign conquerors, whose primitive wildness had been tamed -by the influences of Egyptian civilization, which they had adopted as -the Kossæan mountaineers adopted that of Babylonia, and whose rule -also lasted for more than five hundred years. The Hyksos who conquered -Egypt have been convincingly shown by recent discoveries to have been -Semites, speaking a language of the West Semitic type.[124] They came -from Canaan, and their conquest of Egypt made of it a dependency -of Canaan. Hence they fixed their head-quarters in the northern -part of their Egyptian territories, where they could easily keep up -communication with Asia. - -The excavations undertaken by the Palestine Exploration Fund at -Lachish, Gezer and other sites in Southern Canaan have made it clear -that throughout the Hyksos period Egypt and that part of Palestine -were closely connected with one another. How much further eastward -the government or influence of the Hyksos may have extended we do not -know; the figure of a lion inscribed with the name of a Hyksos Pharaoh -has been discovered in Babylonia, but this may have been brought from -elsewhere. At any rate, so far as Palestine is concerned, we may say -that the Hyksos period in Egypt coincides with the disappearance of -Babylonian rule in Canaan. From that time onward Canaan looks towards -Egypt, and not towards Babylonia. - -But even before the beginning of the Hyksos period Canaan--or at all -events Southern Canaan--is Egyptian rather than Babylonian. That has -been abundantly proved by Mr. Macalister’s excavations at Gezer. -Objects of the age of the Twelfth dynasty have been disinterred there, -and of such a character as to make it evident that the country was -already subject to Egyptian influence long before the appearance of the -Hyksos. An Egyptian of that age was buried within the precincts of the -consecrated “high place,” and a stela commemorating him erected on the -spot. - -Both at Gezer and at Lachish it has been possible to trace the -archæological chronology of the sites by the successive cities which -arose upon them. Gezer was the older settlement of the two; its history -goes back to the neolithic age, when it was inhabited by a race of -short stature who lived in caves and burned their dead, and whose -pottery was of the roughest description. Some of it was ornamented with -streaks of red or black on a yellow or red wash, like coarse pottery of -the age of the Third Egyptian dynasty which I have found in so-called -“prehistoric” graves at El-Kab. Two settlements of the neolithic -population can be made out, one resting upon the other; in the second -there was a distinct advance in civilization, and the place became a -town surrounded by a wall. The neolithic race was succeeded by a taller -race with Semitic characteristics, to whom the name of Amorite has -been given; they buried the dead in a contracted position, and were -acquainted with the use of copper and later of bronze. The city was -now defended by a solid wall of stone, intersected with brick towers; -as Mr. Macalister observes, in a country where stone is the natural -building material the employment of brick must be due to foreign -influence. He thinks the influence was Egyptian; this is very possible; -but considering that building with brick was a salient feature in -Babylonian civilization, the influence may have come rather from the -side of Babylonia. - -The first “Amorite” city at Gezer was coeval with the earliest city -at Lachish--the modern Tel el-Hesy, where the Amorite settlers had no -neolithic predecessors. At Gezer their sanctuary has been discovered. -It was a “high place” formed of nine great monoliths running from north -to south, and surrounded by a platform of large stones. The second -monolith, polished with the kisses of the worshippers, was possibly the -central object of veneration, the _bœtylos_ or _beth-el_, -as it was termed.[125] This _beth-el_, or “house of God,” takes -us back to Semitic Babylonia. The veneration of isolated stones was -common to all branches of the Semitic race; it may have come down -to them from the days when their ancestors wandered over the desert -plains of Arabia, where the solitary rocks assumed fantastic shapes -that appealed to their imagination and excited feelings of awe, while -their shadows offered a welcome retreat in the heat of noon-day. In the -historical age, however, it was not the rock itself that was adored, -but the divinity whose home it had become by consecration with oil. -The brick-built temple was called by the Babylonians a _bit-ili_, -_beth-el_, or “house of God,” and the name was easily transferred -to the consecrated stones, the worship of which was coeval with the -beginnings of Semitic history. But though the worship of stones -was primitive, the belief that the stone was not a fetish, but the -shrine of divinity, belonged to an age of reflection and points to a -Babylonian source. - -The first Amorite city at Gezer was succeeded by a second, in which the -high place underwent enlargement and was provided with a temenos. Under -its pavement have been found memorials of the grim rites performed -in honour of its Baal--the bones of children and even adults who -had been sacrificed and sometimes burnt and then deposited in jars. -Similar sacrifices, it would seem, were offered when a new building was -erected, since children’s bones have been disinterred from under the -foundations of houses, both at Gezer and at Taanach and Megiddo. The -bones were placed in jars along with lamps and bowls, which, it has -been suggested, were intended to receive the blood of the victim. The -old sacred cave of the neolithic race was now brought into connection -with the high place of the “Amorite” settlers, and the skeleton of a -child has been found in it resting on a flat stone. - -This fourth city at Gezer--the second since the Semites first settled -there--has yielded objects which enable us to assign to it an -approximate date. These objects are Egyptian, and belong to the age -of the Twelfth dynasty. Many of them are scarabs, but there is also -the tombstone of the Egyptian who was buried under the shadow of the -Amorite sanctuary. Fragments of diorite and alabaster vases also occur, -telling of trade with Egypt, and in the upper and later part of the -stratum painted pottery makes its appearance similar to that met with -in the corresponding stratum at Lachish. I shall have more to say about -this painted pottery in the next chapter; here it is sufficient to -state that it is related to the early painted pottery of the Ægean, -but is itself of Hittite origin, and can be traced back to the Hittite -centre in Cappadocia. - -The fourth city had a long existence. It lasted from the period of the -Twelfth Egyptian dynasty to the middle of the Eighteenth. Then it was -ruined by an enemy and its old wall partially destroyed--doubtless by -Thothmes III. when he conquered Palestine (about B.C. 1480). -Upon its ruins rose another Amorite town. A new city wall was built of -larger circumference and greater strength; it measured fourteen feet in -thickness, and the stones of which it was composed were large and well -shaped. The houses erected on the _débris_ of the brick towers -belonging to the old wall were filled with scarabs, beads, fragments -of pottery and other objects contemporary with the reign of Amon-hotep -III. (B.C. 1400). At Lachish the ruins of the third city -were full of similar objects, and among them was a cuneiform tablet -in which reference is made to the governor of Lachish mentioned in -the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. At Taanach the Austrian excavators -discovered an archive-chamber, the contents of which were of the same -age. Taanach was merely a third-rate or fourth-rate town, but its -shêkh possessed a fortified residence, in a subterranean chamber of -which his official records and private correspondence were kept in a -coffer of terra-cotta. They were all in the Babylonian language and -script. Among them is a list of the number of men each landowner (?) -was required to furnish for the local militia, and there are also the -letters which passed between the shêkh and his friends about their -private affairs. How little of an official character is to be found in -these letters may be gathered from the following translation of one of -them: “To Istar-yisur (writes) Guli-Hadad.--Live happily! May the gods -grant health to yourself, your house and your sons! You have written -to me about the money ... and behold I will give fifty pieces of -silver, since this has not (yet) been done.--Again: Why have you sent -your salutation here afresh? All you have heard there I have (already) -learned through Bel-ram.--Again: If the finger of the goddess Asherat -appears, let them announce (the omen) and observe (it), and you shall -describe to me both the sign and the fact. As to your daughter, we know -the one, Salmisa, who is in the city of Rabbah, and if she grows up, -you must give her to the prince; she is in truth fit for a lord.”[126] - -These Taanach letters are a final proof, if any were needed, of the -completely Babylonian nature of Canaanitish civilization in the -century before the Exodus. When we find the petty shêkhs of obscure -Canaanite towns corresponding with one another on the trivial matters -of every-day life in the foreign language and syllabary of Babylonia, -it is evident that Babylonian influence was still as strong in -Palestine as it had been in the days when “the land of the Amorites” -was a Babylonian province. It is also evident that there must have been -plenty of schools in which the foreign language and syllabary could be -taught and studied, and that the clay literature of Babylonia had been -carried to the West. Indeed the Tel el-Amarna collection contains proof -of this latter fact. Along with the letters are fragments of Babylonian -literary works, one of which has been interpunctuated in order to -facilitate its reading by the Egyptian scholar. - -On the other hand, apart from the cuneiform tablets the more strictly -archæological evidence of Babylonian influence upon Canaan is -extraordinarily scanty. Naturally we should discover no traces of -“the goodly Babylonish garments” which, as we learn from the Book of -Joshua, were imported into the country, the climate of Palestine not -being favourable to their preservation; but it is certainly strange -that so few seal-cylinders or similar objects have been disinterred, -either at Gezer and Lachish in the south, or at Taanach and Megiddo -in the north. What makes it the stranger is that Mr. Macalister has -opened a long series of graves, beginning with the neolithic race and -coming down to Græco-Roman times, and that while the influence of Egypt -is sufficiently visible in them, that of Babylonia is almost entirely -absent. It is true that a few seal-cylinders have been met with in -the excavations on the city sites, but with the exception of one found -at Taanach[127] I do not know of any that can be said to be of purely -Babylonian manufacture; most of them are of Syrian make, and represent -a Syrian modification of the Babylonian type. And yet there are -seal-cylinders from the Lebanon, now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, -which are purely Babylonian in origin, and belong to the period of -Khammu-rabi.[128]--There are also two seal-cylinders of later pattern -in M. de Clercq’s collection, on which are representations of the -Egyptian gods Set and Horus--similar to those found on scarabs from the -Delta of the time of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties--as well -as of the Canaanite god Reshef, accompanied by cuneiform inscriptions -which on palæographic grounds must be assigned to the age of the Tel -el-Amarna tablets. As the inscriptions record the names of Hadad-sum -and his son Anniy, “citizens of Sidon, the crown of the gods,” we -know that they have come from the Phœnician coast.[129] Like the -cuneiform tablets, they bear witness to the long-continued influence of -Babylonian culture in Canaan on its literary side. - -When we turn to theology and law, the same influence is recognizable. -The deities of Canaan were to a large extent Babylonian, with -Babylonian names. The Babylonian gods Ana, Nebo, Rimmon (Rammân), Hadad -and Dagon meet us in the names of places and persons, and Ashtoreth, -who shared with Baal the devotion of the inhabitants of Palestine, -is the Babylonian Istar with the suffix of the feminine attached to -her name. Even Asherah, in whom Semitic scholars were long inclined -to see a genuinely Canaanitish goddess, turns out to have been of -Babylonian origin, and to be the feminine counterpart of Asir, or -Asur, the national god of Assyria. The recently-discovered legal code -of Khammu-rabi has shown that such glimpses as we have in the Book of -Genesis of the laws and legal customs of Canaan in the patriarchal age -all presuppose Babylonian law. From time to time usages are referred -to and laws implied which have no parallel in the Mosaic code, and are -therefore presumably pre-Israelite. But though they have no parallel -in the Mosaic code, we have now learnt that they were all provided for -in the code of Khammu-rabi. Thus Abram’s adoption of his slave and -house-steward Eliezer is in strict accordance with the provisions of -the old Babylonian law. Adoption, indeed, which was practically unknown -among the Israelites, was a leading feature in Babylonian life, and -the childless man was empowered to adopt an heir, even from among his -slaves, to whom he left his name and his property. So, again, Sarai’s -conduct in regard to Hagar, or Rachel’s conduct in regard to Bilhah, is -explained by the Babylonian enactment which allowed the wife to present -her husband with a concubine; while we can now understand why Hagar was -not sold after her quarrel with Sarai, for the Babylonian law laid down -that “if a man has married a wife, and she has given a concubine to her -husband by whom he has had a child, should the concubine afterwards -have a dispute with her mistress because she has borne children, her -mistress cannot sell her; she can only lay a task upon her and make her -live with the other slaves.” - -In the account of Isaac’s marriage with Rebekah it is again a provision -of the old Babylonian code with which we meet. There we hear of the -bride receiving a dowry from the father of the bridegroom, and of other -presents being made to her mother in conformity with Babylonian usage. -So, too, the infliction of death by burning with which Judah threatened -his daughter-in-law Tamar, on the supposition that she was a widow, -has its explanation in the legislation of Khammu-rabi, where the same -punishment is enacted against a nun who has been unfaithful to her -vows of virginity or widowhood. The story of the purchase of the cave -of Machpelah, moreover, has long been recognized by Assyriologists as -pre-supposing an acquaintance with the legal forms of a Babylonian sale -of land in the Khammu-rabi age. - -With all this heritage of Babylonian culture, therefore, it is curious -that the excavators in Palestine have come across so few material -evidences of intercourse with Babylonia. Mr. Macalister is inclined -to believe that it must belong to a period anterior to the Twelfth -Egyptian dynasty. But this raises a chronological question of some -difficulty. We have seen that the earlier and inner city wall of -Gezer served as the defence of three successive settlements, and -that it was partially destroyed along with the city it protected -about B.C. 1480. Now the outer and more massive wall which -superseded it also served to protect three cities, the latest of which -was deserted during the Maccabean period, about B.C. 100. -Hence, Mr. Macalister argues, “if we may assume the rate of growth to -have been fairly uniform, we are led back to B.C. 2900 as the -(latest) date” for the foundation of the first wall. During this long -period of time twenty-eight feet of _débris_ accumulated; below -this are as much as twelve feet of neolithic accumulation.[130] - -The conquests of Sargon of Akkad would accordingly have fallen within -the neolithic epoch. But in this case it is strange that the use -of copper, with which Babylonia had long been acquainted, was not -communicated to its Western province, and that it should have needed a -new race and the lapse of nearly a thousand years for its introduction. -Moreover, specific evidences of Babylonian civilization are quite as -much wanting in the remains of the first Amorite city as they are -in those of the second. And unless we adopt a date for the Twelfth -Egyptian dynasty, which on other grounds seems out of the question, it -is hard to see how the Khammu-rabi dynasty can be placed before it. -What little evidence we possess at present goes to indicate that the -Khammu-rabi dynasty was contemporaneous with the earlier Hyksos kings -or their immediate predecessors. And yet not only do we know that -the Khammu-rabi dynasty ruled in Palestine, but the adoption of the -cuneiform script, which was at least as old as the age of that dynasty, -as well as the testimony of theology and law, proves that its rule -must have exercised a profound and permanent influence upon the people -of Canaan. How is it, then, that while the excavations have brought to -light so many evidences of Egyptian domination, there is so little in -the way of material objects to show that Palestine was once and for -several centuries a Babylonian province?[131] - -Perhaps the excavations which are still proceeding at Megiddo may -throw some light upon the problem. Meanwhile, we may remember that -thus far the greater part of the objects that have been found belong -to the less wealthy and educated part of the population. The annals -of Thothmes III. prove that, so far as the upper classes were -concerned, the picture of Canaanitish luxury presented in the Old -Testament had a foundation of fact. Among the spoils taken from the -princes of Canaan we hear of tables, chairs and staves of cedar and -ebony inlaid or gilded with gold, of a golden plough and sceptre, of -richly-embroidered stuffs similar to those depicted on the walls of the -Egyptian monuments, of chariots chased with silver, of iron tent-poles -studded with precious stones, and of “bowls with goats’ heads on them, -and one with a lion’s head, the workmanship of the land of the Zahi,” -that is to say, of the Canaanitish coast. These latter were doubtless -imitations of the gold and silver cups with double handles and animals’ -heads imported from Krete, which were also received as tribute from -the Canaanitish princes by the Egyptian king. Other gifts comprised -chariots plated with gold, iron armour with gold inlay, a helmet of -gold inlaid with lapis-lazuli, the tusks of elephants, rings of gold -and silver that were used as money, copper and lead, as well as jars -of wine, oil and balsam. Of all these articles, the copper and lead -excepted, it is needless to say next to nothing has been discovered by -the excavators. The most valuable work of art yet met with is a bronze -sword of precisely the same shape as one found in Assyria, which bears -upon it the name of Hadad-nirari I. (B.C. 1330).[132] - -On the palæographical side the forms of the cuneiform characters used -in Canaan go back to the script of the age of Khammu-rabi and his -predecessors. From a purely Assyriological point of view, no regard -being had to other considerations, I should date their introduction -into Palestine about B.C. 2300. The chronology that would -best harmonize the historical facts would thus be one which made the -dominance of Egypt in Palestine under the Twelfth dynasty precede the -Babylonian rule of the Khammu-rabi period. Against it is the negative -evidence of archæological discovery, so few traces of this rule having -been discovered in the course of the excavations. But neither in -archæology nor in anything else is negative evidence of much value. - -At any rate, thanks to the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions, -the main facts are clear. Canaan was once a province of the Babylonian -Empire, and during the long period of time that this was the case -it became permeated with the literary culture of Babylonia. The -civilization which was partially destroyed by the Israelitish invasion -had its roots in the valley of the Euphrates. - -Gezer, it is true, was one of the cities in which no visible break with -the past was made by the irruption of the desert tribes. It escaped -capture by the invaders, and it was only in the reign of Solomon, -when the Israelites had already entered into the heritage of the old -Canaanitish culture, that it was handed over by the king of Egypt to -his Jewish son-in-law. But at Lachish the marks of the destruction of -the town by Joshua are still visible. Above the ruins of the Amorite -cities is a bed of ashes left by the charcoal-burners who squatted -on the site before it was again rebuilt. Above the stratum of ashes -all must be Israelitish, and the objects found in the remains of the -cities that stand upon it testify accordingly to a complete change. -No more cuneiform tablets are met with, and but few Egyptian scarabs; -the pottery is different, and the “high place” has disappeared. -The bowl and lamp, indeed, are still buried under the walls of the -newly-built house, but the bones of sacrificed children which they once -contained are replaced by sand. As the Israelitish power increased -the old Babylonian influence necessarily lessened. When the cuneiform -syllabary finally made way for the so-called Phœnician alphabet is -still uncertain, but it was at all events before the days of Solomon. -Already in the Amorite period the characters of the Kretan linear -script discovered by Dr. Evans are found scratched on fragments of -pottery, indicating that besides the cuneiform another form of writing -was known; it may be that the Israelitish conquest, by destroying the -centres of Canaanitish civilization and the schools of the scribes, -gave a first blow to the tradition of Babylonian learning, and that the -work of destruction was subsequently completed by the Philistine wars. - - - - - CHAPTER VI - - ASIA MINOR - - -If it has been a surprise to learn that Palestine was once within -the circle of Babylonian culture, it has been equally a surprise to -learn that Asia Minor was so too. It is true that Herodotus traced the -Herakleid dynasty of Lydian kings to the gods of Nineveh and Babylon, -that Strabo knew of a “mound of Semiramis” in Cappadocia, and that in -the Book of Genesis Lud is called the son of Shem. But historians had -long agreed that all such beliefs were creations of a later day, and -rested on no substratum of fact. The northern limits of Babylonian -or Assyrian influence, it was held, were fixed by the Taurus and the -mountains of Kurdistan. - -The discovery of cuneiform inscriptions on the stones and rocks of -Armenia made the first breach in this conclusion. Their existence was -known even before Botta and Layard had opened up Nineveh. In 1826 -Schulz had been sent by the French Government at the instance of M. -Mohl to copy the mysterious characters which had already excited the -attention of Oriental writers. Schulz was unexpectedly successful in -his quest. The number of inscriptions he discovered was far larger -than had been imagined, and his copies of them, as we now know, were -remarkably accurate. But the explorer himself never lived to return -to Europe. He was murdered by a Kurdish chief, Nurallah Bey, in 1829, -while engaged in the work of exploration; his papers, however, were -eventually recovered, and the inscriptions he had copied were published -in 1840 in the Journal of the Société Asiatique. One of them was a -trilingual inscription of Xerxes, the Persian transcript of which was -just beginning to be deciphered; the rest were still a closed book. - -Then came the discovery of Nineveh and the first essays at the -interpretation of the Assyro-Babylonian texts. Layard himself made -an expedition to Armenia, and besides recopying Schulz’s texts and -correcting certain inaccuracies in them, added considerably to the -collection. Dr. Hincks, with his usual genius for decipherment, -perceived that the syllabary in which they were written was the same as -that used at Nineveh, and utilized them for determining the values of -some of the Assyrian characters. He succeeded in reading most of the -proper names, in assigning the inscriptions to a group of kings whose -order he was able to fix, and in pointing out that many of them contain -an account of military campaigns and of the amount of booty which had -been carried off. But it was also clear that the inscriptions were not -in a Semitic language, and as the nominative and accusative of the noun -seemed to terminate in _-s_ and _-n_, while the patronymic -was expressed by the suffix _-khinis_, the decipherer assumed -that the language was Indo-European. The most important texts had been -found in or near Van, which had apparently been the capital of the -kings by whose orders they had been engraved, and the name of Vannic, -accordingly, was given to both texts and language. - -It was soon recognized that Dr. Hincks had been in error in suggesting -that the Vannic language was Indo-European. It was, it is true, -inflectional, but with this any resemblance to the languages of the -Indo-European family ceased. Nor was there any other language or group -of languages to which it appeared to be related, and all attempts -failed to advance the decipherment much beyond the point at which -it had been left by Hincks. Thanks to the “determinatives,” which -indicate proper names and the like, and the ideographs, which are -fairly plentiful, the general sense of many of the inscriptions could -be made out; but beyond that it seemed impossible to go. Lenormant, -indeed, following Hincks, showed that the suffix _-bi_ denoted the -first person singular of the verb, and indicated Georgian as possibly a -related language; but in the hands of other would-be decipherers, like -Robert and Mordtmann, there was retrogression instead of advance. - - [Illustration: - - THE GARDENS AND HILL OF DHUSPAS OR VAN.] - -So matters remained until 1882, when Stanislas Guyard pointed out the -parallelism between a formula which occurs at the end of many Vannic -inscriptions and the imprecatory formula of the Assyrian texts. I had -already been struck by the same fact, and was at the time preparing a -Memoir on the decipherment and translation of the inscriptions, which -shortly afterwards appeared in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic -Society_. In this I had made use of Layard’s copies, which had never -been published; other copies also, including photographs, squeezes -and casts, had been placed at my disposal, and in 1882 I was able to -lay before cuneiform scholars a grammar and vocabulary of the Vannic -language, together with translations and analyses of all the known -texts.[133] These have been subsequently corrected and extended by -other Assyriologists--Guyard, D. H. Müller, Nikolsky, Scheil, Belck -and Lehmann, as well as by myself. An ordinary Vannic text can now -be translated with nearly as much completeness and certainty as an -Assyrian text, and the number of them known to us has been greatly -enlarged by the archæological explorations of Belck and Lehmann. - -In the decipherment of the Vannic inscriptions the ideographs and -determinatives which are scattered through them took the place for me -of a bilingual text. The determinatives told me what was the nature of -the words which followed or preceded them, and so explained the general -sense of the passages in which they occurred, while from time to time a -phonetically-written word would be replaced in a parallel passage by an -ideograph the signification of which was known. I soon found, moreover, -that the cuneiform syllabary must have been brought from Nineveh to Van -in the age of Assur-natsir-pal II. (B.C. 884–859), and that -the actual phrases met with in the inscriptions of that monarch are -sometimes reproduced in a Vannic dress. The Vannic language, however, -still remains isolated, though the majority of those who have studied -it incline to Lenormant’s view that its nearest living representative -is Georgian. Not being a Georgian scholar myself, this is a point upon -which I can express no opinion. - -Instead of “Vannic,” it has been proposed to call the language -“Khaldian.” The chief god of the people who spoke the language was -Khaldis, and in the inscriptions we find the people themselves -described as “the children of Khaldis.” Derivatives from the name are -found employed in a geographical sense northward of the region to which -the inscriptions belong. Thus the Khaldi “in the neighbourhood of -Colchis” are said to have been also called Khaldæi;[134] “Khaldees” are -frequently referred to by Armenian writers as living between Trapezont -and Batûm, and a Turkish inscription at Sumela shows that as late as -the beginning of the fifteenth century Lazistân was still known as -Khaldia. That the name was ever applied, however, to the kingdom which -had its chief seat at Van is not proved, and it is therefore best to -adhere to the term “Vannic,” which commits those who use it to no -theory.[135] - -The decipherment of the Vannic texts has not only led to the discovery -of a new language, it has also thrown a flood of light on the early -history, geography and religion of the Armenian plateau. The military -campaigns of the Assyrian kings had brought it into contact with -Assyrian civilization, and in the ninth century before our era a -dynasty arose which adopted the literary culture and art of Assyria, -and founded a powerful kingdom which extended its sway from Urumia on -the east to Malatia on the west, and from the slopes of Ararat and the -shores of Lake Erivan to the northern frontiers of Assyria. - -The main fact which has thus been disclosed is that the Armenians of -history--the Aryan tribes, that is to say, who spoke an Indo-European -language--did not enter the country and establish themselves in the -place of its older rulers before the end of the seventh century before -our era. The fall of the Vannic monarchy seems to have coincided with -the fall of the Assyrian Empire, with which it had once contended on -almost equal terms, and in each case the invasion of the so-called -Scythian hordes from the plains of Eastern Europe had much to do with -the result. The founders of Armenian civilization and of the cities of -the Armenian plateau had no connection with the Indo-European family. -Their type of language corresponded with that which distinguishes most -of the actual languages of the Caucasus, though no genetic relationship -is traceable between them. The break with the past, however, occasioned -by the irruption of the Indo-European invaders, was so great that not -only did the older language become extinct and forgotten, but even the -tradition of the older civilization was also lost. Like the recovery of -the Sumerian language and the culture it represented, the recovery of -the Vannic language and culture is the revelation of a new world. - -At the head of the pantheon was a trinity consisting of Khaldis, the -supreme god of the race; Teisbas, the god of the air; and the Sun-god -Ardinis. Temples were erected in their honour, and shields and spears -dedicated to their service. The vine, which grows wild in Armenia, -was the sacred tree of the people, and there are inscriptions which -commemorate its planting and consecration, and describe the endowments -that were set apart for its maintenance. Wine was naturally offered -to the gods along with the domestic animals and prisoners of war. Dr. -Belck has discovered burial-places which go back to the neolithic age, -but the majority of the monuments scattered over the Vannic area belong -to the bronze age, and testify to a native adaptation of Assyrian art -and culture. Iron also makes its appearance, but scantily. The pottery -of the age of the inscriptions is related on the one side to the -Assyrian pottery of the same period, and on the other to the pottery -of Asia Minor. The polished red ware more especially points to the -west.[136] - - [Illustration: - - THE RUINS OF A PALACE OF URARTU AT TOPRAK-KALEH.] - -The existence of a language of the Caucasian type in Armenia, and its -association with a powerful kingdom and an advanced culture, is not -the only revelation of the kind that we owe to cuneiform decipherment. -We have learned that at a much earlier epoch Northern Mesopotamia was -occupied by a people who spoke a language of similar type but of far -more complicated form; and that here, too, the language in question was -accompanied by a high civilization, a powerful monarchy, and the -use of the cuneiform syllabary. The monarchy was that of Mitanni, and -its culture and script had been borrowed from Babylonia in the age of -Khammu-rabi, instead of from Assyria in the age of Assur-natsir-pal. -But it is interesting to observe that in borrowing the script the -people of Mitanni had adapted and simplified it in precisely the same -way as did the people of Van in after days. Superfluous characters were -discarded, a single phonetic value only assigned to each character, -and large use made of those which expressed vowels. In fact, in -both Mitannian and Vannic the system of writing begins to approach -the alphabetic. Whether this similarity in adaptation was due to a -similarity of phonetic structure in the two languages or to conscious -imitation on the part of the Vannic scribes it is difficult to say; it -is a point, however, which cannot be passed over. - -The name of Mitanni meets us on the Egyptian monuments of the -Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties. The kingdom played a considerable -part at that period of time in the politics of Western Asia, and the -daughters of its kings were married to the Egyptian Pharaohs. The -boundaries of the Egyptian Empire were coterminous with those of -Mitanni, and we gather from the Tel el-Amarna correspondence that the -Mitannian forces had more than once made their way into Palestine, -perhaps as far south as Jerusalem, and that Mitannian intrigue -was active in that portion of the Pharaoh’s dominions. Among the -Canaanitish governors are some who bear Mitannian names, and testify to -the continuance of a Mitannian element in that common meeting-place of -nationalities. - -Several letters from the Mitannian king have been found among the -Tel el-Amarna tablets. Most of them are written in the Babylonian -language, but one--and fortunately an exceptionally long one--though -in cuneiform characters, is in the native language of the country. -A comparison of it with its companion letters, assisted by the -determinatives and ideographs which are employed in it from time to -time, has enabled Jensen, Leopold Messerschmidt and myself to decipher -a very considerable part of the letter, and so to compile a grammar and -vocabulary of the Mitannian language. That it is distantly related to -Vannic seems to admit of little doubt, but it comes before us in a much -more developed form; indeed, its system of suffixes is so elaborate and -ponderous as to remind us of the polysynthetic languages of America. - -A legal document found in Babylonia and dated in the epoch of -Khammu-rabi contains a number of proper names which are of Mitannian -or allied origin, and show that persons of that race were already -settled in Babylonia.[137] As the Mitannian form of cuneiform script -must have been borrowed about the same time, we may infer that the -advanced guard of the northern race had already made its way as far -south as Mesopotamia, and there established its power in the midst of -a Semitic population. From that time forward a constant struggle went -on between the two races, the Semitic race striving to push back the -northern intruders and planting its own colonies in the very heart of -the northern area, while the northerners pressed ever more and more to -the southward, and at one time even seemed likely to possess themselves -of the heritage of the Babylonian Empire in Western Asia. Like Armenia, -Northern Mesopotamia was occupied by a people of Caucasian and Asianic -affinities, whose armies had crossed the Euphrates and won territory in -Syria and Palestine. - -On the west, however, the Mitannians found themselves confronted by -another northern population, the Hittites, whose first home was in -Cappadocia. The Hittites also had passed under the spell of Babylonian -culture, and the cuneiform script had been carried to them at an early -date. Thanks to recent discoveries, we can now trace in some measure -the earlier fortunes of a race who made a profound impression, not only -on the future history of Asia Minor and its relations with Greece, but -also on the history of Palestine. - -As far back as about B.C. 2000, Babylonian or Assyrian troops -had already made their way along the northern banks of the Tigris -and Euphrates to the borders of Cappadocia and the neighbourhood -of the Halys. I say Babylonian or Assyrian, for Assyria was at the -time a province of Babylonia, though as the colonies which settled -in the track of the invaders were distinctively Assyrian in their -municipal customs and the names of their inhabitants, the troops were -probably drafted from Assyria.[138] The mineral wealth of Cappadocia -was doubtless the attraction which led them to such distant and -semibarbarous lands; Dr. Gladstone’s analysis of the gold of the Sixth -Egyptian dynasty, with its admixture of silver, has shown that it was -imported from the north of Asia Minor,[139] and the silver itself was -probably already worked. Further south, in the Taurus, were mines of -copper. - -However this may be, the remains of one of these early -Assyro-Babylonian colonies has been partially excavated a few miles -(twenty-three kilometres) to the north-east of Kaisariyeh.[140] The -site is now known as Kara Eyuk, “the Black Mound,” and numerous -cuneiform tablets have come from it. It has obtained its present name -from the marks of fire which are everywhere visible upon it, and bear -eloquent testimony to its final fate. Established as an outpost of -the Assyrian Empire in the distant west, a time came when, deserted -by the Government at home, its strong walls were battered down by the -besieging foe and the Assyrian settlers massacred among the ruins -of their burning town. According to M. Chantre, its excavator (who, -however, believes that it was destroyed by a volcanic eruption), the -whole mound is a mass of charred and burnt remains. - -The construction of the walls, as well as the pottery found within -them, marks it off with great distinctness from the ruins of the -Hittite or native Cappadocian cities in its neighbourhood. While in -their case the city wall is made of unmortared blocks of stone, the -walls of Kara Eyuk are built of brick, and where stones are used -they are of small size and cemented with mortar. The pottery differs -considerably from that of the Hittite capital at Boghaz Keui. Some -of it is of black ware, especially characterized by the vases with -long spouts, which are also found in Phrygia and the Troad. Some of -it, again, is of the dark-red lustrous ware which has been met with -at Toprak Kaleh, near Van, and Boz Eyuk in Phrygia, while the yellow -ware with geometrical patterns in black and maroon-red which has been -discovered in Phrygia occurs in large quantities. This latter ware is -of the class known as “Mykenæan.”[141] - -The cuneiform tablets which have come from the site are known as -“Cappadocian,” and were first noticed by Dr. Pinches. The forms of the -characters resemble those of the early Babylonian script, which was -still used in Assyria in the age of Khammu-rabi. Many of the proper -names, moreover, seem to be distinctive of that period. On the other -hand, a large proportion of them contain the name of Asur--often in its -primitive form of Asir--or are otherwise characteristic of Assyria. -The tablets are further dated by the archons who gave their names to -the years, a system of chronology which was peculiar to Assyria and -unknown in Babylonia, while the month was divided into “weeks” of five -days each. The language of the tablets also, which is full of dialectic -mispronunciations and strange words, points to Assyria rather than to -the southern kingdom, and we may therefore conclude that the colonists -were Assyrians, even though the colony may have been founded when -Assyria was still a Babylonian province. - -There are indications in the Assyrian inscriptions themselves that -the road to Cappadocia was known to the Assyrian princes at an early -epoch. The earliest Assyrian kings whose annals have come down to us -are Hadad-nirari I. and his son Shalmaneser I. (B.C. 1300). -Hadad-nirari tells us that his greatgrandfather, Assur-yuballidh, whose -letters form part of the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, had subdued -“the wide-spread” province of Subari, which lay near the sources of -the Euphrates, and in which Kara Eyuk was perhaps included, while he -himself restored the cities of the same province which had fallen into -ruin. Later, Shalmaneser I. conducted campaign after campaign towards -the same region. In his second year he overthrew the king of Malatia, -and the combined forces of the other “Hittite” states, who had come to -his assistance: “all were conquered,” from the borders of Cappadocia -to the Hittite stronghold of Carchemish. A military colony was settled -at the head waters of the Tigris which secured the high-road to Asia -Minor. - -Two centuries later we learn from Tiglath-pileser I. that Moschians and -Hittites had overrun part of this Assyrian territory, and occupied some -of the Assyrian settlements. Once more, therefore, the Assyrian troops -marched to the north-west; the provinces which lay in the valley of the -Murad-chai were recovered, and the old province of Subari cleared of -intruders. Soon afterwards Tiglath-pileser forced his way into Southern -Cappadocia and the valley of the Sarus, making Comana tributary, razing -to the ground the fortresses that had resisted him, and erecting -on their site chambers of brick, with bronze tablets on which his -conquests were recorded. Eastern Cilicia was known at the time to the -Assyrians as Muzri, or “the Marchland,” a clear proof that it had long -formed a borderland and debatable territory between the Assyrian Empire -and the nations of Asia Minor. - -It is thus evident that even before the rise of the Assyrian monarchy, -the road that led to the mining districts of Cappadocia, along the -valleys of the Upper Tigris, Euphrates and Tokhma Su, was not only -known to the Assyro-Babylonians, but had actually constituted Assyrian -territory, which was colonized by Assyrian garrisons and paid tribute -to Nineveh whenever Assyria was strong enough to enforce its authority. -At the eastern extremity of the road stood the city of unknown name, -now represented by “the Burnt Mound” of Kara Eyuk, whose existence as -an Assyro-Babylonian city probably dates back to the age of Khammu-rabi. - -It was the outpost of Babylonian culture in Asia Minor. Babylonian -art, and, above all, the Babylonian system of writing, were brought by -it into the heart of the Hittite region, and the archæological objects -found there consequently become important for chronological dating. Not -far off, on the other side of the Halys, rose the Hittite capital, now -known as Boghaz Keui, the centre from which, as Professor Ramsay has -shown,[142] the early roads of Asia Minor radiated in all directions. - -Boghaz Keui is being excavated at the present moment. Hundreds of -clay tablets have already been found there, inscribed with cuneiform -characters, the majority of which are in the native Hittite language, -though many are in Semitic Babylonian, including a copy of the famous -treaty between Ramses II. and the Hittite king. So far as the tablets -have been examined, they show that the Hittite empire extended from the -west of Asia Minor to the Egyptian frontier, and that the cuneiform -characters were used in ordinary life. - - [Illustration: - - THE RUINS AT BOGHAZ KEUI.] - -By one of those coincidences which sometimes happen in archæological -research, the discovery fits with another fact which had long been -in the possession of the Assyriologist, though the full meaning of -it was unknown to him. Among the Tel el-Amarna letters are two in a -language unlike any with which we are acquainted. One of them is from a -Hittite leader of condottieri,[143] who has left us two other letters -which are in the Assyrian language, and who came from a town in the -neighbourhood of Cilicia. The second letter was written to the king of -Arzawa by one of the foreign secretaries of the Egyptian Government. -But the situation of Arzawa was wholly uncertain; as the king bore the -Hittite name of Tarkhundaraba, I suggested that it lay in the Hittite -territory, and that consequently in the language of the letter we had -a fragment of the Hittite language. For many years, however, this -remained a mere conjecture, without any definite proofs. - -When the fragmentary tablets from Boghaz Keui came to be copied, it -was at once perceived that they were in a language which resembled -that of the Arzawa letters, but it was not until the new tablet -from Constantinople had been cleaned and copied by Dr. Pinches and -myself that the actual facts became clear. The Arzawa and Boghaz Keui -texts agree in the forms given to the characters, in grammar and in -vocabulary. Arzawa, therefore, must have been the Hittite kingdom which -had its centre at Boghaz Keui, and already in the age of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty it was employing a form of the cuneiform script which -implied a long preceding period of use and adaptation. A new realm has -thus to be added to the domain of the cuneiform system of writing; in -Syria the Hittite king of Kadesh wrote to the Pharaoh in Babylonian, -but in his old home in the north, though the Babylonian syllabary -had been adopted, the language it served to express was that of the -Hittites themselves. - -A certain amount of this Hittite language of Arzawa can be deciphered, -thanks to those same determinatives and ideographs which have assisted -so materially towards the decipherment of the Vannic texts, and more -especially to the recurrence in the two Tel el-Amarna letters of -phrases that are common to the whole correspondence. The new tablet, -however, is more than usually helpful, since it contains Assyrian words -and grammatical forms which in parallel passages of the same text are -replaced by native equivalents. In this way a sketch of Arzawan grammar -can now be made, as well as a list of Arzawan words. The language which -is thus disclosed is of an Asianic type, with features that remind us -of Lycian on the one side, and of Mitannian and Vannic on the other. -But in what may be termed the fundamentals of grammar it agrees with -Mitannian and Vannic. - -At the same time, certain of these same fundamentals have a curious but -superficial resemblance to what we have hitherto been accustomed to -regard as characteristics of Indo-European grammar. The nominative and -accusative of the noun, for example, are distinguished by the suffixes -_-s_ and _-n_, the plural nominative and accusative often terminate -in _-s_, and the possessive pronouns of Arzawan are _mi-s_, “mine”; -_ti-s_, “thine”; and _sa(s)_, “his”; while _si_ is “(to) her.” The -third person of the present tense ends in _-t_; _es-tu_, is “may it -be”; _es-mi_, “may I be.” Yet with all these remarkable coincidences, I -can assure the comparative philologist that Arzawan is certainly not an -Indo-European language, and I must leave him to explain them as best -he may. - - [Illustration: ONE OF THE PROCESSIONS IN THE RAVINE OF BOGHAZ. - - (_See p. 174._)] - -We have, however, learnt a good deal more about the Hittite populations -of Asia Minor from the Tel el-Amarna tablets than the nature of the -language which they spoke. In the closing days of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty we find them on the southern side of the Taurus, -sending forth bands of adventurers, who hired their services to the -king of Egypt and to the rival governors and princes of Palestine, -and from time to time carved out principalities of their own with the -sword. We are even able to follow the fortunes of some of the leaders -of the condottieri, who had no scruple in transferring their allegiance -from one vassal prince to another when tempted by the prospect of -better pay, or in murdering their employer when the opportunity -arose, and plundering or occupying his city. They had, it is true, a -wholesome awe of Egyptian power and of the Egyptian army, and some of -the letters they wrote to the Egyptian court are amusing examples of -the excuses they offered for their misdeeds. But they never hesitated -about seizing the Pharaoh’s property when they thought they could do -so with impunity, while they were all the time professing to be his -devoted slaves. A considerable number of the vassal princes of Canaan -kept these mercenaries in their pay, and in many cases the Egyptian -Foreign Office thought it wisest to confirm one of their leaders in the -government of a district, however doubtful might have been the means by -which it had come into his hands. So long as the tribute was paid, and -the imperial authority acknowledged, no further questions were asked. -The mercenaries were useful at times to the imperial forces, and the -mutual jealousies and quarrels of the local governors were perhaps not -altogether displeasing to the home Government.[144] - -In this way bands of Hittite mercenaries came to be settled in -various parts of Palestine, even in the extreme south. The sons of -Arzawaya, “the Arzawan,” established themselves in the neighbourhood -of Jerusalem, whose king, by the way, seems to bear a Mitannian name. -The statement in the Book of Genesis that Heth was the son of Canaan -receives a new signification from the Tel el-Amarna tablets. - -But Hittite influence in Southern Palestine goes back to an earlier -epoch than the age of the tablets. The painted pottery found in the -“Amorite” strata of Lachish and Gezer shows remarkable affinities -to the pottery discovered by Chantre at Boghaz Keui, and Mr. J. L. -Myres has succeeded in tracing it in a fairly continuous line to the -region north of the Halys.[145] Here was found the red ochre--or -_sandarakê_, as it was called--which was used in the decoration -of the pottery, and after the introduction of two other colours still -remained the principal feature in the system of ornamentation. This -Hittite or Cappadocian pottery was carried westward along the road -which led from Boghaz Keui towards the Troad, and south-eastwards -across the Taurus into Syria. It was probably the ultimate origin of -the painted Minoan or “Kamâres” pottery of Krete. - -The introduction of Hittite pottery into Canaan where it tended to -supersede the native ware, was doubtless the result of trade. But in -ancient Asia the trader and the soldier were very apt to march side by -side. The soldier opened the way for the trader and kept it for him, -quite as much as the trader opened it for the soldier. Hence it is -not surprising that the Assyrian monuments should furnish incidental -evidence of the Hittite occupation of Palestine at an early date. In -the inscriptions of Babylonia, as we have seen, Palestine and Syria -are “the land of the Amorites”; the name went back to an immemorial -antiquity, and indicates that at the time it was first given the -Amorites were the ruling population in the West. But in the Assyrian -inscriptions the place of the Amorites is taken by the Hittites. For -the Assyrians, Syria is “the land of the Hittites,” and in the later -historical texts even the Israelites and Philistines are classed as -“Hittite.”[146] - -Canaan, however, was already well known to the Assyrians in the age of -the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, when the ambassadors of the Assyrian -king carried letters and presents through it to the Pharaoh. It must, -therefore, have been at a still earlier period that they first became -acquainted with it, and at this period Hittite influence must have -been so predominant as to cause them to discard the name of Amorite, -consecrated though it was by the long-continued usage of Babylonian -literature, and to employ instead of it the name of Hittite. - -But it was in the direction of the Greek seas that Hittite influence -was most powerful. Through Asia Minor Babylonian culture penetrated to -the West. A native imitation of the Babylonian seal-cylinder was found -by Dr. Schliemann in the ruins of Hissarlik,[147] and the so-called -“heraldic” position of the lions at Mykenæ can be traced back through -Asia Minor to the designs of the Babylonian gem-cutters. The winged -horse, Pegasus, is found on Hittite seals, and, like the double-headed -eagle of Eyuk and other composite figures, is derived from Babylonian -prototypes.[148] They represented the first attempts of the creative -power, as conceived of by Babylonian cosmology, and an old Babylonian -legend of the creation accordingly describes the monsters suckled -by Tiamât as “warriors with the bodies of birds, men with the faces -of ravens.”[149] The fantastic monsters of “Minoan” art, which have -been brought to light by the excavations in Krete, claim an intimate -connection with the similar composite beings which are a characteristic -of Hittite art.[150] - -The early Hittite art of Asia Minor, as I pointed out many years ago, -is dependent on that of Babylonia, and has little in common with the -art of Assyria.[151] It is not until we come to the later Hittite -monuments of Cilicia and Syria that the influence of Assyrian art makes -itself visible. Hence was derived the partiality of the Hittite artist -for the composite animals that adorn the seal-cylinders of Babylonia, -and which consequently became known wherever the seal-cylinder and -the literary culture it accompanied had made their way. As I have -already stated, though Subari was an Assyrian province and Kara Eyuk -an Assyrian colony, the form of the cuneiform script that was used in -Cappadocia was of Babylonian origin. - -The writing material of “Minoan” Krete, we now know, consisted of clay -tablets. The fact is a proof that the influence of Babylonian culture -had extended thus far. But it was an indirect influence only. Though -the clay tablet was employed, the characters impressed upon it were -the native Kretan. This in itself, however, demonstrates how strong -the influence must have been, for the Kretan characters, whether -hieroglyphic or linear, were less easy to inscribe on clay than the -cuneiform. Krete, moreover, is a land of rock and stone rather than of -clay. We may infer, therefore, from the use of the Babylonian material -that the first impulse to write was inspired by the civilization of -Babylonia. - -How it was brought to Krete we do not know. It may have passed over -from the shores of Canaan; it may have come from Cyprus or Asia Minor. -A seal-cylinder, which I have lately published, and which was found in -the early copper-age cemetery of Agia Paraskevi in Cyprus, shows that -the so-called Cypriote syllabary was already in use in the island at -a remote date,[152] and this syllabary is closely connected with the -linear characters of Krete. Inscriptions in the same form of script -have been found on the site of Troy, and the pre-Israelitish pottery of -Southern Palestine is marked with signs which seem to be derived from -it. So, too, is certain Egyptian pottery of the age of the Eighteenth -dynasty, and even of the age of the Twelfth.[153] - -It is possible that Krete was the birthplace of the picture writing -which developed into the linear script of Knossos and the Cypriote -syllabary; it is possible that it was rather Cyprus. I do not think, -as I once did, that it comes from Asia Minor, for Asia Minor had its -own pictographic system, which we see represented in the Hittite -inscriptions, and an increased knowledge of this system tends to -dissociate it from the pictographs and syllabaries of Krete and Cyprus. - -Wherever it arose, however, it was associated with the Babylonian -writing material and the Babylonian seal-cylinder. So far as our -present knowledge goes, Cyprus is more likely than any other part of -the world to have been the meeting-point of Babylonian culture and the -nascent civilization of the West. The numerous seal-cylinders which -characterize the early copper age of the island are native imitations -of Babylonian seal-cylinders of the epoch of Sargon of Akkad, when the -boundaries of the Babylonian Empire were pushed to the coasts of the -Mediterranean, if not into Cyprus itself, and the great eastern plain -of Cyprus was better fitted to provide clay for the tablet than any -other Mediterranean district with which I am acquainted. - -That no written tablets have been found by the excavators in Cyprus -is not surprising. In an island climate where heavy rains occur the -unbaked tablet soon becomes hardly distinguishable from the earth in -which it is embedded. It was almost by accident that even the practised -eye of Dr. A. J. Evans was first led to notice the clay tablets of -Knossos. - -The Greek term δέλτος, which was borrowed from the language of Canaan, -is evidence that the tablet was once known to the Greeks. For the -letters of the Phœnician and Greek alphabet rolls of papyrus or -leather were needed; the fact that the writing material was a tablet -and not a roll refers us back to Babylonia. With the introduction -of the Phœnician letters the word δέλτος necessarily changed its -meaning, and became synonymous with a wooden board. But it is possible -that a reminiscence of its original signification is preserved in a -famous passage of the _Iliad_ (vi. 169), where the later “board” -has been substituted for the earlier “tablet.” Here we are told how -Bellerophon carried with him to Lycia “baleful signs”--which may have -been the pictographs of Krete or the Hittites, or even cuneiform -characters--written upon “a folded board.” The expression would have -most naturally originated in the folded clay tablet of early Babylonia, -the inner tablet being enclosed in an envelope on which the address or -a description of the contents of the document is written. - -On the literary side, however, this is the utmost contribution that -we can claim for Babylonia to have made to historical Greece. In the -sphere of religion it is possible that the anthropomorphism of Greece -was influenced by the anthropomorphism of Babylonia through Asia -Minor, where the rock sculptures of Boghaz Keui show how the primitive -Hittite fetishes had become human deities like those of Chaldæa; in -the sphere of philosophy Thales and Anaximander clothed in a Greek -dress the cosmological theories of the Babylonians; and in the domain -of art the heraldry and composite monsters of Babylonia made their -way to Europe, while the Ionic artists of Ephesus carved ivories into -forms so Oriental in character that similar figures found in the palace -of Sargon have been pronounced to be the work of Phœnicians. But the -literary culture of historical Greece did not begin until the tide of -Babylonian influence had already rolled back from Western Asia, when -the Phœnician alphabet had taken the place of the cuneiform syllabary -in Syria, and the Hittite populations of Asia Minor had returned to -their clumsy hieroglyphs. - -It is, however, remarkable how very nearly the cuneiform script became -what the Phœnician alphabet has been called, “the mother of the -alphabets of the world.” At one time it covered nearly the whole area -of the civilized globe. A seal-cylinder with a cuneiform inscription in -an unknown language has been discovered on the hills near Herat;[154] -in the west its use extended as far as Cappadocia, perhaps further. -Northward it made its home in Armenia; southward it obliged even the -Egyptian Foreign Office to employ it for correspondence, while military -scribes wrote in it their memoranda of the Pharaoh’s campaigns. In -both Mitanni and Van the syllabary was on the high-road to becoming an -alphabet; in Persia it actually became one. - -But this final evolution came too late. A simpler script had already -entered the field, and won its way in lands where clay was scarce -and other writing materials more easily procurable. Indeed, it is -probable that the presence or absence of clay suitable for writing -purposes had quite as much to do with the spread of the cuneiform -script as the political events which transformed the map of Western -Asia. Canaan still continued to write in cuneiform characters after the -empire of Babylonia had been exchanged for that of Egypt, while the -use of the script never penetrated far into the limestone regions of -the Mediterranean. It was probably the geological formation of Europe -more than anything else which saved us to-day from having to learn the -latest modification of the cursive writing of the Babylonian plain. - -But it had been a potent instrument of civilization in its day, perhaps -more potent even than the Phœnician alphabet, for its sway lasted -for thousands of years. It was at once the symbol and the inspiring -spirit of a culture whose roots go back to the very beginnings of -human civilization, and to which we still owe part of our own heritage -of civilized life. Babylonia was the mother-land of astronomy and -irrigation; from thence a knowledge of copper seems to have spread -through Western Asia; it was there that the laws and regulations of -trade were first formulated, and the earliest legal code, so far as -we know, was compiled. Babylonian theology and cosmology left their -impress upon beliefs and views of the world which have passed through -Judæa to Europe, and the astrology and magic which played so active -a part in the mental history of the Middle Ages were Babylonian -creations. It is not a little remarkable that an Etruscan model of the -liver in bronze (discovered at Piacenza), divided and inscribed for -the purposes of haruspicy, finds its counterpart and probably also its -prototype in the clay copy of a liver, similarly divided and inscribed, -which was found in Babylonia.[155] We are children of our fathers, and -amongst our spiritual fathers must be reckoned the Babylonians. - - - - - CHAPTER VII - - CANAAN IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE EXODUS - - -It is now nearly twenty years ago since the archæological world was -startled, not to say revolutionized, by the discovery of the cuneiform -tablets of Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. Nor was it the archæological -world only which the discovery affected. The historian and the -theologian have equally had to modify and forsake their old ideas -and assumptions, and the criticism of the Old Testament writings has -entered upon a new and altogether unexpected stage. The archæologist, -the historian and the Biblical critic alike can never again return to -the point of view which was dominant before 1887, or regard the ancient -world of the East with the unbelieving eyes of a Grote or a Cornewall -Lewis. A single archæological discovery has upset mountains of learned -discussion, of ingenious theory and sceptical demonstration. - -At the risk of repeating a well-worn tale, I will describe briefly -the nature of the discovery. In the ruins of a city and palace which, -like the palace of Aladdin, rose out of the desert sands into gorgeous -magnificence for a short thirty years and then perished utterly, some -300 clay tablets were found, inscribed, not with the hieroglyphics -of Egypt, but with the cuneiform characters of Babylonia. They were, -in fact, the contents of the Foreign Office of Amon-hotep IV., the -“Heretic King” of Egyptian history, who endeavoured to reform the old -religion of Egypt and to substitute for it a pantheistic monotheism. -This was about 1400 years before the birth of Christ, and a full -century before the Israelitish Exodus. The attempt failed in spite of -the fanatical efforts of its royal patron to force it upon his people, -and of his introduction of religious persecution for the first time -into the world. The Eighteenth dynasty, to which he belonged, and which -had conquered Western Asia, went down in civil and religious war; the -Asiatic Empire of Egypt was lost, and a new dynasty sat on the throne -of Thebes. - -The archives in the Foreign Office included not only the foreign -correspondence of Amon-hotep’s own reign, but the foreign -correspondence also of his father, which he had carried with him from -Thebes when he founded his new capital at Tel el-Amarna. And the scope -and character of it are astounding. There are letters from the kings -of Babylonia and Assyria, of Mesopotamia and the Hittites, of Cilicia -and Cappadocia, besides letters and communications of all sorts from -the Egyptian governors and vassal princes in Canaan and Syria. Most of -the correspondence is in the language of Babylonia; it is only in a few -rare instances that the cuneiform characters embody the actual language -of the people from whom the letters were sent. It is difficult to -imagine anything more subversive of the ideas about the ancient history -of the East, which were current twenty years ago, than the conclusions -to be drawn from this correspondence. It proved that, so far as -literary culture is concerned, the civilized Oriental world in the -Mosaic age was quite as civilized as our own. There were schools and -libraries all over it, in which a foreign language and a complicated -foreign system of writing formed an essential part of education. It -proved that this education was widely spread: there are letters from -Bedâwîn shêkhs as well as from a lady who was much interested in -politics. It showed that this correspondence was active and regular, -that those who took part in it wrote to each other on the trivial -topics of the day, and that the high-roads and postal service were -alike well organized. We learned that the nations of the Orient were no -isolated units cut off from one another except when one of them made -war with the other, but that, on the contrary, their mutual relations -were as close and intimate as those of modern Europe. The Babylonian -king in his distant capital on the Euphrates sent to condole with the -Egyptian Pharaoh on his father’s death like a modern potentate, and was -every whit as anxious to protect and encourage the trade of his country -as Mr. Chamberlain. Indeed, the privileges of the merchant and the -sacredness of his person had long been a matter of international law. - -In one respect the advocates of international harmony and arbitration -were better off in the Mosaic age than they are in the Europe of -to-day. There was no difficulty about diversities of language and the -danger of being misunderstood. The language of diplomacy, of education -and trade was everywhere the same, and was understood, read and written -by all educated persons. Even the Egyptian lord of Western Asia had to -swallow his pride and write in the language and script of Babylonia -when he corresponded with his own subjects in Canaan. Indeed, like -English officials in Egypt, who are supposed to write to one another on -official business in French, his own Egyptian envoys and commissioners -sent their official communications in the foreign tongue. The Oriental -world in the century before the Exodus thus anticipated the Roman -Empire. - -Canaan was the centre and focus of the correspondence. It was the -battle-ground and meeting-place of the great powers of the Eastern -world. It had long been a province of Babylonia, and, like the rest -of the Babylonian Empire, subject to Babylonian law and permeated -by Babylonian literary culture. It was during these centuries of -Babylonian government that it had come to adopt as its own the script -and language of its rulers; the deities of Babylonia were worshipped -on the high places of Palestine, and Babylonian legends and traditions -were taught in its schools. - -Out of Canaan had marched the Hyksos who conquered Egypt. The names -of their kings found on the monuments that have survived to us are -distinctively Canaanite of the patriarchal period; among them is -Jacob-el, or Jacob, whom the Alexandrine Jews seem to have identified -with their own ancestor. While the Hyksos Pharaohs reigned, Egypt -was but a dependency of Canaan; the source of Hyksos power lay in -Canaan, and their Egyptian capital was accordingly placed close to the -Canaanitish frontier. - -When, after five generations of warfare, the native princes of Thebes -succeeded at last in expelling the Hyksos conquerors from the valley -of the Nile and in founding the Eighteenth dynasty, they perceived -that their best hope of preventing a second Asiatic conquest lay in -possessing themselves of the land which was, as it were, the key to -their own. The Hyksos conquest, in fact, had shown that Canaan was at -once a link between Asia and Africa, and the open gate which let the -invader into the fertile fields of Egypt. The war, therefore, that had -ended by driving the Asiatic out of Egypt was now carried into his own -home. Campaign after campaign finally crushed Canaanitish resistance, -and the Egyptian standards were planted on the banks of the Euphrates. -Palestine and Syria were transformed into Egyptian provinces; in the -language of the tenth chapter of Genesis, they became the brothers of -Mizraim. - -The Tel el-Amarna letters tell us how the new provinces were organized. -The most important cities were placed under Egyptian governors, many -of whom, however, were natives. But they were carefully watched by -Egyptian commissioners, to whom the control of the military forces was -entrusted, as well as by special high-commissioners sent from time -to time by the imperial Government. Local jealousies and rivalries, -moreover, among the governors prevented union among them against the -central power, and up to a certain point were not discouraged by the -Egyptian Foreign Office. The Tel el-Amarna letters offer us a curious -picture of the extent to which their mutual animosities were carried in -the days when the Egyptian Empire was growing feeble. All the governors -protest their devotion to the court, and all like are accused by their -rivals of intriguing and even fighting against it. - -Besides the states which were thus directly under Egyptian rule, there -were also protected states. Here the representative of the old line -of kings was allowed to retain a titular authority, though in reality -his power was not greater than that of the governors in other states. -But, whether governor or protected prince his duty to the imperial -Government was clearly marked out for him. He had to levy the taxes and -send a fixed amount of tribute to the Egyptian Treasury, to provide a -certain number of militia, and to send official reports to the king. He -had further to see that the troops of the army of occupation were duly -provided with pay and maintenance. - -The army of occupation in the reign of Amon-hotep IV. does not seem to -have been large. The imperial forces were needed at home to enforce -the new faith upon the Egyptian people, and to put down the discontent -that was growing there. We hear, however, of “the household troops,” -who belonged to the standing army of Egypt and formed the nucleus of -the permanent garrison. How many of them were native Egyptians it is -impossible to say; as we hear of Kushites or Ethiopians among them, -it is probable that the Sudanese were at least as largely employed on -foreign service as the Egyptians themselves. The Egyptian has never -been fond of military service, whereas, we all now know, the Sudanese -is essentially a fighting animal. - -Both sides of the Jordan were included in the Egyptian administration. -One of the Tel el-Amarna letters, for example, is from a governor of -“the field of Bashan.” It is characteristic of the whole series, and -shows what the relations were between the army of occupation and the -native levies. I cannot do better than quote it in full: “To the king, -my lord, thus says Artamanya, the governor of the Field of Bashan, thy -servant: at the feet of the king, my lord, seven times seven do I fall. -Behold, thou hast written to me to join the household troops, and how -could I be a dog (of the king) and not go? Behold, I and my soldiers -and my chariots will join the household troops in whatever place the -king my lord orders.” - -The name of Artamanya is not Semitic; neither is it Egyptian. The fact -brings us to one of the most interesting and unexpected results of the -decipherment of the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. And this is that the -ruling caste in the Palestine of the Mosaic age was largely of Hittite -origin, or had come from those countries of the north whose population -was related in blood and language to the Hittites of Asia Minor. - -In Northern Mesopotamia was a kingdom which ranked with those of Egypt -and Babylonia as regarded power and influence. Its native name was -Mitanni; the Hebrews, like the Egyptians, called it the kingdom of -Aram Naharaim. It stretched from Assyria to the Orontes, and contended -with the Hittites of Carchemish for the possession of the fords of -the Euphrates. Its rulers had descended upon it from the highlands of -Armenia and the Caucasus, and had reduced the native Aramæan population -to servitude. There are frequent references in the Tel el-Amarna -tablets to Mitannian intrigues in Canaan. Mitannian armies had from -time to time marched against the Canaanitish cities, and although there -was now a nominal alliance between Mitanni and Egypt, and the royal -families of the two countries were united by marriage, the Mitannian -court never lost an opportunity of sending secret support to the -disaffected princes of Canaan or of encouraging them in their revolts -from the Egyptian Government. In many parts of the country the ruling -family continued to be Mitannian, and accordingly we find more than one -governor who bears a Mitannian name. Thus one of them, as we see, was -governor of Bashan, and there was another who had his seat near the Sea -of Galilee. - -Mitannian influence, however, was chiefly confined to the northern part -of Palestine. It was otherwise with the Hittites, whose marauding bands -penetrated as far south as the frontiers of Egypt. The important part -they played in the early history of Canaan and the substantial element -they must have contributed to the future population of the country has -but lately been disclosed to us by the advance that has been made in -the interpretation of the Tel el-Amarna texts. We have at last obtained -an explanation of the fact that whereas in the older Babylonian period -Canaan was known as “the land of the Amorites,” it was called by the -Assyrians “the land of the Hittites.” The Assyrian kings even speak -of Judah and Moab as “Hittite,” and the town of Ashdod is described -by Sargon as a “Hittite” state. What this must mean has indeed long -been recognized by the Assyriologists. When the Assyrians first became -acquainted with Palestine the Hittites must have been there the -dominant power. But how and when this came about we have but just begun -to learn, and it is the story of the Hittite occupation of Canaan, as a -better knowledge of the Tel el-Amarna tablets is making possible, that -I now propose to describe. - -The Hittite race was of Cappadocian origin. Professor Ramsay has -pointed out that the hieroglyphic characters which they used in -their inscriptions must have been invented on the treeless plateau -of Central Asia Minor, and that their capital, whose ruins now strew -the ground at Boghaz Keui, north of the Halys, was the centre towards -which all the early high-roads of Asia Minor converge. But they -extended on both sides of the Taurus Mountains, and at an early date -had planted themselves in Northern Syria. I have lately succeeded in -deciphering their inscriptions, which have so long baffled our attempts -to read them, and one result of my decipherment is the discovery of -an unexpected fact. I find that the name of Hittite was confined to -that portion of the race which lived eastward and southward of the -Taurus. In Asia Minor itself, their first cradle and home, they called -themselves Kas or Kasians; it was the kingdom of Kas over which the -Hittite lords of Boghaz Keui claimed to rule, and it is still as kings -of Kas that they are entitled on the monuments of Carchemish, though -here they also acknowledge the name of Hittite. - -The name of Kas is met with in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, where it has -hitherto been misunderstood. The kings of the Hittites, of Mitanni -and of Kas are associated together as supporting the enemies of the -Egyptian Pharaoh or attacking his cities in Syria, Hitherto we have -supposed that Kas signified Babylonia, though the supposition had but -little in its favour, and a different name is given to Babylonia in -passages where there is no doubt as to what country is meant. Now, -however, all becomes clear: in the age of the tablets there were still -four Hittite kingdoms in the north: Kas in Asia Minor, the Hittites -proper, east and south of the Taurus, Mitanni in Mesopotamia, and -Naharaim on the Orontes. Shortly afterwards they were all swallowed -up in the empire of the “great king” of the Hittites, whose southern -capital was at Kadesh. Some Kasians had found their way to Jerusalem, -where the king Ebed-Kheba--whose name is compounded with that of a -Mitannian deity--writes to the Egyptian Government to excuse his -conduct in regard to them. They had been accused of plundering the -Pharaoh’s territory and murdering his servants; he assures the court -that nothing of the sort is true. They are still in his house, where -it would seem they formed his bodyguard. But, on the other hand, -there were other Hittites in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem who were -really enemies to the king and threatened Jerusalem itself. These he -calls Khabiri, or “Confederates,” a name in which, despite history and -probability, certain writers have insisted upon seeing the Hebrews -of the Old Testament. But Dr. Knudtzon’s fresh collation of the -Tel el-Amarna texts has at last dispelled the mystery. The Khabiri -turn out to have been bands of Hittite condottieri, who sold their -military services to the highest bidder and carved out principalities -for themselves in the south of Canaan. The Egyptian Government found -them useful in escorting and protecting the trading caravans to Asia -Minor and the Taurus region, and as long as their leaders professed -themselves the devoted servants of the Pharaoh it was quite willing -to overlook such little accidents as their capture and sack of a -Canaanitish town or the murder of a Canaanitish prince. - -One of these Hittite leaders, Aita-gama by name, had possessed himself -of the city of Kadesh on the Orontes, which in the following century -was to become the capital of a Hittite empire. In a letter to the -Egyptian court he has the audacity to assert that he was merely -claiming his patrimony, the whole district having belonged to his -father. If there is any truth in this it can only mean that his father -had already led a troop of Hittite raiders into this portion of the -Egyptian territory. - -Along with Aita-gama two other Hittite chieftains had marched, -Teuwatti, whose name appears in the native texts under the form of -Tuates, and Arzawaya. Arzawaya means “a man of Arzawa,” the country -whose language has been revealed to us in one of the Tel el-Amarna -letters, and which proves to be the same as the Hittite dialect -found in the cuneiform tablets of Boghaz Keui. We are told that he -came from a city which was in the neighbourhood of the Karmalas, in -Southern Cappadocia. Arzawaya helped Teuwatti to conquer Damascus and -then led his followers further south. Here he acted as a free-lance, -hiring himself and his mercenaries to the rival Canaanitish princes -and professing himself to be all the while a faithful servant of the -Egyptian king. It is amusing to read one of his letters to the Egyptian -court: “To my lord the king thus writes Arzawaya, of Rukhiza. At the -feet of my lord I prostrate myself. My lord the king wrote that I -should join the household troops of the king my lord and his numerous -officers.” Here follow four words of Hittite which are accompanied by -the translation: “I am a servant of the king my lord.” Then the letter -proceeds: “I will join the household troops of the king my lord and -his officers; and I will send everything after them and march wherever -there is rebellion against the king my lord. And we will deliver -his enemies into the hand of the king our lord.” Doubtless Arzawaya -expected to be well paid for his help. - -There is another letter from Arzawaya to the Pharaoh in which he calls -himself “the dust of his feet and the ground on which he treads.” But -in this letter he has to explain away the share he took in entering -the town of Gezer along with Labbawa,[156] another Hittite leader, -and there infringing the royal prerogative by summoning a levy of -the militia. In the eyes of the home Government this was a much -more serious matter than merely plundering or killing a few of its -Canaanitish subjects, as it was equivalent to usurping the functions of -the imperial power. - -Labbawa also had to write and ask for forgiveness, and assure the -Pharaoh that he is his “devoted slave,” who does “not withhold his -tribute” or disobey the “requests” of the Egyptian commissioners. In -fact, he concludes his letter with declaring that “if the king should -write to me: Run a sword of bronze into your heart and die, I would -not fail to execute the king’s command.” All the same, however, he had -established himself securely on Mount Shechem, from whence, like Joshua -in after days, he was able to make raids on the surrounding Canaanitish -towns. In the north we hear of him at Shunem and Gath-Rimmon, where -he first appeared upon the scene in the train of the Egyptian army at -a time when Amon-hotep III. was suppressing an insurrection in that -part of Palestine. It is probable that he had just arrived with his -band of condottieri, attracted by the pay and the chance of plunder -that the Egyptian Pharaoh offered the free-lance. By a curious fatality -it was also in this same locality that he afterwards met his death at -the hands of the people of Gina--the Cana of Galilee, probably, of St. -John’s Gospel. - -Labbawa cast envious eyes on the important city of Megiddo, and its -governor--who, by the way, is mentioned in one of the cuneiform -tablets found three years ago by the Austrian excavators on the -site of Taanach--sent piteous appeals for assistance against him to -the Egyptian Government. The beleaguered governor declared that so -closely invested was he by the Hittite free-lances that he could not -venture outside the gates of his town. The peasantry were afraid even -to bring vegetables into it, and unless help were forthcoming from -Egypt, Megiddo was doomed. After all, however, Labbawa was not only -unable to possess himself of the Canaanitish stronghold, but was taken -prisoner and confined in the very place he had hoped to capture. But -fortune befriended him. He managed to bribe the governor of Acre, and -the latter, on the pretext that he was going to send Labbawa by sea to -Egypt, took him out of prison and set him free. - -Labbawa now turned his attention to the south of Palestine--the future -territory of Judah. Here he entered into alliance with the king of -Jerusalem, or, to speak more precisely, was taken into his pay, and -the two together waged war on the neighbouring states. One of the -Egyptian governors complains that they had robbed him of Keilah, and he -had to wait for Labbawa’s death before he could recover his city. - -One of the two letters in the Tel el-Amarna collection which are in -the Arzawan or Hittite language was written by Labbawa, as we have -lately learned from Dr. Knudtzon’s revised copy of it. In this he calls -himself a native of the Hittite district of Uan, near Aleppo, and -refers to “the Hittite king,” though our knowledge of the language is -too imperfect to allow us to understand the meaning of the reference. -The letter is addressed simply “to my lord,” and we do not know, -therefore, whether it was intended for Hittite or Egyptian eyes. After -his settlement in Palestine, however, Labbawa adopted the official -language of the country; his letters to the Pharaoh are in Babylonian, -and his son bore the characteristically Semitic name of Mut-Baal. The -fact is an interesting example of the rapid way in which the Hittite -settlers in Palestine were Semitized. They brought no women with them, -and their wives accordingly were natives of Canaan. - -Labbawa left two sons behind him, who, in spite of their Semitic -education, followed in their father’s footsteps and continued to -lead his company of Hittite mercenaries. Mut-Baal, moreover, made -himself useful to the Government by escorting the trading caravans to -Cappadocia, a fact which proves that he still maintained relations -with the country of his origin. The alliance between Ebed-Kheba of -Jerusalem and his father, however, had come to an end; Ebed-Kheba now -had the Hittites of Kas in his pay, and no longer needed the services -of the sons of Labbawa. They therefore transferred themselves to -his rivals, together with the sons of Arzawaya, who, like Labbawa, -was now dead, and Ebed-Kheba soon found himself in difficulties. -The result was letter after letter from him to the Egyptian court, -begging for help against his enemies, and declaring that if no help -came the king’s territory would be lost. These appeals seem to have -met with no response; the Egyptian Government was by no means assured -of Ebed-Kheba’s loyalty, and knew that if the territory of Jerusalem -were to pass into the hands of the Hittite chieftain it would make but -little difference to the imperial power. The tribute would still be -paid, the Egyptian commissioner would still be respected, and the new -rulers of the district would profess themselves the faithful subjects -of the Pharaoh. There would merely be a change of governors, and -nothing more. The Hittite mercenaries were formidable only in the petty -struggles which took place between the rival Canaanitish governors; -when it came to dealing with the regular army of Egypt they were -numerically too few to be of account. - -Ebed-Kheba calls the followers of Labbawa and Arzawaya “Khabiri.” -I have long ago pointed out that the word is found elsewhere in -the Assyrian texts in the sense of “Confederates,” and that its -identification with the Hebrews of the Old Testament, though -phonetically possible, is historically impossible. Now that we know the -nationality of Labbawa and Arzawaya the question is finally settled, -and we can explain a hitherto puzzling passage in one of Ebed-Kheba’s -letters, in which he says that “when ships were on the sea the arm -of the mighty king seized Naharaim and Kas, but now the Khabiri have -seized the cities of the king.” Naharaim lay southward of the gulf of -Antioch, while Kas extended to the Cilician coast, and they were thus, -both of them, within reach of a maritime Power; they were, moreover, -both of them Hittite regions, Naharaim being the district afterwards -called Khattinâ, “the Hittite land,” by the Assyrians, while Kas was -the Hittite kingdom of Cappadocia. Ebed-Kheba, therefore, is drawing -a comparison between the power of “the mighty king” in the days when -an Egyptian fleet controlled the sea and the present time when Hittite -marauders are seizing without let or hindrance the king’s cities on the -very borders of Egypt. Even Lachish and Ashkelon had joined the enemy. - -Perhaps the most important of the King of Jerusalem’s letters is one -which has hitherto been misunderstood, partly owing to its being broken -in half and the relation of the two halves to one another not being -recognized, partly to the imperfections of the published copy. Now -that a complete and accurate text of it lies before us, its meaning -has ceased to be a riddle, and I will therefore give here the first -translation that has been made of the completed text-- - -“To the king my lord thus says Ebed-Kheba thy servant: at the feet -of my lord the king seven times seven I prostrate myself. Behold, -Malchiel has not separated himself from the sons of Labbawa and the -sons of Arzawaya so as to claim the king’s land for them. A governor -who commits such an act, why has not the king questioned him (about -it)? Behold, Malchiel and Tagi have committed such an act by seizing -the city of Rabbah. And now as to Jerusalem, if this land belongs to -the king, why is it that Gaza has been appointed for the (residence of -the) king (’s commissioner)? Behold the land of Gath-Carmel is in the -power of Tagi, and the men of Gath are (his) bodyguard. He is (now) in -Beth-Sannah. But (nevertheless) we will act. Malchiel wrote to Tagi -that they should give Labbawa and Mount Shechem to the district of -the Khabiri, and he took some boys as slaves. They granted all their -demands to the people of Keilah. But we will rescue Jerusalem. The -garrison which you sent by Khaya the son of Meri-Ra has been taken -by Hadad-mikhir and stationed in his house at Gaza. [I have sent -messengers] to Egypt, [and may] the king [listen to me].... There is -no garrison of the king [here]. Verily by the life of the king Pa-ur -has gone down to Egypt; he has left me and is in Gaza. But let the king -entrust to him a garrison for the defence of the land. All the land of -the king has revolted. Send Yenkhamu and let him take charge of the -king’s land. - -“(Postscript): To the secretary of the king says Ebed-Kheba your -servant: [bring] what I say clearly before the king. Kindest regards to -you! I am your servant.” - -The references in this letter are explained in other letters from the -same correspondent. Malchiel was the native governor of the Hebron -district, and had married the daughter of Tagi, whose name does not -sound Semitic. The Hittite mercenaries of Labbawa from Shechem and -of Arzawaya, who does not seem to have established himself in any -special district of the country, were now in the pay of Malchiel, -while Ebed-Kheba, as we have seen, had secured the services of another -body of Hittites from Kas. He had been accused at the Egyptian court -of seeking by their means to make himself independent, and more than -one of his letters is occupied with defending himself and bringing a -counter-charge against Malchiel. Malchiel, however, secured the support -of the royal commissioner, Yenkhamu, who agreed to his employment -of the Hittite condottieri. With their assistance Keilah had been -recovered from the hands of Ebed-Kheba, who, at an earlier date, -had got Labbawa to seize it for him, but after Labbawa’s death the -tables were turned, and his sons had offered their services to the -rival party, doubtless for the sake of better pay. It was now that -Malchiel summoned the militia of Gezer, Gath-Carmel and Keilah, and -made himself master of Rabbah, a small place north-west of Keilah and -Hebron, which Ebed-Kheba asserted belonged to _his_ territory. -The tide was beginning to turn against the King of Jerusalem: his -enemies were in greater favour at court than he was himself, and they -had the support of the Hittite bands. It was in vain that he appealed -to the Egyptian Government for aid and declared that not only had his -rivals given Mount Shechem to the Hittite free-lances, but that by -their action against himself they were delivering the whole of Southern -Palestine into Hittite hands. “The king,” he writes, “no longer has -any territory, the Khabiri have wasted all the lands of the king. If -the royal troops come this year, the country will remain my lord the -king’s, but if no troops come, the territory of the king my lord is -lost.” - -At this point the story breaks off abruptly. The Tel el-Amarna -correspondence comes to an end and the fate of Jerusalem and the -surrounding districts is unknown to us. Soon afterwards religious -troubles at home forced the Egyptian Government to withdraw its troops -from Canaan altogether, and for awhile the Egyptian empire in Asia -ceased to exist. It was restored, however, by Seti I. and his son, -Ramses II, at the beginning of the Nineteenth dynasty, and among the -cities whose conquest is celebrated by Ramses on the walls of the -Ramesseum at Thebes is Shalem or Jerusalem. But this second Egyptian -empire in Asia did not last long, and when the Israelitish Exodus -took place it was already passing away. When some years later the -Israelitish invaders planted themselves in Labbawa’s old stronghold -on Mount Shechem, the Egyptian occupation of Canaan belonged to the -history of the past. - -Like the Saxons in England, however, the Hittite chieftains must have -founded principalities for themselves in the south of Canaan, as we -know from the evidence of the Tel el-Amarna tablets and the Egyptian -monuments that they did in the north. Ezekiel, in fact, tells us that -the mother of Jerusalem was a Hittite, and the Jebusites, from whom -Jerusalem took its name in the age of the Israelitish conquest, were -probably the descendants of the followers of the Hittite Arzawaya. -They had, moreover, found a Hittite population already settled in -the country, descendants of older bands who had made their way from -the highlands of Asia Minor to the frontiers of Egypt in days when -as yet Abraham was unborn. At the very commencement of the Egyptian -twelfth dynasty we hear of the Pharaohs destroying “the palaces of the -Hittites” in Southern Palestine,[157] and archæology has recently shown -that the painted pottery discovered in the earlier strata of Lachish -and Gezer by English excavators had its original home in Northern -Cappadocia and is an enduring evidence of Hittite culture and trade. - -The Hittites had been preceded in their occupation of Canaan by the -Amorites, as we have learnt from the Babylonian inscriptions. But in -the Tel el-Amarna age the specifically Amoritish territory was in the -north, eastward of Tyre and Gebal. Here Ebed-Asherah and his son Aziru -had their seat and from hence they led their forces northwards towards -Aleppo to resist “the king of the Hittites” on behalf of the Egyptian -Government, or attacked the Phœnician cities on their own account. -In the north, in fact, they played much the same part as the Hittite -mercenaries did in the south, with the additional advantage of being -able to secure secret assistance when it was needed from Mitanni. -Between Amorites and Hittites the Canaanites must have had a somewhat -unhappy time, like the Britons after the departure of the Roman -legions, who found themselves the alternate prey of Saxons and Scots. -But we can now understand and appreciate the ethnological notice in the -Book of Numbers (xiii. 29), which tells us that “the Hittites and the -Jebusites and the Amorites dwell in the mountains, and the Canaanites -dwell by the sea and by the coast of Jordan.” - -The Amorite princes, however, were more formidable to the Egyptian -Government than the Hittite chieftains, or else must have played their -cards a little too openly, for we find Aziru receiving a scolding such -as the Egyptian court seldom had the courage or energy to give. The -letter from the Egyptian Foreign Office, which is a long one, is worth -translating in full-- - -“To the governor of the land of the Amorites [thus] says the king your -lord. The governor of Gebal, thy brother, whom his brother has driven -from the gate (of the city) has said: ‘Take me and bring me back into -my city, [and] I will then give you money, [for] I have nothing [of -value] with me now.’ So he spoke to you. - -“Behold, you write to the king your lord saying: I am your servant like -all the loyal governors who are each in his city. Yet you have acted -wrongly in taking a governor whom his brother had driven from the gate -of his city, and being in Sidon you handed him over to the governors -(there) at your own discretion, as if you did not know that they were -rebellious. - -“If you are really a servant of the king why have you not seen that he -should go up to the presence of the king your lord instead of thinking, -‘This governor wrote to me saying, “Take me to thyself and restore me -to my city”’? - -“But if you have acted loyally and nothing that I write is correct, the -king has devised a lie in saying that nothing which you declare is true. - -“But it happens that one has heard that you have made a treaty with the -(Hittite) prince of Kadesh to deliver food and drink to one another, -and it is true. Why have you acted thus? Why have you made a treaty -with a governor with whom another governor is at enmity? For if you act -with loyalty to him and observe your and his engagements you cannot -look after (our) interests as you have undertaken to do long ago. -Whatever be your conduct in the matter you are not on the side of the -king your lord. - -“Now as for these men to whom you want to turn, they are seeking to -get you into the fire and to burn (you) and all you most love. Whereas -if you submit yourself to the king your lord, what is there which the -king cannot do for you? If in anything you love to act wickedly and if -you lay up wickedness, even thoughts of rebellion, in your heart, then -you will die by the axe of the king along with all your family. Submit -therefore to the king your lord, and you shall live, for you know that -the king has no wish to be angry with all the land of Canaan. - -“And since you write: ‘Let the king excuse me this year and I will go -next year to the court of the king my lord, my son not being with me,’ -the king your lord accordingly will excuse you this year as you have -asked. Go yourself instead of sending your son, and you shall see the -king in the sight of whom all the world lives, and do not say: let me -be excused this year also from going to the court of the king your -lord; and do not send your son to the king your lord; he must not go in -your place. - -“And now the king your lord has heard that you wrote to the king -saying, ‘Let the king my lord permit Khanni the messenger of the king -to come to me for the second time, and I will deliver the enemies of -the king into his hand.’ Now he will go to you as you have asked; do -you therefore deliver them (to him) and do not let a single one of -them escape. Now the king your lord sends you the names of the king’s -enemies in this letter by the hand of Khanni the king’s messenger; so -deliver them to the king your lord and let not a single one of them -escape, but put fetters of bronze upon their feet. Behold, the men you -are to send to the king your lord are Sarru with all his sons, Tuia, -Liya with all his sons, Yisyari with all his sons, (and) the son-in-law -of Manya with his sons and wives. The treasurer of Khanni is the -official who will read the dispatch. Dâsirtî, Pâlûwa and Nimmakhî have -gone [to collect taxes?] into the country of the Amorites. - -“And know that the king, the Sun-god in heaven, is well; his soldiers -and chariots are many; from the upper country to the lower country, -from the rising of the sun [to] the setting of the sun all is peace.” - -We hear again of one of the rebels mentioned in this letter in the -tablet discovered at Lachish in Palestine by Mr. Bliss. Yisyari is -there described as inciting the governor of Lachish to revolt and -promising assistance if he would call out the militia of his city -against the king. That an Amorite of the north should thus have been -able to interfere in the politics of a city in the south of Palestine -is an interesting illustration of what I may call the solidarity of -Syria and Canaan in the pre-Mosaic period. They had not yet been broken -up into a series of isolated States; like the Hittites, the Amorites -still claimed to be a power in the future territory of Judah as well as -in the neighbourhood of Sidon or Hamath. - -It is possible that a well-known but somewhat mysterious personage -of the Old Testament was one of the Hittite leaders who succeeded -in carving out a principality for himself: I mean Balaam the son of -Beor. He is said to have come from the Hittite town of Pethor near -Carchemish, and besides being a seer and a prophet he was also a -soldier who fell in the ranks of the Midianites in a war against -Israel. But Balaam the son of Beor was not only a native of Pethor; -we hear of him again in the Book of Genesis, and here he appears as -the first king of Edom, his name heading the list of Edomite kings -extracted from the state annals of Edom and probably brought to -Jerusalem when David conquered the country. In the light of what -we have learnt from the tablets of Tel el-Amarna it is perhaps not -going too far to suppose that in Balaam we have one of those Hittite -chieftains who, after playing the part of prophet, made himself leader -of a band of Hittite free-lances and established a kingdom for himself -in Edom, finally falling in battle by the side of his Midianite allies. - -However this may be, the important place occupied by the Hittites in -creating the Canaan which the Israelites invaded is now clear. While -the larger bands of Hittite raiders settled in the north, where they -prepared the way for the Hittite king himself with his regular army, -and where Hittite power became so firmly established that even the -great Ramses could not dislodge it, smaller companies of condottieri -made their way to the extreme south of Palestine, hiring their services -to the rival governors and princes and seizing a town or district -for themselves when the opportunity offered. So long as the tribute -was paid, and its subjects were not too troublesome, the Egyptian -Government looked on with equanimity while the states of Canaan were -practically ruled by the leaders of foreign mercenaries who transferred -their services from one paymaster to another with the most perfect -impartiality. - -What is most curious is that the Imperial Government recognized the -legal position not only of the Hittite or Amorite mercenaries, but -even of organized bands of Bedâwîn and outlaws. As for the Bedâwîn, -it had companies of them in its own pay, like the Egyptian Government -in more recent times, and the governor of Gebal complains that the -Egyptian commissioner Pa-Hor had sent some of the latter to murder his -garrison of Serdani or Sardinians, who were themselves mercenaries in -the Egyptian army. That bodies of outlaws should have been subsidized -by the native princes with the permission, or at least the connivance, -of the Egyptian court may seem surprising. But after all it is only -what we find happening in later times when the king of Gath similarly -enrolled David and his band of outlaws into his bodyguard without any -remonstrance on the part of the other Philistine “lords.” Still it is -startling to find one of the Pharaoh’s governors coolly announcing that -he and his soldiers and chariots, together with his brothers, his -“cut-throats” and his Bedâwîn, are ready to join the royal troops, at -the very time when another governor is piteously begging the great king -to “save” him “out of the hands of the cut-throats and Bedâwîn.” Here -is a strange picture of Canaanitish life in the days when as yet the -Israelite was not in the land. - -The fact is, the Canaanites were an unwarlike people. Inland, they -were agriculturists; on the sea-coast they were traders. And, like -other trading communities, they were disinclined to fight, preferring -to entrust the protection of themselves and their property to a -paid soldiery, while at the same time their wealth made them a -tempting prize to the assailant. It is true that they maintained a -native militia, as we have learned from one of the cuneiform tablets -discovered at Taanach, but it was upon a small scale, and apparently -so long as the person on the roll could produce the one or two men for -whom he was responsible he was not himself obliged to serve. It was -again a case of paying others to fight instead of themselves. - -The fighting population of Canaan, in short, were the foreigners, and -these it was who gradually made themselves its practical masters. The -leaders of the mercenaries became the rulers of the Canaanite states, -which thus passed into the hands of a dominant military caste. When -the Israelites entered the country it was with this military upper -class that they had principally to deal; where the Canaanite had not -its protection he trusted for his defence to his iron chariots and the -strong and lofty walls of his towns. It is instructive to read the -long list of unconquered cities and districts given by the Hebrew -historian in the first chapter of the Book of Judges; among them are -the Jebusites of Jerusalem, while we are told that “the Amorites forced -the children of Dan into the mountain, for they would not suffer them -to come down to the valley.” - -Canaan, it will probably be thought, was a somewhat insecure country -in which to live in the days of the Egyptian Empire. There seem to -have been constant turmoil and confusion, governor attacking governor -and bribing bands of foreign mercenaries to help him. But the turmoil -and confusion were mainly on the surface. When a town is taken from -one governor by another we do not hear of its population or their -possessions suffering materially; they soon appear upon the scene again -as prosperous as before. It is merely the governor and his immediate -surroundings who suffer; the capture of the town was probably an affair -amicably arranged between the condottieri who were attacking it and -the condottieri who were its defenders. The Egyptian commissioners go -up and down the country, hearing complaints and settling disputes, -and no one ventures even to protest against their decisions, while a -few Egyptian troops are stationed in places where the Government was -not quite sure of the fidelity of its subjects. Caravans of merchants -passed through Canaan going from Egypt to the north, and the traders -of Babylonia and Asia Minor travelled along its high-roads under the -escort of Hittite and other chieftains who were subsidized for the -purpose by the Egyptian court. Even in the days when the Egyptian -Government was breaking up, the constant fighting among the foreign -mercenaries and their employers seems to have affected the mass of the -population little, if at all. - -What happened when the strong hand and controlling power of the -Egyptian Pharaoh were removed we do not yet know. We must look for -information to the systematic excavations that are at last being made -on the sites of the old Canaanitish towns. Already cuneiform tablets -have been found on them, and though these belong to the Egyptian period -we may hope that before long others may be discovered of later date. -We have still to bridge over the age which elapsed between the final -withdrawal of Egyptian domination and the conquest of the country -by Philistines and Israelites. When that age begins the script and -official language of Canaan are still Babylonian; when it closes -the cuneiform characters have been superseded by the letters of the -Phœnician alphabet, and the language of the inscriptions engraved in -them is the language no longer of Babylonia or of Hittite lands, but of -Canaan itself. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abercromby, the Hon. J., 64 - - Abram, 153 - - Abû Shahrein. _See_ Eridu - - Achæmenian dynasty, 11; - inscriptions, 10; - transcripts (second), 26, 27 - - Acre, 199 - - Adamu, Adam, 68, 76, 78, 80, 91 - - Aita-gama, 197 - - Akkad, 69, 73, 79, 87, 95 - - Akkadian, 24, 28–30, 69 - - Amiaud, 29 - - Amon-hotep III., 149, 199 - - Amon-hotep IV., 136, 188, 192 - - Amorites, 139, 141, 142, 147, 179, 206, 207; - land of, 139, 141, 143, 179, 194 - - Amraphel (Khammu-rabi), 143 - - Animals, domesticated, 83, 99 - - Anquetil-Duperron, 10 - - Anupum (Anubis), 127 - - Ape in Babylonia, 129 - - Apes of Thoth, 127 - - Arabia, Southern, 123 - - Archæological _versus_ literary evidence, 43 - - Archæology, science of, 36, etc. - - Arioch (Eri-Aku), 143 - - Armenia, 31, 160, etc. - - Armenian and Sumerian, 59 - - Armenians, modern, 165 - - Aryan language, the, 72 - - Arzawa, 34, 175; - language of, 176, 200 - - Arzawan letters, vi., 175, 200 - - Arzawaya, 178, 197, 198, 202, 203, 205 - - Asari of Eridu, 119 - - Asherah, 150, 153 - - Ashtoreth (Istar), 153 - - Asia Minor, 61, 62, 160 _et seq._, 173, 174; - gold of, 62; - bronze in, 66 - - Askabad, excavations at, 54, 61, 83 - - Ass, domesticated, 83 - - Assur (Qal’at Shirqât), 41 - - Assur, the god, 95 - - Assur-bani-pal, 73 - - Assur-natsir-pal, 33, 163 - - Assur-yuballidh, 172 - - Assyria, the sword in, 65 - - Assyrian culture, 113; - grammar, 25; - kings, 172; - Semitic, 19; - syllabary, 19; - types, 73 - - Asur, 172 - - - Babylonia (and Egypt), 101, etc.; - Canaanite dynasty in, 142; - copper age in, 55; - no neolithic age in, 45, 157; - picture-writing of, 57, 75 - - Babylonian anthropomorphism, 94, 125; - chronology, 114; - civilization, 75, 83; - irrigation, 101; - priesthood, 96; - script, 17, 83; - seal-cylinder, 111; - trade, 92 - - Babylonians a mixed people, 87 - - Balaam, 210 - - Barley, origin of, 108 - - Bashan, 192, 193 - - Behistun, 15, 16, 20, 22, 26 - - Bel, 95, 97 - - Belck, 33, 163, 166, 171, 174 - - Bellerophon, 183 - - Bes, 129 - - Beth-el, 147 - - Bezold, 28 - - Black Obelisk, the, 20, 21, 179 - - Bliss, Mr., 209 - - Boghaz Keui, vi., 34, 171, 174, 175, 178, 184, 195, 197 - - Borsippa, 78 - - Botta, 18 - - Boz Eyuk, pottery of, 171 - - Brick, use of, 113 - - British Museum, how it excavates, 39, 40 - - Bronze, 56, 59, 66; - scimitars, 57, 65; - earliest use in Egypt, 60; - in Krete, 60; - in the Caucasus, 60; - origin of, in Britain, 64 - - Bronze age in Europe, 64 - - Burnouf, 13, 14 - - - Calah, 18. _See_ Nimrûd - - Canaan, 126, 137, 190, 213 (_see_ Palestine); - and Egypt, 177; - before the Exodus, 187 _et seq._; - Hittite pottery in, 179; - neolithic age in, 146 - - Canaanite civilization, 150 _et seq._; - dynasty in Babylonia, 142; - deities, 152; - language, 35, 89, 142; - luxury, 156; - postal service, 143, 189; - pottery, 63; - sacrifice of children, 148 - - Cappadocia, Assyrians in, 169 - - Cappadocian tablets, 171 - - Carchemish, 40, 172, 195 - - Careri, 9 - - Chaldæa, port of, 80 - - Chaldæans, 90 - - Chantre, 47, 53, 170, 171, 174, 178 - - Chardin, Sir J., 9 - - Chedor-laomer, 143 - - Cilicia, 173, 175 - - Clay as writing material, 111 - - Comana, 173 - - Cones, terra-cotta, 134 - - Copper, use of, 51, 54, 55, 58, 59, 62; - mines, 170 - - Copper in Sumerian, 58, 59 - - Cossæeans. _See_ Kossæans - - Crete. _See_ Krete - - Cros, Captain, 48, 55 - - Cubit, Babylonian, 122 - - Cuneiform a cursive script, 77, 84, 184; - used by Egypt, 126, 190 - - Cypriotic syllabary, 182 - - Cyprus, 65, 140, 182; - seal-cylinders in, 140 - - - Damascus, 197 - - Darius I., 9, 12, 16, 35 - - Darius, how pronounced, 12 - - Deecke, 186 - - Deification of king, 95 - - Delitzsch, F., 35 - - Determinatives, 57, 84 - - Dieulafoy, 73 - - Dirk, 65; - in Danube valley, 65; - characterizes bronze age, 66 - - Domestication of animals, 83 - - Dwarfs, sacred, 127, 128 - - - Ea or Oannes, 75, 79, 81, 119 - - Ebed-Kheba, King of Jerusalem, 196, 200, 201, 202, 204 - - Eden, 78, 79 - - Edin, the “Plain,” 78, 79, 93 - - Egypt, 47, 54, 102; - Asiatic influence on, 125; - excavations in, 42; - and Babylonia, 101, 107, 110, 133 - - Egyptian irrigation, 102; - chronology, 115; - hieroglyphs, 104; - language Semitic, 107, 110; - letter of an, 207; - neolithic culture, 125; - rule in Canaan, 213; - seal-cylinders, 112, 114 - - Egyptians, dynastic, 110, 114 - - Elam, 26, 46, 71, 73, 144; - copper age in, 51 - - Elamite pottery, 47, 48; - dialects, 71; - race, 73 - - El-Hibba, 41 - - El-Kab, sculpture at, 117 - - Elwend, inscription of, 20 - - Erech, 93 - - Eri-aku (Arioch), 143 - - Eridu, 76, 78, 79, 81, 82, 85, 92, 118, 120; - excavations at, 55 - - Erman, 107 - - Etruscan model of liver, 186 - - Euphrates, 81, 102, 103 - - Evans, A. J., 141, 159, 183 - - - Fibula, introduction of, 65, 66 - - Figurines in Elam, 52, 54; - at Kara Eyuk, 171 - - Flower, Samuel, 8 - - - Garstang, 62 - - Gezer, 57, 60, 63, 65, 145, etc., 154, 158, 198, 204, 206; - graves at, 151 - - Gladstone, Dr., analysis of metals, 60, 61, 170 - - Gold, word for, 58 - - Gordium, pottery of, 171 - - Grotefend, 10–13, 17, 35 - - Gudea, 53, 59, 73, 141 - - Guyard, Stanislas, 33, 162 - - - Hadad-nirari I., 57, 157, 172 - - Halévy, 28 - - Hall, H. R., 40 - - Hamadan, inscription of, 15 - - Hathor identified with Istar, 129 - - Haupt, 29 - - Haynes, 56 - - Hazael, 21 - - Hebrew, 142 - - Hebron, 203 - - Heeren, 13 - - Heraldic position in art, 117, 180 - - Herat, seal-cylinder from, 184 - - Herbert, Thomas, 9 - - Herodotus, 131 - - Heuzey, 40, 53, 117, 121, 133 - - Hezekiah, 21 - - Hierakonpolis, 62, 115, 117 - - Hilprecht, 56 - - Hincks, 17, 19, 21, 22, 23, 25, 31, 161, 162 - - Hittite, 34; - art, 180 _et seq._; - chiefs, 197; - dirk, 65; - inscriptions, 195; - kings, vi., 175; - language, 34, 174, 176, 200; - mercenaries, 177, 193, 196, etc.; - pottery, vi., 63, 149, 178, 179, 206 - - Hittites, 169, 170, 173, 174, 179, 194, etc., 206 - - Hommel, 105, 106, 116, 120 - - Horus, followers of, 61, 110, 123, 124 - - Hut-urns, 171 - - Hyksos, 52, 145, 156, 190; - introduce bronze, 63; - axe-heads, 171 - - - In-Susinak, 50 - - Iron, name of, 58; - in Armenia, 166; - in Egypt, 62 - - Isaac, 154 - - Israelites, their advent in Canaan, 212 - - Istar, 52, 128, 129, 153 - - Ivories of Ephesus, 184 - - - Jacob-el (_see_ Ya’qub-el), 145, 190 - - Jebusites, 205, 213 - - Jehu, 21 - - Jensen, 34, 168 - - Jéquier, 121 - - Jerusalem, 21, 178, 201, 205, 210, 213; - king of, 196, 199, etc., 202, 204 - - Jones, F., 24 - - - Kadish, 197, 208 - - Kara Eyuk, 47, 48, 53, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173, 181 - - Karnak, 54 - - Kas, 195, 201, 202 - - Kassites, 89; - dynasty of, 97 - - Khabiri, 196, 201, 202 - - Khaldis, Khaldian, 164, 165 - - Khammu-rabi (_see_ Amraphel), 81, 127, 143, 152, 157; - code of laws of, 153; - dynasty of, 155, 156, 167; - letters of, 45 - - Khattinâ (Hittites), 202 - - Khorsabad, 18, 19 - - King, L. W., 40 - - Knossus, clay tablets at, 183 - - Knudtzon, 174, 196, 200 - - Kossæeans (Kassites), 35, 144 - - Kretan script, 141, 159, 181; - pottery, 178; - monsters in art, 180 - - Krete, 141, 182 - - Kûyunjik, 18, 131. _See_ Nineveh. - - - Labbawa, Labbaya, 174, 198, 199, 201, 202, 204 - - Lachish, 146, 202, 209; - excavations at, 145, 149, 158, 206 - - Lagas, 73, 141 - - Language and race, 109 - - Lassen, 14 - - Layard, 18, 23, 32, 39, 131, 161 - - Lebanon, 152 - - Legrain, 54 - - Lehmann, 33, 163 - - Lenormant, Fr., 28, 162, 163 - - Libraries, Babylonian, 138 - - Lichtenberg, von, 53 - - Liver, bronze, 186 - - Loftus, 26, 80 - - Longpérier, de, 19 - - - Macalister, 57, 63, 146, 147, 151, 154, 155 - - Mace-heads, 133 - - Magan, 134 - - Mal-Amîr, 27 - - Map of world, Babylonian, 80 - - Maspero, 131 - - Megiddo, 148, 156, 199 - - Merodach-baladan, 90 - - Merodach-nadin-akhi, 73 - - Messerschmidt, 28, 34, 168 - - Mitanni, 33, 34, 167, 193, 196; - language of, 168 - - Montellius, 64 - - Morgan, H. de, 55 - - Morgan, J. de, 27, 33, 46, 73, 74, 80, 82, 121 - - Moschians, 173 - - Münter, Bishop, 10 - - Muqayyar (_see_ Ur), 55 - - Mussian, excavations at, 50, 53 - - Mykenæ, 65 - - Mykenæan pottery, 171 - - Myres, J. L., 63, 178 - - - Naharaim (Mitanni), 196, 202 - - Naram-Sin, 56, 73, 88, 140, 143 - - Nar-Buzau, palette of, 117, 121, 123 - - Nar-Mer, 117 - - Nebuchadrezzar, 17, 21, 45 - - Neolithic age not in Babylonia, 48, 57 - - Neo-Susian, 27 - - Niebuhr, Carsten, 9 - - Niffer (Nippur), excavations at, 40, 56, 76, 77, 78 - - Nimrûd, 18, 21 - - Nineveh, excavations at, 18, 57; - library of, 23, 24, 161 - - Niobê of Mount Sipylus, 54 - - Norris, Edwin, 16, 26 - - Nu-gidda, 128, 129 - - - Oannes, 75 - - Obelisk, the Black, 20, 21, 179 - - Obsidian, 51, 171 - - Oppert, Jules, 24, 25, 26, 27, 28 - - Osiris, 119, 123 - - - Palestine and Babylonia, 135 _et seq._; - Exploration Fund, 135, 145; - Hittites in, 193, 194 - - Palette of Nar-Buzau, 121, 123 - - Papyrus, 84 - - Pegasus, 180 - - Pehlevi inscriptions, 10 - - Pepi, statue of, 62; - Pyramid texts of, 120 - - Persian Gulf, 75; - land increases at head of, 80 - - Peters, Dr., 56 - - Petrie, Flinders, 52, 60, 61, 62, 117, 121, 156, 182 - - Philology, value of, 43, 44 - - Phœnician alphabet, 159, 183, 185 - - Picture-writing, Babylonian, 75, 82, 105; - analysed, 98–100 - - Pietro della Valle, 8 - - Pinches, Dr., 73, 74, 144, 171 - - Polyphony, 22 - - Postal service in Babylonia, 143; - in Canaan, 143, 189 - - Pottery, importance of, 36 _et seq._; - Babylonian, 39, 42; - Elamite, 47, 48, 54; - Hittite, 63, 149, 179; - Kretan, 178; - Mykenæan, 171; - South Canaanite, 63, 149, 178, 206; - Susian, 47, 51, 53; - Vannic, 166; - black with incised lines, 52, 53, 171 - - Ptah, Semitic origin of, 129 - - Pumpelly, Professor, 54, 64 - - Pyramid texts, 122 - - - Qal’at Shirqât (Assur), 41 - - - Ramsay, Sir W. M., 174, 195 - - Ramses II., treaty of, vi. - - Rask, 13, 14 - - Rassam, Hormuzd, 23, 32 - - Rawlinson, Sir H. C., 15, 16, 20, 21, 22, 24, 26, 80 - - Razor, use of, 134 - - Reisner, 118 - - Resurrection, the Babylonian, 120 - - Rhind, 41, 42 - - Rich, 8 - - Royal Society, 8 - - - Sacred trees of Egypt, 123 - - Sacy, de, 10 - - Saint-Martin, 13 - - Samsu-ditana, 28 - - Saqia, the, 132 - - Sardinians, 211 - - Sargon of Akkad, 19, 49, 56, 59, 87, 88, 132, 139, 140, 155, 182 - - Sarzec, M. de, 40, 121 - - Saulcy, de, 19, 20, 25 - - Scheil, 27 - - Schliemann, 54, 60, 61, 65, 166, 180 - - Schools, Babylonian, 138 - - Schulz, 31, 32, 160, 161 - - Schweinfurth, 108, 123 - - Scimitar, Semitic invention, 65, 66; - of Hadad-nirari, 157 - - Seal-cylinder, 111, 112, 114, 117, 118, 140, 152, 180, 181, 184; - dwarfs on, 128; - from Herat, 184; - in Cyprus, 140; - in Troy, 180 - - Sellin, 157 - - Semite culture, origin of, 30; - influence, 49, 52, 86, 90; - religion, 93 _et seq._; - kings deified, 95 - - Semites in Babylonia, 86 - - Semitic Empire, 69, 87 - - Semitic family of speech, 89; - languages, 70, 72; - types, 73, 74 - - Sennacherib, 21 - - Shadûf, 99, 130, 131 _et seq._ - - Shalmaneser I., 172 - - Shalmaneser II., 179; - annals of, 21 - - Shechem, 198, 204 - - “Shepherd” kings, 93 - - Sidonian seals, 35, 152 - - Silver, name of, 58 - - Sin (Sinai), 128, 129 - - Sippara, 46, 79, 142 - - Spouted vases, 134 - - Subari, 172, 181 - - Sumer, language of, 28, 29, 68 _et seq._, 86 - - Sumerian, 24, 28–30, 69; - animism, 94; - civilization, 98–100; - culture, 98; - -- in Canaan, 138; - dialects, 29, 69; - origin of, 74; - origin of culture, 75; - physical type, 72; - priest, 96; - study of, 29, 30; - survival in Southern Babylonia, 88 - - Sumerians, the, 67 _et seq._ - - Susa, 26; - excavations at, 27, 46, 73; - pottery of, 47, 53; - metal age of, 49 - - Swords, earliest, 65; - in Cyprus, 65; - in Krete, 65 - - Syros, 53 - - - Taanach, excavations at, 148 _et seq._, 152, 157, 199, 212 - - Tablets, writing-, 82, 84 - - Talîsh, excavations at, 55 - - Tarkhundaraba, 175 - - Taylor, 55, 78 - - Tel el-Amarna, 136, 188; - tablets, 33, 35, 136, 144, 167, 168, 172, 174, 177, 178, 187, - 191, 193, 195, 196, 197, 200, 205 - - Tel el-Hesy, 147. _See_ Lachish - - Tello, 29, 40, 53, 55, 72, 73, 91, 121, 122; - pottery of, 48 - - Thothmes III., annals of, 156 - - Thureau Dangin, 29, 87, 91, 141 - - Tiglath-pileser I., 173 - - Tigris, 80, 102, 103 - - Tin, 60, 64 - - Toprak Kaleh, 166, 171 - - Trees, sacred, in Egypt, 123 - - Troy, 54, 60, 61, 65, 166, 171, 182 - - Tychsen, 10 - - - Uan, 175, 200 - - Ur, 78, 85, 141; - excavations at, 55 - - - Valle, Pietro della, 8 - - Van (Biainas), 31, 161, 164 - - Vannic, 31, 162; - deciphered, 32, 162, 163, 164; - deities, 165; - kings, 31, 32 - - Vases, Egyptian, 121, 128 - - Vases of hard stone, 82, 121, 133 - - Vine, home of, 59, 165 - - Vishtaspa, 13 - - Vyse, 62 - - - Ward, Hayes, 40, 79 - - Week, Babylonian, 122; - Cappadocian, 172 - - Weissbach, 27 - - Westergaard, 16, 25 - - Wheat, 132; - in prehistoric graves, 108 - - Wood, use of, 83, 84 - - Writing material, primitive, 83 - - - Xerxes, 12, 35, 161; - Persian form of, 12; - name of, on vase, 13 - - - Ya’qub-el (_see_ Jacob-el), 145 - - Year, division of, 122 - - Yortan, pottery of, 171 - - - Zend, 10 - - - _Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay._ - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] In this year an elaborate edition of his work was brought out under -the title of _Voyages du Chevalier Chardin en Perse, et autres Lieux -de l’Orient, Enrichis de Figures en Tailledouce, qui représentent -les Antiquités et les Choses remarquables du Païs_ (Amsterdam), -two pages (167–8) in vol. ii. being devoted to the inscriptions, the -cuneiform being printed on plate lxix. - -[2] The discovery has sometimes been claimed for Tychsen (_De cuneatis -Inscriptionibus Persepolitanis Lucubratio_, 1798, p. 24), but Tychsen -supposed that the wedge was used to divide sentences, not words. - -[3] _Undersögelser om de Persepolitanske Inscriptioner_ (1800), -translated into German in 1802. - -[4] _Ideen über die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der vornehmsten -Völker der alten Welt_, vol. i. pp. 563 _sqq._; translated into -English in 1833. The revival of interest in Grotefend’s work was due -to the fact that Champollion, after the decipherment of the Egyptian -hieroglyphs, found the name of Xerxes on an alabaster vase at Paris on -which, according to Grotefend’s system, the same name was written in -Persian cuneiform. This led the Abbé Saint-Martin, who was a recognized -Orientalist, to adopt and follow up Grotefend’s discovery in a Memoir -which he read before the French Academy in 1822, and Saint-Martin’s -work attracted the attention of Rask and Burnouf. - -[5] “Om Zendsprogets,” in the _Skandinaviske Literaturselskabs -Skrifter_, xxi., translated into German in 1826. - -[6] _Mémoire sur deux Inscriptions cunéiformes trouvées près d’Hamadan_ -(Paris, 1836). - -[7] _Die Altpersischen Keil-Inschriften von Persepolis_ (Bonn, 1836). - -[8] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, x. - -[9] _Monument de Ninive_, with plates drawn by Flandin. - -[10] See his Memoir, “Sur l’écriture assyrienne,” in the _Journal -asiatique_, 1847–8, ix.-xi. - -[11] _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, xxi. pp. 240 _sqq._ See -also pp. 114 _sqq._ - -[12] _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, xxii. pp. 3 _sqq._ - -[13] Edinburgh Meeting, p. 140. - -[14] _Revue archéologique_, 1847, pp. 501 _sqq._ - -[15] _Recherches sur l’écriture cunéiforme assyrienne_ (1849). - -[16] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, xii. pp. 401 _sqq._ The -translation of the Black Obelisk inscription is given on pp. 431–48. - -[17] _Athenæum_, December 27, 1851. - -[18] In the Paper read by Hincks before the Royal Irish Academy in June -1849, and published the following year. - -[19] For Hincks’s translation of the annals of Sennacherib, see -Layard’s _Nineveh and Babylon_, pp. 139 _sqq._ - -[20] _Literary Gazette_, July 5, 1846. - -[21] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, xiv. - -[22] _A List of Assyro-Babylonian Characters_ (1852); also the -_Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, xxii. (1855), and more -especially _The Polyphony of the Assyro-Babylonian Cuneiform Writing_ -(1863). - -[23] See his _Asshur and the Land of Nimrod_ (1898). - -[24] F. Jones, _Vestiges of Assyria_ (1855); _Journal of the Royal -Asiatic Society_, xv. pp. 297 _sqq._; and more especially _Memoirs_, -edited by R. H. Thomas, 1857. - -[25] _Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie._ - -[26] In the _Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes_, vi. pp. 337 -_sqq._ - -[27] _Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy_, xxi. pp. 114 _sqq._ and -233 _sqq._ - -[28] _Journal asiatique_, xiv. pp. 93 _sqq._; xv. pp. 398 _sqq._ - -[29] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, xv. - -[30] _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, iii. -pp. 465 _sqq._; _Actes du VIième Congrès International des -Orientalistes en 1883_, ii. pp. 637 _sqq._ (1885). - -[31] _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_; the volumes by Dr. Scheil on -the inscriptions that have thus far appeared are ii., iii., iv., v. and -vi. - -[32] _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, 1889, p. 434. - -[33] _Ak-ka-du; Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung_, 1905, p. 268. - -[34] _Journal of Philology_, iii. pp. 1 _sqq._ I endeavoured -to settle the nature of Sumerian phonology in a Memoir on “Accadian -Phonology,” published by the Philological Society, 1877–8. - -[35] _Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze_ (1879). - -[36] Göttingen _Nachrichten_, 17 (1880); _Die Akkadische Sprache_ -(1883). - -[37] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, 1848, ix. pp. 387 -_sqq._ - -[38] See my article, “On the Language of Mitanni,” in the -_Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1900, pp. -171 _sqq._; and Leopold Messerschmidt in the _Mitteilungen der -Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft_, 1899, part iv. pp. 175 _sqq._ - -[39] Fr. Delitzsch, _Die Sprache der Kossäer_ (1884). - -[40] They are now in the possession of M. de Clercq. For a translation -of the inscriptions upon them, see my _Patriarchal Palestine_, p. 250. - -[41] _Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants_, pp. 62, 66. - -[42] For the archæological results of M. de Morgan’s work, see his -_Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_, vols. i. and vii. The eighth -volume, which will also be devoted to archæology, is in preparation. - -[43] Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, plates x.-xii. - -[44] The yellow and red wheel-made ware, some of it inscribed with -characters of the age of Gudea, which has been disinterred at Tello, -is quite different. This class of pottery, by the way, seems to have -been preceded by a grey coarse ware, made with the hand. One fragment -of fine polished yellow ware with traces of black ornamentation -has recently been reported from Tello by Captain Cros (_Revue -d’Assyriologie_, 1905, p. 59), but the isolated character of the -discovery makes it probable that it was an importation from Elam. - -[45] Copper figurines of the goddess, with hands pressed under the -breasts, found in one of the earliest substructures of Tello (_circa_ -B.C. 4000), are published by M. Heuzey in the _Revue d’Assyriologie_, -1899, p. 44. - -[46] Heuzey, in the _Revue d’Assyriologie_, 1905, pp. 59 _sqq._ and -plate iii. Von Lichtenberg (_Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen -Gesellschaft_, 1906, 2) has lately pointed out that the black incised -pottery with white fillings is identical in Cyprus, Troy, the Laibach -bog and the Mondsee, and that the ornamentation which characterizes -it is found in the valley of the Danube and the pile-dwellings of -Switzerland. His attempt to derive it from Cyprus, however, cannot be -sustained in view of its occurrence in Elam. - -[47] _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1905, p. 28. - -[48] _Ilios_, p. 337. Schliemann called it the Third city. Dörpfeld’s -subsequent excavations, however, have shown that it really was the -Second city, whose history fell into three periods. - -[49] Some of these represent the goddess with the arms folded, and not -pressed against the breasts. See, for example, the photograph of one -found at Naxos in the _Comptes rendus du Congrès international d’ -Archéologie_, 1905, p. 221. For Trojan examples, see _Ilios_, -pp. 331–6. - -[50] See _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_, viii. pp. 336–7. A -report of some of the results of the Pumpelly expedition is given by -Dr. Hubert Schmidt in the _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 1906_, Pt. -iii, p. 385. - -[51] Flint implements, however, were discovered by Taylor in his -excavations at Abu Shahrein, the site of Eridu (_Journal of the Royal -Asiatic Society_, xv. p. 410 and plate ii.). - -[52] See Taylor’s “Notes on the Ruins of Muqeyer,” in the _Journal of -the Royal Asiatic Society_, xv. pp. 271–3 and 415. - -[53] _Nippur_, vol. ii. pp. 381–6. - -[54] _The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania_, i. -2, pp. 26–7. - -[55] _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1876, -pp. 347–8. - -[56] Figured in the _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration -Fund_, October 1904, p. 335. - -[57] Layard, _Nineveh and Babylon_, pp. 571–3. - -[58] ANA-BAR. _Bar_ is given as the Sumerian pronunciation of the -word for “stone” (_Syllabary_ 5, iv. 11, in Delitzsch’s _Assyrische -Lesestücke_, 3rd edition). In Old Egyptian “iron” was similarly -_ba-n-pet_, “stone of heaven,” while “silver” was “white gold,” “gold” -being symbolized by a collar. We may compare the Indo-European “white” -metal as a name of “silver.” The Sumerian _azag-gi_, “gold,” was a form -of _azagga_, “precious,” more especially “precious metal”; the more -specific word for “gold” was _guskin_, with which the Armenian _oski_ -must be connected. “Silver” was _bábara_, the “bright” metal, _nagga_ -being “lead,” the Armenian _anag_. The identity of the Armenian and -Sumerian words for “gold” and “lead,” coupled with the Armenian origin -of the vine, and the fact that the mountain on which the ark of the -Babylonian Noah rested was Jebel Judi, south of Lake Van, raises an -interesting question as to the origin of Sumerian civilization. - -[59] It must be remembered, however, that, according to Aristotle, the -copper of the Mossynœci in Northern Asia Minor was brilliant and white, -owing to its mixture with a species of earth, the exact nature of which -was kept a secret. The Babylonian ideograph for “bronze,” therefore, -may have been a similar kind of hardened copper, which was transferred -to denote “bronze” when the alloy of copper and tin became known. - -[60] See Garstang, _El-Arâbah_, p. 10. Dr. Gladstone, however, after -giving the results of his analysis of the Sixth-dynasty copper -discovered by Professor Petrie at Dendera, suggests that the small -amount of tin observable in it (about one per cent.) may have been -added to it artificially (_Dendereh_, p. 61). Bronze was “the normal -metal” of the Amorite period at Gezer (Macalister, _Quarterly Statement -of the Palestine Exploration Fund_, April 1904, p. 119), and the -three cities which represent this period go back beyond the age of -the Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, to at least B.C. 2900 (see _Quarterly -Statement_, January 1905, pp. 28–9). At Troy also Schliemann found -numerous bronze weapons in the Second (prehistoric) city (_Ilios_, pp. -475–9). In Krete bronze daggers of the Early Minoan period (coeval -with the Middle Empire of Egypt) have been found at Patema and Agia -Triada (_Annual of the British School at Athens_, x. p. 198), and the -pottery of the Middle Minoan period (B.C. 2000–1500) was associated -at Palaikastro with a bronze button, two miniature bronze sickles, -and a pair of bronze tweezers (_ibid._ p. 202). As for the Caucasus, -bronze was not known there till a late date. Wilke (_Zeitschrift für -Ethnologie_, 1904, pp. 39–104) has shown that the bronze culture of -the Caucasus was derived from the valley of the Danube, and made its -way eastward along the northern coast of Pontus; see also Rössler, -_Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_, 1905, p. 118. - -[61] _Dendereh_ (Egypt Exploration Fund), p. 62, for the gold of -the Sixth dynasty; _The Royal Tombs of the Earliest Dynasties_, -pp. 39–40, for that of the First dynasty. - -[62] Vyse, _Pyramids of Gizeh_, i. p. 276. The clamp was actually -found by his assistant Hill, after blasting away the two outer stones -behind which it had been placed. - -[63] _Abydos_, part ii. p. 33. An iron pin of the age of the -Eighteenth dynasty was found by Garstang at Abydos (_El-Arâbah_, -p. 30). - -[64] _Illahun, Kahun and Gurob_, p. 12. Dr. Gladstone’s analyses -give only about 2 parts of tin to 96·35 of copper. The bronze of the -Eighteenth dynasty found at Gurob yielded a less proportion of tin -(about 7 parts to 90 of copper) than the bronze of the Second Assyrian -Empire. A ring of pure tin, however, was also discovered at Gurob. - -[65] _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, xxxiii. pp. 367 -_sqq._ - -[66] The two dialects were called _eme_-KU (i.e. _eme-lakhkha_, W.A.I. -iii. 4, 31, 32), “the language of the enchanter,” and _eme_-SAL, “the -woman’s language,” which are rendered in Semitic Babylonian, _lisan -Sumeri_ and (_lisan_) _Akkadi_, “the language of Sumer” and “the -language of Akkad.” In a tablet (81, 7–27, 130, 6, 7) they are said -to be “like” one another. Other dialects were termed “the language of -the sacrificer” and “the language of the anointer,” as being used by -these two classes of priests. They differed, perhaps, from the standard -dialects in intonation or the use of technical words. We hear also of -“a carter’s language” in which _anbarri_--which, it is noticeable, is a -Sumerian word--meant “yoke and reins,” _i.e._ “harness” (_Zeitschrift -für Assyriologie_, ix. p. 164). - -[67] Fick, however, is an exception (_Beiträge zur Kunde der -indogermanischen Sprachen_, xxix. pp. 229–247.) - -[68] _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_, i. pp. 152–3. Photographs of -the two types--Sumerian and Semitic--represented on the early monuments -of Babylonia are given by Dr. Pinches in an interesting Paper in the -_Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, January 1900, pp. 87–93. - -[69] It is noticeable that the script of the other people whose -civilization grew up on the banks of a river, the Egyptians namely, -contains no special ideograph for “river.” The word is expressed by the -phonetically-written _atur_, with the determinative of “water” or -“irrigation basin.” As in the primitive hieroglyphs of Babylonia, “the -sea” was a “circle.” - -[70] For proof of this reading see _Expository Times_, xvii. p. 416 and -note _infra_, p. 91. - -[71] See my _Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, pp. 373–84. - -[72] Taylor found quantities of sea-shells in its ruins (_Journal -of the Royal Asiatic Society_, xv. p. 412). At the time of its -foundation an arm of the sea probably ran up to it from the south-east, -though the myth of Adamu describes him as fishing each day in the -waters of the actual Gulf, rather than in an arm of it. - -[73] The Moon-god of Ur was a “son” of El-lil, the god of Nippur. - -[74] For proof of this see my _Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_, p. -105. - -[75] A tablet obtained by Dr. Hayes Ward divides Sippara into four -quarters, “Sippara of Eden,” “Sippara that is from everlasting,” -“Sippara of the Sun-god,” and “Sippara,” which may be the “Sippara -of Anunit” or “Sippara of Aruru,” the creatress of man, of other -inscriptions. Amelon or Amelu, “man,” who corresponds with the Enos of -Scripture, is said in the fragments of Berossus to have belonged to -Pantibibla, or “Book-town,” and since Euedoranchus of Pantibibla, the -counterpart of the Biblical Enoch, is the monumental Enme-dhur-anki -of Sippara, it is clear that Pantibibla is a play on the supposed -signification of Sippara (from _sipru_, “a writing” or “book”). The -claim to immemorial antiquity made on behalf of Sippara may be due to -the fact that Akkad, the seat of the first Semitic empire, was either -in the immediate neighbourhood of Sippara or another name of one of the -four quarters of Sippara itself. - -[76] _Chaldæa and Susiana_, p. 282. - -[77] _Journal of the Royal Geographical Society_, xxvii. p. 186. -Rawlinson calculated the rate of advance from that made by the -Babylonian Delta between 1793 and 1833. In the age of Strabo and -Arrian the Tigris and Euphrates were not yet united, while in the -time of Nearchus (B.C. 335) the mouth of the Euphrates was 345 miles -from Babylon. De Morgan calculates that between the age of Nearchus -and that of Sennacherib, when the Euphrates had not yet joined the -more rapid Tigris, the rate of increase must have been much slower -than it is to-day and have not exceeded eighty metres a year. In the -age of Sennacherib Eridu was already seventy miles distant from the -coast (de Morgan, _Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse_, i. pp. 5–23). -The distance from the Shatt el-Arab (the united stream of the Tigris -and Euphrates) to the end of the alluvium in the Persian Gulf is 277 -kilometres, or 172 miles. Some idea of the appearance of the coast in -the Abrahamic age may be gained from the map of the world drawn by a -Babylonian tourist in the time of Khammu-rabi which I have published in -the _Expository Times_, November 1906. - -[78] There is a striking resemblance between the primitive Babylonian -picture of a boat and the sailing boat depicted on the prehistoric -pottery of Egypt, for which last see Capart, _Les Débuts de l’Art en -Egypte_, p. 116. - -[79] Perhaps, however, this was really due to the accidental similarity -of sound between _gi_, “a reed,” and _gin_, “to be firm.” - -[80] The various forms of vases represented in the early pictography -are given by de Morgan in a very instructive article, “Sur les procédés -techniques en usage chez les scribes babyloniens,” in the _Recueil -des Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et -assyriennes_, xxvii. 3, 4 (1905). Among special vases were those -for oil, wine and honey. The butter or oil jar was closed with a clay -sealing exactly like those of early Egypt. Vases with spouts were also -used. - -[81] The American excavations at Askabad have shown that the -domestication of animals, including the camel, took place during the -neolithic age, the goat being one of the last to be tamed. - -[82] This, however, is not absolutely certain, since the ideograph -which, denotes an “ass” originally signified merely “a yoked beast.” - -[83] Peters, _Nippur_, ii. p. 299. - -[84] Thus in the great historical inscription of Entemena, King of -Lagas (B.C. 4000), M. Thureau Dangin is probably right in seeing in -_dam-kha-ra_ (col. i. 26) a Semitic word. In fact where a word is -written syllabically, that is to say phonetically, in a Sumerian text -there is an _a priori_ probability that it is a loan-word. - -[85] This may of course have been only a literary archaism. But if the -kings were really of Semitic origin, it is difficult to understand why -they should have been ashamed of being called by their native Semitic -names. - -[86] See Hommel, _Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte des Alten -Orients_, i. pp. 79–82. - -[87] Hitherto read A-da-pa. But the character =PA= had the value -of _mu_ when it signified “man,” according to a tablet quoted by -Fossey, _Contribution au Dictionnaire Sumérien-assyrienne_, No. -2666, and in writing early Babylonian names or words the characters -with the requisite phonetic values were selected which harmonized -ideographically with the sense of the words. Thus out of the various -characters which had the phonetic value of _mu_ that was chosen -which denoted “man” when the name of the first man was needed to be -written. The Semitic Adamu, which M. Thureau Dangin has found used as -a proper name in tablets from Tello of the age of Sargon of Akkad, -was borrowed from the Sumerian _adam_, which signified “animal,” -and then, more specifically “man.” Thus in the bilingual story of the -creation we have (l. 9) _uru nu-dim adam nu-mun-ya_, “a city was -not built, a man was not made to stand upright,” and a list of slaves -published by Dr. Scheil (_Recueil de Travaux_, etc., xx. p. 65) is -dated in “the year when Rim-Anum the king (conquered) the land of ... -bi and its inhabitants” (_adam-bi_). See above, p. 76. - -[88] _Records of the Past_, New Series, iii. pp. 124–7. - -[89] Erech was one of the earliest of the Semitic settlements in the -Babylonian plain, and Erech was known later as _’supuru_, “the -sheepfold,” as is shown by its ideographic equivalent. - -[90] _The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, pp. 276–80. - -[91] See my _Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, pp. 276–89, -348–61. - -[92] If, however, the Sumerian pictograph for “city” represents a -tower on a mound, as seems to be the case, the identity in form of the -Egyptian hieroglyph cannot be an accident, since both the tower and -the artificial platform were essentially Babylonian. In the cursive -cuneiform two separate pictographs have coalesced, one representing a -seat, the other what appears to be a tower on a mound. - -[93] In Egyptian, however, the bird stands over a door, while in -Babylonian it is over the two-legged stool on which two vases of -offerings are set when it is used to denote the image of a god. -The Sumerian pictograph for “(divine) lord” or “lady” (NIN) is the -representation of a similar vase on a mat, and thus has the same form -as the Egyptian _hotep_. The Egyptian _nefer_, “good,” finds its exact -counterpart in the Babylonian pictograph of “ornament” (ME-TE). The -Babylonian “house,” too, is given the same tower-like shape as the -Egyptian (_āhā_). - -[94] In a short Paper entitled _Lexicalische Belege zu meinen Vortrag -über die sprachliche Stellung des Altægyptischen_ (1895), in which -he has attempted to draw up a list of phonetic equivalences between -Egyptian and Sumerian. In this, however, I am unable to follow him, as -his comparisons of Egyptian and Sumerian words are not convincing. - -[95] See de Morgan, _Recherches sur les Origines de l’Egypte_, pp. -94, 95. According to Schweinfurth, barley, which is also found in the -prehistoric graves of Egypt, must originally have come from Babylonia -like the wheat. _Qemḥu_ is found in the Pyramid texts (Maspero, -_Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie -égyptiennes et assyriennes_, v. p. 10). _Boti_, whence the Coptic -_bôti_ and the _battawa_ or “durra cake” of modern Egyptian Arabic, was -“durra,” not “wheat.” - -[96] See Maspero, _Études de Mythologie_, ii. pp. 313 _sqq._ - -[97] I have put “Lower” between parentheses since it is very -questionable whether this particular system of registering time was -known in the Delta until it was introduced from Upper Egypt. On the -Palermo stone a list of the early kings of Lower Egypt is given, but -without any dates, which make their appearance along with the kings of -the First dynasty, who belonged to Upper Egypt. It is interesting to -observe that the ideograph for “year” is denoted in exactly the same -way in both the Babylonian and the Egyptian hieroglyphs by the branch -of a (palm) tree. Such a curious symbol for the idea can hardly have -been invented independently. Professor Hommel further draws attention -to the fact that while the literal translation of a common ideographic -mode of representing “year” in Babylonian is “name of heaven,” that of -the two syllables of the Egyptian word _renpet_, “year,” would -also be “name of heaven.” - -[98] _Hierakonpolis_, part i. plate xxix. The name of the king is -usually (but erroneously) written Nar-Mer. - -[99] As the royal figures wear no crowns, they can hardly depict the -king in his double office of king of Upper and Lower Egypt, and the -duplication of the Pharaoh must consequently have a purely artistic -origin. That this artistic origin is closely connected with the origin -of the seal-cylinders is shown by the fact that the figures correspond -with one of the most common designs on the latter, in which the _ka_ of -the person to whom the cylinder belonged is seated on a chair similar -to that of the El-Kab king, an altar with offerings of bread being set -before him. - -[100] The eye and the ideograph of city or place. Since the eye here -has the phonetic value of _eri_ or _ari_, the ideograph of “city,” -which is _eri_ in Sumerian, must have the Egyptian value of _as_. - -[101] See my _Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, p. 238. - -[102] _Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles -Lettres_, 4 Sér., 1899, xxvii. pp. 60–67; see _Hierakonpolis_, part ii. -plate xxviii. In the _Revue d’Assyriologie_, v. pp. 29–32, Heuzey has -lately drawn attention to the resemblance between the early Egyptian -and Babylonian bowls of calcite or Egyptian alabaster. - -[103] _Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient Babylonians_, 1887, -p. 33. - -[104] _Nature_, August 9, 1883, p. 341. - -[105] Daressy, “Le Cercueil d’Emsaht,” in the _Annales du Service des -Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1899, i. pp. 79–90. - -[106] I have called Upper Egypt the seat of the first Pharaohs, not -only because the earliest dynastic monuments we possess come from -thence, but also because it was of Upper Egypt and its ruling caste -that the hawk-god Horus was the guardian deity. From Upper Egypt he -was carried to Lower Egypt and its nomes, presumably through conquest, -as is monumentally attested by the “palette” of Nar-Buzau discovered -at Hierakonpolis (Capart, _Débuts de l’Art en Égypte_, p. 236). -So, too, the anthropomorphic Osiris--the duplicate of Anhur--made his -way from the south to the north. That Southern Arabia should have been -the connecting-link between Babylonia and Egypt was the result of its -being the source of the incense which was imported for religious use -into both countries alike at the very beginning of their histories. -That this foreign product should have been considered an indispensable -adjunct of the religions of the two civilizations is one of the best -proofs we have of their connection with one another. Dr. Schweinfurth -has shown that the sacred trees of Egypt--the sycamore and the -persea--which needed artificial cultivation for their preservation -there, came from Southern Arabia, where he found them growing wild -under the names of _Khanes, Burra and Lebakh_ (_Verhandlungen -der Gesellschaft für Erdkünde zu Berlin_, July 1889, No. 7). - -[107] In the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. On an early -Babylonian seal-cylinder, bought by Dr. Scheil at Mossul and figured in -the _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie -égyptiennes et assyriennes_, xix. 1, 2, No. 7 of the plate, we have: -“Ili-su-bani son of Aminanum, servant of the gods Bel and Anupum.” -Aminanum may be a Semitized form of the Egyptian Ameni. - -[108] Pp. 133, 139, 485. - -[109] De Morgan, _Recherches sur les Origines de l’Égypte_, p. 65. - -[110] Scheil, _Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à -l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes_, xix. pp. 50, 54; Sayce, -_Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, p. 485. The dwarf -is represented as dancing before the god Sin on an early Babylonian -seal-cylinder published by Scheil in the _Recueil_, xix. 1, 2, No. -16 of the plate. - -[111] It is worth notice that the dwarf-god Bes, who is called “God of -Punt” in inscriptions of the Ptolemaic age, appears on Arab coins of -the Roman period (Schweinfurth, _Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft für -Erdkunde 1889_, No. 7). - -[112] Layard, _Monuments of Nineveh_, Second Series, pl. 15. - -[113] Herodotus, i. 193. - -[114] The rope appears to have been _makutum_; see _W. A. I._ v. 26, 61. - -[115] K. 56, ii. 14. - -[116] For other evidences of contact between primitive Babylonia and -early Egypt, see Heuzey in the _Revue d’Assyriologie_, 1899, v. -2, pp. 53–6. He there enumerates (1) the resemblance between the stone -mace-heads of the two countries in “prehistoric times,” as well as -between the flat dishes of veined and ribboned onyx marble, hollowed -and rounded by the hand; (2) between the lion-heads of stone, the onyx -stone of one of which is stated in an inscription to have come from -Magan; (3) the extraordinary likeness in the delineation of animal -forms, which extends to conventional details “like the two concentric -curves artificially arranged so as to allow the two corners of the -profile to be visible at the same time”; (4) the use of a razor and -the custom of completely shaving the face, and even the skull; and (5) -the ceremonial form of libation by means of a vase of peculiar shape, -with a long curved spout and without a handle. This libation vase was -practically the same in both countries, in spite of its peculiar and -somewhat complicated form. Of later introduction into Egypt was the -inscribed cone of terra-cotta, which was of early Babylonian origin, -but is not met with in Egypt before the age of the Twelfth dynasty. -At any rate, the first specimens of it hitherto found there were -discovered by myself at Ed-Dêr, opposite Esna, in 1905 (_Annales du -Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte_, 1905, pp. 164–5). - -[117] _Recueil de Travaux_, etc., xvi. p. 190. - -[118] In the later bronze or “Mykenæan” age the seal-cylinders are of a -different type, and are engraved on a black artificial paste resembling -hæmatite (Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter, _Catalogue of the Cyprus -Museum_, p. 32). - -[119] Sayce, _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, -1877, v. part ii.; Bezold, _Zeitschrift für Keilinschrift_, 1885, -pp. 191–3. - -[120] _Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, November -1905, plate No. 11 - -[121] A cadastral survey, which was drawn up at this period under -Uru-malik, or Urimelech, “the governor of the land of the Amorites,” -would, if perfect, have given us an interesting description of Syria -and Palestine in the third millennium before our era; see Thureau -Dangin in the _Revue Sémitigue_, Avril 1897. - -[122] See Heuzey, in the _Revue d’Assyriologie_, 1897, pp. 1–12. - -[123] This was “the year when Samsu-iluna the king gave Merodach a -shining mace of gold and silver, the glory of the temple; it made -E-Saggil (the temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon) shine like the stars -of heaven.” The title of the year was derived from the chief event, or -events, that characterized it. See Dr. Pinches, in the _Quarterly -Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund_, April and July 1900, -pp. 269–73. - -[124] See my analysis of some of the Hyksos names in the _Proceedings -of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1901, pp. 95–8. Since the -publication of the Paper other names of the same type, like Rabu and -Sakti, have come to light. The characteristic names of the Hyksos -princes recur among the “Amorite” names found in the contract tablets -of the Khammu-rabi period, but not later. The abbreviated forms of the -names met with on the Egyptian scarabs are also found in the tablets. -Indeed, the contracted form of Ya’qub-el, that is to say, Yakubu, -with _k_ instead of _q_, must have been transcribed from a cuneiform -original. - -[125] Macalister, _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration -Fund_, January 1903, p. 28. It is the seventh stone, however, -which alone has been brought from a distance--the neighbourhood of -Jerusalem--all the others being of local origin (_Quarterly Statement_, -July 1904, pp. 194–5). - -[126] See Sellin, _Tell Ta’annek_ (1904) and _Eine Nachlese auf dem -Tell Ta’annek in Palästina_ (1905). - -[127] _Tell Ta’annek_, pp. 27–8. The cylinder is earlier than B.C. 2000. - -[128] See my _Patriarchal Palestine_, pp. 60, 61. - -[129] _Collection De Clercq, Catalogue méthodique et raisonné_, i. -p. 217. - -[130] _Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund_, January -1905, pp. 28, 29. - -[131] The chronological difficulty, however, would be partially solved -if the date recently proposed by Professor Petrie (_Researches in -Sinai_, ch. xii.) for the Twelfth dynasty--B.C. 3459–3250--be adopted. -The Twelfth dynasty would in this case have reigned a thousand years -before the dynasty of Khammu-rabi, whose domination in Palestine would -have been an interlude in the history of the Hyksos period, while the -conquest of Canaan by Sargon and Naram-Sin would have coincided with -the supersession of the neolithic population by the “Amorites,” who -brought with them the copper and the culture of Babylonia. - -[132] Unless we except the gold and silver ornaments found on the body -of a woman in a deserted house at Taanach, which, as Dr. Sellin says, -are by themselves sufficient to remove “all grounds for doubting such -accounts as those in Joshua vii. 21, and Judges viii. 26” (_Eine -Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta’annek_, p. 32). - -[133] _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, New Series, xiv. 3, -4, pp. 377–732. - -[134] Eustathius on Dion. Perieget. 767. See Lehmann in the -_Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, 1894, pp. 90 and 358–60. - -[135] The Vannic kings always call themselves kings, not of the -Khaldians, but of Biainas or Bianas, the Byana of Ptolemy, the Van of -to-day. - -[136] See more especially Belck’s comparison of the Vannic pottery -with that of the Assyrian colony of Kara Eyuk, near Kaisariyeh, in -the _Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen Gesellschaft_, -December 1901, p. 493. Besides the highly-polished lustrous red ware, -he found at Kara Eyuk fragments of the same wheel-made wine-jars, “of -gigantic size,” which characterized Toprak Kaleh, near Van. Similar -jars, as well as lustrous red pottery, were discovered by Schliemann -in the “prehistoric” strata at Troy. The animals’ heads in terra-cotta -found at Kara Eyuk are stated by Dr. Belck to be similar to those of -the Digalla Tepé, near Urumiya. For further details see _infra._ - -[137] See Pinches in the _Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society_, -1897, pp. 589–613; and myself in the _Proceedings of the Society of -Biblical Archæology_, 1897, p. 286. - -[138] Thus we find from the Cappadocian cuneiform tablets discovered -at Kara Eyuk, north-east of Kaisariyeh, that time was reckoned by the -annual succession of officers called _limmi_ as in Assyria. - -[139] _Dendereh_, p. 62. - -[140] Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_, pp. 71–91. - -[141] See Belck, _Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen -Gesellschaft_, December 1901, p. 493; and the admirable plates, iii., -vii.–xiv., in Chantre, _Mission en Cappadoce_. As has been already -mentioned (_supra_, p. 166), Dr. Belck noticed at Kara Eyuk coarse -sherds of great thickness coming from wine-jars similar to those of -Toprak Kaleh. The black vases with long spouts have been found at -Yortan and Boz Eyuk in Phrygia; long-spouted vases of yellow ware with -geometrical patterns in maroon-red on the site of Gordium. - -Chantre discovered numerous spindle-whorls in the ruins similar to -those discovered at Troy. He also found terra-cotta figurines, among -which the ram is the most plentiful, as well as covers and handles of -vases in the shape of animals’ heads, and some curious hut-urns not -unlike those of Latium. Few bronze objects were met with, but among -them were five flanged axe-heads of the incurved Egyptian Hyksos type, -totally unlike the straight bronze axe-heads from Troy and Angora -(of Egyptian I-XII dynasty form), with which M. Chantre compares -them. The obsidian implements and stone celts were of the ordinary -Asianic pattern. M. Chantre notes that whereas at Troy the terra-cotta -figurines represented the heads of oxen or cows, at Kara Eyuk they were -the heads of sheep, horses, and perhaps dogs. - -[142] _Historical Geography of Asia Minor_, ch. i., ii.; _Cities and -Bishoprics of Phrygia_, i. p. xiv. - -[143] Labawa, or Labbaya, for whom see the next chapter. A revised -transcript of his letter in Arzawan (Hittite) is given by Knudtzon, -_Die zwei Arzawa-Briefe_, pp. 38–40. The introductory paragraph -should read: _Ata-mu kît Labbaya ... memis-ta Uan-wa-nnas -iskhani-tta-ra atari-ya ueni_.--“To my lord says Labbaya ... thy -servant of Uan (a district west of Aleppo); seven times I prostrate -myself.” In other letters Labbaya is called prince of Rukhizzi, the -Rokhe’s-na of the treaty between Ramses II. and the Hittites. - -[144] The facts were first stated in my article in the _Contemporary -Review_, August 1905, pp. 264–77, which is reprinted as chapter vii. -of the present book. - -[145] _Journal of the Anthropological Institute_, 1903, xxxiii. pp. -367–400. - -[146] By Shalmaneser II. (_Black Obelisk_, 61) and Sargon. Sennacherib -describes his famous campaign against Phœnicia and Judah as made “to -the land of the Hittites.” - -[147] _Ilios_, p. 693. What seem to be similar characters on a -seal-cylinder found in the copper-age cemetery of Agia Paraskevi in -Cyprus have recently been published by me in the _Proceedings of the -Society of Biblical Archæology_, June 1906, plate ii. No. xi. See -above, p. 141. - -[148] One of these seals, with the name of Tua-is, “the Charioteer,” in -Hittite hieroglyphs, is in the possession of M. de Clercq. Another is -figured by Layard, _Culte de Mithra_, xliv. 3. - -[149] See Sayce, _Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia_, pp. 377–9 - -[150] See Hogarth, “The Zakro Sealings,” in the _Journal of Hellenic -Studies_, xxii. pp. 76–93, and plates vi.-x. - -[151] _Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archæology_, 1881, vii. -2, p. 27. - -[152] See above, p. 141. - -[153] Professor Petrie finds similar marks on Egyptian pottery of the -prehistoric and early dynastic age; see his table of signs in _The -Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty_ (Egypt Exploration Fund), i. p. 32. - -[154] _Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal_, xi. pp. 316 _sqq._ -The cylinder was bought by Major Pottinger, but afterwards lost. -The inscription seems to read: _AN Nin(?)-zi-in Su-lukh(?)-me-am-el -Khi-ti-sa ARAD-na_--“To the god Nin(?)-zin, Sulukh-ammel (?) son of -Khiti, his servant.” - -[155] The Etruscan monument is described by Deecke, _Das Templum von -Piacenza_ (_Etruskische Forschungen_, iv. 1880) and _Etruskische -Forschungen und Studien_, part ii. (1882). For the Babylonian -prototype, see Boissier, _Note sur un Monument babylonien se rapportant -â l’extispicine_ (1899). - -[156] Labbawa, or Labawa, is written Labbaya in the letter which is in -the Arzawan language. - -[157] A copy of the text (Louvre, C 1) is given by Professor Breasted -in the _American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literature_, -xxi. 3 (1905). The determinative attached to the name is not that of -“country” but of “going,” showing that the scribe supposed the name to -be connected with some otherwise unknown word that signified “to go,” -just as in Gen. xxiii. “The sons of Heth” are supposed by the Hebrew -writer to derive their name from the Hebrew _khath_, “terror.” - - -Transcriber’s Notes: - -1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been -corrected silently. - -2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the -original. - -3. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D^r. or -X^{xx}. 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You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The archæology of the cuneiform inscriptions</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Archibald Henry Sayce</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: March 31, 2022 [eBook #67742]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Wouter Franssen, Karin Spence and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ARCHÆOLOGY OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS ***</div> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_f000" style="width: 547px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_f000.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">REVERSE OF A TABLET IN THE HITTITE LANGUAGE FROM BOGHAZ KEUI.</p> - <p class="left p-min sm"><i>Frontispiece.</i></p> - <p class="right p-min sm">[<i>See Preface, p.</i> vi.</p> - </div> - - -<h1>The Archæology of the<br /> -Cuneiform Inscriptions</h1> - - -<p class="center p4 xs">BY THE</p> - -<p class="center"><span class="smcap">Rev.</span> A. H. SAYCE</p> - -<p class="center xs">PROFESSOR OF ASSYRIOLOGY, OXFORD</p> - - -<p class="center sm p4">PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE GENERAL<br /> -LITERATURE COMMITTEE</p> - - -<p class="center p4 sm"><i>SECOND EDITION—REVISED</i></p> - - -<p class="center sm p4">LONDON<br /> -SOCIETY FOR PROMOTING CHRISTIAN KNOWLEDGE<br /> -<span class="xs">NORTHUMBERLAND AVENUE, W.C.; 43, QUEEN VICTORIA STREET, E.C.<br /> -<span class="smcap">Brighton: 129, North Street</span><br /> -<span class="smcap">New York</span>: E. S. GORHAM</span></p> - -<p class="center sm">1908</p> - - -<p class="center xs p6"><span class="smcap">Richard Clay & Sons, Limited</span>,<br /> -BREAD STREET HILL, E.C., AND<br /> -BUNGAY, SUFFOLK.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2>CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table summary="contents" class="sm"> - <tr> - <th class="chap">CHAP.</th> - <th></th> - <th class="pag">PAGE</th> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht">PREFACE</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_v">v</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">I.</td> - <td class="cht">THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_7">7</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">II.</td> - <td class="cht">THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL MATERIALS; THE EXCAVATIONS -AT SUSA AND THE ORIGIN OF BRONZE</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_36">36</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">III.</td> - <td class="cht">THE SUMERIANS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">IV.</td> - <td class="cht">THE RELATION OF BABYLONIAN TO EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_101">101</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">V.</td> - <td class="cht">BABYLONIA AND PALESTINE</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_135">135</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">VI.</td> - <td class="cht">ASIA MINOR</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_160">160</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn">VII.</td> - <td class="cht">CANAAN IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE EXODUS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_187">187</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="chn"></td> - <td class="cht">INDEX</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#Page_215">215</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_1">[1]</span></p> - -<h2>LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS</h2> -</div> - -<table summary="pictures" class="sm"> - <tr> - <th></th> - <th class="pag"><i>Facing page</i></th> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">REVERSE OF A TABLET IN THE HITTITE LANGUAGE FROM BOGHAZ KEUI (<i>Frontispiece</i>)</td> - <td class="pag"></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">MAP—THE EASTERN WORLD IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B.C.</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p006">7</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE TOMB OF DARIUS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p016_1">16</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">BLACK OBELISK OF SHAL-MANESER II</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p020_3a">21</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">CHALDÆAN HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS IN TERRA-COTTA</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p020_3b">21</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE TELL OF JERABIS (PROBABLY THE ANCIENT CARCHEMISH)</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p040_2">40</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE TUMULUS OF SUSA, AS IT APPEARED TOWARDS THE MIDDLE OF LAST CENTURY</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p046_2">46</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">HEAD OF ONE OF THE STATUES FROM TELLO</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p058_2a">58</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">VASE OF SILVER, DEDICATED TO NINGIRSU BY ENTENA PATESI OF LAGAS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p058b_2">58</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE TELL OF BORSIPPA, THE PRESENT BIRS-NIMRUD</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p078_2">78</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE SEAL OF SHARGANI-SHAR-ALI (SARGON OF AKKAD): -GILGAMES WATERS THE CELESTIAL OX</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p088_2a">88</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p088_2b">88</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">SITTING STATUE OF GUDEA</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p122_2">122</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">MAP—THE FIRST ASSYRIAN EMPIRE</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p134_3">135</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF UR IN ITS PRESENT STATE, ACCORDING TO LOFTUS</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p140_3">141</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE GARDENS AND HILL OF DHUSPAS OR VAN</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p162_3">163</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE RUINS OF A PALACE OF URARTU AT TOPRAK-KALEH</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p166_2">166</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">THE RUINS AT BOGHAZ KEUI</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p174_2">174</a></td> - </tr> - - <tr> - <td class="cht">ONE OF THE PROCESSIONS IN THE RAVINE OF BOGHAZ</td> - <td class="pag"><a href="#i_p176_2">176</a></td> - </tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_v">[v]</span></p> - -<h2>PREFACE</h2> -</div> - - -<p>The first six chapters which follow, embody the Rhind Lectures in -Archæology which I delivered at Edinburgh in October 1906. The seventh -chapter appeared as an article in the <i>Contemporary Review</i> for -August 1905, and is here reprinted by the courtesy of the Editor to -whom I render my thanks. The book is the first attempt to deal with -what I would call the archæology of cuneiform decipherment, and like -all pioneering work consequently claims the indulgence of the reader. -For the sake of clearness I have been forced to repeat myself in a -few instances, more especially in the sixth chapter, but what has -thereby been lost in literary finish will, I hope, be compensated by an -increase of clearness in the argument.</p> - -<p>If what I have written serves no other purpose, I shall be content -if it draws attention to the miserably defective state of our -archæological knowledge of Babylonia and Assyria, and to the necessity -of scientific excavations being carried on there similar to those -inaugurated by Mr. Rhind in Egypt. We have abundance of epigraphic -material; it is the more purely archæological material that is still -wanting.</p> - -<p>The need of it is every year becoming more urgent with the ever-growing -revelation of the important and far-reaching part played by Babylonian -culture in the ancient East. Excavation is just commencing in Asia -Minor, and there are many indications that it has startling discoveries -and surprises in store for us. Even while my manuscript was in the -printer’s hands, Professor Winckler has been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_vi">[vi]</span> examining the cuneiform -tablets found by him last spring at Boghaz Keui, on the site of the -old Hittite capital in Cappadocia, and reading in them the records of -the Hittite kings, Khattu-sil, Sapaluliuma, Mur-sila and Muttallu. -Most of the tablets, though written in cuneiform characters, are in -the native language of the country, but among them is a version in -the Babylonian language of the treaty between the “great king of the -Hittites” and Riya-masesa Mai or Ramses II., the Egyptian copy of which -has long been known to us. The two Arzawan letters in the Tel el-Amarna -collection no longer stand alone; the Boghaz Keui tablets show that -an active correspondence was carried on between Egypt and Cappadocia. -We must revise our old ideas about an absence of intercourse between -different parts of the ancient Oriental world: there was quite as much -intercommunication as there is to-day. Elam and Babylonia, Assyria -and Asia Minor, Palestine and Egypt, all were linked together by the -ties of a common culture; there were no exclusive religions to raise -barriers between nation and nation, and the pottery of the Hittites -was not only carried to the south of Canaan, but the civilization of -Babylonia made its way through Hittite lands to the shores and islands -of Greece. On the south, the Ægean became a highway from Asia Minor to -Europe, while northward the Troad formed a bridge which carried the -culture of Cappadocia to the Balkans and the Danube.</p> - -<p class="smcap r2">A. H. Sayce.</p> - -<p class="p-min"><i>November</i> 1906.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p006"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p006.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE EASTERN WORLD IN THE SEVENTH CENTURY B.C.</p> - </div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span></p> - -<p class="center xl">THE ARCHÆOLOGY OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS</p> -</div> - -<h2>CHAPTER I<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE DECIPHERMENT OF THE CUNEIFORM INSCRIPTIONS</span></h2> - -<p>The decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions was the archæological -romance of the nineteenth century. There was no Rosetta stone to -offer a clue to their meaning; the very names of the Assyrian kings -and of the gods they worshipped had been lost and forgotten; and the -characters themselves were but conventional groups of wedges, not -pictures of objects and ideas like the hieroglyphs of Egypt. The -decipherment started with the guess of a classical scholar who knew no -Oriental languages and had never travelled in the East. And yet it is -upon this guess that the vast superstructure of cuneiform decipherment -has been slowly reared, with its ever-increasing mass of literature -in numerous languages, the very existence of some of which had been -previously unknown, and with its revelation of a civilized world that -had faded out of sight before Greek history began. The ancient East -has risen, as it were, from the dead, with its politics and its wars, -its law and its trade, its art, its industries and its science. And -this revelation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span> of a new world, this resurrection of a dead past, -has started from a successful guess. But the guess had been made in -accordance with scientific method and had scientific reasons behind it, -and it has proved to be the fruitful seed of an overspreading tree.</p> - -<p>Seventy years ago a single small case was sufficient to hold all the -Assyrian and Babylonian antiquities possessed by the British Museum. -They had been collected by Rich, to whom we owe the first accurate -plans of the sites of Babylon and Nineveh. But the cuneiform characters -found on the seals and clay cylinders of Babylonia were not the only -characters of the kind that were known. Similar characters had been -noticed by travellers on the walls of the ruined palaces of Persepolis -in Persia. As far back as 1621 the Italian traveller Pietro della -Valle had copied two or three of these, which he reproduced in the -account of his travels some thirty years later. One of the first acts -of the newly-founded Royal Society of Great Britain was to ask in their -<i>Philosophical Transactions</i> (p. 420) whether some draughtsman -could not be found to copy the bas-reliefs and inscriptions which -had thus been observed at Persepolis, though the only result of the -inquiry was that a few years afterwards (in June 1693) two lines of -cuneiform were published in the <i>Transactions</i> from the papers of -a Mr. Samuel Flower, who had been the agent of the East India Company -in Persia. The editor of the <i>Transactions</i> correctly concluded -that the inscriptions were to be read from left to right. The cuneiform -characters which were printed in the <i>Transactions</i> were, however, -not the first specimens of cuneiform script that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span> had been published in -England. Thomas Herbert, in the fourth edition of his Travels, which -appeared in 1677, had already given three lines of characters taken -indifferently from the three classes of inscriptions engraved on the -Persian monuments; these were afterwards annexed by an Italian named -Careri, who published them as his own. But the earliest inscription to -be reproduced in full was a short one inscribed by Darius I. over the -windows of his palace, which had been copied by Sir John Chardin during -one of his two visits to Persepolis (in 1665 and 1673). Chardin was -the son of a Huguenot jeweller in Paris, and after returning from his -travels settled in London, where he became a great favourite of Charles -II., and was made a Fellow of the Royal Society. The inscription he had -copied, however, was not printed in the earlier edition of his Travels, -and had to wait until 1735 before it saw the light.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<p>The existence of the cuneiform script thus became known in Europe, -and that was all. It was not until Carsten Niebuhr, the father of the -better-known historian, had been sent by the Danish Government on -an exploring mission to the East that fairly complete and accurate -copies of the inscriptions of Persepolis were at last put into the -hands of European scholars. Niebuhr, who sacrificed his sight to the -work, returned to Denmark in 1767, and seven years later the first -of the three volumes in which the scientific results of his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span> travels -were embodied was published at Copenhagen. With the publication of the -second volume, which contained his description of the Persepolitan -monuments, the attempt to decipher the cuneiform characters began. He -himself had noticed that in the first of the three classes or systems -of cuneiform writing of which every inscription consisted, only -forty-two characters were employed, and he therefore concluded that the -system was alphabetic. Another Dane, Bishop Münter, discovered that the -words in it were divided from one another by an oblique wedge,<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a> and -further showed that the monuments must belong to the age of Cyrus and -his successors.<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> One word, which occurs without any variation towards -the beginning of each inscription, he correctly inferred to signify -“king”; but beyond this he was unable to advance.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile, Anquetil-Duperron, with self-sacrificing enthusiasm, had -rediscovered the Zend of the later Zoroastrian faith, and de Sacy, with -the help of it, had deciphered the Pehlevi inscriptions of the Sassanid -kings. It was only the older Persian of the Achæmenian cuneiform -inscriptions that still awaited interpretation; and a bridge had been -built between it and modern Persian by means of the Zendic texts. In -1802 the guess was made which opened the way to the decipherment of the -mysterious wedge-shaped signs. The inspired genius was Grotefend, an -accomplished<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span> Latinist and a school-master at Frankfort-on-the-Main. -He knew no Oriental languages, but his mother-wit and common-sense -more than made up for the deficiency. It was clear to him that the -three systems of cuneiform represented three different languages, -the Persian kings being like a Turkish pasha of to-day, who, when he -wishes an edict to be understood, writes it in Turkish and Arabic. It -was also clear to him that the first system must be the script of the -Persian kings themselves, of which the other two were translations. The -preparatory work for reading this had already been done by Münter; what -Grotefend now had to do was to identify and read the names to which the -word for “king” was attached.</p> - -<p>On comparing the inscriptions together he found that while the word -for “king” remained unchanged, the word which accompanied it at the -beginning of an inscription varied on different monuments. There were, -in fact, two wholly different words, one of which was peculiar to one -set of monuments, the other to another set. But he also found that the -first of these words followed the other on the second set of monuments, -though with a different termination from that which belonged to it when -it took the place of the first word. Hence he conjectured that the two -words represented the names of two Persian kings, one of whom was the -son of the other, the termination of the second name when it followed -the first being that of the genitive. It was now necessary to discover -who the kings were whose names had thus been found. Fortunately the -Achæmenian dynasty was not a long one, and the number of royal names -in it was not large. And of these names, Cyrus was too short and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span> -Artaxerxes too long for either of the two names which Grotefend had -detected. There only remained Darius and Xerxes, and as Xerxes was the -son of Darius, the name which characterized the first set of monuments -must be Darius.</p> - -<p>Grotefend’s next task was to ascertain the old Persian pronunciation of -the name of Darius. This had been given by Strabo, while the Persian -pronunciation of Xerxes was indicated in the Old Testament. With this -assistance Grotefend was able to assign alphabetic values to the -cuneiform characters which composed the two names, and a corner of -the veil which had so long covered the cuneiform records was lifted -at last. A comparison of the names which he had thus read gave the -needful verification of the correctness of his method. In the names -of Darius and Xerxes the same letters occur, but in different places; -<i>a</i> and <i>r</i> in <i>Darius</i> occupy the second and third -places, in <i>Xerxes</i> the fourth and fifth, while <i>sh</i>, which -is the last letter in <i>Darius</i>, would be the second and sixth in -<i>Xerxes</i>. And such was actually the case. Grotefend was therefore -justified in concluding that his guesses were correct, and that the -right values had been assigned to the cuneiform characters. A beginning -had been made in cuneiform decipherment, and in this instance the -beginning was half the whole.</p> - -<p>Grotefend’s Memoir was presented to the Göttingen Academy on September -4, 1802. By a curious accident it was at the same meeting that Heyne -described the first attempts that had been made towards deciphering -the Egyptian hieroglyphs. But the learned world looked askance at the -discoveries of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span> the young Latinist. The science of archæology was still -unborn, and Oriental philologists were unable even to understand the -inductive method of the decipherer. The Academy of Göttingen refused to -print his communications, and it was not until 1815 that they appeared -in the first volume of the History of his friend Heeren, who, being -untrammelled by the prejudices of Oriental learning, had been one of -the earliest to accept his conclusions.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> For a whole generation the -work of decipherment was allowed to sleep.</p> - -<p>It is unfortunately true that after his initial success Grotefend’s -ignorance of Oriental languages really did stand in his way. He -assumed that the language of the inscriptions and that of the -<i>Zend-Avesta</i> were one and the same, and accordingly went to the -newly-found Zend dictionary for the readings of the cuneiform names -and words. Vishtaspa, the name of the father of Darius, was thus -read Goshtasp, the word for “king” became <i>khsheh</i> instead of -<i>khshayathiya</i>, and that which Grotefend had correctly divined -to signify “great,” <i>eghre</i> instead of <i>vazraka</i>. It is not -wonderful, therefore, that he was never able to follow up the beginning -he had made.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span></p> - -<p>To do this was reserved for the Zendic scholars of a later generation. -Rask the Dane in 1826 determined the true form of the genitive plural, -and thereby identified the character for <i>m</i> which gave him the -names of the supreme god Auramazda and of Achæmenes the forefather of -Cyrus.<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> But the great step forward was made by the eminent French -scholar, Emile Burnouf, in 1836.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> The first of the inscriptions -published by Niebuhr he discovered to contain a list of the satrapies -of Darius. With this clue in his hand the reading of the names and the -subsequent identification of the letters which composed them could -be a question only of patience and time. For this Burnouf was well -equipped by his philological knowledge and training, and the result -was an alphabet of thirty letters, the greater part of which had been -correctly deciphered.</p> - -<p>Burnouf’s Memoir on the subject was published in June 1836. In the -preceding month his friend and pupil, Professor Lassen of Bonn, had -also published a work on “The Old Persian Cuneiform Inscriptions of -Persepolis.”<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> He and Burnouf had been in frequent correspondence, and -his claim to have independently detected the names of the satrapies, -and thereby to have fixed the values of the Persian characters, was -in consequence fiercely attacked. To the attacks made upon him, -however, Lassen never vouchsafed a reply. Whatever his obligations to -Burnouf may have been,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span> his own contributions to the decipherment of -the inscriptions were numerous and important. He succeeded in fixing -the true values of nearly all the letters in the Persian alphabet, in -translating the texts, and in proving that the language of them was not -Zend, but stood to both Zend and Sanskrit in the relation of a sister.</p> - -<p>Meanwhile another scholar, armed with fresh and important material, -had entered the field. A young English officer in the East India -Company’s service, Major Rawlinson by name, was attached to the -British Mission in Persia. A happy inspiration led him to attempt the -decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions. It was in 1835, when he -was twenty-five years old, that he first began his work. All that he -knew was that Grotefend had discovered in the texts of Persepolis the -names of Darius, of Xerxes and of Hystaspes, but cut off as he was in -his official position at Kirmanshah on the western frontier of Persia -from European libraries, he was unable to procure either the Memoir of -the German scholar or the articles to which it had given rise. Like -Burnouf, he set himself to decipher the two inscriptions of Hamadan, -which he had himself copied with great care. He soon recognized in them -the names that had been read by Grotefend, and thus obtained a working -alphabet. But his position in Persia soon gave him an advantage which -was denied to his fellow-workers in Europe. It was not long before he -found an opportunity of copying the great inscription on the sacred -rock of Behistun, which had never been copied before. It was by far -the longest cuneiform inscription yet discovered, and was filled with -proper names, including<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span> those of the Persian satrapies. The copying of -it, however, cost much time and labour, and was accomplished at actual -risk of life, as Major Rawlinson, better known by his later title of -Sir Henry Rawlinson, had to be lowered in a basket from the top of the -cliff in order to ascertain the exact forms of certain characters.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p016_1"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p016_1.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE TOMB OF DARIUS.</p> - </div> - -<p>In the following year (1836) Rawlinson moved to Teheran, and there -received from Edwin Norris, the Secretary of the Royal Asiatic Society, -the Memoirs of Grotefend and Saint-Martin. In 1837 he finished his copy -of the Behistun inscription, and sent a translation of its opening -paragraphs to the Royal Asiatic Society. Before, however, his Paper -could be published, the works of Lassen and Burnouf reached him, -necessitating a revision of his Paper and the postponement of its -publication. Then came other causes of delay. He was called away to -Afghanistan to perform the onerous and responsible duties of British -Agent at Kandahar, and it was not until 1843 that he was once more -free to resume his cuneiform studies. A year later he was visited by -the Danish Professor, Westergaard, who placed at his disposal the -copies he had just made of the inscription on the tomb of Darius at -Naksh-i-Rustam and of some shorter inscriptions from Persepolis, -and Rawlinson’s Memoir was accordingly finished at last and sent -to England. Here Norris subjected it to a careful revision, and at -his suggestion Rawlinson once more visited Behistun, where he took -squeezes and re-examined doubtful characters. In 1847 the first part -of the Memoir was published, though the second part, containing the -analysis and commentary on the text, did not appear <span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>till 1849.<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> -The work, however, was well worthy of the time and care that had been -bestowed upon it. The task of deciphering the Persian cuneiform texts -was virtually accomplished, and the guesses of Grotefend had developed -into the discovery of a new alphabet and a new language. The capstone -was put to the work by the discovery of Hincks, an Irish clergyman, -that the alphabet was not a true one in the modern sense of the word, a -vowel-sound being attached in pronunciation to each of the consonants -represented in it.</p> - -<p>The mystery of the Persian cuneiform texts was thus solved after nearly -fifty years of endeavour. A harder task still remained. The Persian -texts were accompanied by two other cuneiform transcripts, which, as -Grotefend had perceived, must have represented the other two principal -languages that were spoken in the Persian Empire. That the third -transcript was Babylonian seemed evident from the resemblance of the -characters contained in it to those on the bricks and seal-cylinders of -Babylonia. Grotefend had already written upon the subject, and had even -divined the name of Nebuchadrezzar on certain Babylonian bricks.</p> - -<p>But this third species of writing, which we must henceforth term -Babylonian or Assyrian, presented extraordinary difficulties. Instead -of an alphabet of forty-two letters, the decipherer was confronted by -an enormous number of different characters, while no indication was -given of the separation of one word from another. Moreover the forms -of the characters as found on the Persepolitan monuments differed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span> -considerably from those found on the Babylonian monuments, which -again differed greatly from each other. On the seal-cylinders, more -especially, they assumed the most complicated shapes, between which and -the Persepolitan forms it was often impossible to trace any likeness -whatever.</p> - -<p>Suddenly a discovery was made which furnished an abundance of new -material and incited the decipherer to fresh efforts. In 1842 Botta -was sent to Mossul as French Consul, and at Mohl’s instigation began -to excavate on the site of Nineveh. His first essays there not proving -very successful, he transferred his workmen further north, to the mound -of Khorsabad, and there laid bare the ruins of a large and splendid -palace which subsequently turned out to be that of Sargon. In the -autumn of 1845 the excavations of Botta were succeeded by those of -Layard, first at Nimrûd (the ancient Calah), and then at Kûyunjik or -Nineveh, the result being to fill the British Museum with bas-reliefs -covered with cuneiform writing and with other relics of Assyrian -civilization.</p> - -<p>The inscriptions brought to light by Botta were copied and published by -him in 1846–50.<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> The sumptuous work which was dedicated to them was -followed by a smaller and cheaper edition, and the author gave further -help to the student by classifying the characters, which amounted to -as many as 642.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a> His work proved conclusively the identity of the -script used at Nineveh with that of the third transcripts<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span> on the -Persian monuments, as well as the substantial agreement of the groups -of characters occurring in each.</p> - -<p>The Irish scholar Dr. Hincks—one of the most remarkable and acute -decipherers that have ever lived—was already at work on the -newly-found texts. In 1847 he published a long article on “The Three -Kinds of Persepolitan Writing,”<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> and, two years later, another “On -the Khorsabad Inscriptions.”<a id="FNanchor_12" href="#Footnote_12" class="fnanchor">[12]</a> In 1850 he read a Paper before the -British Association,<a id="FNanchor_13" href="#Footnote_13" class="fnanchor">[13]</a> summing up his conclusions and announcing the -important discovery that the Assyrian characters were syllabic and not -alphabetic, as had hitherto been supposed. With this discovery the -scientific decipherment of the Assyrian inscriptions actually begins.</p> - -<p>The proper names contained in the Persian texts furnished the clue to -the reading of the Babylonian transcripts. The values thus obtained -for the Babylonian characters made it possible to read many of the -words, the meaning of which was fixed by a comparison with the Persian -original. It then became clear that Assyrian was a Semitic language, -standing in much the same relation to Hebrew that the Old Persian stood -to Zend.</p> - -<p>Its Semitic origin was proved to demonstration by the French scholar -de Saulcy in 1849. Another French scholar, de Longpérier, had already -discovered the name of Sargon in the Khorsabad inscriptions<a id="FNanchor_14" href="#Footnote_14" class="fnanchor">[14]</a>—the -first royal Assyrian name that had yet been read.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span> De Saulcy himself -subjected the Babylonian transcript of the trilingual inscription of -Elwend to a minute analysis, and so carefully was the work performed, -and so secure were the foundations upon which it rested, that the -translation needs but little revision even to-day.<a id="FNanchor_15" href="#Footnote_15" class="fnanchor">[15]</a> The old belief -in the alphabetic nature of the characters, however, still possessed -the mind of the decipherer, although in one passage he goes so far as -to say, “I am tempted to believe” that the signs are syllabic. But he -did not go beyond the temptation to believe, and the discovery was -reserved for Hincks.</p> - -<p>Rawlinson was now at Bagdad. De Saulcy sent him his Memoirs, and the -British scholar had the immense advantage of having in his hands the -Babylonian version of the great Behistun inscription, of knowing the -country in which the monuments were found, and of possessing copies of -inscriptions which had not yet made their way to Europe.</p> - - - -<p>Nevertheless, it is amazing with what rapidity and perspicacity he -forced his way through the thick jungle of cuneiform script. In his -Memoir on the Persian texts, published in 1847, he already maps out -with marvellous fulness and exactitude the different varieties of -cuneiform writing. It is his second Memoir, however, which excites in -the Assyriologist of to-day the profoundest feelings of surprise and -admiration. This consists of notes on the inscriptions of Assyria and -Babylonia, and was communicated to the Royal Asiatic Society at the -beginning of the year 1850.<a id="FNanchor_16" href="#Footnote_16" class="fnanchor">[16]</a></p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p020_3a" style="width: 196px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p020_3a.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">BLACK OBELISK OF SHAL-MANESER II.</p> - <p class="right p-min sm">[<i>See p. <a href="#Page_21">21</a>.</i></p> - </div> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p020_3b" style="width: 592px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p020_3b.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">CHALDÆAN HOUSEHOLD UTENSILS IN TERRA-COTTA.</p> - <p class="right p-min sm">[<i>See p. <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</i></p> - </div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span></p> - -<p>One of the inscriptions he has translated in full—the annals of -Shalmaneser II., on an obelisk of black marble discovered at Nimrûd -and now in the British Museum. The text is a long one, and for the -first time the European reader had placed before him a contemporaneous -account of the campaigns of an Assyrian monarch in the ninth century -before our era. The translation is substantially correct; it is only -in the proper names that Rawlinson has gone much astray. The values -of many of the characters were still uncertain or unknown, and he was -under the domination of the belief that they represented alphabetic -letters.</p> - -<p>He was, moreover, mistaken as to the age of the monument itself, which -he assigned to too early an epoch. It was Dr. Hincks who again settled -the question, by reading upon it the names of Hazael of Damascus and -Jehu of Israel.<a id="FNanchor_17" href="#Footnote_17" class="fnanchor">[17]</a> This was one of the first-fruits of his discovery -of the syllabic character of the Assyrian signs. Another was the -discovery of the name of Sennacherib,<a id="FNanchor_18" href="#Footnote_18" class="fnanchor">[18]</a> as well as those of Hezekiah -and Jerusalem.<a id="FNanchor_19" href="#Footnote_19" class="fnanchor">[19]</a></p> - -<p>Shortly before this Hincks had made another discovery of importance. He -had deciphered the names of Nebuchadrezzar and his father on the bricks -of Babylon,<a id="FNanchor_20" href="#Footnote_20" class="fnanchor">[20]</a> and had further shown that a cylinder of Nebuchadrezzar -brought from Babylon by Sir Robert Ker-Porter, and written in the -cuneiform characters met with on the Persian monuments, contained -the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span> same text as another cylinder obtained by Sir Harford Jones, and -inscribed with characters of the most complex kind. A comparison of the -two texts gave him the values of the latter characters, which we now -know to represent the archaic Babylonian forms of the cuneiform signs.</p> - -<p>But the decipherment of the Assyro-Babylonian script was not yet -complete. In 1851 Rawlinson’s long-promised Memoir on the Babylonian -version of the inscription of Behistun was given to the world,<a id="FNanchor_21" href="#Footnote_21" class="fnanchor">[21]</a> -and consisted of the cuneiform text, with translation, grammar and -commentary, besides a list of 242 characters. It announced, moreover, -two facts about these characters, one of which had already been -recognized, while the second was received by the Orientalists with -shouts of incredulity. The first fact was that the characters, besides -having phonetic values, could also be used ideographically to denote -objects and ideas. The second fact was that they were polyphonous, each -character possessing more than one phonetic value.</p> - -<p>For once the sceptics seemed to have common-sense upon their side. -How, it was asked, could a system of writing be read the symbols of -which might be pronounced sometimes in one way, sometimes in another? -Anything could be made out of anything upon such principles, and a -method of interpretation which ended in such a result was pronounced -to be self-condemned. Hincks, however, once more entered the field and -demonstrated that Rawlinson was right.<a id="FNanchor_22" href="#Footnote_22" class="fnanchor">[22]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span> Hincks was an Egyptologist, -and consequently the polyphony of the cuneiform characters was not -to him a new and startling phenomenon. It merely showed that they -must once have been pictorial—as, indeed, their ideographic use also -indicated—and in a picture-writing each picture could necessarily -be represented by more than one word, and therefore by more than one -phonetic value, when the pronunciation of the word came to be employed -phonetically. The picture of a foot, for instance, would denote not -only a “foot,” but also such ideas as “go,” “run,” “walk,” each of -which would become one of its phonetic values with the development of -the picture into a conventional syllabic sign.</p> - -<p>Excavation was still proceeding on the site of Nineveh. Mr. Hormuzd -Rassam, himself a native of Mossul and the active assistant of Layard, -was sent in 1852 by the British Museum to complete the work from -which Layard had now been called away by diplomatic duties.<a id="FNanchor_23" href="#Footnote_23" class="fnanchor">[23]</a> In -1853 he made a discovery which proved to be of momentous importance -for Assyrian decipherment, and without which, in fact, it could never -have advanced very far. He discovered the library of Nineveh with its -multitudes of closely-written clay tablets, many of them containing -long lists of characters, dictionaries and grammars, which have served -at once to verify and to extend the knowledge of the script and -language that the early decipherers had obtained. Meanwhile a careful -survey of the whole country was made at the expense of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span> East India -Company,<a id="FNanchor_24" href="#Footnote_24" class="fnanchor">[24]</a> and the French Government sent out an exploring and -excavating expedition to Babylonia under a young and brilliant scholar, -Jules Oppert. The results of the mission, which lasted from 1851 to -1854, were embodied in two learned volumes, the first of which appeared -in 1863.<a id="FNanchor_25" href="#Footnote_25" class="fnanchor">[25]</a> In these Oppert showed, what Hincks and Rawlinson had -already pointed out, that the peculiarities of the Assyrian syllabary -were due not only to its pictorial origin but also to the fact that it -had been invented by a non-Semitic people. This primitive population of -Babylonia, called Akkadian by Hincks, Sumerian by Oppert, had spoken -an agglutinative language similar to that of the Turks or Finns, and -had been the founders of Babylonian civilization. For these views -Oppert found support in the tablets of the library of Nineveh, a large -part of which consists of translations from the older language into -Semitic Assyrian, as well as of comparative grammars, vocabularies and -reading-books in the two languages.</p> - -<p>Once more the Semitic scholars protested. There was no end to the -extravagant fantasies of the Assyriologists! The learned world was -comfortably convinced that none but a Semitic or Aryan people could -have been the originators of civilization, and to assert that the -Semites had borrowed their culture from a race which seemed to have -affinities with Mongols or Tatars was an outrage upon established -prejudices. The Semitic philologist was more certain<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span> than ever that -Assyrian decipherment was the folly of a few “untrained” amateurs, and -could safely be disregarded.</p> - -<p>But the little band of Assyriologists pursued their labours -undisturbed. In 1855–6 Hincks published a most remarkable series of -articles in the <i>Journal of Sacred Literature</i>, in which the -various forms of the Assyrian verb were analyzed and given once for -all. The work has never had to be repeated, and the foundations of -Assyrian grammar were solidly laid. A few years later (in 1860) a -complete grammar of the language was published by Oppert. The initial -stage of Assyrian decipherment was thus at an end.</p> - -<p>We must now turn back to the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions, which, thanks to its greater simplicity, had been -deciphered before the Assyro-Babylonian. The way was opened in 1844 by -the Danish scholar Westergaard.<a id="FNanchor_26" href="#Footnote_26" class="fnanchor">[26]</a> With the help of the proper names -he fixed the values of many of the characters and made a tentative -endeavour to read the texts. But the language he brought to light was -of so strange a nature as to throw doubt on the correctness of his -method. Turkish, Arabic, Indian and even Keltic elements seemed alike -to be mingled in it. It was not, therefore, till his readings had been -subjected to revision by Hincks in 1846<a id="FNanchor_27" href="#Footnote_27" class="fnanchor">[27]</a> and de Saulcy in 1850<a id="FNanchor_28" href="#Footnote_28" class="fnanchor">[28]</a> -that any confidence was reposed in it, and the results made available -for the decipherment of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span> the Babylonian transcripts, the characters of -which frequently had the same forms. It must be remembered, however, -that Westergaard worked from defective materials. Rawlinson had not yet -published his copy of the Behistun inscription, which he eventually -placed in the hands of Edwin Norris, who, in 1853, edited the text -along with a syllabary, grammar and vocabulary, as well as translations -and commentary.<a id="FNanchor_29" href="#Footnote_29" class="fnanchor">[29]</a> This edition was a splendid piece of work, and -with it the decipherment of the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions may be said to have been accomplished. Oppert’s <i>Peuple -et Langage des Médes</i>, which appeared in 1870, did but revise, -supplement and systematize the work of Norris.</p> - -<p>The new language which had thus been brought to light was -agglutinative. Westergaard had seen in it the language of the Medes, -and, like Rawlinson, had connected it with a hypothetical “Scythian” -family of speech. The term “Scythian” was retained by Norris, who, -however, attempted to show that it was really related to the Finnish -dialects. But the excavations made at Susa by Loftus in 1851 put -another face on the matter. In 1874, and again more fully in 1883,<a id="FNanchor_30" href="#Footnote_30" class="fnanchor">[30]</a> -I pointed out that the inscriptions found at Susa and other ancient -Elamite sites were in an older form of the same language as that -of the second Achæmenian transcripts, and furthermore that certain -inscriptions discovered by Layard in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span> plain of Mal-Amîr eastward -of Susa were in practically the same script and dialect. At the same -time I fixed the values of the characters in the Mal-Amîr texts -and gave provisional translations of them, with a vocabulary and -commentary. Oppert and myself had already been working at the reading -of the older Susian inscriptions, a task in which we were followed by -Weissbach with a greater measure of success. But the same cause which -had retarded the decipherment of the second transcript of the Persian -inscriptions—a want of materials—militated against any great advance -being made in the decipherment of the older Susian, and it is only -since 1897, when the excavations of M. de Morgan at Susa were begun, -that the student has been at last provided with the necessary means. -Thanks to the brilliant penetration of the French Assyriologist, Dr. -Scheil, the outlines of the language of the ancient kingdom of Elam can -now be sketched with a fair amount of completeness and accuracy.<a id="FNanchor_31" href="#Footnote_31" class="fnanchor">[31]</a> -The name of Neo-Susian has by common consent been conferred upon the -language of the second Achæmenian transcripts; perhaps Neo-Elamite -would be better. At all events it represents the language of the second -capital of the Persian Empire as it was spoken in the age of Darius and -his successors, and is a lineal descendant of the old agglutinative -language of Elam.</p> - -<p>The three systems of cuneiform script, which a hundred years ago seemed -so impenetrable in their mystery, have thus, one by one, been forced -to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span> yield their secrets. But as each in turn has been deciphered, -fresh forms of cuneiform writing and new languages expressed in -cuneiform characters have come to light. The first to emerge was that -agglutinative language of primitive Chaldæa which so scandalized -the philological world and excited such strong distrust of the -Assyriologists. The question of the name by which it should be called -has been set at rest by the discovery of tablets in which its native -designation is made known to us. Some years ago Bezold published a -bilingual text in which it is termed “the language of Sumer,”<a id="FNanchor_32" href="#Footnote_32" class="fnanchor">[32]</a> and -more recently Messerschmidt has edited a bilingual inscription of the -Babylonian king Samsu-ditana in which the Semitic “translation” is -described as “Akkadian.”<a id="FNanchor_33" href="#Footnote_33" class="fnanchor">[33]</a> Oppert is thus shown to have been right in -the name which he proposed to give to the language of the inventors of -the cuneiform script.</p> - -<p>The first analysis of Sumerian grammar was made by myself in 1870, when -the general outlines of the language were fixed and the verbal forms -read and explained.<a id="FNanchor_34" href="#Footnote_34" class="fnanchor">[34]</a> Three years later Lenormant threw the materials -I had collected into a connected and systematic form, one result of -which was a controversy started by the Orientalist, Joseph Halévy, who -maintained that Sumerian was not a language at all, but a cryptograph -or secret writing. The answers made by the Assyriologists to this -curious theory obliged its author constantly to shift his ground, -but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[29]</span> at the same time it also obliged them to examine their materials -more carefully and to revise conclusions which had been arrived at on -insufficient evidence. An important discovery was now made by Haupt, -who had already given the first scientific translation of a Sumerian -text;<a id="FNanchor_35" href="#Footnote_35" class="fnanchor">[35]</a> he demonstrated the existence of two dialects, one of -which is marked by all the phenomena of phonetic decay.<a id="FNanchor_36" href="#Footnote_36" class="fnanchor">[36]</a> This was -naturally supposed to indicate a difference of age in the two dialects, -the one being the older and the other the later form of the language. -Subsequent research, however, has gone to show that the two dialects -were really used contemporaneously, the decayed state of that which was -called “the woman’s language” by the Babylonians being due to the fact -that it was spoken in Akkad or Northern Babylonia, where the Semitic -element became predominant at a much earlier period than in Sumer or -Southern Babylonia.</p> - -<p>Up to this time the study of Sumerian had been almost entirely confined -to the bilingual texts, of which a very large number existed in the -library of Nineveh, and in which a Semitic translation was attached to -the Sumerian original. Now, however, the French excavations at Tello in -Southern Babylonia began to furnish European scholars with monuments -of the pre-Semitic period, and to these the decipherers, among whom -Amiaud and Thureau Dangin hold the first place, accordingly turned -their attention. Texts composed in days when Sumerian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[30]</span> princes still -governed the country, and written by scribes who were unacquainted with -a Semitic language, were successfully attacked with the assistance of -the bilingual tablets of Nineveh. But it was soon found that between -these genuine examples of Sumerian composition and the Sumerian which -was written and explained by Semitic scribes there was a good deal of -difference. The Semites had derived their culture from their Sumerian -predecessors, and a considerable part of the religious and legal -literature that had been handed on to them was in the older language. -This older language long continued to be that of both religion and -law, the two conservative forces in society, Sumerian becoming to the -Semitic Babylonians what Latin was to mediæval Europe. The inevitable -result followed: Semitic idioms and modes of thought were clothed -in a Sumerian dress, and the ignorance of the scribe produced not -infrequently the equivalent of the dog-Latin of a modern school-boy. -The gradual changes that took place in the cuneiform system of writing, -and the adaptation of it to the requirements of Semitic speech, -contributed to the creation of an artificial and quite unclassical -Sumerian, and the lexical tablets became filled with uses and -combinations of characters which were professedly Sumerian but really -Semitic in origin. All this renders the decipherment of a Sumerian text -even now a difficult affair, and many years must elapse before we can -say that the stage of decipherment is definitely passed and that the -scholar may content himself with a purely philological treatment of the -language.</p> - -<p>But Sumerian was not the only new language<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[31]</span> outside the circle -recognized by the Persian monarchs which the decipherment of the -cuneiform characters has revealed to us. Even before the discovery -of Sumerian, cuneiform inscriptions had been copied on the rocks and -quarried stones of Armenia, which, when the characters composing -them came to be read, proved to belong to a language as novel and as -apparently unrelated to any other as Sumerian itself. As far back -as 1826 a young scholar of the name of Schulz had been sent by the -French Government to Van in Armenia, where, according to Armenian -writers, Semiramis, the fabled queen of Assyria, had once left her -monuments. Here Schulz actually found that the cliff on which the -ancient fortress of the city stood was covered with lines of cuneiform -characters, and similar inscriptions soon came to light in other parts -of the country. Before Schulz, however, could return to Europe he was -murdered (in 1829) by a Kurdish chief, whose guest he had been. But his -papers were recovered, and the copies of the inscriptions he had made -were published in 1840 in the <i>Journal Asiatique</i>. The first to -attempt to read them was Dr. Hincks, whom no problem in decipherment -ever seemed to baffle.<a id="FNanchor_37" href="#Footnote_37" class="fnanchor">[37]</a> The characters, he showed, were practically -identical with those found in the Assyrian texts, the values of many of -which had now been ascertained; but Hincks, with his usual acuteness, -went on to use the Armenian or Vannic inscriptions for settling -the values of other Assyrian characters which had not as yet been -determined. In 1848 he was already able to read the names of the Vannic -kings and fix<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[32]</span> their succession, to make out the sense of several -passages in the texts, and to indicate the nominative and accusative -suffixes of the noun.</p> - -<p>Here Vannic decipherment rested for many years. There was no difficulty -in reading the inscriptions phonetically, for they were written in a -very simplified form of the Assyrian syllabary; but the language which -was thus revealed stood isolated and alone, without linguistic kindred -either ancient or modern. The various attempts made to decipher it were -all failures.</p> - -<p>So things remained until 1882–3, when I published my Memoir on “The -Decipherment of the Vannic Inscriptions” in the <i>Journal of the Royal -Asiatic Society</i>. Here for the first time translations were given of -the inscriptions, together with a commentary, grammar and vocabulary. -At the same time I settled the chronological place of the Vannic kings, -which had hitherto been uncertain, as well as the geography of the -country over which they ruled, and analyzed the ancient religion of -the people as made known to us by the decipherment of the texts. In -revising and supplementing Schulz’s copies of the inscriptions I had -obtained the help of squeezes taken by Layard and Rassam. The task -of decipherment was, after all, not so hard a matter as the absence -of a bilingual text might make it appear. The want of a bilingual -was compensated by the numerous ideographs and “determinatives” -scattered through the inscriptions, which indicated their general -meaning, pointed out to the decipherer the names of countries, -cities, individuals and the like, and gave him the signification of -the phonetically-written words which in parallel<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[33]</span> passages often -replaced them. Moreover, the French Assyriologist, Stanislas Guyard, -and myself had independently made the discovery that a clause which -frequently comes at the end of a Vannic inscription corresponds with -the imprecatory formula of the Assyrians, while the decipherment of -the inscriptions led to the further discovery that not only had the -characters employed in them been borrowed from the Assyrians in the -time of the Assyrian conqueror, Assur-natsir-pal, but that many of the -phrases used in Assur-natsir-pal’s texts had been borrowed at the same -time.</p> - -<p>Other scholars soon appeared to pursue and extend my work, more -especially Drs. Belck and Lehmann, whose expedition to Armenia in 1898 -has placed at our disposal a large store of fresh material. Amongst -this fresh material are two long bilingual inscriptions, in Vannic and -Assyrian, one of which had been discovered by de Morgan in 1890. These -have verified my system of decipherment, have increased our knowledge -of the Vannic vocabulary, have corrected a few errors, and, I am bound -to add, have in one or two cases justified renderings of mine to which -exception had been taken. A historical Vannic text can now be read with -almost as much certainty as an Assyrian one.</p> - -<p>With the discovery of the language spoken in Armenia before the arrival -of the modern Armenians the list of lost languages and dialects -brought to light by the decipherment of the cuneiform script is by no -means exhausted. Among the tablets found in 1887 at Tel el-Amarna in -Upper Egypt was a long letter from the king of Mitanni or Northern -Mesopotamia in the native language of his country,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[34]</span> which has been -partially deciphered by Messerschmidt, Jensen and myself.<a id="FNanchor_38" href="#Footnote_38" class="fnanchor">[38]</a> The -language turns out to be distantly related to the Vannic, but is of -a much more complicated description. Two of the other letters in the -same collection were in yet another previously unknown language, which -the contents of one of them showed to be that of a kingdom in Asia -Minor called Arzawa. Since then tablets have been found at Boghaz Keui -in Cappadocia, on the site of the ancient capital of the Hittites, -which are in the same dialect and form of cuneiform writing, and prove -that in them we have discovered at last actual relics of the Hittite -tongue. Thanks to the light thrown upon them by a tablet from the same -locality, which I obtained last year, it is now possible to raise the -veil which has hitherto concealed the Hittite language, and in a Paper -which will shortly be printed I have succeeded in partially translating -the texts and sketching the outlines of their grammar. But any detailed -account of these discoveries must be reserved for a future chapter; at -present I can do no more than refer briefly to these latest problems in -cuneiform decipherment.</p> - -<p>That other problems still await us cannot be doubted. The number of -different languages which the decipherment of the cuneiform script -has thus far revealed to us is an assurance that, as excavation and -research proceed, fresh languages will come to light which have -employed the cuneiform syllabary as a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[35]</span> means of expression. Indeed, we -already know that it was used by the Kossæans, wild mountaineers who -skirted the eastern frontiers of Babylonia, and a list of whose words -has been preserved in a cuneiform tablet,<a id="FNanchor_39" href="#Footnote_39" class="fnanchor">[39]</a> and also that there was -a time, before the introduction of the Phœnician alphabet, when “the -language of Canaan”—better known as Hebrew—was written in cuneiform -characters. Canaanite glosses are found in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, -and two Sidonian seals exist in which the cuneiform syllabary is -employed to represent the sounds of Canaanitish speech.<a id="FNanchor_40" href="#Footnote_40" class="fnanchor">[40]</a></p> - -<p>And the key to all this varied literature, this medley of languages, -the very names of which had perished, was a simple guess! But it was a -scientific guess, made in accordance with scientific method, and based -upon sound scientific reasoning. It is true that it needed the slow -and patient work of generations of scholars before the guess could -ripen into maturity; the discovery of the value of a single letter -in the Old Persian alphabet was sometimes the labour of a lifetime; -but, like the seed of the mustard tree, the guess contained within -itself all the promise of its future growth. On the day when Grotefend -identified the names of Darius and Xerxes, the decipherment of the -cuneiform inscriptions, and therewith of the history, the theology -and the civilization of the ancient Oriental world, was potentially -accomplished.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[36]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER II<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE ARCHÆOLOGICAL MATERIALS; THE EXCAVATIONS AT SUSA AND THE ORIGIN OF BRONZE</span></h2></div> - -<p>The modern science of archæology has been derisively called “the study -of pots.” As a matter of fact, the study of ancient pottery occupies a -prominent place in it, and we cannot turn over the pages of a standard -archæological work without constantly coming across photographs and -illustrations of the ceramic art or reading descriptions of vases -and bowls, of coloured ware and fragmentary sherds. Questions of -date and origin are made to turn on the presence or absence of some -particular form of pottery on a given site, and fierce controversies -have arisen over a single fragment of a vessel of clay. A knowledge of -ancient pottery is a primary requisite in the scientific excavator and -archæologist of to-day.</p> - -<p>The reason of this is obvious. Archæology is an inductive science; -its conclusions, therefore, are drawn from the comparison and -co-ordination of objects which can be seen and handled, as well as -tested by all competent observers. It is built upon what our German -friends would call objective facts, and the method it employs is that -carefully-disciplined and experimentally-guarded application of the -ordinary logic of life which can alone give us scientific results.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[37]</span> -The method is one which the purely literary mind seems often curiously -incapable of comprehending; the literary student is accustomed to deal -so exclusively with matters of merely individual taste and theory -that he is as little able to understand what is meant by scientific -evidence and probability as the scholar who is not a mathematician is -able to follow the reasoning of Lord Kelvin. This is a fact which has -to be borne in mind more especially in archæological science, for the -questions with which archæology is concerned so frequently invade the -domain of literature or appear so closely connected with questions that -are more or less literary, that the purely literary scholar is apt to -think himself just as well qualified to discuss them as “the man in the -street” is apt to think himself qualified to discuss the etymology of a -word. To all such the archæologist would say, “Go and study your pots.”</p> - -<p>For pottery is practically indestructible. Like the fossils on which -the geologist has built up the past history of life upon the earth, it -is an enduring evidence, when rightly interpreted, of the past history -of man. Like the fossils, moreover, it exhibits a multitudinous variety -of types and forms. But in all these types and forms there is an -underlying unity. The primitive needs of man are everywhere the same, -and the powers of mind called in to supply them are the same also. -The dish and bowl, the vase and its handles, meet us again and again -wherever we go; and the same materials for making them meet us also. -The hands of man, guided by the brain of man, found clay wherewith to -manufacture the vessels that he needed, and to harden it afterwards in -the sun or fire.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[38]</span> Where or how the first pottery was made we do not -know, we probably shall never know. When palæolithic man first makes -his appearance in Europe he seems not yet to have been acquainted with -it; but it is difficult to prove a negative in archæology as in other -sciences, and the absence of palæolithic pottery may be due only to -the imperfection of the record. At any rate, as we descend the ladder -of chronology the existence of man is marked more and more by the -fragments of pottery he has left behind him; at Rome a whole mountain -of it grew up in the space of a few centuries, and the huge mounds that -encircled Cairo a hundred years ago were mainly formed of mediæval -sherds. When excavating on an Egyptian site I have sometimes been -tempted to think that the people who once lived there must have spent -their whole time in breaking their household ware.</p> - -<p>Now not only are the primitive needs of man much the same throughout -the world and at all periods of time, the nature of man is much -the same also; and a distinguishing feature in his nature is love -of variety. The same variety which we see in the forms of life and -in the outward appearance and mental aptitudes of man himself is -reflected in the products of his skill. Yet along with this love of -variety goes a strong conservative or imitative instinct—an instinct -which finds, too, its counterpart in nature, “so careful of the -type.” On the one hand, fashions change; on the other, a fashion once -introduced spreads rapidly and maintains itself to the exclusion of -all others for a determinate period of time throughout a determinate -area. And to nothing does this apply with more truth than to pottery. -Observation has shown that not only are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[39]</span> different tribes or countries -distinguished by a difference in their pottery, but that in each tribe -or country similar differences distinguish successive periods of time. -When to this is added the practical indestructibility of the potsherd, -it will easily be seen what a criterion is afforded by it for fixing -the age and character of ancient remains, and their relation to other -monuments of the past. It is not surprising that a study of pottery -has become the sheet-anchor of archæological chronology, and that the -first object of the scientific excavator is to determine the relative -succession of the ceramic remains he discovers and their connection -with similar remains found elsewhere. Scientific excavation means, -before all things else, careful observation and record of every piece -of pottery, however apparently worthless, which the excavator disinters.</p> - -<p>But now, unfortunately, I have to make an admission. We have, as yet, -no ceramic record in either Babylonia or Assyria. Until very recently -there has been no attempt in either country at scientific excavation. -The pioneers, Layard and Botta and Loftus, lived and worked before it -was known or thought of, and we cannot, therefore, be too thankful to -Layard for having nevertheless given us so full and accurate an account -of what he found, and the conditions under which he found it. The -excavations controlled by the British Museum have, I am sorry to say, -been for the most part destructive rather than scientific; such objects -as were wanted by the Museum were alone sought after; little or no -record has been kept of their discovery, and they have been mixed with -objects bought from natives, of whose origin nothing was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[40]</span> known. At one -spot, Carchemish, the old Hittite capital, which, though not strictly -in Assyria, formed part of the Assyrian Empire, and was the seat of an -Assyrian governor, the so-called excavations conducted by the Museum in -1880 were simply a scandal, which Dr. Hayes Ward, who visited the spot -shortly afterwards, has characterized as “wicked.” The archæological -evidence there, which would have thrown so much light on the Hittite -problem, has been irretrievably lost.</p> - -<p>Matters are better now, and if I may judge from the work done by Mr. -H. R. Hall at Dêr el-Bâharî in Egypt for the Egypt Exploration Fund, -his colleague, Mr. L. W. King, who has recently been excavating for -the British Museum in Assyria, will have done something to retrieve -the archæological good name of our British excavators in the East. -M. de Sarzec’s excavations at Tello in Southern Babylonia were also -conducted with some consideration for archæological method, at all -events on the architectural side, and in the capable hands of M. -Heuzey the works of art found there have been made to yield valuable -results. Moreover, the history of Tello may be said to be comprised -in a single epoch of archaic Babylonia, and all objects discovered -on the site may consequently be regarded as belonging to one age -and phase of Babylonian civilization. Of the American excavations -at Niffer it is difficult to speak at present. The work there has -been careful and patient, and has extended over a long series of -years. The architectural facts have been accurately recorded, at -all events in the case of the great temple of Bel, and about the -sequence of the inscribed monuments there is little room for -<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[41]</span>doubt. But accusations of carelessness have lately been brought by -the excavators one against the other, and when we find the sharpest -critic among them unable to substantiate his own account of the -discovery of a library and implicitly endorsing the assignment of a -Parthian palace to the “Mykenæan” age, it is impossible to put much -faith in their descriptions of archæological details. Some years ago -the Germans explored a cemetery at El-Hibba with considerable care -and thoroughness, and thus revealed to us pretty much all we know at -present about Babylonian funereal customs; yet here again too little -attention was paid to the pottery, and the actual date of the cemetery -is still uncertain. It may belong to the Babylonian period, but it may -also not be older than the Persian or even Parthian age.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p040_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p040_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE TELL OF JERABIS (PROBABLY THE ANCIENT CARCHEMISH).</p> - </div> - -<p>The Germans are once more working in the lands of the Euphrates and -Tigris, but in Babylonia their labours have been mainly confined -to the Babylon of Nebuchadrezzar, where comparatively little has -been discovered. Since 1904, however, the chief strength of the -expedition has been directed upon Qal’at Shirqât, where Assur, the -primitive capital of Assyria, formerly stood, and here we may expect -that archæological results of first-class importance will at last be -obtained. But the work there has not yet advanced far enough for more -to be done than the mapping out of the old city, the ascertainment of -certain architectural facts, and the recovery of inscriptions of great -historical value.</p> - -<p>It will be seen, therefore, that the reproach brought against -excavations in Egypt by Mr. Rhind in 1862 still holds good of -excavations in Babylonia and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[42]</span> Assyria. The first stage in their -history is only just passing away. The idea that excavation is a trade -which any one can take up without previous training, and that all the -excavator need think about is the discovery of objects for a museum, -is only beginning to disappear. In 1862 Rhind could write of Egyptian -tombs: “I am not aware that there can be found the contents of a -single sepulchre duly authenticated with satisfactory precision as to -what objects were present, and as to the relative positions all these -occupied when deposited by contemporary hands. Indeed, for many of the -Egyptian sepulchral antiquities scattered over Europe there exists -no record to determine even the part of the country where they were -exhumed.... There have thus been swept away unrecorded into the past -illustrative facts of very great interest, which cannot now, according -to any reasonable probability, be replaced, at all events in the degree -which there are grounds to believe were then possible.”<a id="FNanchor_41" href="#Footnote_41" class="fnanchor">[41]</a> Happily, -Mr. Rhind’s words are no longer true of Egypt, where he himself set the -first example of showing how scientific exploration ought to be carried -on, and the result is that the ancient civilization and culture of -Egypt are now known to us even better than those of classical Greece or -Rome.</p> - -<p>But what was true in 1862 of Egypt is still very largely true of -Assyria and Babylonia. We are beginning to know something about the -history of Assyro-Babylonian architecture; we know a little about the -early work of the Babylonians in metal and stone; but the history of -Assyro-Babylonian pottery is still, speaking broadly, a blank. For -most of his knowledge<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[43]</span> of the ancient Euphratean civilizations the -archæologist has to turn to the inscriptions and written literature of -which such vast quantities have survived, and hence, besides being an -archæologist in the strict sense, he must be also a decipherer and a -philologist. He is still precluded from appealing to the evidence which -can be handled and felt.</p> - -<p>From the point of view of the archæologist written evidence is usually -unsatisfactory because it admits of more than one interpretation. A -translation which seems certain to one scholar may be questioned by -another; an inference drawn from the words of a text by one student -may be denied by another. The statements in the texts themselves may -be contradictory, or their imperfection may lead to wrong conclusions. -Above all, the evidence may come to the archæologist from a philologist -whose bent of mind is literary rather than scientific, and who will -therefore be unable either to appreciate or to understand scientific -testimony. Nothing is more common than to come across literary critics -who cannot be made to understand the nature of inductive proof.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the decipherer of a lost language must necessarily -be an archæologist as well. The clues he follows will be largely -archæological, and he has to appeal to archæology at every step. -The method he must pursue is the method of archæology and of other -inductive sciences, and the materials he uses are in part the materials -of archæology also. The philologist who knows nothing of history and -geography, who is unable to follow a scientific argument and appreciate -scientific reasoning, can never<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[44]</span> decipher; he may take the materials -given him by the decipherer and work them into philological shape, -but that is all. We must listen to him on questions of grammar and -vocabulary; on questions of archæology his opinions are worth no more -than those of the ordinary man.</p> - -<p>I have insisted on this point because it is a very important one in -a study like Assyriology. The public naturally thinks that in all -Assyriological matters the opinion of one Assyriologist is as good as -that of another. We might just as well suppose that in all matters -which come under the head of astronomy the opinions of every class -of astronomer are equally authoritative. But in astronomy there are -questions which are purely mathematical, and there are other questions -which are more or less chemical, and the astronomer who has devoted -his attention to the spectrum analysis is contented to leave to his -mathematical colleague abstruse calculations in advanced mathematics. -The Assyriologist who is a grammarian pure and simple is just as little -an authority on the archæological side of his study as any one else who -is ignorant of archæology, and the materials he provides must be dealt -with by the archæologist like the literary materials provided for him -by the classical philologist; the materials in both cases stand on the -same footing.</p> - -<p>At the same time, there is a difference between them. In the first -place, the literary materials with which the Assyriologist deals are -in a very large number of instances autographs. They are the actual -documents of the writers whose names they bear or to whose age they -belong. And there is all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[45]</span> the difference in the world between the -letters of a Plato or a Cicero which have come down to us through -numerous copyists and the letters of Khammu-rabi of Babylon, the -originals of which are now in our hands. The inscriptions in which -Nebuchadrezzar describes his building operations or the contemporaneous -annals of the Assyrian kings are, from the historical point of view, -of far more value than the books written about them at a later date, -however admirable the latter may be as works of literature; in other -words, they are first-hand sources, and, as such, objective facts of -much the same character as ancient pottery or stone implements. Then, -in the second place, the documents have to be deciphered before they -can be treated philologically; and, as I have already said, the task -of decipherment is in itself an archæological pursuit. If carried -out on correct lines it is itself an instance of the application of -the inductive method, and it is, moreover, constantly compelled to -call archæology or history to its aid. Assyriology is thus primarily -an archæological study, using the methods of archæological science -and demanding the help of the archæologist, even though there are -Assyriologists who are not archæologists themselves.</p> - -<p>But for the present our archæological facts have to be taken -mainly from the results of the decipherment of the inscriptions. -They are for the most part epigraphical; the excavator has not yet -supplemented them, as in Egypt or prehistoric Greece, on what I would -term the ceramic side. This, at least, is the case in Babylonia and -Assyria. It is no longer the case, however, throughout the ancient<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[46]</span> -Assyro-Babylonian world. There is one exception to the charge brought -by modern archæology against the excavators in the lands of the Tigris -and Euphrates. M. de Morgan has been working for the last ten years -on the site of Susa, the capital of Elam, and he has brought to his -labours the knowledge and experience of an excavator who has been -trained in modern methods and is fully awake to the requirements of -modern science. At last, at Susa, we have an archæological record of -the history of culture, based not only on written monuments, but also -on the more tangible evidence of scientifically-observed strata of -human remains. It is true that Elam is not Babylonia; but one of the -surprises of M. de Morgan’s discoveries is that in the early days of -Babylonian history Elam was a Babylonian province, and Susa the seat of -a Babylonian governor. The same culture extended from Sippara on the -Euphrates to Susa in Elam, and this culture was Babylonian. Hence, in -default of materials from Babylonia itself, we may see in the history -of cultural development at Susa a counterpart of that in Babylonia, at -any rate during the period when Elam and Babylonia were alike under -Semitic rule.<a id="FNanchor_42" href="#Footnote_42" class="fnanchor">[42]</a></p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p046_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p046_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE TUMULUS OF SUSA, AS IT APPEARED TOWARDS THE MIDDLE OF LAST CENTURY.</p> - </div> - -<p>At Susa the line of division between the prehistoric or neolithic -age and the historical epoch is very clearly marked. The prehistoric -stratum lies twenty-five metres below the surface of the mounds, and -is divided by M. de Morgan and his fellow-workers into <span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[47]</span>two periods. -The first is distinguished by a fine thin pottery, with yellow paste, -which is already made upon a wheel. It does not exceed from two to -seven millimetres in thickness; it is polished, and decorated with -black bands and various patterns in a brown colour produced by oxide -of iron. The designs are not only geometric, but also represent animal -and vegetable forms. Among them are rows of ostriches identical with -those found on the painted prehistoric pottery of Egypt. Indeed, the -explorers were especially struck by the resemblance of the pottery as a -whole to that of Egypt in the prehistoric age, though it is difficult -to see what connection there can have been between the two countries at -so remote a date, and the curious similarity between the rows of birds -depicted on the vases must remain for the present an archæological -puzzle. There is also a certain amount of resemblance between the -geometric pottery and that disinterred by M. Chantre at the early -Assyrian colony at Kara Eyuk in Cappadocia, which will be discussed -more fully in a later chapter.<a id="FNanchor_43" href="#Footnote_43" class="fnanchor">[43]</a> Among the geometrical patterns of -the Susian ware spherical forms are common; the herring-bone pattern is -also met with, as well as a pattern like the Greek <i>sigma</i>. The -under-part of the vases is often decorated, so also is the inside. A -form of vase frequently found is the water-jar with a rounded foot; the -goblet is another common shape. Sometimes the vases are supplied with -four handles for suspension.</p> - -<p>This fine yellow pottery occurs not only at Susa, but also throughout -Elam, but practically none of it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[48]</span> has hitherto been discovered in -Babylonia.<a id="FNanchor_44" href="#Footnote_44" class="fnanchor">[44]</a> One cause of this is doubtless that in the alluvial -plain of Babylonia a purely neolithic stratum, if it existed at all, -would lie below the water-level. Maritime shells are met with as far -north as the site of Babylon, showing that the Persian Gulf once -extended thus far, and the water of the Euphrates still infiltrates -through the soil.</p> - -<p>The period of the fine thin pottery in Elam comes suddenly to an -end, and the people of the second prehistoric period seem to have -been intruders who were less civilized than their predecessors and -unacquainted with the art of making the older ware. Their pottery is -coarse and porous, and the geometric designs upon it are traced with -the pen, not freely painted as in the case of the earlier ceramic. The -animal and vegetable designs of the older ware have disappeared, and -the zones, triangles and other geometric figures which take their place -are traced in black or maroon-red upon a yellow clay. The resemblance -between this pottery and that of Kara Eyuk is even greater than in the -case of the pottery of the first period. Thick cylindrical vases are -common, as well as bowls with a flat bottom and broad sides. Some of -the vases resemble the bulbous vases of the Egyptian Twelfth dynasty; -there are others<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[49]</span> with flat bottoms and angular sides which are also -like Egyptian water-jars of the same Twelfth-dynasty period. Along with -these more characteristic forms of pottery many small, unpainted cups -have been found, as well as a few finer wheel-made vases of ovoid shape -and yellow or reddish colour. It should be added that coarse, red, -hand-made pottery abounds in both the prehistoric periods, as indeed it -does also in the later historic epoch.</p> - -<p>As the second prehistoric epoch drew to a close at Susa, many -indications of an advance in culture began to show themselves. Vases -and flat-bottomed cups of soft stone were introduced, among them -being a few of alabaster; the bricks began to be burnt in a kiln, and -even seals with a species of writing upon them made their appearance. -Nevertheless, the neolithic age does not pass into the age of metal -through any transitional stages.</p> - -<p>The earliest stratum which marks the historic age yields for the first -time clay tablets with inscriptions, the characters of which are -already developing out of pictures into the cursive cuneiform. The -inscribed cylinder-seals of Babylonia naturally appear along with them; -alabaster vases, cups and bowls become common, and some of them are cut -into the forms of animals. Comparatively little pottery has been found -in this stratum; but this is probably an accident.</p> - -<p>The next stratum brings us to the period of Babylonian supremacy, -when the viceroys of the Babylonian king ruled at Susa, and Semitic -influence was already predominant in the Babylonian plain. It is -the age of Sargon of Akkad, and its commencement may approximately -be placed about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 4000.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[50]</span> The pottery still consists of -a yellow paste, though there are also many specimens of a coarse -black clay decorated with incrustations in white. The yellow ware is -occasionally ornamented with mouldings of trees and other natural -objects. A typical vase of the period is one of globular shape and -small rim, and with a moulded or incised rope-pattern running round -the centre and lower part of the rim. Another type is one which looks -like an inverted vase, with a series of rope-patterns encircling it, -while another seems to have been copied from the pile of cylindrical -vases into which, as into a drain, the body of the dead Babylonian -was inserted. These types of vase appear to have lasted, with -little variation, down to the end of the Persian period, though, -unfortunately, the disturbance of the ground and the consequent mixture -of objects under the temple of In-Susinak, where the excavations -were carried on, makes certainty on the point unattainable. Immense -quantities of bronze votive offerings, of all kinds and sorts, -were, however, found here, along with fragments of glass, and, as -inscriptions show that they must all have been buried on the spot -before the tenth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, we have a time-limit for dating -the forms of the bronze weapons and tools.</p> - -<p>The archæological evidence obtained at Susa has been supplemented by -excavations made some ninety miles to the west of it, at a place called -Mussian, on the eastern bank of the river Tib. Here there are graves, -as well as the remains of a temple and houses with vaults, columns and -walls of burnt brick. Where the strata have allowed a section to be -cut down to the virgin soil the results are found to agree with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[51]</span> those -revealed by the excavations at Susa. The earliest layer belongs to the -neolithic age, flint and obsidian, as at Susa, being the materials -employed for tools and weapons. The pottery is thick and hand-made, -the paste being either yellow or red in colour, and the surface is -often polished, while many of the vases are furnished with holes for -suspension. This layer seems older than anything discovered at Susa. It -is followed by a second layer, in which the pottery is wheel-made, and -is decorated with animal and vegetable figures in black or red, like -the first prehistoric ware of the Susa mounds. Among the animal figures -are those of men, and one fragment of yellow ware is ornamented with -the so-called swastika. In the upper part of the layer a few fragments -of copper have been met with, indicating that the neolithic age was -beginning to pass into that of copper.</p> - -<p>Above this layer is a third, characterized by a fine ware, usually -yellow but sometimes greenish in colour, and decorated with designs -in lustrous black. In the fine specimens the decoration has been laid -on before firing, in other cases after firing. The pottery as a whole -has a general resemblance to that of prehistoric Egypt. The culture -represented by this layer was still neolithic, but objects of copper -were making their appearance, and the flint instruments of the past -were beginning to be superseded by metal, a knowledge of which appears -to have come from abroad. With the introduction of copper the Elamite -or historical epoch may be said to have begun. It was now that the -temple was first built of crude bricks, reeds taking the place of -wood, and so pointing to the influence of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[52]</span> Babylonia, where reeds were -plentiful and wood was scarce.</p> - -<p>Another proof of Babylonian influence must be seen not only in ware -of Babylonian origin, but also in the figures of a nude goddess with -the hands placed upon the breasts, which originally represented the -divinity called Istar by the Semitic Babylonians. Indeed, from the -fact that the goddess was represented in human form we may infer -that the figures, though first met with in the Sumerian age, were -of Semitic derivation, and show that Sumerian culture was already -being affected by the influence of Semitic religious ideas.<a id="FNanchor_45" href="#Footnote_45" class="fnanchor">[45]</a> The -pottery found along with the figures is of a very varied description, -including coarse red and fine yellow ware. Among the fine yellow ware -are goblets with a tall cup supported on a foot. A typical form of -the yellow ware is the vase with angular sides; this, together with -vases of more bulbous shape and terra-cotta stands, is remarkably like -some of the Egyptian Twelfth-dynasty pottery in form. The stands, more -especially, remind us of Twelfth-dynasty Egypt. There is also a black -ware decorated with incised lines which are filled in with white. -This black ware is also found in Egypt, where Professor Petrie is now -inclined to associate it with the Hyksos. At all events it is absent -there during the interval that elapsed between the prehistoric period -and the epoch of the Twelfth dynasty, and it characterizes the Hyksos -sites of the Delta, while its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[53]</span> foreign and non-Egyptian character has -been recognized from the first. A few fragments of the same class of -pottery have been brought to light at Tello in Babylonia, where they -would appear to belong to the age of Gudea (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2700). One of -these formed part of a cylindrical vase or pyxis, identical in shape -with the black incised pyxides found at Susa at a depth of from five to -ten metres below the surface. On another fragment are spirited drawings -of a water-bird, a fish seized by a gull, a four-footed animal, and -a boat with reeds growing behind it, each in a separate panel.<a id="FNanchor_46" href="#Footnote_46" class="fnanchor">[46]</a> -Similar ware has been discovered in Southern Palestine, on the eastern -coast of Cyprus, in Spain and in the Greek islands. At Syros, for -instance, where it goes back to the neolithic age, it is associated -with alabaster vases, just as it is at Mussian. Here the bowls and -vases of alabaster are strikingly Egyptian in form.</p> - -<p>The clay figures of the Babylonian goddess testify to the same -extension of culture in the copper age of Western Asia as do the black -incised vases with their white fillings. M. Chantre has found them -at Kara Eyuk in Cappadocia, on the borders of the Hittite region, -though in these the arms are no longer folded across the breast. -Further west I have lately shown<a id="FNanchor_47" href="#Footnote_47" class="fnanchor">[47]</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[54]</span> that the so-called figure of -Niobê on Mount Sipylus in Lydia is a Hittite modification of them, -and Dr. Schliemann discovered one of them, of lead, in the ruins of -the Second (prehistoric) city at Troy.<a id="FNanchor_48" href="#Footnote_48" class="fnanchor">[48]</a> At Troy, however, the type -was more usually modified in the Hittite direction, as it was also -in the islands of the Ægean, where marble figures of the goddess are -plentiful.<a id="FNanchor_49" href="#Footnote_49" class="fnanchor">[49]</a> In Egypt clay figures closely resembling those of -Babylonia and Elam, but with the arms outstretched, have been met with -from time to time at Karnak, and supposed to be dolls of the Roman -period; but since the discovery by M. Legrain of remains which prove -that the history of Karnak reaches back to the prehistoric or early -dynastic period, there is no longer any reason for not connecting them -with their analogues elsewhere. And the discoveries recently made by -Professor Pumpelly in the tumuli near Askabad, west of Khiva and Herat, -go far towards supporting the identification. Here the explorers have -brought to light two periods of neolithic culture, in the earlier of -which no animals were as yet domesticated, and the pottery was of the -rudest description. During the second period the domesticated animals -were introduced, including the horse and camel. Then came an age of -copper, accompanied by figurines representing the Babylonian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[55]</span> goddess, -sometimes with the arms outstretched, sometimes with them lying against -the sides, as in Cappadocia. The figurines are evidence that the art -of working copper was derived from Babylonia, a conclusion which is -confirmed by M. Henri de Morgan’s excavations in the tumuli of Talîsh -in Gîlân, on the south-western shore of the Caspian.<a id="FNanchor_50" href="#Footnote_50" class="fnanchor">[50]</a></p> - -<p>As far back as our knowledge of Babylonian history extends the -inhabitants of the country were acquainted with copper, and its use -lasted century after century into quite recent times. Of a stone age, -as I have already said, there is no clear trace. It is true that -Captain Cros has sunk shafts at Tello, and reached the virgin soil at -a depth of seventeen metres, finding there mace-heads of alabaster and -hard stone similar to those of primitive Egypt, as well as other stone -objects; but no flint flakes were met with, and the pottery was similar -to that of the higher strata.<a id="FNanchor_51" href="#Footnote_51" class="fnanchor">[51]</a> On the other hand, objects of copper, -great and small, including helmets and a colossal spear dedicated by a -king of Kis, have been disinterred, though nothing of bronze has been -discovered among the earlier remains, It was the same at Muqayyar, the -ancient Ur, as well as on the site of Eridu, where Taylor found only -copper bowls and the like in the graves, even in those of so late a -date as to contain objects<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[56]</span> of iron and an Egyptian scarab.<a id="FNanchor_52" href="#Footnote_52" class="fnanchor">[52]</a> At -Niffer, moreover, the ancient Nippur, American excavation has the -same tale to tell. According to Dr. Peters,<a id="FNanchor_53" href="#Footnote_53" class="fnanchor">[53]</a> though iron knives, -hatchets, spear-heads and arrow-heads have been exhumed, the date of -which is said to be between 2000 and 1000 <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span>, there is no -trace of bronze, the multitudinous objects, which further west would -have been of bronze, being here of copper. As at Ur, the copper age -lasts down to the very end of the Babylonian kingdom. Hilprecht, on the -authority of Haynes, does indeed say<a id="FNanchor_54" href="#Footnote_54" class="fnanchor">[54]</a> that in the very lowest strata -of the temple mound, far below the pavements of Sargon and Naram-Sin -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3750), “fragments of copper, bronze and terra-cotta -vessels” were disinterred. But no attempt seems to have been made to -analyze the so-called “bronze,” which may have been a natural alloy -of copper with a small percentage of lead or antimony, and the age -ascribed to the fragments is rendered doubtful by the accompanying -statement, that “fragments of red and black lacquered pottery” were -discovered in the same place which were indistinguishable from the red -and black pottery of classical Greece. As yet, therefore, excavation in -Babylonian lands has failed to tell us when the art of mixing tin with -the copper was discovered and copper was superseded by bronze.</p> - -<p>This, however, had taken place before the commencement<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[57]</span> of the Assyrian -age. The bronze scimitar of Hadad-nirari I. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1330)<a id="FNanchor_55" href="#Footnote_55" class="fnanchor">[55]</a> -finds an exact copy in a scimitar discovered by Mr. Macalister at Gezer -in Palestine,<a id="FNanchor_56" href="#Footnote_56" class="fnanchor">[56]</a> and the tools and weapons exhumed at Nineveh are of -bronze and not copper. Analysis shows that the bronze usually consisted -of about one part of tin to ten of copper, though for special objects -like bells the amount of tin was considerably increased.<a id="FNanchor_57" href="#Footnote_57" class="fnanchor">[57]</a> When was -it that the tin was first imported and intentionally mixed with the -copper in order to harden the metal?</p> - -<p>In default of archæological evidence, the only possibility there is -of discovering an answer to this question lies in an examination -of the primitive pictures out of which the cuneiform characters -eventually developed. Here we are at once struck by a curious fact. The -“determinative” attached to ideographs signifying “knife,” “weapon” -and the like is not an ideograph which expresses the name of a metal; -nor is it an ideograph denoting “stone,” but one which means “wood.” -That is to say, the material of which cutting instruments were made at -the time when the picture-writing of Babylonia came into existence was -neither metal nor stone, but wood. That it should not have been stone -is explained by the geology of the Babylonian plain, which consists of -alluvial soil devoid of stones. That it should not have been of metal -can only mean that the inventors of the pictorial script were not yet -acquainted with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[58]</span> the use of copper, bronze or iron. In default of metal -and stone they had to content themselves with hard wood.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, copper, as well as gold and silver, had become -known to them when the primitive pictographs were still in process of -formation, and long before they had passed into cursive cuneiform. -Copper was represented by the picture of an ingot or square plate of -the metal with a handle attached to it, showing that it was already -in a fused and worked state when it was imported into Babylonia. Gold -seems to have originally been denoted by the picture of a collar or -necklace, which signified “shining,” and was afterwards employed -before the names of the precious metals. I have, however, never found -this collar actually used to signify “gold”; in the earliest texts -yet discovered the phonetic syllable <i>gi</i> is attached to it when -“gold” is denoted, the Sumerian word for “gold” being <i>azag-gi</i>. -“Silver” was “the white precious metal,” the symbol for “white” being -attached to the picture of the collar, and so forming a compound -ideograph. This implies that silver became known to the inventors -of the hieroglyphs at a later period than gold, though still before -what I will call the cuneiform age. Even iron was known to them at -the same early epoch, and was expressed by ideographs which literally -mean “stone of heaven,”<a id="FNanchor_58" href="#Footnote_58" class="fnanchor">[58]</a> an indication that meteoric iron must be -referred to.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p058_2a" style="width: 448px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p058_2a.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">HEAD OF ONE OF THE STATUES FROM TELLO.</p> - <p class="right p-min sm">[<i>See p. <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</i></p> - </div> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p058b_2" style="width: 265px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p058b_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">VASE OF SILVER, DEDICATED TO NINGIRSU, BY ENTENA PATESI OF LAGAS.</p> - <p class="right p-min sm">[<i>See p. <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</i></p> - </div> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[59]</span></p> - -<p>But now comes a fact which is difficult to explain, so contrary is -it to the archæological evidence. As we have seen, no traces of -bronze have been found in the Assyro-Babylonian region before the -beginning of the Assyrian age—let us say about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2000. -Nevertheless, by the side of the simple ideograph which denotes the -Sumerian <i>urudu</i>, “copper”—<i>erû</i> in Semitic Babylonian—we -find a compound ideograph signifying “bronze,” called <i>zabar</i> in -Sumerian, from which the Semites borrowed their <i>’siparru</i>. It is -true that it is a compound ideograph, but it occurs in the cuneiform -texts, not only in the era of Gudea (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2700), but even -before the age of Sargon of Akkad (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3800). And an analysis -of its earliest form seems to indicate that it really must have meant -bronze from the first, and that consequently there was no transference -of signification in later days. Literally it means “white copper,” the -word for “copper” being phonetically-written <i>ka-mas</i>, with which -the Semitic Babylonian <i>kemassu</i> is closely connected. Lead cannot -be intended, as that was denoted by a different word and different -ideographs, and I do not see what else “white copper” can be in -contradistinction to red copper except bronze. Polished<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[60]</span> copper could -be termed “bright,” but hardly “white.”<a id="FNanchor_59" href="#Footnote_59" class="fnanchor">[59]</a></p> - -<p>The possibility remains that tin might have been the metal originally -denoted by the compound ideograph. If so, both the ideograph and -the words expressed by it had lost all reference to tin before the -beginning of the Assyrian period, and neither the Assyrian word for -“tin” nor the Sumerian word, if any existed, is now known. Tin, -moreover, was archæologically late in making its appearance. The -earliest examples of pure tin of which I know are of the time of the -Eighteenth Egyptian dynasty. On the other hand, bronze first appears in -Egypt in the age of the Twelfth dynasty,<a id="FNanchor_60" href="#Footnote_60" class="fnanchor">[60]</a> though it does not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[61]</span> become -common until the Hyksos predecessors of the Eighteenth dynasty had made -themselves masters of the valley of the Nile. From about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> -1600 onwards, enormous quantities of it were employed in the eastern -basin of the Mediterranean and the adjoining lands, necessitating an -equally large supply of tin. What the source of this tin may have been -it is not my present purpose to inquire. But the persistence of the -copper age in Babylonia, as well as in the tumuli of Askabad, east -of the Caspian, indicates that the manufacture of bronze must have -migrated from the north-west to the Babylonian plain. We find it first -in Assyria, not in Babylonia, and it may well be that the Assyrians -derived it from Armenia and the population of Cappadocia, where, as I -shall show in a subsequent chapter, they had established colonies at an -early period. At all events, the earliest examples of bronze yet met -with were discovered by Dr. Schliemann in the Second prehistoric city -at Troy.</p> - -<p>It was to this region that classical tradition referred the origin of -working in iron. An analysis of the gold of the first six Egyptian -dynasties submitted to Dr. Gladstone by Professor Petrie proved that -it was mixed with silver, and hence must have been derived from Asia -Minor.<a id="FNanchor_61" href="#Footnote_61" class="fnanchor">[61]</a> Egyptian legend made “the followers of Horus,” who founded -dynastic Egypt,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[62]</span> metallurgists and smiths whose metal weapons enabled -them to subdue the older neolithic population. The story as it has come -down to us declares the smiths to have been workers in iron; iron, -however, must be the substitute of the later version of the story for -some other metal, since, though Vyse claims to have discovered an iron -clamp in the great pyramid of Giza,<a id="FNanchor_62" href="#Footnote_62" class="fnanchor">[62]</a> and Petrie has found a mass of -iron in a Sixth-dynasty deposit in the temple of Osiris at Abydos,<a id="FNanchor_63" href="#Footnote_63" class="fnanchor">[63]</a> -ironsmiths can hardly have existed in the pre-dynastic age. It is -probable, therefore, that copper was the metal which the dynastic -Egyptians introduced into their new home, and which was already in use -in Babylonia. But the intercourse with Asia Minor, which the gold of -the First dynasty indicates must even then have been going on, makes it -possible that it was from this quarter of the world that the earliest -knowledge of the manufacture of bronze was brought to the valley of -the Nile. Even in the time of the Twelfth dynasty, however, the tools -found by Professor Petrie in the workmen’s huts at Kahûn are of copper -rather than of bronze.<a id="FNanchor_64" href="#Footnote_64" class="fnanchor">[64]</a> The colossal statue of King Pepi of the -Sixth dynasty, discovered at Hierakonpolis, is of hammered copper,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">[63]</span> and -we have to wait for the advent of the Eighteenth dynasty before bronze -becomes the predominant metal.</p> - -<p>That such was the case points to the Hyksos period as that in which -bronze succeeded in superseding the older copper. It may be that the -Hyksos brought the extended use of it with them from Syria. In Southern -Palestine, Mr. Macalister’s excavations at Gezer have shown that bronze -rather than copper was largely employed throughout the so-called -Amorite period, which went back to an earlier age than that of the -Twelfth dynasty, and it is just here that in the time of the Eighteenth -dynasty bronze itself began to make way for iron. Mr. J. L. Myres -has recently traced the polychrome pottery of Southern Canaan to the -Hittite lands of Cappadocia,<a id="FNanchor_65" href="#Footnote_65" class="fnanchor">[65]</a> where the red ochre was found by which -it was characterized, and a knowledge of bronze may have travelled -along the same road.</p> - -<p>But these are speculations which may or may not be verified by future -research. For the present we must be content with the fact that, in -spite of the philological evidence to the contrary, copper, and not -bronze, was the metal which preceded the use of iron in Babylonia, -whereas in the northern kingdom of Assyria bronze was already known at -a comparatively early date. So far as the existing evidence can carry -us, it seems to indicate that Babylonia was the primitive home of the -copper industry, while bronze, on the other hand, made its way eastward -from Asia Minor and the north of Syria. Where bronze was first invented -is still unknown<span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">[64]</span> to us; all that seems certain is that it must have -been in a land where copper and tin are found together.</p> - - -<p class="center p2">NOTE</p> - -<p>According to the mineralogists, in the western part of the northern -hemisphere tin is found only in Britain, Spain and the neighbourhood -of Askabad, the scanty surface-tin of Saxony, France and Tuscany being -too poor and insignificant to have attracted attention in antiquity -(see de Morgan, <i>Mission Scientifique au Caucase</i>, ii. pp. 16–28). -The American excavations at Askabad under Professor Pumpelly appear to -have made it clear that bronze was not invented in that part of the -world, or indeed used in early days, and we are thus thrown back on -Britain and Spain. It is quite certain, however, that bronze made its -way to the west of Europe from the east, and the Hon. John Abercromby -has proved (<i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxii. pp. -375–94, and <i>Proceedings of Society of Antiquaries of Scotland</i>, -1903–4, pp. 323–410) that the bronze culture came to this country from -the valley of the central Rhine where it cuts the river at Mayence. On -the other hand, the bronze-age civilization of the Danube valley, the -Balkan peninsula and Italy forms a whole with that of the south-eastern -basin of the Mediterranean, which again is closely connected with -the bronze-age culture of the Ægean, Asia Minor and Egypt, while the -civilization of the Danube valley leads on to that of Central Europe -and, to a less extent, of Scandinavia and Northern Germany. Montelius -(<i>Journal of the Anthropological<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">[65]</span> Institute</i>, 1900, pp. 89 -<i>sqq.</i>) has pointed out that the early bronze culture of Northern -Italy was carried to Scandinavia along the route of the amber trade as -far back as the close of the neolithic age in Sweden, and the numerous -objects of Irish gold found in Scandinavia—though, it is true, of -somewhat later date—show that commercial relations must have existed -between the British Islands and the Scandinavian peninsula. Tin might -have followed the gold route until it met the amber route, by which it -would have been carried southward to Central Europe and the Adriatic.</p> - -<p>In Western Europe the sword, like the socketed celt, is first met -with in the third and last period into which the bronze age has been -divided. The earliest examples of the sword, in fact, are those -discovered at Mykenæ, which belong to the age of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty. Schliemann found only the dirk at Troy, and, so far -as our present evidence goes, the dirk alone was used by the Hittites -and Proto-Armenians down to the seventh century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> The -scimitar, however, was known in Assyria and at Gezer at least as early -as the fourteenth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C</span>. (see p. 57 above), and in -Cyprus the sword makes its appearance along with the knife and fibula -in the later bronze age after the close of the age of copper. Similarly -in Krete it was only in tombs of the Late Mykenæan (or Late Minoan) -period that the cemetery of Knossos yielded swords of bronze (<i>Annual -of the British School at Athens</i>, x. p. 4). The dirk of the copper -age was stanged as at Troy and in the Danube valley, the Cyprian and -Hungarian forms being practically identical. From the Danube valley the -stanged<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">[66]</span> spear-head passed to Western Europe during the second period -of the bronze age. The fibula is not found at Troy, where the early -bronze age will have corresponded with the copper age of Cyprus.</p> - -<p>All this goes to show (1) that the scimitar—the <i>harpê</i> of -the Perseus myth—was a Semitic invention, while the long sword was -of European origin; (2) that at Troy, and possibly also in Southern -Palestine, to which Hittite polychrome pottery was carried at an early -date, bronze was known at a time when only copper was used in Cyprus -and Egypt; and (3) that the characteristic weapon of this primitive -bronze age was the dirk, which continued to characterize Asia Minor -long after the sword and scimitar had been invented elsewhere. Taken -in connection with the fact that the pottery and decorative designs -of Asia Minor can be linked with those of the Balkan peninsula and -the valley of the Danube, we may provisionally conclude that Northern -Asia Minor was the home of the invention of bronze. Against this is -the fact that no tin has hitherto been found there, and we should -accordingly have to explain the origin of bronze by the theory that -after the discovery of various processes for hardening copper, further -experiments were made with imported tin. Unfortunately, neither the -south of Cornwall nor Asia Minor, with the exception of the Troad, has -as yet been scientifically explored from an archæological point of -view. But it deserves mention that the curious needles with a double -head of twisted wire, which are met with among the remains of the -bronze age in Britain, are characteristic of the copper age in Cyprus -and of the early bronze age at Troy.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">[67]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER III<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE SUMERIANS</span></h2></div> - -<p>Among the first results of the decipherment of the Assyrian cuneiform -inscriptions was one which was so unexpected and revolutionary, that -it was received with incredulity and employed to pour discredit on -the fact of the decipherment itself. European scholars had long been -nursing the comfortable belief that the white race primarily, and -the natives of Europe secondarily, were <i>ipso facto</i> superior -to the rest of mankind, and that to them belonged of right the -origin and development of civilization. The discovery of the common -parentage of the Indo-European languages had come to strengthen the -belief; the notion grew up that in Sanskrit we had found, if not the -primeval language, at all events a language that was very near to it, -and idyllic pictures were painted of the primitive Aryan community -living in its Asiatic home and already possessed of the elements of -its later culture. Outside and beyond it were the barbarians, races -yellow and brown and black, with oblique eyes and narrow foreheads, -whose intelligence was not much above that of the brute beasts. Such -culture as some of them may have had was derived from the white race, -and perhaps spoilt in the borrowing. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">[68]</span> idea of the rise of a -civilization outside the limits of the white race was regarded as a -paradox.</p> - -<p>It was just this paradox to which the first decipherers of Assyrian -cuneiform found themselves forced. And another paradox was added to it. -Not only had the civilization of the Euphrates and Tigris originated -amongst a race that spoke an agglutinative language, and therefore was -neither Aryan nor Semitic, the civilization of the Semitic Babylonians -and Assyrians was borrowed from this older civilization along with the -cuneiform system of writing. It seemed impossible that so revolutionary -a doctrine could be true, and Semitic philologists naturally denounced -it. For centuries Hebrew had been supposed to have been the language -of Paradise, and the old belief which made the Semitic Adam the first -civilized man still unconsciously affected the Semitic scholars of the -nineteenth century. It was hard to part with the prejudices of early -education, especially when they were called upon to do so by a small -group of men whose method of decipherment was an enigma to the ordinary -grammarian, and who were introducing new and dangerous principles into -the study of the extinct Semitic tongues.</p> - -<p>The method of decipherment was nevertheless a sound one, and the -result, which seemed so incredible and impossible when first announced, -is now one of the assured facts of science. The first civilized -occupants of the alluvial plain of Babylonia were neither Semites nor -Aryans, but the speakers of an agglutinative language, and to them -were due all the elements of the Babylonian culture of later days. It -was they who first drained the marshes, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">[69]</span> regulated the course of -the rivers by canals, thereby transforming what had been a pestiferous -swamp into the most fertile of lands; it was they who founded the -great cities of the country, and invented the pictorial characters, -the cursive forms of which became what we term cuneiform. The theology -and law of later Babylonia went back to them, and long after Semitic -Babylonian had become the language of the country, legal judgments were -still written in the old language and the theological literature was -still studied in it. The Church and the Law were as loth to give up the -dead language of Sumer as they were in modern Europe to give up the use -of Latin.</p> - -<p>This dead agglutinative language has been called sometimes Akkadian, -sometimes Sumerian, but Sumerian is the name which has been finally -selected. In fact, this was the name applied to it by the Semitic -Babylonians themselves, who included in the term the two dialects—or -rather the two forms of the language at different periods of its -development—which have been preserved to us in the cuneiform tablets. -Strictly speaking, the dialect which had been most affected by contact -with the Semites, and had in consequence suffered most from phonetic -decay, was known as the language of Akkad, but this was because Akkad -represented Northern Babylonia, which had become Semitic at an earlier -date than the south and had been the seat of the first great Semitic -Empire.<a id="FNanchor_66" href="#Footnote_66" class="fnanchor">[66]</a> Both<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">[70]</span> names, Akkadian and Sumerian, are correct as applied -to the primitive language of Chaldæa, but of the two Sumerian is -preferable, not only because it was used by the Babylonian scribes -themselves, but also because it denoted the oldest and purest form of -the language before it had passed under foreign influence.</p> - -<p>This, then, was the great archæological fact which resulted from the -decipherment of the Assyro-Babylonian texts. The earliest civilized -inhabitants of Babylonia did not speak a Semitic language, and -therefore presumably they were not Semites. It is perfectly true that -language and race are not synonymous terms, and that we are seldom -justified in arguing from the one to the other. But the Sumerian -language is one of the exceptions which proves the rule. Those who -spoke it were the first civilizers of Western Asia, the inventors and -perfecters of a system of writing which was destined to be one of -the chief humanizing agents of the ancient world, the authors of the -irrigation engineering of the Babylonian plain, and the builders of -its many cities. The language they spoke, accordingly, could not have -been forced upon them by conquerors who have otherwise left no trace -behind them, and they certainly would not have exchanged it of their -own accord for their native tongue. The Semitic languages have always -been conspicuous for the tenacity with which they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">[71]</span> have held their own, -and the conservatism with which they have resisted change. We may still -hear in the Egyptian Arabic of to-day the very words which were written -by Semitic Babylonian scribes upon their tablets some four or five -thousand years ago. A Semitic people would have been the last to borrow -the language of its less-civilized neighbours without any assignable -reason. The fact, consequently, that the pioneers of Babylonian culture -spoke an agglutinative language fully justifies us in concluding that -they belonged to a race that was not Semitic.</p> - -<p>Sumerian, however, was not the only language in the neighbourhood of -the Babylonian plain which was agglutinative. Further to the east, -in the highlands of Elam, other agglutinative languages were spoken, -monuments of one or more of which have been preserved to us. Whether or -not the agglutinative languages of Elam were related to the Sumerian -of Babylonia, I cannot tell; so far as our materials go at present -they do not warrant us in saying more than that, like Sumerian, they -were of the agglutinative type. It is only rarely that the scientific -philologist is able to separate some of the multitudinous languages of -the globe into genealogically related groups; for the most part they -stand isolated and apart from one another, and, however much we may -wish to group them together, it is seldom that we find such proofs of -a common descent as will satisfy the requirements of science. Families -of speech—or at all events such as can be scientifically proved to be -so—are the exception and not the rule.</p> - -<p>Eastward of Sumer the type of language was thus agglutinative, as it -was in Sumer itself. And in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">[72]</span> days when civilization first grew up -there, there is no sign or trace of the languages we call inflectional. -The speakers of Aryan dialects, whom we find in classical times in -Media or Persia or North-Western India, belong to a later epoch; the -old belief in the Asiatic cradle of the Aryan tongues has long since -been given up by the anthropologist and comparative philologist,<a id="FNanchor_67" href="#Footnote_67" class="fnanchor">[67]</a> -and it is recognized that if we are to look for it anywhere it must -be in Eastern Europe. The Semitic languages are equally absent; the -tide of Semitic speech which eventually overflowed Babylonia, surged -northward and eastward into Assyria and Elam, but never succeeded in -passing Susiana, and was finally driven again from the ground it had -once gained there. The home of the Semite lay to the west and not to -the east of the Babylonian plain. Babylonian culture owed its origin to -a race whose type of language was that of the Finn, of the Magyar or -the Japanese.</p> - -<p>The physical characteristics of this race cannot as yet be fully -determined. The oldest sculptures yielded by Babylonian excavation -belong to a time when the Semite was already in the land. It might -be supposed that the early monuments of Tello, which were erected by -Sumerian princes and go back to Sumerian times, would give us the -necessary materials; but not only are they too rude and infantile -to be of scientific use, they also indicate the existence of two -ethnological types, one heavily bearded, the other beardless, with -oblique eyes and negrito-like face. It is not until we come to the -age of Semitic domination<span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">[73]</span> that sculpture is sufficiently realistic -for exact anthropological purposes. At the same time, there was to -the last a marked contrast of both form and feature in the artistic -representation of the Babylonian and his more purely Semitic Assyrian -neighbour. The squat, thick figure, the full, well-shaven cheeks, the -large, almond-shaped eyes and round head of King Merodach-nadin-akhi in -the twelfth century <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> still reproduce the characteristic -form and features of the statues found in the palace of Gudea, the -Sumerian high-priest of Lagas, who lived more than a thousand years -before. The aquiline or hooked nose, the thick lips and muscular limbs -which distinguished the Assyrian are generally wanting in Babylonia. -And, on the other hand, there is a likeness between the Babylonian -as he is portrayed on the monuments and the Elamite adversaries of -Assur-bani-pal, some of whom, it is noticeable, are depicted with -beards, though the excavations of Dieulafoy and de Morgan at Susa -have shown (according to Quatrefages and Hamy) that a beardless and -short-nosed negrito type with round heads was aboriginal in Elam. The -same type is reproduced in one of the heads found at Tello, and M. -de Morgan has pointed out that similar brachycephalic and beardless -negritos are represented on the monuments of Naram-Sin as serving in -the army of Akkad.<a id="FNanchor_68" href="#Footnote_68" class="fnanchor">[68]</a> We may conclude, therefore, that they still -formed a part of the population of Northern Babylonia even in the age -when it had passed completely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">[74]</span> under Semitic rule. Indeed, Dr. Pinches -has shown that the pure Semitic type is not depicted in Babylonian art, -outside the kingdom of Akkad, “before the time of the First dynasty of -Babylon, which began to reign about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2300.”</p> - -<p>It has often been maintained that the Sumerians themselves were an -immigrant people, who had descended from the mountains of Elam. There -is nothing unreasonable in the supposition; it was always difficult -to prevent the mountaineers of Elam from making raids in Babylonia, -and one of their tribes succeeded in settling in the country and -establishing at Babylon one of the longest-lived of its dynasties. But -the supposition mainly rests upon two facts. The pictorial hieroglyphs -out of which the cuneiform characters have developed had no special -sign for “river,” while the same character represented both “mountain” -and “country.” It would seem, therefore, that the land in which the -cuneiform system of writing was first invented was just the converse of -the Babylonian plain, being at once mountainous and riverless. That the -same character means both “mountain” and “country” is no doubt a strong -argument in favour of the Elamite origin of Babylonian civilization. -That the use of the primitive hieroglyphs should have survived in Elam -while it was lost in Babylonia, as M. de Morgan’s discoveries have -shown to be the case, is also another fact which may perhaps be claimed -on the same side; at any rate it indicates that they were known to the -Elamites before the cursive cuneiform had developed out of them. But -the want of a special character for “river” is not so decisive as it -appears at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">[75]</span> first sight to be. The word “river” is represented by two -ideographic signs which literally signify “the watery deep,” and so -point to the fact that those who originally invented them lived not in -the highlands of the East, but on the shores of that Persian Gulf which -the Babylonians of the historic period still called “the deep.” As it -was also known as “the salt river,” it is not difficult to understand -how, to those whose experience of navigable water had been confined -to the Persian Gulf, the Tigris and Euphrates would have seemed but -repetitions of the Gulf on a smaller scale.<a id="FNanchor_69" href="#Footnote_69" class="fnanchor">[69]</a></p> - -<p>The rise of Sumerian culture on the shores of the Persian Gulf is in -accordance with Babylonian tradition. Babylonian myths told how Oannes -or Ea, the god of culture, had risen each morning out of his palace -in “the deep,” bringing with him the elements of civilization which -he communicated to mankind. Letters, science and art had all been -his gifts. He had instructed the wild tribes of the coast to build -houses and erect temples; he had compiled for them the first law-book, -and had instructed them in the mysteries of agriculture. Babylonian -civilization was sea-born. The system of cosmology which finally won -its way to acceptance with the priesthood and philosophers of Babylonia -was one which had been first conceived at Eridu, the site of which is -now more than a hundred miles distant from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">[76]</span> sea, but in the early -days of Babylonian history, before the silting up of the shore, had -been its seaport. Here the first man Adam<a id="FNanchor_70" href="#Footnote_70" class="fnanchor">[70]</a> was supposed to have -lived, and to have spent his time fishing in the waters of the Gulf. -The whole earth was believed to have grown out of a primeval deep like -the mud-flats which the inhabitants of Eridu saw slowly emerging from -the retreating sea. Philosophy and cosmology, with the theology with -which they were associated, looked back upon Eridu and the Babylonian -coast as their primeval home.<a id="FNanchor_71" href="#Footnote_71" class="fnanchor">[71]</a></p> - -<p>In fact the physical conditions of the Babylonian plain rendered it -impossible for the first culture of the country to have sprung up in -it. Before it was reclaimed by engineering skill and labour the larger -part of it had been a pestiferous marsh. The science needed for making -it habitable, at least by civilized man, must have arisen outside its -boundaries. Only when he was already armed with a civilization which -enabled him to dig canals, to mould bricks, and pile his houses and -temples on artificial foundations could the Sumerian have settled in -the Babylonian plain and there developed it still further. The cities -of the plain grew up each round its sanctuary, which became a centre of -civilization and progress, of agriculture and trade. But the builders -of the sanctuaries must have brought their culture with them from -elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Of these sanctuaries the most venerable was that of Bel the Elder at -Nippur. It has been systematically excavated by the Americans down to -its foundations,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">[77]</span> and the successive strata of its history laid bare. -Inscribed objects have been found in all the strata, carrying the -history of the cuneiform system of writing back to the days when the -temple was originally built. But it is still the cuneiform system of -writing as far back as we can go, that is to say the characters are the -cursive forms of earlier hieroglyphic pictures, the features of which -are in most cases scarcely traceable. Here and there, it is true, the -primitive pictorial form has been preserved, but this is the exception -and not the rule. As a rule the earliest writing found at Nippur, and -coeval with the foundation of its temple, is already the degenerated -and cursive hand which we call cuneiform.</p> - -<p>The fact is very noteworthy. The cuneiform characters have assumed the -shapes which give them their name owing to their having been inscribed -on clay by a stylus of wood or metal, which obliged the writer to -substitute a series of wedge-like indentations for curves and straight -lines. As time went on, the number of the wedges was reduced, the forms -of the characters were simplified, and the resemblance to the pictures -they were once intended to represent became more and more indistinct. -The cuneiform script is, in short, a running hand, like the hieratic -of Egypt. But whereas in Egypt the hieratic running hand does not -come into common use until long after the beginning of the monumental -period, while the pictorial hieroglyphs continued to be employed to -the last, in Babylonia the cuneiform running hand has superseded the -primeval pictures as far back as our records carry us. When the temple -of Nippur was built—and it was probably one of the first, if not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">[78]</span> the -first, to be built in the Babylonian plain—the clay tablet was already -in use for writing purposes, and the cursive cuneiform had taken the -place of the older hieroglyphs.</p> - -<p>The Babylonian plain was called by its Sumerian inhabitants the Edin, -or “Plain,” a name which was borrowed by the Semites and has been made -familiar to us by the book of Genesis. Originally it had meant all -the uncultivated flats on either side of the Euphrates, but it soon -acquired the sense of the country as opposed to the city, and so of the -cultivated plain itself. Most of the important Babylonian cities were -built in it between the Euphrates on the west and the Tigris on the -east. A few only lay beyond it on the western bank of the Euphrates. -One of these was Eridu, another was Ur, a third was Borsippa.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p078_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p078_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE TELL OF BORSIPPA, THE PRESENT BIRS-NIMRUD.</p> - </div> - -<p>Of Eridu I have already spoken. Some six or eight thousand years -ago it was the seaport of primitive Babylonia.<a id="FNanchor_72" href="#Footnote_72" class="fnanchor">[72]</a> Ur, which stood -close to it, seems to have been a colony of Nippur, and therefore of -comparatively late origin.<a id="FNanchor_73" href="#Footnote_73" class="fnanchor">[73]</a> Borsippa was a small and unimportant -town, which eventually became a suburb of Babylon, and Babylon, on -the eastern bank of the Euphrates, was itself a colony of Eridu.<a id="FNanchor_74" href="#Footnote_74" class="fnanchor">[74]</a> -Hence of the cities which stood outside the Edin of Babylonia, and may -therefore belong to an age when <span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">[79]</span>Babylonian civilization was still in -its infancy, Eridu alone is of account. And the priority even of Eridu -was contested. Traditionally Sippara, which is expressly stated to have -been in “the Edin,” claimed to be the oldest of Babylonian cities; one -quarter of it bore the name of “Sippara that is from everlasting,” and -like Eridu, it believed itself to have been the abode of the first -man.<a id="FNanchor_75" href="#Footnote_75" class="fnanchor">[75]</a> Thus far, however, the monuments have given us nothing to -substantiate the claim; the culture-god of Babylonia was Ea of Eridu, -not the Sun-god of Sippara, and for the present, therefore, we must -look to the shore of the Persian Gulf, rather than to the “land of -Eden” for the cradle of Babylonian civilization.</p> - -<p>At any rate, both Sippara and Eridu were of Sumerian foundation, as -indeed were nearly all the great cities of Babylonia. Eridu was a later -form of the older Eri-dugga, “the good city,” a name which seems to -have been the starting-point of more than one legend. The growth of the -coast to the south of it gives us some idea as to the age to which its -foundation must reach back.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">[80]</span></p> - -<p>It was, as I have said, the primitive seaport of Babylonia, and its -legend of the first man Adamu made him a fisherman in the Persian Gulf. -Its site is now rather more than a hundred miles distant from the -present line of coast. The progress of alluvial deposit brought down by -the Euphrates and Tigris can be estimated by the fact that forty-seven -miles of it have been formed since Spasinus Charax, the modern -Mohammerah, was built in the age of Alexander the Great, and was for a -time the port of Chaldæa. During the last 2000 years, accordingly, the -rate of deposit would seem to have been about 115 feet a year. This, -however, does not agree with the observations of Loftus, who made the -rate not more than a mile in every seventy years,<a id="FNanchor_76" href="#Footnote_76" class="fnanchor">[76]</a> while on the -other hand Sir Henry Rawlinson adduced reasons for believing it to have -been more rapid in the past than it is to-day, and that consequently -the rate must once have been as much as a mile in thirty years.<a id="FNanchor_77" href="#Footnote_77" class="fnanchor">[77]</a> It -is desirable<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">[81]</span> that some competent geologist should study the question -on the spot. Taking, however, as a basis of calculation, the one known -fact of the rate of growth since the foundation of Spasinus Charax, and -bearing in mind that before the junction of the Tigris and Euphrates -the rate of advance must have been comparatively slow, we should have -to go back to about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 5000 as the latest date at which -Eridu could still have been the seaport of the country.</p> - -<p>Was it here that the system of writing which was so closely entwined -with the origin of Babylonian civilization was first invented? -Babylonian tradition in later days certainly believed that such was the -case, and the fact that Ea of Eridu was the culture-god of Babylonia -is strongly in its favour. But there are difficulties in the way. -Eridu was the home of the “white witchcraft” of early Chaldæa; it was -here that the charms and incantations were composed which gave the -priesthood of Eridu its influence, and made the god they worshipped -the impersonation of wisdom. The belief that he was the originator of -Babylonian culture may have had its source in the system of magic which -was associated with his name. Eridu was built on the Semitic side of -the Euphrates, and the Semitic tribes who received their letters and -their civilization from the Sumerians of Eridu would naturally have -looked upon the city of their teachers as the primeval home of Sumerian -culture. The traditions that made Eridu the starting-point of Sumerian -civilization could thus be explained away,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">[82]</span> and we should be left free -to settle the question of its origin upon purely archæological evidence.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately the site of Eridu has not yet been systematically -excavated. Once again the archæological materials for settling an -archæological question are not at hand, and we are thrown back upon an -examination of the picture-writing from which the cuneiform characters -are derived. Here the evidence on the whole may be said to be in -favour of tradition. It is true that there is no special ideograph for -“river,” but there is one for “the deep,” and “the spirit of the deep” -must have been a chief object of worship at the time when the primitive -hieroglyphs were first formed. The “ship,” too, played a prominent -part in the life of their inventors, and the picture of it represented -it as moved not by oars but by a sail.<a id="FNanchor_78" href="#Footnote_78" class="fnanchor">[78]</a> The flowering reed was -equally prominent, and was even used to symbolize what stood firm and -established.<a id="FNanchor_79" href="#Footnote_79" class="fnanchor">[79]</a> Houses, fortresses, temples, and cities were built of -brick, and vases were moulded out of clay.<a id="FNanchor_80" href="#Footnote_80" class="fnanchor">[80]</a> The tablet, rectangular -or square, was already employed for the purpose of writing, but as it -was provided with a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">[83]</span> handle or a couple of rings at the top, I think -it was more probably of wood than of clay. The sheep, goat and ox were -domesticated,<a id="FNanchor_81" href="#Footnote_81" class="fnanchor">[81]</a> and so also probably was the ass,<a id="FNanchor_82" href="#Footnote_82" class="fnanchor">[82]</a> and corn was -cultivated in the fields. The symbol of the “earth” appears to have -been the picture of an island of circular or elliptical form. Among -trees the cedar was well known.</p> - -<p>All this points to the sea-coast of Babylonia as the district in which -its civilization first arose. But on the other hand, there is the fact -that “country” and “mountain” are alike represented by the picture of -a mountainous land. There is also the fact that the land in which the -inventors of the hieroglyphs lived was one in which copper, gold and -silver were procurable—perhaps also meteoric iron; and the further -fact that hard wood was sufficiently plentiful for tools or weapons to -have been made of it before the employment of metal. That they should -have been made of wood, however, and not of stone, is a strong argument -in favour of the Babylonian coast.</p> - -<p>It is on wood, moreover, that the first hieroglyphs must have been -painted or cut. Many of them represented round objects or were -formed of curved lines, which were transformed into a series of -wedge-like indentations when imprinted by a stylus upon clay. We -know, therefore, that clay was not the original writing material; -its use as such, in fact, is coeval with the rise of that cursive -script which, in the case<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">[84]</span> of the Egyptian hieroglyphics, is called -hieratic, but in Assyro-Babylonian is known as cuneiform. It was the -attempt to reproduce the old pictures upon clay that created the -cuneiform characters. As metal is not likely to have been employed -by the primitive scribes of Chaldæa, and there is no trace of stone -having been used—even the stone cylinder of later days being called -a <i>dup-sar</i> or “written tablet”—we are left to choose between -wood and papyrus. In favour of papyrus is the fact that the circular -forms of so many of the pictures suggest that they were originally -painted rather than engraved; on the other hand, it is doubtful whether -the papyrus grows in the Babylonian rivers, or at any rate did so -in the prehistoric age. And the pictograph of a “written document” -is not a strip or roll of papyrus, as in Egypt, but a tablet with a -handle or loop. It is true that the primeval picture which denoted -“copper” has much the same form, but as even cutting instruments had -the determinative of “wood” attached to them in the early picture -writing, it is clear that the original tablet could not have been of -metal, whatever might have been the case with its later successors. -The picture, moreover, of the “tablet” is distinguished from that of -a “plate of bronze” by the addition of a string which is tied to the -handle.</p> - -<p>On the whole, therefore, the only archæological evidence available at -present is on the side of the tradition which made Babylonian culture -move northward from the coast. The only fact against it of which I know -is that, as I have already stated, the word for land was symbolized by -the picture of a triple mountain. But this fact is not insuperable.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">[85]</span> -Before the silting up of the shore, the old coast-line of Babylonia -would have stretched away north-eastward of Eridu towards the mountains -of Elam. Whether the mountains that fringed what would then have been -the eastern coast of the Persian Gulf are visible from the site of -Eridu, I do not know; if the clear light of Upper Egypt exists there -they would be so. Nor do I know whether on the western side there -are mountain ranges visible in Arabia; these are points which can be -cleared up only when the country has been thoroughly explored.</p> - -<p>Eridu lay five miles southward of Ur,<a id="FNanchor_83" href="#Footnote_83" class="fnanchor">[83]</a> that “Ur of the Chaldees” -from which Hebrew history affirmed the ancestor of the nation had -come. Ur was never a maritime port like Eridu; it stood on the Arabian -plateau and looked towards the west. Its face was turned to the Semitic -rather than to the Sumerian world. From the first, therefore, it must -have been in touch with Semitic tribes. And a curious reminiscence -of the fact survived in the western Semitic languages, Ur or Uru -signifies “the city”; it was a Sumerian word, another form of which was -<i>eri</i>. The word was borrowed by the Semites, and in the Hebrew -of the Old Testament, accordingly, the idea of “city” is expressed by -<i>’îr</i>. The Assyrians of the north, whose vocabulary was otherwise -so full of Sumerian loan-words, preferred the native <i>âlu</i>, “a -tent,” to which the meaning of “city” was assigned when Sumerian -culture had been passed on to the Semitic race and the tent had been -exchanged for the city. The history of the word is a history of early -culture as well.</p> - -<p>But I am far from saying that it was through Ur that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">[86]</span> the civilization -of Sumer came to be handed on to its Semitic neighbours. On the -contrary, such facts as there are point in a different direction. -Western Semites, whom linguistically we may call Arabs or Aramæans, or -Canaanites or Hebrews, doubtless mingled with the Sumerian population -of Ur, and adopted more or less of its manners and civilization, but it -was further north, in the Babylonian Eden itself, that the Semite first -came under the influence of the higher culture, and soon outstripped -his masters in the arts of life.</p> - -<p>The entrance of the Semitic element into Babylonia is at present one of -the most obscure of problems. All we can be sure of are certain main -facts. First of all, as we have seen, the early culture of Babylonia, -including so integral a part of it as the script, was of Sumerian -origin. So, too, were the great cities and sanctuaries of the country, -as well as the system of irrigation engineering which first made it -habitable. Sumerian long continued to be the language of theology and -law; indeed a large part of the Babylonian pantheon of later days -was frankly non-Semitic. As was inevitable under such conditions, -the Assyrian language contained an immense number of words—many of -them compound—which were borrowed from the older language, and its -idioms and grammar equally showed signs of Sumerian influence. I have -sometimes been tempted, from a scientific point of view, to speak of -Semitic Babylonian as a mixed language.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, if the elements of Babylonian civilization were -Sumerian, the superstructure was Semitic. When the Semites entered into -the heritage<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">[87]</span> of Sumerian culture, the cuneiform script must have still -been in a very inchoate and immature state. Its pictorial ancestry must -still have been clear, and no scruples were felt about altering or -adding to the characters. The phonetic application of the characters, -which was still in its initial stage in the Sumerian period, was -developed and carried to perfection by the Semitic scribes, and a very -considerable proportion of their values and ideographic meanings is of -Semitic derivation. The theological system was transformed, and a new -literature and a new art came into existence. As Sumerian words had -been borrowed by the Semites, so, too, Semitic words were borrowed by -the Sumerians, and it is possible that examples of them may occur in -some of the oldest Sumerian texts known to us.<a id="FNanchor_84" href="#Footnote_84" class="fnanchor">[84]</a> The Babylonians of -history, in short, were a mixed people; and their culture and language -were mixed like our own.</p> - -<p>This, then, is one main fact. A second is that the Semitic element -first comes to the front in the northern part of Babylonia. It is in -Akkad, and not in Sumer, that the first Semitic Empire—that of Sargon -the Elder, <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3800—had its seat, and old as that empire -is, it presupposes a long preceding period of Semitic settlement and -advance in power and civilization. The cuneiform system of writing -is already complete and has ceased to be Sumerian,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">[88]</span> archive-chambers -of Semitic literature are founded, and Semitic authority is firmly -established from Susa in the east to the Mediterranean in the west. -Art is no longer Sumerian, and in the hands of the Semitic subjects of -Sargon and his son Naram-Sin has reached a perfection which in certain -directions was never afterwards surpassed. The engraved seal-cylinders -of the period are the finest that we possess. Naturally the Semitic -language has superseded the Sumerian in official documents, and the -physical type as represented on the monuments is also distinctly -Semitic. At the beginning of the fourth millennium before our era, the -civilization and culture of Northern Babylonia have thus ceased to be -Sumerian, and the sceptre has fallen into the hands of a Semitic race.</p> - -<p>But there is a third fact. The displacement of the Sumerian by the -Semite was the case only in Northern Babylonia. In the south, in the -land of Sumer, the older population continued to be dominant. Sumerian -dynasties continued to rule there from time to time, and the old -agglutinative language continued to be spoken. When a West-Semitic -dynasty governed the country about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2200, state -proclamations and similar official documents had still to be drawn up -in the two languages, Semitic Babylonian and Sumerian. Sumerian did not -become extinct till a later day. Indeed, after the fall of the empire -of Sargon of Akkad there seems to have been a Sumerian reaction. While -Susa was lost to the Semites and became the capital of a non-Semitic -people who spoke an agglutinative language, the power of the Sumerian -princes in Southern Babylonia appears to have revived. At all events -even the dynasty which followed that of the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">[89]</span>West-Semites bore -Sumerian names.<a id="FNanchor_85" href="#Footnote_85" class="fnanchor">[85]</a> It was only under the foreign domination of the -Kassites, apparently, who governed Babylonia for nearly 600 years, -that the Sumerian element finally became merged in the Semitic and the -Babylonian of later history was born.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p088_2a"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p088_2a.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE SEAL OF SHARGANI-SHAR-ALI (SARGON OF AKKAD): -GILGAMES WATERS THE CELESTIAL OX.</p> - </div> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p088_2b"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p088_2b.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">BAS-RELIEF OF NARAM-SIN.</p> - </div> - -<p>The last fact is that while what we call Assyrian is Semitic Babylonian -with a few dialectal variations, it stands apart from the other Semitic -languages. A scientific comparison of its grammar with those of the -sister-tongues leads us to believe that it represents one of the two -primeval dialects of the Semitic family of speech, the other dialect -being that which subsequently split up into the varying dialects of -Canaanite or Hebrew, Arabic, South-Arabic and Aramæan—or, adopting -the genealogical form of linguistic relationship, Assyro-Babylonian -would have been one daughter of the primitive parent-speech, while the -other daughter comprised the remaining Semitic languages.<a id="FNanchor_86" href="#Footnote_86" class="fnanchor">[86]</a> There -are two conclusions to be drawn from this; one is that the Babylonian -Semites must have separated from their kinsfolk and come under Sumerian -influence at a very early period, the other that they moved northward, -along the banks of the Tigris into Assyria.</p> - -<p>With these two inferences we have to be content. Upon the first home -of the Semitic race or its affinities with other branches of the white -race,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">[90]</span> Babylonia can naturally throw no light. The earliest glimpses -we catch of the Semites of Babylonia are those of a people who have -already come under the influences of Sumerian civilization, who are -mingling with their teachers and helping with them to build up the -stately edifice of historical Babylonia. There were ruder Semitic -tribes, it is true, who continued to live their own nomad life on the -western bank of the Euphrates or in the marshes that bordered the -Persian Gulf. But like the Bedâwîn of to-day on the outskirts of Egypt -they were little, if at all, affected by the civilization at their -sides. They remained the same wild savages of the desert as their -descendants who encamp in the swamps of modern Babylonia; they neither -traded nor tilled the ground, and the language they spoke was not the -same as that of their Babylonian kindred. They served, however, as the -herdsmen and shepherds of their Babylonian neighbours, and the vast -flocks whose wool was so important an article of Babylonian trade, were -entrusted to their care. But Bedâwîn they were born, and Bedâwîn they -continued to be.</p> - -<p>Even the Aramæan tribes of the coast-land kept apart from the -Babylonians, whether Sumerian or Semitic, until the day when one of -their tribes, the Kaldâ or Chaldæans, made themselves masters of -Babylon under their prince Merodach-baladan, and from henceforward -became an integral factor in the Babylonian population. They must -have settled on the borders of Babylonia at a comparatively late -date, when Semitic Babylonian had definitely marked itself off from -its sister-tongues and the Babylonian Semite had acquired distinctive -characteristics of his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">[91]</span> own. The West-Semitic elements in the -population of Babylonia could have entered the country only long after -the mixture of Sumerian and Semite had produced the Babylonian of -history.</p> - -<p>The Babylonian of history came to forget that he had ever had another -fatherland than the Babylonian plain, the Eden of the Old Testament, -the land whose southern border was formed by “the salt river” or -Persian Gulf of early Sumerian geography, with its four branches -which were themselves “heads.” Here the first man Adamu<a id="FNanchor_87" href="#Footnote_87" class="fnanchor">[87]</a> had been -created in Eridu, “the good city,” and here therefore the Babylonian -Semite placed the home of the first ancestor of his race. But it was a -borrowed belief, borrowed along with the other elements of Babylonian -culture, and no argument can be drawn from it as to the actual cradle -of the Semitic race. Like the story of the deluge, it was part of the -Sumerian heritage into which the Semite had entered.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">[92]</span></p> - -<p>The Semitic tradition which made the first man a tiller of the ground -may also have been borrowed from the earlier inhabitants of Babylonia. -At all events it is significant that the garden in which he was -placed was in the land of Eden, and that the picture of a garden or -plantation is one of the primitive hieroglyphs of Sumer. The beginnings -of Babylonian civilization were bound up with the cultivation of the -Babylonian soil; the reclamation of the great alluvial plain was at -once the effect and the cause of Sumerian culture. Sumerian culture, in -fact, was at the outset essentially that of an agricultural people.</p> - -<p>Trade would have come later, when Eridu had become a seaport, and -ships ventured on the waters of the Persian Gulf. It grew up under the -shelter of the great sanctuaries. Supported at first by the labour -of their serfs, the priests in time came to exchange their surplus -revenues—the wool of their sheep, the wheat and sesame of their -fields, or the wine yielded by their palms—for other commodities, and -the temples themselves formed safe and capacious store-houses in which -such goods could be kept. In the historical period Babylonia is already -a great trading community, and as the centuries passed trade absorbed -more and more the energies of its population, agriculture fell into the -background, and the Babylonia conquered by Cyrus could be described -with truth as “a nation of shopkeepers.” Even the crown prince was a -merchant who dealt in wool.<a id="FNanchor_88" href="#Footnote_88" class="fnanchor">[88]</a></p> - -<p>The increasing preponderance of trade goes along with the increasing -preponderance of the Semitic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">[93]</span> element in the country, and it is -tempting to suppose that there was a connection between the two. At -present, however, there is no positive evidence that such was the case. -Nor is there any positive evidence that the Semites who settled in -Babylonia were not already agriculturists. The circumstances in which -a people lives are mainly responsible for its being agricultural or -pastoral, and the fact that the Bedâwîn neighbours of the Babylonians -on the western side of the Euphrates remained a pastoral race does -not exclude the possibility that there were other branches of the -Semitic family who had already passed out of the pastoral into the -agricultural stage before coming into contact with the Sumerians. On -the other hand, it is at least noticeable that in Semitic Babylonian -the usual word for “city” continued to be one which properly meant a -“tent”—the home of the pastoral nomad—and that no Semitic traditions -have come down to us of the beginnings of agricultural life outside the -limits of the Babylonian “Plain.” The title of “Shepherd,” moreover, -was at times given to the Babylonian kings in days subsequent to the -Semitic Empire of Sargon of Akkad. So far as our materials allow us to -judge, city-life was the gift of the Sumerian to the primitive Semitic -nomad.<a id="FNanchor_89" href="#Footnote_89" class="fnanchor">[89]</a></p> - -<p>To the Semite, however, I believe I have shown in my Lectures on -Babylonian religion,<a id="FNanchor_90" href="#Footnote_90" class="fnanchor">[90]</a> we must ascribe an important theological -conception. In<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">[94]</span> historical Babylonia the gods were conceived of in -the form of man. Man was created in the image of God because the gods -themselves were men. But the conception cannot be traced back further -than the age when the Sumerians and Semites came into contact with one -another. In pre-Semitic Sumer there are no anthropomorphic gods. We -hear, instead, of the <i>zi</i> or “spirit,” a word properly signifying -“life” which manifested itself in the power of motion. All things -that moved were possessed of life, and there was accordingly a “life” -or “spirit” of the water as well as of man or beast. In place of the -divine “lord of heaven” whom the Semites adored there was “a spirit of -heaven”; in place of Ea, the later Babylonian god of the deep, there -was “a spirit of the abyss.” Sumerian theology, in fact, was still on -the level of animism, and the inventors of the script represented the -idea of “god” by the picture of a star. Vestiges of the old animism can -still be detected even in the later cult: by the side of the human gods -an Assyrian prayer invokes the mountains, the rivers and the winds, -and from time to time we come across a worship of deified towns. It -was the town itself that was divine, not the deity to whom its chief -temple was dedicated. So, again, the god or goddess continued to be -symbolized by some sacred animal or object whose figure appears upon -seals and boundary-stones, and in some cases we learn that the Sumerian -prototypes of the later Babylonian divinities bore such names as “the -gazelle,” “the antelope” or “the bull.”</p> - -<p>With the advent of the Semite all is changed. The gods have become men -and women with intensified<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">[95]</span> powers and the gift of immortality, but in -all other respects they live and act like the men and women of this -nether world. Like them, too, they are born and married, and the court -of the early prince finds its counterpart in the divine court of the -supreme Bel, or “Lord.” The Semitic god of Babylon was “lord of gods” -and men, of heaven and earth; Assur of Assyria was “king of the gods” -and lord of “the heavenly hosts.”</p> - -<p>It was natural that, corresponding with this lord of the heavenly -hosts, there should be a lord of the hosts of earth, and that as the -divine king was clothed in the attributes of man, the human king should -take upon him the divine nature. Like the Pharaohs of Egypt or the -emperors of Rome, the early kings of Semitic Babylonia were deified. -And the deification took place during their lifetime,—in fact, so far -as we can judge, upon their accession to the throne. In the eyes of -their subjects they were incarnate deities, and in their inscriptions -they give themselves the title of god. One of them is even called “the -god” of Akkad, his capital.<a id="FNanchor_91" href="#Footnote_91" class="fnanchor">[91]</a></p> - -<p>Here, then, in the conception of the divine, we have a clear dividing -line between the Semite and his non-Semitic predecessor. So far back as -the cuneiform monuments allow us to carry his history, the Semite is -anthropomorphic. As a consequence, the gods he worships conform to the -social conditions under which he lives. In the desert the sacred stone -becomes “the temple of the god”; in the organized monarchy of Babylonia -each deity takes his appointed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">[96]</span> place in an imperial court. Under the -one supreme ruler there are princes and sub-princes, vice-regents and -generals, while angel-messengers carry the commands of Bel to his -subjects on earth, like the messengers who carried the letters of the -Babylonian king along the high-roads of the empire. On the other hand, -the earthly king receives his power and attributes from the god whose -adopted son and representative he claims to be. Nowhere has “the divine -right of kings” been more fully insisted on than in ancient Babylonia. -The laws of the monarch had to be obeyed, foreign nations had to become -his vassals, because he was a god on earth as the supreme Bel was god -in heaven.</p> - -<p>But the reflection of the divine upon the human brought with it not -only the exaltation of sovereignty, but also the rise of a priesthood. -There were priests of a sort in Sumer of whom many different classes -are enumerated. But when we examine the signification of the names -attached to them we find that they were not priests in the true sense -of the word. They were rather magicians, sorcerers, wizards, masters -of charms. They do not develop into priests until after the Semite has -entered upon the scene. The god and the priest make their appearance -together.</p> - -<p>I do not think, however, that we are justified in concluding that the -elaborate hierarchy of Babylonia was of purely Semitic origin. On the -contrary, like the theological system with which it was associated, -it was a composite product. Behind the gods and goddesses of Semitic -Babylonia lay the primitive “spirits” and fetishes of Sumer; its -mythology and cosmological theories rested on Sumerian foundations; -and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">[97]</span> in the same way the priestly hierarchy was the result of a racial -amalgamation in which the Semitic element had adopted and adapted the -ideas and institutions of the older people. We do not find the theology -and priesthood of Babylonia among other Semitic populations, except -where they had been borrowed from the Babylonians (as in Assyria); in -the form in which we know them they were peculiarly and distinctively -Babylonian. Like the language of Semitic Babylonia, which is permeated -with Sumerian elements, or the script, which is a Semitic adaptation of -the Sumerian system of writing, they presuppose a mixture of race.</p> - -<p>The priesthood eventually proved irreconcilable with “the divine -right” of the monarch, though both alike had the same origin. The -priests prevailed over the king, and as in England the doctrine of -divine right was unable to survive the accession of a German line -of princes, so in Babylonia the accession of a foreign, non-Semitic -dynasty (that of the Kassites) dealt a death-blow to the belief in a -deified king. The king became merely the representative and deputy -of the divine “Lord” of heaven, deriving his right to rule from his -adoption by the god as a son; Bel-Merodach came to be regarded as the -true ruler of Babylonia, lord of the earth as well as of the heavens, -and a theocratic state affords but little room for a secular king. -The priests of Bel decided whom their god should recognize or not, -and little by little the controlling power of the state passed into -their hands It was in a sense a triumph for the non-Semitic element -in the population. While the deification of the sovereign may be said -to have been purely Semitic in its origin, the necessary corollary of -an anthropomorphic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">[98]</span> conception of the deity, the supernatural powers -supposed to be inherent in the priesthood went back to Sumerian times. -It was because he had once been a master of spells that the priest of -the anthropomorphic god could influence the spiritual world. The final -triumph of the theocratic principle in Babylonia, where the Semite -had been so long dominant, showed that the old racial element was -still strong, and ready to reassert itself when the favourable moment -arrived. Such, indeed, is generally the history of a mixed people: the -conquering or immigrant race may seem to have suppressed or absorbed -the earlier population of the country, but as generations pass the -foreign element becomes weaker, and the nation in greater or less -degree reverts to the older type.</p> - - -<p class="center p2">NOTE</p> - -<p>So far as the primitive culture of Sumer may be recovered from such -of the primitive pictographs as can be at present identified, it may -be described as follows. The inventors of them lived on the sea-coast -within sight of mountains, but in a marshy district where reeds -abounded. Trees also grew there, and the cedar was known. Stone was -scarce, but was already cut into blocks and seals. Tablets were used -for writing purposes, and copper, gold and silver were worked by the -smith. Daggers with metal blades and wooden handles were worn, and -copper was hammered into plates, while necklaces or collars were made -of gold. Brick was the ordinary building material, and with it cities, -forts, temples and houses were constructed. The city was provided with -towers and stood on an artificial platform;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">[99]</span> the house also had a -tower-like appearance. It was provided with a door which turned on a -hinge, and could be opened with a sort of key; the city gate was on a -larger scale, and seems to have been double. By the side of the house -was an enclosed garden planted with trees and other plants; wheat and -probably other cereals were sown in the fields, and the shaddûf was -already employed for the purpose of irrigation. Plants were also grown -in pots or vases. That floods took place is evident from the existence -of a pictograph denoting “inundation,” and representing a fish left -stranded above the foliage of a tree. Canals or aqueducts had already -been dug. The sheep, goat, ox and probably ass had been domesticated, -the ox being used for draught, and woollen clothing as well as -rugs were made from the wool or hair of the two first. A feathered -head-dress was worn on the head. Beds, stools and chairs were used, -with carved legs resembling those of an ox. There were fire-places and -fire-altars, and apparently chimneys also. Pottery was very plentiful, -and the forms of the vases, bowls and dishes were manifold; there were -special jars for honey, butter, oil and wine, which was probably made -from dates, and one form of vase had a spout protruding from its side. -Some of the vases had pointed feet, and stood on stands with crossed -legs; others were flat-bottomed, and were set on square or rectangular -frames of wood. The oil-jars—and probably others also—were sealed -with clay, precisely as in early Egypt. Vases and dishes of stone were -made in imitation of those of clay, and baskets were woven of reeds or -formed of leather. Knives, drills, wedges and an instrument which looks -like a saw were all known,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">[100]</span> while bows, arrows and daggers (but not -swords nor, probably, spears) were employed in war. Time was reckoned -in lunar months. Sacred cakes were offered to the gods, whose images -were symbolized sometimes by a bearded human head with a feather crown, -sometimes by a two-legged table of offerings on which stand two vases -(of incense?). Demons were feared who had wings like a bird, and the -foundation stones—or rather bricks—of a house were consecrated by -certain objects that were deposited under them. A “year” was denoted by -the branch of a tree, as in Egypt, and a “name” by a bird placed over -the sacred table of offerings. The country was full of snakes and other -creeping things, and wild beasts lurked in the jungle. The pictographs -were read from left to right, and various expedients were devised for -making them express ideas. Thus <i>mud</i>, “to beget,” was denoted by -the picture of a bird dropping an egg. At other times the pictograph -was used to express an idea, the pronunciation of which was the same as -that of the object which it represented. The bent knee, for example, -was used to express <i>dug</i> or <i>tuk</i>, “to have,” since it -represented a “knee,” which was called <i>dug</i> in Sumerian.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">[101]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER IV<br /> -<span class="subhed">THE RELATION OF BABYLONIAN TO EGYPTIAN CIVILIZATION</span></h2></div> - -<p>In dealing with the question of origins, science is constantly -confronted with the problem of unity or polygeneity. Has language one -origin or many; are the various races of mankind traceable to one -ancestor or to several? Do the older civilizations presuppose the same -primeval starting-point, or were there independent centres of culture -which grew up unknown to one another in different parts of the world? -Under the influences of theology the belief long prevailed that they -were all sprung from the same source; of late the tendency has been in -an opposite direction. While the biologist has inclined to a belief in -the unity of species, the anthropologist has seen reason to maintain -the diversity of origin in culture.</p> - -<p>The two earliest civilizations with which we are acquainted were those -of Babylonia and Egypt. To a certain extent the conditions under -which they both arose were similar. They grew up alike on the banks -of great rivers and in a warm, though not tropical, climate. They -rested, moreover, on organized systems of agriculture, which again had -been made possible by irrigation engineering. In Babylonia the first -settlers had found a plain which was little more than a swamp,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">[102]</span> over -which the swollen streams of the Euphrates and Tigris wandered at will -during the annual period of inundation, and which needed engineering -works on a large scale before it could be made habitable. The rivers -had to be confined within their channels by means of embankments, and -canals had to be cut in order to draw off the surplus supply of water -and regulate its distribution to the land. While the swamp was thus -being made possible for habitation, the population must have lived -on the edge of the desert plateau which bordered it, and have there -developed a civilization which not only produced the engineers and -their science, but also the concentrated authority which enabled the -science to be utilized.</p> - -<p>In Egypt it was the banks and delta of the Nile which took the place -of the Babylonian plain. Recent discoveries have shown that in the -prehistoric age, when the natives still lived in the desert and led a -pastoral life, all this was a morass, the haunt of beasts of prey and -venomous reptiles. But here again the swamp was rendered habitable by -engineering works similar to those of primeval Babylonia. The swamp -was transformed into fertile fields, the annual flood of the river was -regulated, and an elaborate network of canals and embankments spread -over the country. The pastoral nomads of the neolithic age became -agriculturists, or were employed in constructing and repairing the -works of irrigation, or in erecting monumental buildings for their -rulers. There is evidence of the same centralized government, the -same directing brain and organizing force that there is in primitive -Babylonia.</p> - -<p>Is it possible that two systems of engineering science,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">[103]</span> so similar -in their objects, their methods and their results, should have been -invented independently in two different countries? There are scholars -who answer in the negative. But the possibility cannot be denied, -since an even more elaborate system of irrigation was invented in -China without any suggestion, as far as we know, from outside. The -geographical conditions of Babylonia and Egypt, moreover, resemble -one another, and the question of draining the swamps and regulating -the overflow of the rivers once raised, the answer to it seems fairly -obvious. By itself, therefore, the fact that the cultures of ancient -Babylonia and Egypt alike rested on a similar system of irrigation -engineering would be no proof of their common origin.</p> - -<p>In some respects the problem which the Babylonian engineers were -called upon to solve was more difficult than that which faced the -Egyptians. The Nile is fed by the rains and melting snows of Abyssinia -and Central Africa, and its annual inundation takes place in the later -summer months. The Euphrates and Tigris flow from the north, from -the highlands of Armenia, and are at their fullest in the spring. -Their overflow accordingly comes just before the summer heats, when -agriculture is difficult or impossible, whereas in Egypt the period -of inundation ushers in the most favourable time of the year for the -growth of the crops. What the Babylonian engineers had to do was not -only to drain off the overflow, but also to store it for use at least -six months later. With them it was a question of storage as well as of -regulation.</p> - -<p>Those then, who believe that the engineering sciences of the -Babylonians and Egyptians were no independent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">[104]</span> inventions are bound to -see in Babylonia their original home. It would have been here that the -great problems were solved, the practical application of which to the -needs of Egypt would have been a comparatively simple matter. On the -chronological side there would be no difficulties in such a view. Old -as was the civilization of Egypt, the excavations in Babylonia have -made it clear that the civilization of Babylonia was at least equally -old. At Nippur the American excavators claim to have found inscribed -remains which reach back for nearly ten thousand years, and though -the data upon which this calculation is based may be disputable, it -is certain that the earliest monuments met with are of immense age. -And it must be remembered that they belong to a time when the early -pictorial writing had already passed into a cursive script, and the -plain of Babylonia had been a land of cultivated fields for unnumbered -generations.</p> - -<p>But by itself, I repeat, the practical identity of engineering science -in primeval Babylonia and Egypt is no proof that it had been learnt by -the one from the other. If we are to fall back on the old belief which -brought the civilized population of Egypt from the plain of Shinar, -it must be for reasons which are supported by archæological facts. If -such archæological facts exist, the parallel systems of irrigation -engineering will be additional evidence; alone, they prove nothing.</p> - -<p>At the outset we are met by a fact which personally I find it hard to -explain away. The hieroglyphic script of Egypt has little in common -with the primitive pictorial characters of Babylonia. Objects<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">[105]</span> and -ideas like “the sun,” “man,” “number one,” will be represented by the -same pictures or symbols all the world over, and consequently the fact -that in both Babylonian and Egyptian writing the sun is denoted by a -circle and the moon by a crescent is of no significance whatsoever. -But when we turn to less obvious symbols there is comparatively little -similarity between the two forms of script. The ideograph of “god,” for -example, is a star in Babylonia, a stone axe and its shaft in Egypt; -“life” is represented by a flowering reed in the one case, by a knotted -girdle in the other. It is true that Professor Hommel and others have -pointed to a few coincidences like those between the Egyptian symbol -for “foreign land” and the Babylonian ideograph of “country,” or -between the Egyptian and Babylonian signs for “city,” “place,” but -such coincidences are rare.<a id="FNanchor_92" href="#Footnote_92" class="fnanchor">[92]</a> As a rule, as soon as we leave the -more obvious conventions of pictorial writing little or no connection -can be traced between the pictorial characters of Egypt and those of -Babylonia. As a whole the two graphic systems stand apart.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless I am bound to add that it is only as a whole that they -do so. With all the general unlikeness there is a curious similarity -in a few—a very few—instances which it is difficult to interpret as -merely the result of accident. The round circle with lines<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">[106]</span> inside it -which denotes “a city” in Egyptian might be explained from the circular -villages which still characterize Central Africa; but then how is it -that the ideograph for “place” in the pictorial script of Babylonia had -precisely the same form? That the word for “country” should be denoted -in the Babylonian script by the picture of three mountain peaks may -be due to the fact that to the Babylonian “country” and “mountain” -were the same; but such an explanation fails us in the case of the -Egyptian hieroglyph of “foreign land,” where the three peaks appear -again, since the hieroglyph for “mountain” in Egyptian has but two. -The picture of a seat, and a seat, too, of peculiar shape, represents -“place” in Egyptian; in Babylonian the same picture represents “city,” -thus inverting the ideographic signification of the picture which in -Egyptian and Babylonian has respectively the meanings of “city” and -“place.” Between the primitive Babylonian picture of a “ship” and -the boats depicted in the prehistoric pottery of Egypt, again, the -resemblance is very exact, and Professor Hommel has pointed out to me a -curious likeness between the original form of the Babylonian ideograph -for “a personal name” and the <i>ka</i>-sign with the Horus-hawk above -it within which the names of the earliest Pharaohs are inscribed.<a id="FNanchor_93" href="#Footnote_93" class="fnanchor">[93]</a> -Indeed the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">[107]</span> learned and ingenious Munich Professor has made out a list -of even more striking coincidences, where the characters agree not only -in sense but also in the phonetic values attached to them.<a id="FNanchor_94" href="#Footnote_94" class="fnanchor">[94]</a></p> - -<p>Here, however, we trench on another question, the philological position -of the Egyptian language. Egyptian scholars to-day are practically -unanimous in believing it to belong, more or less remotely, to the -Semitic family of speech. The Berlin school of Egyptologists, who under -the guidance of Professor Erman have made Egyptian grammar a special -subject of investigation, are largely responsible for the dominance -of this belief. I ought to be the last person in the world to protest -against it, seeing that I maintained it years ago when the patronage -of the Berlin Egyptologists had not yet made it fashionable. At the -same time I confess that I cannot follow the Berlin philologists to -the extent to which they would have us go. For them the old Egyptian -language is not related to the Semitic family of speech “more or less -remotely,” but very closely indeed. Indeed in their hands it becomes -itself a Semitic language, and as a logical consequence the Egyptian -script is metamorphosed into one of purely Semitic invention. But -while admitting that Egyptian grammar is Semitic in the sense in which -English grammar is Teutonic, the comparative philologist is bound -to add that it contains much which cannot be reduced to a Semitic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">[108]</span> -pattern. The structure, moreover, is not on the whole Semitic, neither -is a large part of its vocabulary. And among the words in the lexicon -which have Semitic affinities there are a good many which are better -explained as the result of borrowing than as belonging to the original -stratum of the language. In some cases they are demonstrably words -which have been introduced into the Egyptian language at a late date; -in other cases it seems possible to regard them as loan-words from -Semitic Babylonian which entered the language at a “pre-dynastic” -epoch. Thus, <i>qemḳu</i>, “the wheaten loaf” which was used for -offerings, is the Hebrew <i>qemakh</i>, the Babylonian <i>qêmu</i>, -and may have been brought into Egypt along with the wheat which was -first cultivated in Babylonia and still grows wild on the banks of the -Euphrates. To what an early period the importation of the cereal must -be referred is shown by its occurrence in the prehistoric graves of -Upper Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_95" href="#Footnote_95" class="fnanchor">[95]</a></p> - -<p>When all allowances are made, however, the fact remains that the -Egyptian language as we know it was related to the Semitic family of -speech. It stood to the latter as an elder sister, or rather as the -sister of the parent-language which the existing Semitic dialects -presuppose. It was not like the so-called Hamitic dialects of Eastern -Africa, which are African languages Semitized, but it was itself -of the same<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">[109]</span> stock as Hebrew or Semitic Babylonian. It represents, -however, a form of language at an earlier stage of development than -are any of those which we call Semitic, and it has, moreover, been -largely influenced and modified by foreign languages, which we may -term African. So extensive has this influence been that the Semitic -element has been even more disguised in it than the Teutonic element is -disguised in modern English. In leaving the soil of Asia the language -of Egypt took upon it an African dress.</p> - -<p>Now though language can prove but little as regards race, it can -prove a great deal as regards history. A mixed language means a mixed -history, and indicates an intimate contact between the populations who -spoke the languages which are represented in it. Egyptian grammar would -not have been Semitic if those who imposed it upon the natives of the -Nile had not been of Semitic descent, or at all events had not come -from a region where the language was Semitic. Nor would this grammar -have been modified by foreign admixture if a part of those who learned -to use it had not previously been accustomed to some other form of -speech. And since we know of no Semitic languages in Africa which were -not brought from Asia, we are justified in concluding that the Semitic -element in the Egyptian language was of Asiatic origin.</p> - -<p>But we can go yet a step further. Where two languages are brought -into close contact, the general rule is that that of the stronger -race prevails. The conqueror is less likely to learn the language -of the conquered than the conquered are to learn the language of -their masters. On the other hand, the negro slave<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">[110]</span> in America became -English-speaking, whereas the English emigrant wherever he goes -preserves the language of his fathers. It is only where a conquering -caste brings no women with it that it is likely to lose its language.</p> - -<p>When, therefore, we find that Old Egyptian is an Africanized Semitic -language, we have every right to infer that it is because invaders -brought it with them from Asia who were Semites either by race or by -language. In other words, Egypt must have been occupied in prehistoric -days by a people who came from the Semitic area in Asia.</p> - -<p>The days were prehistoric, but of the invasion itself history preserved -a tradition. On the walls of the temple of Edfu it is recounted how -the followers of Horus, the totem guide and patron deity of the first -kings of Upper Egypt, made their way across the eastern desert to the -banks of the Nile, and there, with the help of their weapons of metal, -subjugated the older inhabitants of the valley. Battle after battle -was fought as the invaders slowly pushed their way down the Nile to -the Delta, establishing a forge and a sanctuary of Horus on every -spot where a victory had been gained.<a id="FNanchor_96" href="#Footnote_96" class="fnanchor">[96]</a> The story has come down -to us under a disguise of euhemeristic mythology, but the tradition -it embodies has been strikingly confirmed by modern discovery. The -“dynastic” Egyptians, the Egyptians, that is to say, who founded the -Egyptian monarchy and to whom we owe the great monuments of Egypt, were -immigrants from the east.</p> - -<p>The culture of these “dynastic” Egyptians was built up on two solid -foundations, the engineering<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">[111]</span> skill which made Egypt a land of -agriculture, and a system of writing which made the organization of -the government possible. The culture was at once agricultural and -literary, and this alone marked it off from the culture of neolithic -(or “prehistoric”) Egypt, which belonged to the desert rather than to -the banks and delta of the river, and which knew nothing of writing. -Now we have seen that there was one other country in the world in which -a similar form of culture had come into existence. In Babylonia too -we have a civilization which has as its basis the training of rivers -for the purpose of irrigation and the use of a pictorial script. The -civilization of Babylonia was, it is true, Sumerian at its outset, but -in time it became Semitic, and expressed itself in a Semitic tongue. -It is difficult to avoid the conclusion that the Semitic-speaking -people who brought the science of irrigation and the art of writing to -the banks of the Nile came, like the wheat they cultivated, from the -Babylonian plain.</p> - -<p>There are two archæological facts connected with the early culture of -“dynastic” Egypt which seem to me to prove at any rate some kind of -intercourse with Babylonia. No building-stone exists in the Babylonian -plain; it was therefore the natural home of the art of building in -brick, and since every pebble was of value it was also the natural -birthplace of the gem-cutter. Nowhere else could the use of clay as a -writing material have suggested itself, or that of the inscribed stone -cylinder which left its impression behind it when rolled over the clay. -Wherever we have the clay tablet and the seal-cylinder we have evidence -of Babylonian influence.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">[112]</span></p> - -<p>Now recent discoveries have shown that the culture of the early -dynastic period of Egypt is distinguished from that of later times by -the employment of clay and the stone seal-cylinder. Neither the one nor -the other could have originated in the country itself, for Upper Egypt -(where all authenticated discoveries of early seal-cylinders have been -made) is a land of stone, and the river-silt, which is mixed with sand, -is altogether unsuited for the purpose of writing. When the Egyptians -of the Eighteenth dynasty corresponded in Babylonian cuneiform with -their subjects and allies in Asia, the clay upon which they wrote was -brought from a distance. Moreover, the stone seal-cylinder of the -early dynasties is an exact reproduction of the early seal-cylinder -of Babylonia. Substitute cuneiform characters for the hieroglyphs and -there is practically no difference between them in many cases. It is -difficult to believe that such an identity of form is the result of -accident, more especially when we find that, as Egyptian civilization -advanced, the seal-cylinder became less and less like its Babylonian -original, and finally disappeared from use altogether. That is to -say, as the culture of the people was further removed from its first -starting-point, and therefore more national, an object which never -had any natural basis in the physical conditions of the country grew -more and more of an anomaly, and was eventually superseded, first by -the “button-seal” and then by the scarab. I see no other explanation -of this than that it was originally introduced from Babylonia, and -maintained itself so long in an alien atmosphere only because it was -bound up with a culture which had come from the same region of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">[113]</span> -world. The seal-cylinder of the early Egyptian dynasties seems to me, -apart from everything else, to prove the existence of some kind of -“prehistoric” intercourse between the civilizations of the Euphrates -and the Nile. And in this intercourse the influences came from -Babylonia to Egypt, not from Egypt to Babylonia.</p> - -<p>The use of brick in early Egypt points in the same direction. While -Babylonia was a land of clay, Upper Egypt was a land of stone, and -it was as unnatural to invent the art of brick-making in the latter -country as it was natural to do so in the former. To this day the -Nubians build their cottages of stone; so too do the Bedâwîn squatters -on the east bank of the Nile; it is only where the population is -Egyptian and the influence of the old Egyptian civilization is still -dominant that brick is employed. Under the Old Empire the Egyptian -Pharaohs built even the temples of the gods of brick; it was but -gradually that the brick was superseded by stone. It was the same also -in Assyria; here too, in a land of stone, brick was at first the sole -building material, and even the great brick platforms which the marshy -soil of Babylonia had necessitated continued to be laid. But Assyrian -culture was confessedly Babylonian in origin, and the brick edifice -was therefore a characteristic of it. It was only by degrees that -Assyrian architecture emancipated itself from its early traditions, -and at first timidly, then more boldly, superseded the brick by stone. -The example of Assyria throws light on that of Egypt, and as the -Assyrian employment of brick was due to the Babylonian origin of its -civilization, it is permissible<span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">[114]</span> to infer that the Egyptian employment -of brick was also due to the same cause. Once more we may repeat that -there was early intercourse between Egypt and Babylonia—the land of -the brick-maker—and that in this intercourse the prevailing influences -came from the east.</p> - -<p>Such, then, is the conclusion to which the most recent research leads -us. The “dynastic” Egyptians, the Egyptians of history, spoke a -language which is related to those of the Semitic family; their first -kingdoms, so far as we know, were in Upper Egypt, and tradition brought -them across the eastern desert to the banks of the Nile. The culture -which they possessed was characterized by Babylonian features, and was -therefore due either wholly or in part to intercourse with Babylonia. -The fact that the use of the seal-cylinder—which, by the way, bore the -Semitic name of <i>khetem</i>—should have lingered in the valley of -the Nile to the very beginnings of the Middle Empire, is an indication -that the period of its introduction could not have been very remote. -The earliest historical monuments which have been revealed to us by -modern excavation may not, after all, be many centuries later than the -time when the culture of Babylonia found its way to the Nile.</p> - -<p>Indeed, there is a fact which indicates that this is the case, and that -the literary culture of Babylonia had been imported into the valley of -the Nile at a time when Egypt was divided into independent kingdoms. -At an early epoch an ingenious system of official chronology had been -invented in Babylonia. The years were named there after the chief -events that had occurred in each of them, among<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">[115]</span> these the accession -or death of a king being naturally prominent. At the death of a king -a list was drawn up of his regnal years, with their characteristic -events, and such lists were from time to time combined into longer -chronicles. The Babylonians were preeminently a commercial people, and -for purposes of trade it was necessary that contracts and other legal -documents should be dated accurately, and that in case of a dispute the -date should be easily ascertained. Now an exactly similar system of -dating had been adopted in Egypt before the age of the First historical -dynasty. A pre-Menic monument dated in this way has been discovered at -Hierakonpolis in Upper Egypt, and the same method of reckoning time -is found on ivory tablets that have been disinterred at Abydos. The -method lasted down to the age of the Fifth dynasty, since the Museum -of Palermo contains the fragment of a stone from Heliopolis, on which -the chronology of the Egyptian kings is given from Menes onward, each -year being named after the event or events from which it had received -its official title. The successive reigns are divided from one another -as in the Babylonian lists, and the height of the Nile in each year -is further added—a note which naturally is of Egyptian origin. It -is, therefore, interesting to observe that it is added as a note, -independent of the event which gave its name to the year. Nothing -could prove more clearly the foreign origin of the whole system of -chronology, since, had it been of native invention, the height of the -Nile, on which the prosperity of the country depended, would have been -the first event to be recorded. After the fall of the Old Empire this -ancient Babylonian method<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">[116]</span> of dating seems to have passed out of use -like the Babylonian seal-cylinder; at all events we find no further -traces of it. It was, in short, an exotic which never took kindly to -Egyptian soil.</p> - -<p>Did the “dynastic” Egyptians bring this method of dating with them, -or did they borrow it after their settlement in Egypt? The second -supposition is very difficult to entertain, for intimate trade -relations between Babylonia and Upper (or Lower)<a id="FNanchor_97" href="#Footnote_97" class="fnanchor">[97]</a> Egypt in the -pre-Menic age appear to be out of the question, and are unsupported by -any known facts. And literary correspondence, such as was carried on in -the time of the Eighteenth dynasty, seems equally out of the question. -How, then, did the Egyptians come to learn the peculiar Babylonian -system of chronology unless the founders of the culture of which it -formed a portion had originally brought it with them from the east?</p> - -<p>The same question is raised by the existence in early Egypt of an -artistic <i>motif</i> which had its origin in Babylonia. This is what -is usually known as the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">[117]</span> heraldic position of the figures of men and -animals. An example of it is found on the famous “palette” of Nar-Buzau -discovered by Mr. Quibell at Hierakonpolis,<a id="FNanchor_98" href="#Footnote_98" class="fnanchor">[98]</a> where the hybrid -monsters whose necks form the centre of the slate are heraldically -arranged. In this case the design is known to be Babylonian, since -M. Heuzey has pointed out a Babylonian seal-cylinder on which the -two monsters recur. Nar-Buzau is made the immediate predecessor of -Menes by Professor Petrie on grounds to which every archæologist must -assent; but an even better example of the heraldic design is met with -on a great isolated rock of sandstone near El-Kab which was quarried -in the time of the Old Empire. Here the ownership and opening of the -quarry are denoted by an elaborate sculpture of the Pharaoh, who is -duplicated, his two forms being figured as seated back to back, with -a column between them, while the winged solar disk of Edfu, with the -royal uræi on either side of the orb, spreads its wings above them. -Each of the royal forms holds a sceptre, but that on the left has -no head-dress, whereas that on the right wears a skull-cap, above -which is the solar orb with the uræus serpent issuing from it.<a id="FNanchor_99" href="#Footnote_99" class="fnanchor">[99]</a> -In front of the latter is an<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">[118]</span> altar consisting of a bowl on a stand, -loaves of bread and a cup and jar of wine (with the customary handles -for suspension) being engraved above the bowl along with a series -of perpendicular lines which in this instance cannot (as has been -suggested) represent the fringes of a mat. In front of the figure on -the left is another altar, of different shape, the place of the bowl -being taken by a flat top, above which are six upright lines and a -flat cake. Precisely the same altar with the same objects above it are -engraved on a broken seal-cylinder of ivory found by Dr. Reisner at -Naga’ ed-Dêr, which I understand from the discoverer to be of the age -of the First dynasty. When, therefore, was it that the heraldic design -in art was introduced into Egypt from its Babylonian birthplace? In any -case it would seem to have been before the foundation of the united -monarchy.</p> - -<p>In Babylonia itself, as we have seen, tradition looked seaward, towards -the Persian Gulf, for the elements of its civilization. At any rate -the seaport of Eridu was the gateway through which the culture of -Babylonia was believed to have passed. Here on the shores of the sea -the culture-god of Sumer had his home; here trade sprang up, and the -sailors and merchants of Eridu came into contact with men of other -lands and other habits. Is it possible to discover a connection between -Eridu and primeval Egypt?</p> - -<p>I believe that it is, though in making the attempt we are of -course treading upon precarious ground. There are certain curious -coincidences, one of which, since it goes to the heart of Sumerian and -Egyptian religion, is necessarily of considerable weight. But they are -all, it must be remembered, more in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">[119]</span> nature of indications and -possibilities than of ascertained facts.</p> - -<p>Eridu meant in Sumerian “the good city.” Memphis (Men-nofer), “the good -place,” the name of the first capital of united Egypt, had the same -signification. In the case of Eridu the name had something to do with -the fact that the city was the seat of Ea, the god of beneficent spells -and incantations, who had given the arts and sciences to man, and was -ever ready to heal those that were sick. The son and vice-gerent of -Ea, who carried his commands to earth and spent his time in curing -diseases and raising “the dead to life,” was Asari, “the prince,” who -was usually entitled Mulu-dugga, “the good” or “beneficent one.” The -character and attributes of Asari are thus the same as those of the -Egyptian Osiris, who was also known as Ati, “the prince,” and was -commonly addressed as Un-nofer, “the good being.” Unlike most of the -Egyptian deities, Osiris had the same human form as Asari of Eridu, -and the resemblance between the names of Asari and Osiris—Asar in -Egyptian—is rendered more striking by the remarkable fact that they -are both represented by two ideographs or hieroglyphs of precisely -the same shape and signification.<a id="FNanchor_100" href="#Footnote_100" class="fnanchor">[100]</a> It does not appear possible to -ascribe such a threefold identity to mere coincidence. And the theory -of coincidence becomes still more improbable when we remember that -while the story of Osiris centres in his death and resurrection, one -of the chief offices of the Sumerian Asari was to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">[120]</span> “raise the dead -to life.” Nowhere else in Babylonian literature, whether Sumerian -or Semitic, do we find any reference to a resurrection; the Semitic -Babylonians, indeed, did not look forward to a future life at all, or -if they did, it was to a shadowy existence in a subterranean land of -darkness “where all things are forgotten.” It is only in connection -with Asari that we hear of a possibility that the dead may live again.</p> - -<p>Other resemblances between the theologies of Eridu and primitive Egypt -have been pointed out. Professor Hommel believes that in the Egyptian -deity Nun, the heavenly ocean, we must see a Sumerian god Nun, who also -represented the celestial abyss. However this may be, an old formula, -torn from its context, which has been introduced into the Pyramid texts -of the Pharaoh Pepi I., takes us back not only to the cosmology of -Eridu but to the literary form in which it had been expressed. Pepi, it -is said, “was born of his father Tum. At that time the heaven was not, -the earth was not, men did not exist, the gods were not born, there was -no death.” The words are almost a repetition of those with which the -Babylonian epic of the creation begins: “At that time the heaven above -was not known by name, the earth beneath was not named ... at that -time the gods had not appeared, any one of them”; and they are also a -distant echo of the commencement of the cosmological legend of Sumerian -Eridu: “At that time no holy house, no house of the gods in a holy -place had been built, no reed had grown, no tree had been planted.”<a id="FNanchor_101" href="#Footnote_101" class="fnanchor">[101]</a></p> - -<p>The testimony of philological archæology, if I may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">[121]</span> use such a term, is -supplemented by that of archæological discovery. Sumerian Babylonia and -early dynastic Egypt are alike characterized by vases of hard stone, -many of which have the same forms. Examples of some of them will be -found in de Morgan’s <i>Recherches sur les Origines de l’Égypte</i>, -ii. p. 257, where Jéquier observes that analogues to the Egyptian vases -have been disinterred by de Sarzec at Tello in Southern Babylonia, -“the shape and execution of which are exactly like” those discovered -in Egypt, “the only difference being that the one are ornamented with -hieroglyphics, and the others with a cuneiform inscription; apart -from this they are identical in make.” The most remarkable instance -of identity, however, is the design on the palette of the pre-Menic -Pharaoh Nar-Buzau to which attention was first called by Professor -Heuzey.<a id="FNanchor_102" href="#Footnote_102" class="fnanchor">[102]</a> On this we have a representation of two lions set face -to face in the Babylonian fashion, and with long serpentine necks -which are interlaced so as to enclose a circle. Precisely the same -representation is met with on an early Babylonian seal-cylinder from -Tello.</p> - -<p>Years ago I noticed the general likeness presented by the seated -statues of Tello to those of the Third Egyptian dynasty,<a id="FNanchor_103" href="#Footnote_103" class="fnanchor">[103]</a> and -suggested that both belonged to the same school of sculpture. A little -earlier Professor Flinders Petrie had demonstrated that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">[122]</span> standard -of measurement marked upon the plan of the city which one of the Tello -figures holds in his lap is the same as the standard of measurement of -the Egyptian pyramid-builders, the cubit, namely, of 20·63, which is -quite different from the later Assyro-Babylonian cubit of 21·6.<a id="FNanchor_104" href="#Footnote_104" class="fnanchor">[104]</a> -Still more convincing, perhaps, is the Babylonian division of the year -into twelve months of thirty days each, which was already known in -Egypt in the age of the early dynasties. The Babylonian week of five -and ten days reappears in the Egyptian week of ten days, while the -division of the day into twelve “double hours,” six belonging to the -day and six to the night, has its counterpart in the Egyptian day of -twenty-four hours, twelve of which were reckoned to the day and the -other twelve to the night. Since a list of the thirty-six decans or -zodiacal stars has recently been found on a coffin of the time of the -Twelfth Dynasty<a id="FNanchor_105" href="#Footnote_105" class="fnanchor">[105]</a> it is possible that this distinctively Babylonian -invention may also go back to the age of the first Egyptian dynasties. -At all events one of the chief stars in the Pyramid texts is “the Bull -of heaven,” a translation of the Sumerian Gudi-bir, or “Bull of Light,” -the name given to the planet Jupiter in its relation to the ecliptic. -In primitive Babylonian astronomy the zodiacal sign of the Bull ushered -in the year.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p122_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p122_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">SITTING STATUE OF GUDEA.</p> - </div> - -<p>It may be that some of these evidences of Babylonian influence are -referable to contact between Babylonia and Egypt in the age that -immediately preceded the foundation of the united Egyptian <span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">[123]</span>monarchy -rather than to that still earlier age when the “dynastic” settlers -first settled in the valley of the Nile. But at present we do not -know how such a contact could have taken place. Upper Egypt and not -the Delta was the seat of the first Pharaohs with their Horus-hawk -totem, and at the remote period when the future civilization of the -country was being developed under their fostering care it is difficult -to believe that Babylonian soldiers or traders had made their way -to the shores of the Mediterranean, much less to the deserts of the -Sayyîd. For the present, at all events, where we have clear proof of -the dependence of early Egyptian culture upon that of the Babylonians -we have no alternative but to ascribe it to the Semitic emigrants or -invaders to whom the historical civilization of Egypt was primarily -due.<a id="FNanchor_106" href="#Footnote_106" class="fnanchor">[106]</a></p> - -<p>This civilization, like that of Babylonia, implied a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">[124]</span> knowledge of -metal. It was a civilization of the copper age, and thus stood in sharp -contrast to the neolithic culture, such as it was, of “prehistoric” -Egypt. Egyptian tradition, it is true, believed that the metal weapons -with which the followers of Horus had overcome the stone-defended -natives of the country were of iron, but this was because the compilers -of the story in its existing form projected the knowledge and usages -of their own time back into the past. There is incontrovertible proof -that in Egypt, as in Europe, the ages of copper and bronze preceded -that of iron. But the tradition was doubtless right in laying stress -upon the fact that the invaders were forgers and blacksmiths. It -would have been by reason of the superiority of their arms that -they succeeded in subduing the valley of the Nile and reducing its -inhabitants to serfdom. They were, too, “the followers of Horus,” -under the leadership of a single prince who was himself a Horus, that -is to say, an incarnate god. Here, again, we find ourselves in the -presence of a conception and doctrine of Semitic Babylonia. There, too, -as we have seen, the kings were incarnate gods, not only the sons of -a divinity, but themselves divine. In Egypt, apart from the Osirian -circle, the gods were not men, but animals, and so deeply rooted was -this beast-worship in the hearts of the indigenous population that -even the “dynastic” civilization, with all its unifying and absorbing -power, never succeeded in doing more than in uniting the head of the -beast with the body of the man. Even the human Pharaoh was forced to -picture himself as a hawk. In Semitic Babylonia on the other hand, as -we have seen, the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">[125]</span> deification of the king flowed naturally from the -anthropomorphic conception of the deity; where man was made in the -image of God, it was easy to see in him a god on earth. Like the use -of copper, therefore, the deification of the king which characterized -dynastic Egypt points back to Babylonia.</p> - -<p>It must not be supposed, however, that because certain elements and -leading characteristics in the civilization of historical Egypt -indicate that the Semitic-speaking race to whom it was mainly due -came originally from Babylonia, there are no elements in it which can -be derived from elsewhere. On the contrary, there is much that is -native to Egypt itself. Even the script shows but comparatively few -traces of a Babylonian origin. If the “dynastic” Egyptians came from -Babylonia, they must have very considerably modified and developed -the seeds of culture which they brought with them. And in Egypt they -found a neolithic culture which had already made considerable progress. -The indigenous population possessed the same artistic sense as the -palæolithic European of the Solutrian and Magdalenian epochs, with whom -perhaps it was contemporaneous, and under the direction of its dynastic -conquerors this sense was trained and educated until the Egyptians of -history became one of the most artistic peoples of the old world.</p> - -<p>But it is noticeable that throughout the historical period whenever the -civilizations of Egypt and Babylonia came into contact, it was Egypt -that was influenced rather than Asia. The tradition of the earliest -ages was thus carried on; the stream of influence flowed from the east, -and Herodotus was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">[126]</span> justified in assigning Egypt to Asia rather than -to Africa. It was, in fact, Asia with an African colouring. In the -days of the Eighteenth dynasty, when Egypt for the first and last time -possessed an Asiatic empire, the eastern influence is very marked. The -script itself became Babylonian, the correspondence of the Government -with its own officials in Canaan was conducted in the Babylonian -language and the Babylonian syllabary, and there are indications that -even the official memoranda of the campaigns of Thothmes III. were -drawn up in cuneiform characters. The clay tablets of Babylonia were -imitated in Upper Egypt, where hieroglyphic and hieratic characters -were somewhat awkwardly impressed upon them, and the language was -filled with Semitic loan-words. The fashionable author of the age of -the Nineteenth dynasty interlarded his style not only with Semitic -words, but even with Semitic phrases. It is true that the Semitic words -and phrases are Canaanite; but Canaan had long been a province of -Babylonia, and it was because it was permeated with Babylonian culture -and used the Babylonian script, that the foreign words and phrases were -introduced into the literary language of Egypt.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, so far as, we can judge, there was no reflex action -of Egypt upon Babylonia. The seal-cylinder was never superseded there -by the scarab; indeed the only scarabs yet found in the Mesopotamian -region are memorials of the Egyptian conquests of the Eighteenth -dynasty. Neither the hieroglyphs nor the hieratic of Egypt made their -way eastward into Asia, a fact which is somewhat remarkable when we -remember over how wide an area<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">[127]</span> the more complicated cuneiform spread. -It was Europe that was affected by Egypt rather than Asia. Before -Egypt laid claim to Palestine, Babylonian culture had already taken -too firm a hold of Western Asia to be dislodged, and in Babylonia -itself Egyptian influences are hard to find. In the age of Khammu-rabi, -we meet with a few proper names which may contain the name of the -Sun-god Ra, as well as with the name of Anupum or Anubis on a stone -cylinder, and the hieroglyphic character <i>nefer</i>, “good,” is -affixed to a legal document.<a id="FNanchor_107" href="#Footnote_107" class="fnanchor">[107]</a> But this merely proves that in a -period when the Babylonian Empire reached to the confines of Egypt, -there were Egyptians settled in Babylon for the purpose of trade. A -more curious example of possible Egyptian influence is one to which -I have drawn attention in my lectures on the <i>Religions of Ancient -Egypt and Babylonia</i>.<a id="FNanchor_108" href="#Footnote_108" class="fnanchor">[108]</a> Thoth, the Egyptian god of literature, -was accompanied by four apes, who sang hymns to the rising and setting -sun. Travellers have described the dancing and screaming of troops of -apes at daybreak when the sun first lights up the earth, and the origin -of these companions of Thoth has been cleared up by an inscription in -a tomb at Assuan. Here we learn that in the age of the Old Empire, -expeditions were sent by the Pharaohs into the Sudan—the home of the -apes of Thoth—in order to bring back from “the land of the gods” -Danga<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">[128]</span> dwarfs who could “dance the dances of the gods.” In the eyes of -the Egyptians, it would seem, there was little difference between the -ape and the Danga dwarf; the one was a dwarf-like ape, the other an -ape-like man. But they alone could perform correctly the dances that -were held in honour of certain gods, and which are already depicted -on the prehistoric vases of Egypt.<a id="FNanchor_109" href="#Footnote_109" class="fnanchor">[109]</a> Closely allied to the Danga -dwarfs and the apes of Thoth are the Khnumu or Patæki of Memphis, the -followers of Ptah, who were also dwarfs with bowed legs. Now dwarfs of -precisely the same form are found on early Babylonian seal-cylinders -where they are associated sometimes with the goddess Istar, sometimes -with an ape and the god Sin.<a id="FNanchor_110" href="#Footnote_110" class="fnanchor">[110]</a> The Babylonian name of the dwarf was -the Sumerian Nu-gidda, an indication that his association with the -deity went back to Sumerian times. We may conclude that, like the Danga -dwarf of Egypt, he, too, performed dances in honour of the gods.</p> - -<p>The extraordinary resemblance of form between the Egyptian and -Babylonian sacred dwarfs, as represented in art, raises the question -whether the Babylonian dwarf was not an importation from Egypt, since -the ape with which he was confounded was a native of the Sudan. This -was the view to which I was long inclined, but there are certain -considerations which make it difficult to be accepted.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">[129]</span> The Khnumu of -Memphis were not the only dwarfs who were represented by the Egyptian -artists. Still better known was Bes, who became a special favourite -in the Roman period, when he was made a sort of patron of childbirth. -But Bes, it was remembered, had come to Egypt from the southern lands -of Somali and Arabia, like the goddess Hathor or the god Horus. Hathor -is, I believe, the Babylonian Istar, who has passed to Egypt through -her South Arabian name of Athtar; however this may be, Ptah of Memphis, -whose followers were the Khnumu dwarfs, bears a Semitic name, and must -therefore be of Semitic derivation. He belongs, that is to say, to the -Egyptians of the dynastic stock, and is accordingly one of the few -Egyptian divinities who is depicted in human form. On the other hand, -the Sumerian dwarf Nu-gidda is the companion of Istar.</p> - -<p>On the Egyptian side, therefore, the dwarfs of Ptah are associated -with a god who has come from Asia, while the dwarf Bes was confessedly -of foreign extraction. On the Babylonian side the dwarf Nu-gidda was -the associate of Istar, the counterpart of Hathor, and of Sin, the -Moon-god, who was adopted by the people of Southern Arabia, and whose -name was carried as far as Mount Sinai on the borders of Egypt. All -this suggests that the sacred dwarf came to the valley of the Nile from -Babylonia and Arabia like the name of Ptah, the creator of the world. -In this case it would have come with the dynastic Egyptians before the -age of history begins.</p> - -<p>But, on the other hand, there is the ape, and the ape is figured -along with the dwarf on the Babylonian seals, It is true that the ape -is equally foreign to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">[130]</span> Egypt and Babylonia, but the Sudan is nearer -Egypt than Southern Arabia is to Babylonia. The actual date and path -of migration, therefore, of the sacred dwarf must be left undecided. -Whether he was brought to Egypt at the dawn of history, or whether he -travelled to Babylonia in the historical age remains doubtful. All we -can be sure of is that the sacred dwarfs of Babylonia and Egypt were -originally one and the same, and that they testify to an intercourse -between the two countries of which all literary record has been -lost.<a id="FNanchor_111" href="#Footnote_111" class="fnanchor">[111]</a></p> - -<p>The same verdict must be given in the case of another point, not only -of resemblance, but of identity, between ancient Egypt and Babylonia. -This is the shadûf or contrivance for drawing water from a falling -river for the sake of irrigation. The shadûf, which is still used -in Upper Egypt, can be traced back pictorially to the time of the -Eighteenth dynasty, but the basin system of irrigation with which it -was connected was already of immemorial antiquity. It is a simple yet -most effective invention, and on that account perhaps the less likely -to have been independently invented, for it is always the obvious -which remains longest unnoticed. In the modern shadûf a long pole is -laid across a beam which is supported at either end upon other poles -or on pillars of brick or mud; it is kept in place by thongs and is -heavily weighted at one end, while at the other end a bucket or skin -is attached to it by means of a rope. The shadûf of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">[131]</span> Eighteenth -dynasty was supported sometimes, as to-day, on a cross-beam, sometimes -on a column of mud, and the bucket was of triangular form with two -handles to which the rope was tied. Representations of it from Theban -tombs will be found in Maspero’s <i>Dawn of Civilization</i>, p. 764, -and Sir Gardner Wilkinson’s <i>Ancient Egyptians</i>, plates 38 and -356. Precisely the same machine is represented on a bas-relief found by -Layard in the palace of Kûyunjik at Nineveh,<a id="FNanchor_112" href="#Footnote_112" class="fnanchor">[112]</a> the only difference -being that the shadûf-worker stands upon a platform of brick instead -of on the bank itself, and that the pillar upon which the pole is -supported seems to be built of bricks rather than of mud. The machine, -however, is identical in both its Egyptian and its Assyrian form. That -the bas-relief should have been found in Assyria and not in Babylonia -is a mere accident. Like almost everything else in Assyrian culture, -the invention was of Babylonian origin, and, in fact, formed part of -the system of irrigation which made the plain of Babylonia habitable. -Herodotus, who calls the machine a κηλωνεῖον, describes it as being -used as in Egypt, and for the same reason, since the river did not -rise to the actual level of the cultivated ground, which, like that of -Egypt, was divided into a number of basins.<a id="FNanchor_113" href="#Footnote_113" class="fnanchor">[113]</a></p> - -<p>The palace of Kûyunjik belongs to the last age of Assyrian history. -But the shadûf in Babylonia went back to the Sumerian period, as -we know from the references to it in the lexical tablets. It was -called <i>dulâtum</i> in Semitic Babylonian, the pole or poles being -<i>kakritum</i>, and the bucket <i>zirqu</i> or <i>zirqatum</i><span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">[132]</span> -(Sumerian <i>sû</i>),<a id="FNanchor_114" href="#Footnote_114" class="fnanchor">[114]</a> and an old Sumerian collection of -agricultural precepts describes how the irrigator “fixes up the -shadûf, hangs up the bucket and draws water.”<a id="FNanchor_115" href="#Footnote_115" class="fnanchor">[115]</a> The “irrigator” was -naturally an important personage in early Babylonia, and legend averred -that the famous Sargon of Akkad, the founder of the first Semitic -Empire, had been rescued as a child from a watery grave, and brought up -by one. In both Babylonia and Egypt the shadûf was closely associated -with a system of irrigation which went back to the dawn of their -several histories.</p> - -<p>What explanation must we give of its identity in the two countries? -There are three possibilities. In the first place, it may have been -invented independently on the banks of both the Euphrates and the -Nile. Similar conditions tend to produce similar results. But against -this is the fact that the shadûf was not the only kind of irrigating -machine that was suggested by the nature of the two rivers and -the lands through which they flowed. In modern Egypt, besides the -shadûf there are the <i>saqia</i>, or water-wheel, and an irrigating -contrivance which is in use in the Delta. The water-wheel, we know, was -a Babylonian invention which was imported into Egypt in comparatively -recent times; the irrigating contrivance of the Delta, which consists -of a bucket suspended on a rope swung by two men who stand facing -each other, is a primitive instrument which might have been invented -anywhere. Its survival is due to the fact that in the flat marshes of -the Delta, the shadûf, though saving labour, is not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">[133]</span> necessary, and it -therefore continued to be employed there after the shadûf was known. -But this implies that the shadûf was not the oldest instrument for -raising the water of the Nile.</p> - -<p>Then there is the second possibility that the shadûf was borrowed by -Egypt from Babylonia or by Babylonia from Egypt in historical times. -In Babylonia, however, we can trace its history back to the Sumerian -epoch, and in both countries it was intimately connected with a system -of irrigation the origin of which must be sought in the prehistoric -age, and which was probably carried from the valley of the Euphrates to -that of the Nile. There remains the third possibility that it came to -Egypt along with the system of irrigation itself.</p> - -<p>It is always easier to ask questions than to answer them, in archæology -as in other things. There are many details connected with the early -relationship between the civilizations of Babylonia and Egypt which -must be left to future research to discover. But of that relationship -there can now be little question in the minds of those who are -accustomed to deal with inductive evidence. There was intercourse in -the prehistoric age between the two countries, and the civilizing -influences, like the wheat and the language, came from the lands which -bordered on the Euphrates. Civilized man made his way from the east, -and dwelt in primeval days “in the land of Shinar.”<a id="FNanchor_116" href="#Footnote_116" class="fnanchor">[116]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">[134]</span></p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p134_3"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p134_3.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE 1<sup>ST</sup>. ASSYRIAN EMPIRE</p> - </div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">[135]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER V<br /> -<span class="subhed">BABYLONIA AND PALESTINE</span></h2></div> - -<p>A very few years ago Palestine was still archæologically an unknown -land. Its history subsequent to the Israelitish conquest could be -gathered from the Old Testament, and Egyptian papyri of the age of -the Nineteenth dynasty had told us something about its condition -immediately prior to that event. Thanks to the Palestine Exploration -Fund, the country had been carefully surveyed, and the monuments -still existing on its surface had been noted and registered. But the -earlier history of the people, their races and origin, their social -and religious life, and their relation to the rest of the world, were -still a blank. Of the Canaan invaded by the children of Israel we knew -nothing from an archæological point of view, and very little even of -the Palestine that was governed by Israelitish judges and Jewish kings.</p> - -<p>The veil has at last been lifted which so long lay over the face of -Palestine. Cuneiform texts have come to clear up its civil history, -while the spade of the excavator has supplemented their evidence on -the more purely archæological side. The history of Palestine can -now be followed back not only into the neolithic, but even into -the palæolithic age, and the source and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">[136]</span> character of Canaanite -civilization have been in large measure revealed to us.</p> - -<p>First and foremost among the materials which have made this possible -are the cuneiform tablets of Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt, which -were discovered in 1887. Tel el-Amarna, about midway between Minia -and Assiut, is the site of a city which sprang, like a meteor, into -a brief but glorious existence under the so-called “heretic king” -Amon-hotep IV. about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1400. Amon-hotep, under the guidance -of his mother, had endeavoured to suppress the old state religion of -Egypt, and to substitute for it a pantheistic monotheism. In spite -of persecution, however, the adherents of the old faith proved too -strong for the king; he was forced to leave Thebes, the capital of his -fathers, and to build a new capital further north, where he changed -his name to that of Khu-n-Aten, and called artists from the islands -of the Mediterranean to adorn his palace. When moving from Thebes he -naturally transferred to the new seat of government both the Foreign -Office and its records in so far as they covered the reign of his -father Amon-hotep III. and his own. For reasons unknown to us they do -not extend further back.</p> - -<p>They were all in the cuneiform script, and for the most part in the -Babylonian language. The fact came upon the historian with a shock -of surprise, and had far-reaching consequences, historical as well -as archæological. In the first place, they proved what had already -been suspected, that under the Eighteenth dynasty Egypt possessed an -Asiatic empire which stretched to the banks of the Euphrates. Then, -secondly, they showed that Western Asia was at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">[137]</span> time intersected by -high-roads along which merchants and couriers were constantly passing, -and an active literary correspondence was carried on. Thirdly—and -this was the greatest surprise of all—they made it clear that this -correspondence was in the script and language of Babylonia, and that it -was shared in by writers of various nationalities and languages, of all -classes of society and of both sexes. The Hittite and Cappadocian kings -wrote to the Pharaoh in cuneiform characters, just as did the kings -of Babylonia and Assyria. Arab shêkhs and Hittite condottieri joined -in the correspondence, and politically-minded ladies did the same. -Even the Egyptian Government was compelled to suppress all feelings of -national vanity, and to conduct the whole of its correspondence with -its own governors and vassals in Palestine or Syria in the foreign -language and syllabary. There is no trace anywhere of the use of either -the Egyptian language or the Egyptian mode of writing.</p> - -<p>From these facts other facts follow. The age of the Eighteenth Egyptian -dynasty must have been quite as literary as the age of our own -eighteenth century, and international correspondence must have been -quite as easy, if not easier. Education, moreover, must have been very -widely spread; all the civilized world was writing and reading; and the -system of writing was a most complicated one, demanding years of study -and memory. In spite of this it was known not only to a professional -class of scribes and the officials of the Government, but also to the -shêkhs of petty Canaanitish towns and even to Bedâwîn chiefs. And along -with the system of writing went a knowledge of the foreign language -of Babylonia—the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">[138]</span> French of Western Asia—including some slight -acquaintance with the extinct language of the Sumerians. All this -presupposes libraries and archive-chambers where books and dispatches -could be stored, as well as schools where the Babylonian script and -language could be taught and learned.</p> - -<p>Such libraries and schools had existed in Babylonia from a very -early age. Every great city had its library, every great temple -its muniment-room. Here the clay books were numbered and arranged -on shelves, catalogues being provided which gave their titles. The -system under which the longer literary or semi-scientific works were -arranged and catalogued was at once ingenious and complete. By the -side of the library was naturally the school. Here every effort was -made to facilitate the progress of the scholars, more especially in -the study of the Sumerian language and texts. The characters of the -syllabary were classified and named; comparative grammars, dictionaries -and reading-books of Sumerian and Semitic Babylonian were compiled, -lists of Semitic synonyms were drawn up, explanatory commentaries were -written on older works, and interlinear translations provided for the -Sumerian texts. But with all this the cuneiform system of writing -must have been hard even for the native Babylonian to learn, and in -the case of the foreigner its difficulties were multiplied. It may be -doubted whether the average boy of to-day, who finds the spelling of -his own English almost too much for him, would have had the memory and -patience to learn the cuneiform characters. Even in Sumerian times the -difficulty of the task was realized, for there is a Sumerian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">[139]</span> proverb -that “he who would excel in the school of the scribes must rise with -the dawn.”<a id="FNanchor_117" href="#Footnote_117" class="fnanchor">[117]</a> It says much for the educational zeal of the Oriental -world in the century before the Exodus that it was just this difficult -and complicated script which it chose as its medium for correspondence.</p> - -<p>The fact, however, points unmistakably to its cause. The reason why the -Babylonian language and syllabary were thus in use throughout Western -Asia, and why even the Egyptian Government was obliged to employ them -in its communications with its Asiatic subjects, can only have been -because Babylonian culture was too deeply rooted there to be superseded -by any other. Before Egypt appeared upon the scene under the conquerors -of the Eighteenth dynasty, Western Asia, as far as the Mediterranean, -must have been for centuries under the direct influence and domination -of Babylonia. I say domination as well as influence, for in the ancient -East military conquest was needed to enforce an alien language and -literature, theology and system of law upon another people. And even -military conquest was not always sufficient, as witness the Assyrian -and Persian conquests of Egypt, or the Roman conquest of Syria.</p> - -<p>We now have monumental testimony that such domination there actually -was. As far back as <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3800, Sargon of Akkad had founded a -Semitic empire which had its centre in Babylon, and which stretched -across Asia to the shores of the Mediterranean. We learn from his -annals that three campaigns were needed to subdue “the land of the -Amorites,” as<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">[140]</span> Syria and Palestine were called, and that at last, after -three years of warfare, all the coast-lands of “the sea of the setting -sun” acknowledged his sway. He set up an image of himself on the Syrian -coast in commemoration of his victories, and moulded his conquests -“into one” great empire. His son and successor, Naram-Sin, extended his -conquests into the Sinaitic peninsula, and a seal-cylinder, on which he -is adored as a god, has been found in Cyprus. But Sargon was a patron -of literature as well as a conqueror; his court was filled with learned -men, and one of the standard works of Babylonian literature is said -to have been compiled during his reign. The extension of Babylonian -rule, therefore, to Western Asia meant the extension of Babylonian -civilization, an integral part of which was its script.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p140_3"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p140_3.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">VIEW OF THE TEMPLE OF UR IN ITS PRESENT STATE, ACCORDING TO LOFTUS.</p> - </div> - -<p>Here, then, is an explanation of the archæological fact that the graves -of the copper and early bronze age in Cyprus, which mark the beginning -of civilization in the country, contain numerous seal-cylinders made in -imitation of those of Babylonia.<a id="FNanchor_118" href="#Footnote_118" class="fnanchor">[118]</a> Examples of the seal-cylinders -from which they were copied have also been discovered there. Among -them is the cylinder on which Naram-Sin is adored as a god, another is -an extremely fine specimen of the style that was current in the age -of Sargon of Akkad.<a id="FNanchor_119" href="#Footnote_119" class="fnanchor">[119]</a> Along with the seal-cylinder it is probable -that the <span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">[141]</span>clay tablet was also introduced to the people of the -West. Though the clay tablets found by Dr. Evans and others in Krete -may not go back to so remote a date, the linear Kretan characters -belong to the same system of writing as the Cypriote syllabary, and an -inscription in the letters of this syllabary on a seal-cylinder from -the early copper-age cemetery of Paraskevi near Nikosia has recently -been published by myself.<a id="FNanchor_120" href="#Footnote_120" class="fnanchor">[120]</a> We may infer that the prototypes of the -tablets of Knossos or Phæstos once existed in Cyprus and Syria, though -in the damp climate of the Mediterranean the unbaked clay of which they -were made has long since returned to its original dust.</p> - -<p>A few centuries after the age of Sargon of Akkad we find Gudea, a -Sumerian prince in Southern Babylonia, bringing limestone from “the -land of the Amorites,” blocks of alabaster from the Lebanon, and beams -of cedar from Mount Amanus, for his buildings in the city of Lagas. -Gold-dust and acacia wood were at the same time imported from the -“salt” desert which lay between Palestine and Egypt, and stones from -the mountains of the Taurus, to the north-east of the Gulf of Antioch, -were floated down the Euphrates on rafts.<a id="FNanchor_121" href="#Footnote_121" class="fnanchor">[121]</a> At a later date we hear -of the kings of the Babylonian dynasty which had its capital at Ur, -conducting military expeditions to the district of the Lebanon.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">[142]</span></p> - -<p>About <span class="allsmcap">B.C</span>. 2100 Northern Babylonia was occupied by a dynasty -of kings, whose names show that they belonged to the Western division -of the Semitic family. The language of Canaan—better known to us as -Hebrew—and that of Southern and North-eastern Arabia, were at the time -substantially one and the same, and as the same deities were worshipped -and the same ancestors were claimed throughout this portion of the -Semitic world, Assyriologists are not agreed as to whether the dynasty -in question should be regarded as coming from Canaan or from Southern -Arabia. The Babylonians themselves called the names Amorite, so it is -possible that they would have pronounced the kings to have been Amorite -also. The point, however, is of little moment; the fact remains that -Northern Babylonia passed under the rule of sovereigns who belonged to -the Western and not to the Babylonian branch of the Semitic race, and -who made Babylon their capital. The contract tablets and other legal -documents of this period show that Babylonia was at the time full of -Amorite, that is Canaanite, settlers, most of whom had come there for -the sake of trade. At Sippara there was a district called “the field -of the Amorites,” over which, therefore, they must have had full legal -rights. Indeed, it would seem that in the eyes of the law the Amorite -settlers were on a complete footing of equality with the natives of the -country.</p> - -<p>This fact, so little in harmony with our ordinary idea of the -exclusiveness of the ancient East, is largely explained by the further -fact that Canaan and Syria were now acknowledged portions of the -Babylonian Empire. When Babylonia was conquered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">[143]</span> by the Elamites, -and the West Semitic king of Babylon allowed to retain his crown as -an Elamite vassal, his claim to rule over “the land of the Amorites” -passed naturally to his suzerain. Accordingly we find Chedor-laomer -of Elam in the Book of Genesis marching to Canaan to put down a local -rebellion there, while Eri-Aku, or Arioch, of Larsa, at the same date -describes an Elamite prince as “governor of the land of the Amorites.” -When Khammu-rabi, or Amraphel, the king of Babylon, at last succeeded -in shaking off the Elamite yoke and making himself monarch of a -free and united Babylonia, “the land of the Amorites” followed the -fortunes of Babylonia as a matter of course. On a monument discovered -at Diarbekir, in Northern Mesopotamia, the only title taken by the -Babylonian sovereign is that of “king of the land of the Amorites.” -And the same title is borne by one at least of his successors in the -dynasty.</p> - -<p>For more than two thousand years, therefore, Western Asia was more or -less closely attached to Babylonia. At times it was as much a part -of the dominions of the Babylonian king as the cities of Babylonia -itself, and it is consequently not surprising that it should have -become thoroughly interpenetrated with Babylonian culture. There was -an excellent postal service connecting Canaan with Babylonia which -went back to the days of Naram-Sin, and some of the clay <i>bullæ</i> -which served as stamps for the official correspondence at that period -are now in the Museum of the Louvre.<a id="FNanchor_122" href="#Footnote_122" class="fnanchor">[122]</a> On the other hand, a clay -docket has been found in the Lebanon, dated in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">[144]</span> reign of the son of -Khammu-rabi, which contains one of the notices sent by the Babylonian -Government to its officials at the beginning of each year, in order -that they might know what was its official title and date.<a id="FNanchor_123" href="#Footnote_123" class="fnanchor">[123]</a></p> - -<p>When this close connection between Babylonia and its Syrian provinces -was broken off we do not as yet know. Perhaps it did not take -place until the conquest of Babylonia by a horde of half-civilized -mountaineers from Elam about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1800. At any rate, from this -time forward, though the influence of Babylonian culture continued, -Babylonian rule in the West was at an end. From the Tel el-Amarna -correspondence we learn that the Babylonian Government was still -inclined to intrigue in Palestine; the memories of its ancient empire -were not altogether obliterated, and just as the English sovereigns -called themselves kings of France long after they had ceased to possess -an inch of French ground, so the Babylonian kings doubtless persuaded -themselves that they were still by right the rulers of Canaan.</p> - -<p>The wild mountaineers from the Kossæan highlands who had conquered -Babylon soon passed under the spell of Babylonian culture, and became -themselves Babylonian in habits, if not in name. They founded a dynasty -which lasted for five hundred and seventy-six years and nine months. It -is a curious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">[145]</span> coincidence that Egypt also was governed about the same -time by foreign conquerors, whose primitive wildness had been tamed -by the influences of Egyptian civilization, which they had adopted as -the Kossæan mountaineers adopted that of Babylonia, and whose rule -also lasted for more than five hundred years. The Hyksos who conquered -Egypt have been convincingly shown by recent discoveries to have been -Semites, speaking a language of the West Semitic type.<a id="FNanchor_124" href="#Footnote_124" class="fnanchor">[124]</a> They came -from Canaan, and their conquest of Egypt made of it a dependency -of Canaan. Hence they fixed their head-quarters in the northern -part of their Egyptian territories, where they could easily keep up -communication with Asia.</p> - -<p>The excavations undertaken by the Palestine Exploration Fund at -Lachish, Gezer and other sites in Southern Canaan have made it clear -that throughout the Hyksos period Egypt and that part of Palestine -were closely connected with one another. How much further eastward -the government or influence of the Hyksos may have extended we do not -know; the figure of a lion inscribed with the name of a Hyksos Pharaoh -has been discovered in Babylonia, but this may have been brought from -elsewhere. At any rate, so far as Palestine is concerned, we may say<span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">[146]</span> -that the Hyksos period in Egypt coincides with the disappearance of -Babylonian rule in Canaan. From that time onward Canaan looks towards -Egypt, and not towards Babylonia.</p> - -<p>But even before the beginning of the Hyksos period Canaan—or at all -events Southern Canaan—is Egyptian rather than Babylonian. That has -been abundantly proved by Mr. Macalister’s excavations at Gezer. -Objects of the age of the Twelfth dynasty have been disinterred there, -and of such a character as to make it evident that the country was -already subject to Egyptian influence long before the appearance of the -Hyksos. An Egyptian of that age was buried within the precincts of the -consecrated “high place,” and a stela commemorating him erected on the -spot.</p> - -<p>Both at Gezer and at Lachish it has been possible to trace the -archæological chronology of the sites by the successive cities which -arose upon them. Gezer was the older settlement of the two; its history -goes back to the neolithic age, when it was inhabited by a race of -short stature who lived in caves and burned their dead, and whose -pottery was of the roughest description. Some of it was ornamented with -streaks of red or black on a yellow or red wash, like coarse pottery of -the age of the Third Egyptian dynasty which I have found in so-called -“prehistoric” graves at El-Kab. Two settlements of the neolithic -population can be made out, one resting upon the other; in the second -there was a distinct advance in civilization, and the place became a -town surrounded by a wall. The neolithic race was succeeded by a taller -race with Semitic characteristics, to whom the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">[147]</span> name of Amorite has -been given; they buried the dead in a contracted position, and were -acquainted with the use of copper and later of bronze. The city was -now defended by a solid wall of stone, intersected with brick towers; -as Mr. Macalister observes, in a country where stone is the natural -building material the employment of brick must be due to foreign -influence. He thinks the influence was Egyptian; this is very possible; -but considering that building with brick was a salient feature in -Babylonian civilization, the influence may have come rather from the -side of Babylonia.</p> - -<p>The first “Amorite” city at Gezer was coeval with the earliest city -at Lachish—the modern Tel el-Hesy, where the Amorite settlers had no -neolithic predecessors. At Gezer their sanctuary has been discovered. -It was a “high place” formed of nine great monoliths running from north -to south, and surrounded by a platform of large stones. The second -monolith, polished with the kisses of the worshippers, was possibly the -central object of veneration, the <i>bœtylos</i> or <i>beth-el</i>, -as it was termed.<a id="FNanchor_125" href="#Footnote_125" class="fnanchor">[125]</a> This <i>beth-el</i>, or “house of God,” takes -us back to Semitic Babylonia. The veneration of isolated stones was -common to all branches of the Semitic race; it may have come down -to them from the days when their ancestors wandered over the desert -plains of Arabia, where the solitary rocks assumed fantastic shapes -that appealed to their imagination and excited<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">[148]</span> feelings of awe, while -their shadows offered a welcome retreat in the heat of noon-day. In the -historical age, however, it was not the rock itself that was adored, -but the divinity whose home it had become by consecration with oil. -The brick-built temple was called by the Babylonians a <i>bit-ili</i>, -<i>beth-el</i>, or “house of God,” and the name was easily transferred -to the consecrated stones, the worship of which was coeval with the -beginnings of Semitic history. But though the worship of stones -was primitive, the belief that the stone was not a fetish, but the -shrine of divinity, belonged to an age of reflection and points to a -Babylonian source.</p> - -<p>The first Amorite city at Gezer was succeeded by a second, in which the -high place underwent enlargement and was provided with a temenos. Under -its pavement have been found memorials of the grim rites performed -in honour of its Baal—the bones of children and even adults who -had been sacrificed and sometimes burnt and then deposited in jars. -Similar sacrifices, it would seem, were offered when a new building was -erected, since children’s bones have been disinterred from under the -foundations of houses, both at Gezer and at Taanach and Megiddo. The -bones were placed in jars along with lamps and bowls, which, it has -been suggested, were intended to receive the blood of the victim. The -old sacred cave of the neolithic race was now brought into connection -with the high place of the “Amorite” settlers, and the skeleton of a -child has been found in it resting on a flat stone.</p> - -<p>This fourth city at Gezer—the second since the Semites first settled -there—has yielded objects which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">[149]</span> enable us to assign to it an -approximate date. These objects are Egyptian, and belong to the age -of the Twelfth dynasty. Many of them are scarabs, but there is also -the tombstone of the Egyptian who was buried under the shadow of the -Amorite sanctuary. Fragments of diorite and alabaster vases also occur, -telling of trade with Egypt, and in the upper and later part of the -stratum painted pottery makes its appearance similar to that met with -in the corresponding stratum at Lachish. I shall have more to say about -this painted pottery in the next chapter; here it is sufficient to -state that it is related to the early painted pottery of the Ægean, -but is itself of Hittite origin, and can be traced back to the Hittite -centre in Cappadocia.</p> - -<p>The fourth city had a long existence. It lasted from the period of the -Twelfth Egyptian dynasty to the middle of the Eighteenth. Then it was -ruined by an enemy and its old wall partially destroyed—doubtless by -Thothmes III. when he conquered Palestine (about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1480). -Upon its ruins rose another Amorite town. A new city wall was built of -larger circumference and greater strength; it measured fourteen feet in -thickness, and the stones of which it was composed were large and well -shaped. The houses erected on the <i>débris</i> of the brick towers -belonging to the old wall were filled with scarabs, beads, fragments -of pottery and other objects contemporary with the reign of Amon-hotep -III. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1400). At Lachish the ruins of the third city -were full of similar objects, and among them was a cuneiform tablet -in which reference is made to the governor of Lachish mentioned in -the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. At Taanach the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">[150]</span> Austrian excavators -discovered an archive-chamber, the contents of which were of the same -age. Taanach was merely a third-rate or fourth-rate town, but its -shêkh possessed a fortified residence, in a subterranean chamber of -which his official records and private correspondence were kept in a -coffer of terra-cotta. They were all in the Babylonian language and -script. Among them is a list of the number of men each landowner (?) -was required to furnish for the local militia, and there are also the -letters which passed between the shêkh and his friends about their -private affairs. How little of an official character is to be found in -these letters may be gathered from the following translation of one of -them: “To Istar-yisur (writes) Guli-Hadad.—Live happily! May the gods -grant health to yourself, your house and your sons! You have written -to me about the money ... and behold I will give fifty pieces of -silver, since this has not (yet) been done.—Again: Why have you sent -your salutation here afresh? All you have heard there I have (already) -learned through Bel-ram.—Again: If the finger of the goddess Asherat -appears, let them announce (the omen) and observe (it), and you shall -describe to me both the sign and the fact. As to your daughter, we know -the one, Salmisa, who is in the city of Rabbah, and if she grows up, -you must give her to the prince; she is in truth fit for a lord.”<a id="FNanchor_126" href="#Footnote_126" class="fnanchor">[126]</a></p> - -<p>These Taanach letters are a final proof, if any were needed, of the -completely Babylonian nature of Canaanitish civilization in the -century before the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">[151]</span> Exodus. When we find the petty shêkhs of obscure -Canaanite towns corresponding with one another on the trivial matters -of every-day life in the foreign language and syllabary of Babylonia, -it is evident that Babylonian influence was still as strong in -Palestine as it had been in the days when “the land of the Amorites” -was a Babylonian province. It is also evident that there must have been -plenty of schools in which the foreign language and syllabary could be -taught and studied, and that the clay literature of Babylonia had been -carried to the West. Indeed the Tel el-Amarna collection contains proof -of this latter fact. Along with the letters are fragments of Babylonian -literary works, one of which has been interpunctuated in order to -facilitate its reading by the Egyptian scholar.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, apart from the cuneiform tablets the more strictly -archæological evidence of Babylonian influence upon Canaan is -extraordinarily scanty. Naturally we should discover no traces of -“the goodly Babylonish garments” which, as we learn from the Book of -Joshua, were imported into the country, the climate of Palestine not -being favourable to their preservation; but it is certainly strange -that so few seal-cylinders or similar objects have been disinterred, -either at Gezer and Lachish in the south, or at Taanach and Megiddo -in the north. What makes it the stranger is that Mr. Macalister has -opened a long series of graves, beginning with the neolithic race and -coming down to Græco-Roman times, and that while the influence of Egypt -is sufficiently visible in them, that of Babylonia is almost entirely -absent. It is true that a few seal-cylinders<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">[152]</span> have been met with in -the excavations on the city sites, but with the exception of one found -at Taanach<a id="FNanchor_127" href="#Footnote_127" class="fnanchor">[127]</a> I do not know of any that can be said to be of purely -Babylonian manufacture; most of them are of Syrian make, and represent -a Syrian modification of the Babylonian type. And yet there are -seal-cylinders from the Lebanon, now in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, -which are purely Babylonian in origin, and belong to the period of -Khammu-rabi.<a id="FNanchor_128" href="#Footnote_128" class="fnanchor">[128]</a>—There are also two seal-cylinders of later pattern -in M. de Clercq’s collection, on which are representations of the -Egyptian gods Set and Horus—similar to those found on scarabs from the -Delta of the time of the Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties—as well -as of the Canaanite god Reshef, accompanied by cuneiform inscriptions -which on palæographic grounds must be assigned to the age of the Tel -el-Amarna tablets. As the inscriptions record the names of Hadad-sum -and his son Anniy, “citizens of Sidon, the crown of the gods,” we -know that they have come from the Phœnician coast.<a id="FNanchor_129" href="#Footnote_129" class="fnanchor">[129]</a> Like the -cuneiform tablets, they bear witness to the long-continued influence of -Babylonian culture in Canaan on its literary side.</p> - -<p>When we turn to theology and law, the same influence is recognizable. -The deities of Canaan were to a large extent Babylonian, with -Babylonian names. The Babylonian gods Ana, Nebo, Rimmon (Rammân), Hadad -and Dagon meet us in the names<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">[153]</span> of places and persons, and Ashtoreth, -who shared with Baal the devotion of the inhabitants of Palestine, -is the Babylonian Istar with the suffix of the feminine attached to -her name. Even Asherah, in whom Semitic scholars were long inclined -to see a genuinely Canaanitish goddess, turns out to have been of -Babylonian origin, and to be the feminine counterpart of Asir, or -Asur, the national god of Assyria. The recently-discovered legal code -of Khammu-rabi has shown that such glimpses as we have in the Book of -Genesis of the laws and legal customs of Canaan in the patriarchal age -all presuppose Babylonian law. From time to time usages are referred -to and laws implied which have no parallel in the Mosaic code, and are -therefore presumably pre-Israelite. But though they have no parallel -in the Mosaic code, we have now learnt that they were all provided for -in the code of Khammu-rabi. Thus Abram’s adoption of his slave and -house-steward Eliezer is in strict accordance with the provisions of -the old Babylonian law. Adoption, indeed, which was practically unknown -among the Israelites, was a leading feature in Babylonian life, and -the childless man was empowered to adopt an heir, even from among his -slaves, to whom he left his name and his property. So, again, Sarai’s -conduct in regard to Hagar, or Rachel’s conduct in regard to Bilhah, is -explained by the Babylonian enactment which allowed the wife to present -her husband with a concubine; while we can now understand why Hagar was -not sold after her quarrel with Sarai, for the Babylonian law laid down -that “if a man has married a wife, and she has given a concubine to her -husband by whom he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">[154]</span> has had a child, should the concubine afterwards -have a dispute with her mistress because she has borne children, her -mistress cannot sell her; she can only lay a task upon her and make her -live with the other slaves.”</p> - -<p>In the account of Isaac’s marriage with Rebekah it is again a provision -of the old Babylonian code with which we meet. There we hear of the -bride receiving a dowry from the father of the bridegroom, and of other -presents being made to her mother in conformity with Babylonian usage. -So, too, the infliction of death by burning with which Judah threatened -his daughter-in-law Tamar, on the supposition that she was a widow, -has its explanation in the legislation of Khammu-rabi, where the same -punishment is enacted against a nun who has been unfaithful to her -vows of virginity or widowhood. The story of the purchase of the cave -of Machpelah, moreover, has long been recognized by Assyriologists as -pre-supposing an acquaintance with the legal forms of a Babylonian sale -of land in the Khammu-rabi age.</p> - -<p>With all this heritage of Babylonian culture, therefore, it is curious -that the excavators in Palestine have come across so few material -evidences of intercourse with Babylonia. Mr. Macalister is inclined -to believe that it must belong to a period anterior to the Twelfth -Egyptian dynasty. But this raises a chronological question of some -difficulty. We have seen that the earlier and inner city wall of -Gezer served as the defence of three successive settlements, and -that it was partially destroyed along with the city it protected -about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1480. Now the outer and more massive wall which -superseded it also served<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">[155]</span> to protect three cities, the latest of which -was deserted during the Maccabean period, about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 100. -Hence, Mr. Macalister argues, “if we may assume the rate of growth to -have been fairly uniform, we are led back to <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2900 as the -(latest) date” for the foundation of the first wall. During this long -period of time twenty-eight feet of <i>débris</i> accumulated; below -this are as much as twelve feet of neolithic accumulation.<a id="FNanchor_130" href="#Footnote_130" class="fnanchor">[130]</a></p> - -<p>The conquests of Sargon of Akkad would accordingly have fallen within -the neolithic epoch. But in this case it is strange that the use -of copper, with which Babylonia had long been acquainted, was not -communicated to its Western province, and that it should have needed a -new race and the lapse of nearly a thousand years for its introduction. -Moreover, specific evidences of Babylonian civilization are quite as -much wanting in the remains of the first Amorite city as they are -in those of the second. And unless we adopt a date for the Twelfth -Egyptian dynasty, which on other grounds seems out of the question, it -is hard to see how the Khammu-rabi dynasty can be placed before it. -What little evidence we possess at present goes to indicate that the -Khammu-rabi dynasty was contemporaneous with the earlier Hyksos kings -or their immediate predecessors. And yet not only do we know that -the Khammu-rabi dynasty ruled in Palestine, but the adoption of the -cuneiform script, which was at least as old as the age of that dynasty, -as well as the testimony of theology and law, proves that its rule<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">[156]</span> -must have exercised a profound and permanent influence upon the people -of Canaan. How is it, then, that while the excavations have brought to -light so many evidences of Egyptian domination, there is so little in -the way of material objects to show that Palestine was once and for -several centuries a Babylonian province?<a id="FNanchor_131" href="#Footnote_131" class="fnanchor">[131]</a></p> - -<p>Perhaps the excavations which are still proceeding at Megiddo may -throw some light upon the problem. Meanwhile, we may remember that -thus far the greater part of the objects that have been found belong -to the less wealthy and educated part of the population. The annals -of Thothmes III. prove that, so far as the upper classes were -concerned, the picture of Canaanitish luxury presented in the Old -Testament had a foundation of fact. Among the spoils taken from the -princes of Canaan we hear of tables, chairs and staves of cedar and -ebony inlaid or gilded with gold, of a golden plough and sceptre, of -richly-embroidered stuffs similar to those depicted on the walls of the -Egyptian monuments, of chariots chased with silver, of iron tent-poles -studded with precious stones, and of “bowls with goats’ heads on them, -and one with a lion’s head, the workmanship of the land<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">[157]</span> of the Zahi,” -that is to say, of the Canaanitish coast. These latter were doubtless -imitations of the gold and silver cups with double handles and animals’ -heads imported from Krete, which were also received as tribute from -the Canaanitish princes by the Egyptian king. Other gifts comprised -chariots plated with gold, iron armour with gold inlay, a helmet of -gold inlaid with lapis-lazuli, the tusks of elephants, rings of gold -and silver that were used as money, copper and lead, as well as jars -of wine, oil and balsam. Of all these articles, the copper and lead -excepted, it is needless to say next to nothing has been discovered by -the excavators. The most valuable work of art yet met with is a bronze -sword of precisely the same shape as one found in Assyria, which bears -upon it the name of Hadad-nirari I. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1330).<a id="FNanchor_132" href="#Footnote_132" class="fnanchor">[132]</a></p> - -<p>On the palæographical side the forms of the cuneiform characters used -in Canaan go back to the script of the age of Khammu-rabi and his -predecessors. From a purely Assyriological point of view, no regard -being had to other considerations, I should date their introduction -into Palestine about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2300. The chronology that would -best harmonize the historical facts would thus be one which made the -dominance of Egypt in Palestine under the Twelfth dynasty precede the -Babylonian rule of the Khammu-rabi period. Against it is the negative<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">[158]</span> -evidence of archæological discovery, so few traces of this rule having -been discovered in the course of the excavations. But neither in -archæology nor in anything else is negative evidence of much value.</p> - -<p>At any rate, thanks to the decipherment of the cuneiform inscriptions, -the main facts are clear. Canaan was once a province of the Babylonian -Empire, and during the long period of time that this was the case -it became permeated with the literary culture of Babylonia. The -civilization which was partially destroyed by the Israelitish invasion -had its roots in the valley of the Euphrates.</p> - -<p>Gezer, it is true, was one of the cities in which no visible break with -the past was made by the irruption of the desert tribes. It escaped -capture by the invaders, and it was only in the reign of Solomon, -when the Israelites had already entered into the heritage of the old -Canaanitish culture, that it was handed over by the king of Egypt to -his Jewish son-in-law. But at Lachish the marks of the destruction of -the town by Joshua are still visible. Above the ruins of the Amorite -cities is a bed of ashes left by the charcoal-burners who squatted -on the site before it was again rebuilt. Above the stratum of ashes -all must be Israelitish, and the objects found in the remains of the -cities that stand upon it testify accordingly to a complete change. -No more cuneiform tablets are met with, and but few Egyptian scarabs; -the pottery is different, and the “high place” has disappeared. -The bowl and lamp, indeed, are still buried under the walls of the -newly-built house, but the bones of sacrificed children which they once -contained are replaced by sand. As the Israelitish<span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">[159]</span> power increased -the old Babylonian influence necessarily lessened. When the cuneiform -syllabary finally made way for the so-called Phœnician alphabet is -still uncertain, but it was at all events before the days of Solomon. -Already in the Amorite period the characters of the Kretan linear -script discovered by Dr. Evans are found scratched on fragments of -pottery, indicating that besides the cuneiform another form of writing -was known; it may be that the Israelitish conquest, by destroying the -centres of Canaanitish civilization and the schools of the scribes, -gave a first blow to the tradition of Babylonian learning, and that the -work of destruction was subsequently completed by the Philistine wars.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">[160]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VI<br /> -<span class="subhed">ASIA MINOR</span></h2></div> - -<p>If it has been a surprise to learn that Palestine was once within -the circle of Babylonian culture, it has been equally a surprise to -learn that Asia Minor was so too. It is true that Herodotus traced the -Herakleid dynasty of Lydian kings to the gods of Nineveh and Babylon, -that Strabo knew of a “mound of Semiramis” in Cappadocia, and that in -the Book of Genesis Lud is called the son of Shem. But historians had -long agreed that all such beliefs were creations of a later day, and -rested on no substratum of fact. The northern limits of Babylonian -or Assyrian influence, it was held, were fixed by the Taurus and the -mountains of Kurdistan.</p> - -<p>The discovery of cuneiform inscriptions on the stones and rocks of -Armenia made the first breach in this conclusion. Their existence was -known even before Botta and Layard had opened up Nineveh. In 1826 -Schulz had been sent by the French Government at the instance of M. -Mohl to copy the mysterious characters which had already excited the -attention of Oriental writers. Schulz was unexpectedly successful in -his quest. The number of inscriptions he discovered was far larger -than had been imagined, and his copies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">[161]</span> of them, as we now know, were -remarkably accurate. But the explorer himself never lived to return -to Europe. He was murdered by a Kurdish chief, Nurallah Bey, in 1829, -while engaged in the work of exploration; his papers, however, were -eventually recovered, and the inscriptions he had copied were published -in 1840 in the Journal of the Société Asiatique. One of them was a -trilingual inscription of Xerxes, the Persian transcript of which was -just beginning to be deciphered; the rest were still a closed book.</p> - -<p>Then came the discovery of Nineveh and the first essays at the -interpretation of the Assyro-Babylonian texts. Layard himself made -an expedition to Armenia, and besides recopying Schulz’s texts and -correcting certain inaccuracies in them, added considerably to the -collection. Dr. Hincks, with his usual genius for decipherment, -perceived that the syllabary in which they were written was the same as -that used at Nineveh, and utilized them for determining the values of -some of the Assyrian characters. He succeeded in reading most of the -proper names, in assigning the inscriptions to a group of kings whose -order he was able to fix, and in pointing out that many of them contain -an account of military campaigns and of the amount of booty which had -been carried off. But it was also clear that the inscriptions were not -in a Semitic language, and as the nominative and accusative of the noun -seemed to terminate in <i>-s</i> and <i>-n</i>, while the patronymic -was expressed by the suffix <i>-khinis</i>, the decipherer assumed -that the language was Indo-European. The most important texts had been -found in or near Van, which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">[162]</span> had apparently been the capital of the -kings by whose orders they had been engraved, and the name of Vannic, -accordingly, was given to both texts and language.</p> - -<p>It was soon recognized that Dr. Hincks had been in error in suggesting -that the Vannic language was Indo-European. It was, it is true, -inflectional, but with this any resemblance to the languages of the -Indo-European family ceased. Nor was there any other language or group -of languages to which it appeared to be related, and all attempts -failed to advance the decipherment much beyond the point at which -it had been left by Hincks. Thanks to the “determinatives,” which -indicate proper names and the like, and the ideographs, which are -fairly plentiful, the general sense of many of the inscriptions could -be made out; but beyond that it seemed impossible to go. Lenormant, -indeed, following Hincks, showed that the suffix <i>-bi</i> denoted the -first person singular of the verb, and indicated Georgian as possibly a -related language; but in the hands of other would-be decipherers, like -Robert and Mordtmann, there was retrogression instead of advance.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p162_3"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p162_3.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE GARDENS AND HILL OF DHUSPAS OR VAN.</p> - </div> - -<p>So matters remained until 1882, when Stanislas Guyard pointed out the -parallelism between a formula which occurs at the end of many Vannic -inscriptions and the imprecatory formula of the Assyrian texts. I had -already been struck by the same fact, and was at the time preparing a -Memoir on the decipherment and translation of the inscriptions, which -shortly afterwards appeared in the <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic -Society</i>. In this I had made use of Layard’s copies, which had never -been published; other copies also, <span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">[163]</span>including photographs, squeezes -and casts, had been placed at my disposal, and in 1882 I was able to -lay before cuneiform scholars a grammar and vocabulary of the Vannic -language, together with translations and analyses of all the known -texts.<a id="FNanchor_133" href="#Footnote_133" class="fnanchor">[133]</a> These have been subsequently corrected and extended by -other Assyriologists—Guyard, D. H. Müller, Nikolsky, Scheil, Belck -and Lehmann, as well as by myself. An ordinary Vannic text can now -be translated with nearly as much completeness and certainty as an -Assyrian text, and the number of them known to us has been greatly -enlarged by the archæological explorations of Belck and Lehmann.</p> - -<p>In the decipherment of the Vannic inscriptions the ideographs and -determinatives which are scattered through them took the place for me -of a bilingual text. The determinatives told me what was the nature of -the words which followed or preceded them, and so explained the general -sense of the passages in which they occurred, while from time to time a -phonetically-written word would be replaced in a parallel passage by an -ideograph the signification of which was known. I soon found, moreover, -that the cuneiform syllabary must have been brought from Nineveh to Van -in the age of Assur-natsir-pal II. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 884–859), and that -the actual phrases met with in the inscriptions of that monarch are -sometimes reproduced in a Vannic dress. The Vannic language, however, -still remains isolated, though the majority of those who have studied -it incline to Lenormant’s view that its nearest living representative -is Georgian. Not being a Georgian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">[164]</span> scholar myself, this is a point upon -which I can express no opinion.</p> - -<p>Instead of “Vannic,” it has been proposed to call the language -“Khaldian.” The chief god of the people who spoke the language was -Khaldis, and in the inscriptions we find the people themselves -described as “the children of Khaldis.” Derivatives from the name are -found employed in a geographical sense northward of the region to which -the inscriptions belong. Thus the Khaldi “in the neighbourhood of -Colchis” are said to have been also called Khaldæi;<a id="FNanchor_134" href="#Footnote_134" class="fnanchor">[134]</a> “Khaldees” are -frequently referred to by Armenian writers as living between Trapezont -and Batûm, and a Turkish inscription at Sumela shows that as late as -the beginning of the fifteenth century Lazistân was still known as -Khaldia. That the name was ever applied, however, to the kingdom which -had its chief seat at Van is not proved, and it is therefore best to -adhere to the term “Vannic,” which commits those who use it to no -theory.<a id="FNanchor_135" href="#Footnote_135" class="fnanchor">[135]</a></p> - -<p>The decipherment of the Vannic texts has not only led to the discovery -of a new language, it has also thrown a flood of light on the early -history, geography and religion of the Armenian plateau. The military -campaigns of the Assyrian kings had brought it into contact with -Assyrian civilization, and in the ninth century before our era a -dynasty arose which adopted the literary culture and art of Assyria, -and founded a powerful kingdom which extended its sway from Urumia on -the east to Malatia on the west, and from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">[165]</span> the slopes of Ararat and the -shores of Lake Erivan to the northern frontiers of Assyria.</p> - -<p>The main fact which has thus been disclosed is that the Armenians of -history—the Aryan tribes, that is to say, who spoke an Indo-European -language—did not enter the country and establish themselves in the -place of its older rulers before the end of the seventh century before -our era. The fall of the Vannic monarchy seems to have coincided with -the fall of the Assyrian Empire, with which it had once contended on -almost equal terms, and in each case the invasion of the so-called -Scythian hordes from the plains of Eastern Europe had much to do with -the result. The founders of Armenian civilization and of the cities of -the Armenian plateau had no connection with the Indo-European family. -Their type of language corresponded with that which distinguishes most -of the actual languages of the Caucasus, though no genetic relationship -is traceable between them. The break with the past, however, occasioned -by the irruption of the Indo-European invaders, was so great that not -only did the older language become extinct and forgotten, but even the -tradition of the older civilization was also lost. Like the recovery of -the Sumerian language and the culture it represented, the recovery of -the Vannic language and culture is the revelation of a new world.</p> - -<p>At the head of the pantheon was a trinity consisting of Khaldis, the -supreme god of the race; Teisbas, the god of the air; and the Sun-god -Ardinis. Temples were erected in their honour, and shields and spears -dedicated to their service. The vine, which grows wild in Armenia, -was the sacred tree of the people,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">[166]</span> and there are inscriptions which -commemorate its planting and consecration, and describe the endowments -that were set apart for its maintenance. Wine was naturally offered -to the gods along with the domestic animals and prisoners of war. Dr. -Belck has discovered burial-places which go back to the neolithic age, -but the majority of the monuments scattered over the Vannic area belong -to the bronze age, and testify to a native adaptation of Assyrian art -and culture. Iron also makes its appearance, but scantily. The pottery -of the age of the inscriptions is related on the one side to the -Assyrian pottery of the same period, and on the other to the pottery -of Asia Minor. The polished red ware more especially points to the -west.<a id="FNanchor_136" href="#Footnote_136" class="fnanchor">[136]</a></p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p166_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p166_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE RUINS OF A PALACE OF URARTU AT TOPRAK-KALEH.</p> - </div> - -<p>The existence of a language of the Caucasian type in Armenia, and its -association with a powerful kingdom and an advanced culture, is not -the only revelation of the kind that we owe to cuneiform decipherment. -We have learned that at a much earlier epoch Northern Mesopotamia was -occupied by a people who spoke a language of similar type but of far -more complicated form; and that here, too, the language in question was -accompanied by a high civilization, a <span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">[167]</span>powerful monarchy, and the -use of the cuneiform syllabary. The monarchy was that of Mitanni, and -its culture and script had been borrowed from Babylonia in the age of -Khammu-rabi, instead of from Assyria in the age of Assur-natsir-pal. -But it is interesting to observe that in borrowing the script the -people of Mitanni had adapted and simplified it in precisely the same -way as did the people of Van in after days. Superfluous characters were -discarded, a single phonetic value only assigned to each character, -and large use made of those which expressed vowels. In fact, in -both Mitannian and Vannic the system of writing begins to approach -the alphabetic. Whether this similarity in adaptation was due to a -similarity of phonetic structure in the two languages or to conscious -imitation on the part of the Vannic scribes it is difficult to say; it -is a point, however, which cannot be passed over.</p> - -<p>The name of Mitanni meets us on the Egyptian monuments of the -Eighteenth and Nineteenth dynasties. The kingdom played a considerable -part at that period of time in the politics of Western Asia, and the -daughters of its kings were married to the Egyptian Pharaohs. The -boundaries of the Egyptian Empire were coterminous with those of -Mitanni, and we gather from the Tel el-Amarna correspondence that the -Mitannian forces had more than once made their way into Palestine, -perhaps as far south as Jerusalem, and that Mitannian intrigue -was active in that portion of the Pharaoh’s dominions. Among the -Canaanitish governors are some who bear Mitannian names, and testify to -the continuance of a Mitannian element in that common meeting-place of -nationalities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">[168]</span></p> - -<p>Several letters from the Mitannian king have been found among the -Tel el-Amarna tablets. Most of them are written in the Babylonian -language, but one—and fortunately an exceptionally long one—though -in cuneiform characters, is in the native language of the country. -A comparison of it with its companion letters, assisted by the -determinatives and ideographs which are employed in it from time to -time, has enabled Jensen, Leopold Messerschmidt and myself to decipher -a very considerable part of the letter, and so to compile a grammar and -vocabulary of the Mitannian language. That it is distantly related to -Vannic seems to admit of little doubt, but it comes before us in a much -more developed form; indeed, its system of suffixes is so elaborate and -ponderous as to remind us of the polysynthetic languages of America.</p> - -<p>A legal document found in Babylonia and dated in the epoch of -Khammu-rabi contains a number of proper names which are of Mitannian -or allied origin, and show that persons of that race were already -settled in Babylonia.<a id="FNanchor_137" href="#Footnote_137" class="fnanchor">[137]</a> As the Mitannian form of cuneiform script -must have been borrowed about the same time, we may infer that the -advanced guard of the northern race had already made its way as far -south as Mesopotamia, and there established its power in the midst of -a Semitic population. From that time forward a constant struggle went -on between the two races, the Semitic race striving to push back the -northern intruders and planting its own colonies in the very heart of -the northern area,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">[169]</span> while the northerners pressed ever more and more to -the southward, and at one time even seemed likely to possess themselves -of the heritage of the Babylonian Empire in Western Asia. Like Armenia, -Northern Mesopotamia was occupied by a people of Caucasian and Asianic -affinities, whose armies had crossed the Euphrates and won territory in -Syria and Palestine.</p> - -<p>On the west, however, the Mitannians found themselves confronted by -another northern population, the Hittites, whose first home was in -Cappadocia. The Hittites also had passed under the spell of Babylonian -culture, and the cuneiform script had been carried to them at an early -date. Thanks to recent discoveries, we can now trace in some measure -the earlier fortunes of a race who made a profound impression, not only -on the future history of Asia Minor and its relations with Greece, but -also on the history of Palestine.</p> - -<p>As far back as about <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2000, Babylonian or Assyrian troops -had already made their way along the northern banks of the Tigris -and Euphrates to the borders of Cappadocia and the neighbourhood -of the Halys. I say Babylonian or Assyrian, for Assyria was at the -time a province of Babylonia, though as the colonies which settled -in the track of the invaders were distinctively Assyrian in their -municipal customs and the names of their inhabitants, the troops were -probably drafted from Assyria.<a id="FNanchor_138" href="#Footnote_138" class="fnanchor">[138]</a> The mineral wealth of Cappadocia -was doubtless the attraction which led them to such distant and -semibarbarous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">[170]</span> lands; Dr. Gladstone’s analysis of the gold of the Sixth -Egyptian dynasty, with its admixture of silver, has shown that it was -imported from the north of Asia Minor,<a id="FNanchor_139" href="#Footnote_139" class="fnanchor">[139]</a> and the silver itself was -probably already worked. Further south, in the Taurus, were mines of -copper.</p> - -<p>However this may be, the remains of one of these early -Assyro-Babylonian colonies has been partially excavated a few miles -(twenty-three kilometres) to the north-east of Kaisariyeh.<a id="FNanchor_140" href="#Footnote_140" class="fnanchor">[140]</a> The -site is now known as Kara Eyuk, “the Black Mound,” and numerous -cuneiform tablets have come from it. It has obtained its present name -from the marks of fire which are everywhere visible upon it, and bear -eloquent testimony to its final fate. Established as an outpost of -the Assyrian Empire in the distant west, a time came when, deserted -by the Government at home, its strong walls were battered down by the -besieging foe and the Assyrian settlers massacred among the ruins -of their burning town. According to M. Chantre, its excavator (who, -however, believes that it was destroyed by a volcanic eruption), the -whole mound is a mass of charred and burnt remains.</p> - -<p>The construction of the walls, as well as the pottery found within -them, marks it off with great distinctness from the ruins of the -Hittite or native Cappadocian cities in its neighbourhood. While in -their case the city wall is made of unmortared blocks of stone, the -walls of Kara Eyuk are built of brick, and where stones are used -they are of small size and cemented with mortar. The pottery differs -considerably from<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">[171]</span> that of the Hittite capital at Boghaz Keui. Some -of it is of black ware, especially characterized by the vases with -long spouts, which are also found in Phrygia and the Troad. Some of -it, again, is of the dark-red lustrous ware which has been met with -at Toprak Kaleh, near Van, and Boz Eyuk in Phrygia, while the yellow -ware with geometrical patterns in black and maroon-red which has been -discovered in Phrygia occurs in large quantities. This latter ware is -of the class known as “Mykenæan.”<a id="FNanchor_141" href="#Footnote_141" class="fnanchor">[141]</a></p> - -<p>The cuneiform tablets which have come from the site are known as -“Cappadocian,” and were first noticed by Dr. Pinches. The forms of the -characters resemble those of the early Babylonian script, which was -still used in Assyria in the age of Khammu-rabi. Many of the proper -names, moreover, seem to be distinctive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">[172]</span> of that period. On the other -hand, a large proportion of them contain the name of Asur—often in its -primitive form of Asir—or are otherwise characteristic of Assyria. -The tablets are further dated by the archons who gave their names to -the years, a system of chronology which was peculiar to Assyria and -unknown in Babylonia, while the month was divided into “weeks” of five -days each. The language of the tablets also, which is full of dialectic -mispronunciations and strange words, points to Assyria rather than to -the southern kingdom, and we may therefore conclude that the colonists -were Assyrians, even though the colony may have been founded when -Assyria was still a Babylonian province.</p> - -<p>There are indications in the Assyrian inscriptions themselves that -the road to Cappadocia was known to the Assyrian princes at an early -epoch. The earliest Assyrian kings whose annals have come down to us -are Hadad-nirari I. and his son Shalmaneser I. (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 1300). -Hadad-nirari tells us that his greatgrandfather, Assur-yuballidh, whose -letters form part of the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, had subdued -“the wide-spread” province of Subari, which lay near the sources of -the Euphrates, and in which Kara Eyuk was perhaps included, while he -himself restored the cities of the same province which had fallen into -ruin. Later, Shalmaneser I. conducted campaign after campaign towards -the same region. In his second year he overthrew the king of Malatia, -and the combined forces of the other “Hittite” states, who had come to -his assistance: “all were conquered,” from the borders of Cappadocia -to the Hittite stronghold of Carchemish. A military colony was settled -at the head waters of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">[173]</span> the Tigris which secured the high-road to Asia -Minor.</p> - -<p>Two centuries later we learn from Tiglath-pileser I. that Moschians and -Hittites had overrun part of this Assyrian territory, and occupied some -of the Assyrian settlements. Once more, therefore, the Assyrian troops -marched to the north-west; the provinces which lay in the valley of the -Murad-chai were recovered, and the old province of Subari cleared of -intruders. Soon afterwards Tiglath-pileser forced his way into Southern -Cappadocia and the valley of the Sarus, making Comana tributary, razing -to the ground the fortresses that had resisted him, and erecting -on their site chambers of brick, with bronze tablets on which his -conquests were recorded. Eastern Cilicia was known at the time to the -Assyrians as Muzri, or “the Marchland,” a clear proof that it had long -formed a borderland and debatable territory between the Assyrian Empire -and the nations of Asia Minor.</p> - -<p>It is thus evident that even before the rise of the Assyrian monarchy, -the road that led to the mining districts of Cappadocia, along the -valleys of the Upper Tigris, Euphrates and Tokhma Su, was not only -known to the Assyro-Babylonians, but had actually constituted Assyrian -territory, which was colonized by Assyrian garrisons and paid tribute -to Nineveh whenever Assyria was strong enough to enforce its authority. -At the eastern extremity of the road stood the city of unknown name, -now represented by “the Burnt Mound” of Kara Eyuk, whose existence as -an Assyro-Babylonian city probably dates back to the age of Khammu-rabi.</p> - -<p>It was the outpost of Babylonian culture in Asia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">[174]</span> Minor. Babylonian -art, and, above all, the Babylonian system of writing, were brought by -it into the heart of the Hittite region, and the archæological objects -found there consequently become important for chronological dating. Not -far off, on the other side of the Halys, rose the Hittite capital, now -known as Boghaz Keui, the centre from which, as Professor Ramsay has -shown,<a id="FNanchor_142" href="#Footnote_142" class="fnanchor">[142]</a> the early roads of Asia Minor radiated in all directions.</p> - -<p>Boghaz Keui is being excavated at the present moment. Hundreds of -clay tablets have already been found there, inscribed with cuneiform -characters, the majority of which are in the native Hittite language, -though many are in Semitic Babylonian, including a copy of the famous -treaty between Ramses II. and the Hittite king. So far as the tablets -have been examined, they show that the Hittite empire extended from the -west of Asia Minor to the Egyptian frontier, and that the cuneiform -characters were used in ordinary life.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p174_2"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p174_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">THE RUINS AT BOGHAZ KEUI.</p> - </div> - -<p>By one of those coincidences which sometimes happen in archæological -research, the discovery fits with another fact which had long been -in the possession of the Assyriologist, though the full meaning of -it was unknown to him. Among the Tel el-Amarna letters are two in a -language unlike any with which we are acquainted. One of them is from a -Hittite leader of condottieri,<a id="FNanchor_143" href="#Footnote_143" class="fnanchor">[143]</a> who has left us two other letters -which <span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">[175]</span>are in the Assyrian language, and who came from a town in the -neighbourhood of Cilicia. The second letter was written to the king of -Arzawa by one of the foreign secretaries of the Egyptian Government. -But the situation of Arzawa was wholly uncertain; as the king bore the -Hittite name of Tarkhundaraba, I suggested that it lay in the Hittite -territory, and that consequently in the language of the letter we had -a fragment of the Hittite language. For many years, however, this -remained a mere conjecture, without any definite proofs.</p> - -<p>When the fragmentary tablets from Boghaz Keui came to be copied, it -was at once perceived that they were in a language which resembled -that of the Arzawa letters, but it was not until the new tablet -from Constantinople had been cleaned and copied by Dr. Pinches and -myself that the actual facts became clear. The Arzawa and Boghaz Keui -texts agree in the forms given to the characters, in grammar and in -vocabulary. Arzawa, therefore, must have been the Hittite kingdom which -had its centre at Boghaz Keui, and already in the age of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty it was employing a form of the cuneiform script which -implied a long preceding period of use and adaptation. A new realm has -thus to be added to the domain of the cuneiform system of writing; in -Syria the Hittite king of Kadesh wrote to the Pharaoh in Babylonian, -but in his old home in the north, though the Babylonian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">[176]</span> syllabary -had been adopted, the language it served to express was that of the -Hittites themselves.</p> - -<p>A certain amount of this Hittite language of Arzawa can be deciphered, -thanks to those same determinatives and ideographs which have assisted -so materially towards the decipherment of the Vannic texts, and more -especially to the recurrence in the two Tel el-Amarna letters of -phrases that are common to the whole correspondence. The new tablet, -however, is more than usually helpful, since it contains Assyrian words -and grammatical forms which in parallel passages of the same text are -replaced by native equivalents. In this way a sketch of Arzawan grammar -can now be made, as well as a list of Arzawan words. The language which -is thus disclosed is of an Asianic type, with features that remind us -of Lycian on the one side, and of Mitannian and Vannic on the other. -But in what may be termed the fundamentals of grammar it agrees with -Mitannian and Vannic.</p> - -<p>At the same time, certain of these same fundamentals have a curious -but superficial resemblance to what we have hitherto been accustomed -to regard as characteristics of Indo-European grammar. The nominative -and accusative of the noun, for example, are distinguished by the -suffixes <i>-s</i> and <i>-n</i>, the plural nominative and accusative -often terminate in <i>-s</i>, and the possessive pronouns of Arzawan -are <i>mi-s</i>, “mine”; <i>ti-s</i>, “thine”; and <i>sa(s)</i>, -“his”; while <i>si</i> is “(to) her.” The third person of the present -tense ends in <i>-t</i>; <i>es-tu</i>, is “may it be”; <i>es-mi</i>, -“may I be.” Yet with all these remarkable coincidences, I can -assure the comparative philologist that Arzawan is certainly not an -Indo-European<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">[177]</span> language, and I must leave him to explain them as best -he may.</p> - - <div class="figcenter" id="i_p176_2" style="width: 650px"> - <img - class="p2" - src="images/i_p176_2.jpg" - alt="" /> - <p class="center p0 sm">ONE OF THE PROCESSIONS IN THE RAVINE OF BOGHAZ.</p> - <p class="right p-min sm">(<i>See p. <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</i>)</p> - </div> - -<p>We have, however, learnt a good deal more about the Hittite populations -of Asia Minor from the Tel el-Amarna tablets than the nature of the -language which they spoke. In the closing days of the Eighteenth -Egyptian dynasty we find them on the southern side of the Taurus, -sending forth bands of adventurers, who hired their services to the -king of Egypt and to the rival governors and princes of Palestine, -and from time to time carved out principalities of their own with the -sword. We are even able to follow the fortunes of some of the leaders -of the condottieri, who had no scruple in transferring their allegiance -from one vassal prince to another when tempted by the prospect of -better pay, or in murdering their employer when the opportunity -arose, and plundering or occupying his city. They had, it is true, a -wholesome awe of Egyptian power and of the Egyptian army, and some of -the letters they wrote to the Egyptian court are amusing examples of -the excuses they offered for their misdeeds. But they never hesitated -about seizing the Pharaoh’s property when they thought they could do -so with impunity, while they were all the time professing to be his -devoted slaves. A considerable number of the vassal princes of Canaan -kept these mercenaries in their pay, and in many cases the Egyptian -Foreign Office thought it wisest to confirm one of their leaders in the -government of a district, however doubtful might have been the means by -which it had come into his hands. So long as the tribute was paid, and -the imperial authority acknowledged, no further questions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">[178]</span> were asked. -The mercenaries were useful at times to the imperial forces, and the -mutual jealousies and quarrels of the local governors were perhaps not -altogether displeasing to the home Government.<a id="FNanchor_144" href="#Footnote_144" class="fnanchor">[144]</a></p> - -<p>In this way bands of Hittite mercenaries came to be settled in -various parts of Palestine, even in the extreme south. The sons of -Arzawaya, “the Arzawan,” established themselves in the neighbourhood -of Jerusalem, whose king, by the way, seems to bear a Mitannian name. -The statement in the Book of Genesis that Heth was the son of Canaan -receives a new signification from the Tel el-Amarna tablets.</p> - -<p>But Hittite influence in Southern Palestine goes back to an earlier -epoch than the age of the tablets. The painted pottery found in the -“Amorite” strata of Lachish and Gezer shows remarkable affinities -to the pottery discovered by Chantre at Boghaz Keui, and Mr. J. L. -Myres has succeeded in tracing it in a fairly continuous line to the -region north of the Halys.<a id="FNanchor_145" href="#Footnote_145" class="fnanchor">[145]</a> Here was found the red ochre—or -<i>sandarakê</i>, as it was called—which was used in the decoration -of the pottery, and after the introduction of two other colours still -remained the principal feature in the system of ornamentation. This -Hittite or Cappadocian pottery was carried westward along the road -which led from Boghaz Keui towards the Troad, and south-eastwards -across the Taurus into Syria. It was probably the ultimate origin of -the painted Minoan or “Kamâres” pottery of Krete.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">[179]</span></p> - -<p>The introduction of Hittite pottery into Canaan where it tended to -supersede the native ware, was doubtless the result of trade. But in -ancient Asia the trader and the soldier were very apt to march side by -side. The soldier opened the way for the trader and kept it for him, -quite as much as the trader opened it for the soldier. Hence it is -not surprising that the Assyrian monuments should furnish incidental -evidence of the Hittite occupation of Palestine at an early date. In -the inscriptions of Babylonia, as we have seen, Palestine and Syria -are “the land of the Amorites”; the name went back to an immemorial -antiquity, and indicates that at the time it was first given the -Amorites were the ruling population in the West. But in the Assyrian -inscriptions the place of the Amorites is taken by the Hittites. For -the Assyrians, Syria is “the land of the Hittites,” and in the later -historical texts even the Israelites and Philistines are classed as -“Hittite.”<a id="FNanchor_146" href="#Footnote_146" class="fnanchor">[146]</a></p> - -<p>Canaan, however, was already well known to the Assyrians in the age of -the Tel el-Amarna correspondence, when the ambassadors of the Assyrian -king carried letters and presents through it to the Pharaoh. It must, -therefore, have been at a still earlier period that they first became -acquainted with it, and at this period Hittite influence must have -been so predominant as to cause them to discard the name of Amorite, -consecrated though it was by the long-continued usage of Babylonian -literature, and to employ instead of it the name of Hittite.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">[180]</span></p> - -<p>But it was in the direction of the Greek seas that Hittite influence -was most powerful. Through Asia Minor Babylonian culture penetrated to -the West. A native imitation of the Babylonian seal-cylinder was found -by Dr. Schliemann in the ruins of Hissarlik,<a id="FNanchor_147" href="#Footnote_147" class="fnanchor">[147]</a> and the so-called -“heraldic” position of the lions at Mykenæ can be traced back through -Asia Minor to the designs of the Babylonian gem-cutters. The winged -horse, Pegasus, is found on Hittite seals, and, like the double-headed -eagle of Eyuk and other composite figures, is derived from Babylonian -prototypes.<a id="FNanchor_148" href="#Footnote_148" class="fnanchor">[148]</a> They represented the first attempts of the creative -power, as conceived of by Babylonian cosmology, and an old Babylonian -legend of the creation accordingly describes the monsters suckled -by Tiamât as “warriors with the bodies of birds, men with the faces -of ravens.”<a id="FNanchor_149" href="#Footnote_149" class="fnanchor">[149]</a> The fantastic monsters of “Minoan” art, which have -been brought to light by the excavations in Krete, claim an intimate -connection with the similar composite beings which are a characteristic -of Hittite art.<a id="FNanchor_150" href="#Footnote_150" class="fnanchor">[150]</a></p> - -<p>The early Hittite art of Asia Minor, as I pointed out many years ago, -is dependent on that of Babylonia,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">[181]</span> and has little in common with the -art of Assyria.<a id="FNanchor_151" href="#Footnote_151" class="fnanchor">[151]</a> It is not until we come to the later Hittite -monuments of Cilicia and Syria that the influence of Assyrian art makes -itself visible. Hence was derived the partiality of the Hittite artist -for the composite animals that adorn the seal-cylinders of Babylonia, -and which consequently became known wherever the seal-cylinder and -the literary culture it accompanied had made their way. As I have -already stated, though Subari was an Assyrian province and Kara Eyuk -an Assyrian colony, the form of the cuneiform script that was used in -Cappadocia was of Babylonian origin.</p> - -<p>The writing material of “Minoan” Krete, we now know, consisted of clay -tablets. The fact is a proof that the influence of Babylonian culture -had extended thus far. But it was an indirect influence only. Though -the clay tablet was employed, the characters impressed upon it were -the native Kretan. This in itself, however, demonstrates how strong -the influence must have been, for the Kretan characters, whether -hieroglyphic or linear, were less easy to inscribe on clay than the -cuneiform. Krete, moreover, is a land of rock and stone rather than of -clay. We may infer, therefore, from the use of the Babylonian material -that the first impulse to write was inspired by the civilization of -Babylonia.</p> - -<p>How it was brought to Krete we do not know. It may have passed over -from the shores of Canaan; it may have come from Cyprus or Asia Minor. -A seal-cylinder, which I have lately published, and which was found in -the early copper-age cemetery of Agia<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">[182]</span> Paraskevi in Cyprus, shows that -the so-called Cypriote syllabary was already in use in the island at -a remote date,<a id="FNanchor_152" href="#Footnote_152" class="fnanchor">[152]</a> and this syllabary is closely connected with the -linear characters of Krete. Inscriptions in the same form of script -have been found on the site of Troy, and the pre-Israelitish pottery of -Southern Palestine is marked with signs which seem to be derived from -it. So, too, is certain Egyptian pottery of the age of the Eighteenth -dynasty, and even of the age of the Twelfth.<a id="FNanchor_153" href="#Footnote_153" class="fnanchor">[153]</a></p> - -<p>It is possible that Krete was the birthplace of the picture writing -which developed into the linear script of Knossos and the Cypriote -syllabary; it is possible that it was rather Cyprus. I do not think, -as I once did, that it comes from Asia Minor, for Asia Minor had its -own pictographic system, which we see represented in the Hittite -inscriptions, and an increased knowledge of this system tends to -dissociate it from the pictographs and syllabaries of Krete and Cyprus.</p> - -<p>Wherever it arose, however, it was associated with the Babylonian -writing material and the Babylonian seal-cylinder. So far as our -present knowledge goes, Cyprus is more likely than any other part of -the world to have been the meeting-point of Babylonian culture and the -nascent civilization of the West. The numerous seal-cylinders which -characterize the early copper age of the island are native imitations -of Babylonian seal-cylinders of the epoch of Sargon of Akkad, when the -boundaries of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">[183]</span> Babylonian Empire were pushed to the coasts of the -Mediterranean, if not into Cyprus itself, and the great eastern plain -of Cyprus was better fitted to provide clay for the tablet than any -other Mediterranean district with which I am acquainted.</p> - -<p>That no written tablets have been found by the excavators in Cyprus -is not surprising. In an island climate where heavy rains occur the -unbaked tablet soon becomes hardly distinguishable from the earth in -which it is embedded. It was almost by accident that even the practised -eye of Dr. A. J. Evans was first led to notice the clay tablets of -Knossos.</p> - -<p>The Greek term δέλτος, which was borrowed from the language of Canaan, -is evidence that the tablet was once known to the Greeks. For the -letters of the Phœnician and Greek alphabet rolls of papyrus or -leather were needed; the fact that the writing material was a tablet -and not a roll refers us back to Babylonia. With the introduction -of the Phœnician letters the word δέλτος necessarily changed its -meaning, and became synonymous with a wooden board. But it is possible -that a reminiscence of its original signification is preserved in a -famous passage of the <i>Iliad</i> (vi. 169), where the later “board” -has been substituted for the earlier “tablet.” Here we are told how -Bellerophon carried with him to Lycia “baleful signs”—which may have -been the pictographs of Krete or the Hittites, or even cuneiform -characters—written upon “a folded board.” The expression would have -most naturally originated in the folded clay tablet of early Babylonia, -the inner tablet being enclosed in an envelope on which the address or -a description of the contents of the document is written.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">[184]</span></p> - -<p>On the literary side, however, this is the utmost contribution that -we can claim for Babylonia to have made to historical Greece. In the -sphere of religion it is possible that the anthropomorphism of Greece -was influenced by the anthropomorphism of Babylonia through Asia -Minor, where the rock sculptures of Boghaz Keui show how the primitive -Hittite fetishes had become human deities like those of Chaldæa; in -the sphere of philosophy Thales and Anaximander clothed in a Greek -dress the cosmological theories of the Babylonians; and in the domain -of art the heraldry and composite monsters of Babylonia made their -way to Europe, while the Ionic artists of Ephesus carved ivories into -forms so Oriental in character that similar figures found in the palace -of Sargon have been pronounced to be the work of Phœnicians. But the -literary culture of historical Greece did not begin until the tide of -Babylonian influence had already rolled back from Western Asia, when -the Phœnician alphabet had taken the place of the cuneiform syllabary -in Syria, and the Hittite populations of Asia Minor had returned to -their clumsy hieroglyphs.</p> - -<p>It is, however, remarkable how very nearly the cuneiform script became -what the Phœnician alphabet has been called, “the mother of the -alphabets of the world.” At one time it covered nearly the whole area -of the civilized globe. A seal-cylinder with a cuneiform inscription in -an unknown language has been discovered on the hills near Herat;<a id="FNanchor_154" href="#Footnote_154" class="fnanchor">[154]</a> -in the west its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">[185]</span> use extended as far as Cappadocia, perhaps further. -Northward it made its home in Armenia; southward it obliged even the -Egyptian Foreign Office to employ it for correspondence, while military -scribes wrote in it their memoranda of the Pharaoh’s campaigns. In -both Mitanni and Van the syllabary was on the high-road to becoming an -alphabet; in Persia it actually became one.</p> - -<p>But this final evolution came too late. A simpler script had already -entered the field, and won its way in lands where clay was scarce -and other writing materials more easily procurable. Indeed, it is -probable that the presence or absence of clay suitable for writing -purposes had quite as much to do with the spread of the cuneiform -script as the political events which transformed the map of Western -Asia. Canaan still continued to write in cuneiform characters after the -empire of Babylonia had been exchanged for that of Egypt, while the -use of the script never penetrated far into the limestone regions of -the Mediterranean. It was probably the geological formation of Europe -more than anything else which saved us to-day from having to learn the -latest modification of the cursive writing of the Babylonian plain.</p> - -<p>But it had been a potent instrument of civilization in its day, perhaps -more potent even than the Phœnician alphabet, for its sway lasted -for thousands of years. It was at once the symbol and the inspiring -spirit of a culture whose roots go back to the very<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">[186]</span> beginnings of -human civilization, and to which we still owe part of our own heritage -of civilized life. Babylonia was the mother-land of astronomy and -irrigation; from thence a knowledge of copper seems to have spread -through Western Asia; it was there that the laws and regulations of -trade were first formulated, and the earliest legal code, so far as -we know, was compiled. Babylonian theology and cosmology left their -impress upon beliefs and views of the world which have passed through -Judæa to Europe, and the astrology and magic which played so active -a part in the mental history of the Middle Ages were Babylonian -creations. It is not a little remarkable that an Etruscan model of the -liver in bronze (discovered at Piacenza), divided and inscribed for -the purposes of haruspicy, finds its counterpart and probably also its -prototype in the clay copy of a liver, similarly divided and inscribed, -which was found in Babylonia.<a id="FNanchor_155" href="#Footnote_155" class="fnanchor">[155]</a> We are children of our fathers, and -amongst our spiritual fathers must be reckoned the Babylonians.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">[187]</span></p> - -<h2>CHAPTER VII<br /> -<span class="subhed">CANAAN IN THE CENTURY BEFORE THE EXODUS</span></h2></div> - -<p>It is now nearly twenty years ago since the archæological world was -startled, not to say revolutionized, by the discovery of the cuneiform -tablets of Tel el-Amarna in Upper Egypt. Nor was it the archæological -world only which the discovery affected. The historian and the -theologian have equally had to modify and forsake their old ideas -and assumptions, and the criticism of the Old Testament writings has -entered upon a new and altogether unexpected stage. The archæologist, -the historian and the Biblical critic alike can never again return to -the point of view which was dominant before 1887, or regard the ancient -world of the East with the unbelieving eyes of a Grote or a Cornewall -Lewis. A single archæological discovery has upset mountains of learned -discussion, of ingenious theory and sceptical demonstration.</p> - -<p>At the risk of repeating a well-worn tale, I will describe briefly -the nature of the discovery. In the ruins of a city and palace which, -like the palace of Aladdin, rose out of the desert sands into gorgeous -magnificence for a short thirty years and then perished utterly, some -300 clay tablets were found, inscribed, not with the hieroglyphics -of Egypt, but with the cuneiform characters of Babylonia. They were, -in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">[188]</span> fact, the contents of the Foreign Office of Amon-hotep IV., the -“Heretic King” of Egyptian history, who endeavoured to reform the old -religion of Egypt and to substitute for it a pantheistic monotheism. -This was about 1400 years before the birth of Christ, and a full -century before the Israelitish Exodus. The attempt failed in spite of -the fanatical efforts of its royal patron to force it upon his people, -and of his introduction of religious persecution for the first time -into the world. The Eighteenth dynasty, to which he belonged, and which -had conquered Western Asia, went down in civil and religious war; the -Asiatic Empire of Egypt was lost, and a new dynasty sat on the throne -of Thebes.</p> - -<p>The archives in the Foreign Office included not only the foreign -correspondence of Amon-hotep’s own reign, but the foreign -correspondence also of his father, which he had carried with him from -Thebes when he founded his new capital at Tel el-Amarna. And the scope -and character of it are astounding. There are letters from the kings -of Babylonia and Assyria, of Mesopotamia and the Hittites, of Cilicia -and Cappadocia, besides letters and communications of all sorts from -the Egyptian governors and vassal princes in Canaan and Syria. Most of -the correspondence is in the language of Babylonia; it is only in a few -rare instances that the cuneiform characters embody the actual language -of the people from whom the letters were sent. It is difficult to -imagine anything more subversive of the ideas about the ancient history -of the East, which were current twenty years ago, than the conclusions -to be drawn from this correspondence. It proved that, so far as -literary culture<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">[189]</span> is concerned, the civilized Oriental world in the -Mosaic age was quite as civilized as our own. There were schools and -libraries all over it, in which a foreign language and a complicated -foreign system of writing formed an essential part of education. It -proved that this education was widely spread: there are letters from -Bedâwîn shêkhs as well as from a lady who was much interested in -politics. It showed that this correspondence was active and regular, -that those who took part in it wrote to each other on the trivial -topics of the day, and that the high-roads and postal service were -alike well organized. We learned that the nations of the Orient were no -isolated units cut off from one another except when one of them made -war with the other, but that, on the contrary, their mutual relations -were as close and intimate as those of modern Europe. The Babylonian -king in his distant capital on the Euphrates sent to condole with the -Egyptian Pharaoh on his father’s death like a modern potentate, and was -every whit as anxious to protect and encourage the trade of his country -as Mr. Chamberlain. Indeed, the privileges of the merchant and the -sacredness of his person had long been a matter of international law.</p> - -<p>In one respect the advocates of international harmony and arbitration -were better off in the Mosaic age than they are in the Europe of -to-day. There was no difficulty about diversities of language and the -danger of being misunderstood. The language of diplomacy, of education -and trade was everywhere the same, and was understood, read and written -by all educated persons. Even the Egyptian lord of Western Asia had to -swallow his pride and write in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">[190]</span> the language and script of Babylonia -when he corresponded with his own subjects in Canaan. Indeed, like -English officials in Egypt, who are supposed to write to one another on -official business in French, his own Egyptian envoys and commissioners -sent their official communications in the foreign tongue. The Oriental -world in the century before the Exodus thus anticipated the Roman -Empire.</p> - -<p>Canaan was the centre and focus of the correspondence. It was the -battle-ground and meeting-place of the great powers of the Eastern -world. It had long been a province of Babylonia, and, like the rest -of the Babylonian Empire, subject to Babylonian law and permeated -by Babylonian literary culture. It was during these centuries of -Babylonian government that it had come to adopt as its own the script -and language of its rulers; the deities of Babylonia were worshipped -on the high places of Palestine, and Babylonian legends and traditions -were taught in its schools.</p> - -<p>Out of Canaan had marched the Hyksos who conquered Egypt. The names -of their kings found on the monuments that have survived to us are -distinctively Canaanite of the patriarchal period; among them is -Jacob-el, or Jacob, whom the Alexandrine Jews seem to have identified -with their own ancestor. While the Hyksos Pharaohs reigned, Egypt -was but a dependency of Canaan; the source of Hyksos power lay in -Canaan, and their Egyptian capital was accordingly placed close to the -Canaanitish frontier.</p> - -<p>When, after five generations of warfare, the native princes of Thebes -succeeded at last in expelling the Hyksos conquerors from the valley -of the Nile and in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">[191]</span> founding the Eighteenth dynasty, they perceived -that their best hope of preventing a second Asiatic conquest lay in -possessing themselves of the land which was, as it were, the key to -their own. The Hyksos conquest, in fact, had shown that Canaan was at -once a link between Asia and Africa, and the open gate which let the -invader into the fertile fields of Egypt. The war, therefore, that had -ended by driving the Asiatic out of Egypt was now carried into his own -home. Campaign after campaign finally crushed Canaanitish resistance, -and the Egyptian standards were planted on the banks of the Euphrates. -Palestine and Syria were transformed into Egyptian provinces; in the -language of the tenth chapter of Genesis, they became the brothers of -Mizraim.</p> - -<p>The Tel el-Amarna letters tell us how the new provinces were organized. -The most important cities were placed under Egyptian governors, many -of whom, however, were natives. But they were carefully watched by -Egyptian commissioners, to whom the control of the military forces was -entrusted, as well as by special high-commissioners sent from time -to time by the imperial Government. Local jealousies and rivalries, -moreover, among the governors prevented union among them against the -central power, and up to a certain point were not discouraged by the -Egyptian Foreign Office. The Tel el-Amarna letters offer us a curious -picture of the extent to which their mutual animosities were carried in -the days when the Egyptian Empire was growing feeble. All the governors -protest their devotion to the court, and all like are accused by their -rivals of intriguing and even fighting against it.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">[192]</span></p> - -<p>Besides the states which were thus directly under Egyptian rule, there -were also protected states. Here the representative of the old line -of kings was allowed to retain a titular authority, though in reality -his power was not greater than that of the governors in other states. -But, whether governor or protected prince his duty to the imperial -Government was clearly marked out for him. He had to levy the taxes and -send a fixed amount of tribute to the Egyptian Treasury, to provide a -certain number of militia, and to send official reports to the king. He -had further to see that the troops of the army of occupation were duly -provided with pay and maintenance.</p> - -<p>The army of occupation in the reign of Amon-hotep IV. does not seem to -have been large. The imperial forces were needed at home to enforce -the new faith upon the Egyptian people, and to put down the discontent -that was growing there. We hear, however, of “the household troops,” -who belonged to the standing army of Egypt and formed the nucleus of -the permanent garrison. How many of them were native Egyptians it is -impossible to say; as we hear of Kushites or Ethiopians among them, -it is probable that the Sudanese were at least as largely employed on -foreign service as the Egyptians themselves. The Egyptian has never -been fond of military service, whereas, we all now know, the Sudanese -is essentially a fighting animal.</p> - -<p>Both sides of the Jordan were included in the Egyptian administration. -One of the Tel el-Amarna letters, for example, is from a governor of -“the field of Bashan.” It is characteristic of the whole series, and -shows what the relations were between the army<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">[193]</span> of occupation and the -native levies. I cannot do better than quote it in full: “To the king, -my lord, thus says Artamanya, the governor of the Field of Bashan, thy -servant: at the feet of the king, my lord, seven times seven do I fall. -Behold, thou hast written to me to join the household troops, and how -could I be a dog (of the king) and not go? Behold, I and my soldiers -and my chariots will join the household troops in whatever place the -king my lord orders.”</p> - -<p>The name of Artamanya is not Semitic; neither is it Egyptian. The fact -brings us to one of the most interesting and unexpected results of the -decipherment of the Tel el-Amarna correspondence. And this is that the -ruling caste in the Palestine of the Mosaic age was largely of Hittite -origin, or had come from those countries of the north whose population -was related in blood and language to the Hittites of Asia Minor.</p> - -<p>In Northern Mesopotamia was a kingdom which ranked with those of Egypt -and Babylonia as regarded power and influence. Its native name was -Mitanni; the Hebrews, like the Egyptians, called it the kingdom of -Aram Naharaim. It stretched from Assyria to the Orontes, and contended -with the Hittites of Carchemish for the possession of the fords of -the Euphrates. Its rulers had descended upon it from the highlands of -Armenia and the Caucasus, and had reduced the native Aramæan population -to servitude. There are frequent references in the Tel el-Amarna -tablets to Mitannian intrigues in Canaan. Mitannian armies had from -time to time marched against the Canaanitish cities, and although there -was now a nominal alliance between<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">[194]</span> Mitanni and Egypt, and the royal -families of the two countries were united by marriage, the Mitannian -court never lost an opportunity of sending secret support to the -disaffected princes of Canaan or of encouraging them in their revolts -from the Egyptian Government. In many parts of the country the ruling -family continued to be Mitannian, and accordingly we find more than one -governor who bears a Mitannian name. Thus one of them, as we see, was -governor of Bashan, and there was another who had his seat near the Sea -of Galilee.</p> - -<p>Mitannian influence, however, was chiefly confined to the northern part -of Palestine. It was otherwise with the Hittites, whose marauding bands -penetrated as far south as the frontiers of Egypt. The important part -they played in the early history of Canaan and the substantial element -they must have contributed to the future population of the country has -but lately been disclosed to us by the advance that has been made in -the interpretation of the Tel el-Amarna texts. We have at last obtained -an explanation of the fact that whereas in the older Babylonian period -Canaan was known as “the land of the Amorites,” it was called by the -Assyrians “the land of the Hittites.” The Assyrian kings even speak -of Judah and Moab as “Hittite,” and the town of Ashdod is described -by Sargon as a “Hittite” state. What this must mean has indeed long -been recognized by the Assyriologists. When the Assyrians first became -acquainted with Palestine the Hittites must have been there the -dominant power. But how and when this came about we have but just begun -to learn, and it is the story of the Hittite occupation of Canaan, as a -better knowledge<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">[195]</span> of the Tel el-Amarna tablets is making possible, that -I now propose to describe.</p> - -<p>The Hittite race was of Cappadocian origin. Professor Ramsay has -pointed out that the hieroglyphic characters which they used in -their inscriptions must have been invented on the treeless plateau -of Central Asia Minor, and that their capital, whose ruins now strew -the ground at Boghaz Keui, north of the Halys, was the centre towards -which all the early high-roads of Asia Minor converge. But they -extended on both sides of the Taurus Mountains, and at an early date -had planted themselves in Northern Syria. I have lately succeeded in -deciphering their inscriptions, which have so long baffled our attempts -to read them, and one result of my decipherment is the discovery of -an unexpected fact. I find that the name of Hittite was confined to -that portion of the race which lived eastward and southward of the -Taurus. In Asia Minor itself, their first cradle and home, they called -themselves Kas or Kasians; it was the kingdom of Kas over which the -Hittite lords of Boghaz Keui claimed to rule, and it is still as kings -of Kas that they are entitled on the monuments of Carchemish, though -here they also acknowledge the name of Hittite.</p> - -<p>The name of Kas is met with in the Tel el-Amarna tablets, where it has -hitherto been misunderstood. The kings of the Hittites, of Mitanni -and of Kas are associated together as supporting the enemies of the -Egyptian Pharaoh or attacking his cities in Syria, Hitherto we have -supposed that Kas signified Babylonia, though the supposition had but -little in its favour, and a different name is given to Babylonia in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">[196]</span> -passages where there is no doubt as to what country is meant. Now, -however, all becomes clear: in the age of the tablets there were still -four Hittite kingdoms in the north: Kas in Asia Minor, the Hittites -proper, east and south of the Taurus, Mitanni in Mesopotamia, and -Naharaim on the Orontes. Shortly afterwards they were all swallowed -up in the empire of the “great king” of the Hittites, whose southern -capital was at Kadesh. Some Kasians had found their way to Jerusalem, -where the king Ebed-Kheba—whose name is compounded with that of a -Mitannian deity—writes to the Egyptian Government to excuse his -conduct in regard to them. They had been accused of plundering the -Pharaoh’s territory and murdering his servants; he assures the court -that nothing of the sort is true. They are still in his house, where -it would seem they formed his bodyguard. But, on the other hand, -there were other Hittites in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem who were -really enemies to the king and threatened Jerusalem itself. These he -calls Khabiri, or “Confederates,” a name in which, despite history and -probability, certain writers have insisted upon seeing the Hebrews -of the Old Testament. But Dr. Knudtzon’s fresh collation of the -Tel el-Amarna texts has at last dispelled the mystery. The Khabiri -turn out to have been bands of Hittite condottieri, who sold their -military services to the highest bidder and carved out principalities -for themselves in the south of Canaan. The Egyptian Government found -them useful in escorting and protecting the trading caravans to Asia -Minor and the Taurus region, and as long as their leaders professed -themselves the devoted servants of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">[197]</span> Pharaoh it was quite willing -to overlook such little accidents as their capture and sack of a -Canaanitish town or the murder of a Canaanitish prince.</p> - -<p>One of these Hittite leaders, Aita-gama by name, had possessed himself -of the city of Kadesh on the Orontes, which in the following century -was to become the capital of a Hittite empire. In a letter to the -Egyptian court he has the audacity to assert that he was merely -claiming his patrimony, the whole district having belonged to his -father. If there is any truth in this it can only mean that his father -had already led a troop of Hittite raiders into this portion of the -Egyptian territory.</p> - -<p>Along with Aita-gama two other Hittite chieftains had marched, -Teuwatti, whose name appears in the native texts under the form of -Tuates, and Arzawaya. Arzawaya means “a man of Arzawa,” the country -whose language has been revealed to us in one of the Tel el-Amarna -letters, and which proves to be the same as the Hittite dialect -found in the cuneiform tablets of Boghaz Keui. We are told that he -came from a city which was in the neighbourhood of the Karmalas, in -Southern Cappadocia. Arzawaya helped Teuwatti to conquer Damascus and -then led his followers further south. Here he acted as a free-lance, -hiring himself and his mercenaries to the rival Canaanitish princes -and professing himself to be all the while a faithful servant of the -Egyptian king. It is amusing to read one of his letters to the Egyptian -court: “To my lord the king thus writes Arzawaya, of Rukhiza. At the -feet of my lord I prostrate myself. My lord the king wrote that I -should join the household troops of the king my lord and his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">[198]</span> numerous -officers.” Here follow four words of Hittite which are accompanied by -the translation: “I am a servant of the king my lord.” Then the letter -proceeds: “I will join the household troops of the king my lord and -his officers; and I will send everything after them and march wherever -there is rebellion against the king my lord. And we will deliver -his enemies into the hand of the king our lord.” Doubtless Arzawaya -expected to be well paid for his help.</p> - -<p>There is another letter from Arzawaya to the Pharaoh in which he calls -himself “the dust of his feet and the ground on which he treads.” But -in this letter he has to explain away the share he took in entering -the town of Gezer along with Labbawa,<a id="FNanchor_156" href="#Footnote_156" class="fnanchor">[156]</a> another Hittite leader, -and there infringing the royal prerogative by summoning a levy of -the militia. In the eyes of the home Government this was a much -more serious matter than merely plundering or killing a few of its -Canaanitish subjects, as it was equivalent to usurping the functions of -the imperial power.</p> - -<p>Labbawa also had to write and ask for forgiveness, and assure the -Pharaoh that he is his “devoted slave,” who does “not withhold his -tribute” or disobey the “requests” of the Egyptian commissioners. In -fact, he concludes his letter with declaring that “if the king should -write to me: Run a sword of bronze into your heart and die, I would -not fail to execute the king’s command.” All the same, however, he had -established himself securely on Mount Shechem, from whence, like Joshua -in after days, he was able to make raids on the surrounding Canaanitish -towns.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">[199]</span> In the north we hear of him at Shunem and Gath-Rimmon, where -he first appeared upon the scene in the train of the Egyptian army at -a time when Amon-hotep III. was suppressing an insurrection in that -part of Palestine. It is probable that he had just arrived with his -band of condottieri, attracted by the pay and the chance of plunder -that the Egyptian Pharaoh offered the free-lance. By a curious fatality -it was also in this same locality that he afterwards met his death at -the hands of the people of Gina—the Cana of Galilee, probably, of St. -John’s Gospel.</p> - -<p>Labbawa cast envious eyes on the important city of Megiddo, and its -governor—who, by the way, is mentioned in one of the cuneiform -tablets found three years ago by the Austrian excavators on the -site of Taanach—sent piteous appeals for assistance against him to -the Egyptian Government. The beleaguered governor declared that so -closely invested was he by the Hittite free-lances that he could not -venture outside the gates of his town. The peasantry were afraid even -to bring vegetables into it, and unless help were forthcoming from -Egypt, Megiddo was doomed. After all, however, Labbawa was not only -unable to possess himself of the Canaanitish stronghold, but was taken -prisoner and confined in the very place he had hoped to capture. But -fortune befriended him. He managed to bribe the governor of Acre, and -the latter, on the pretext that he was going to send Labbawa by sea to -Egypt, took him out of prison and set him free.</p> - -<p>Labbawa now turned his attention to the south of Palestine—the future -territory of Judah. Here he entered into alliance with the king of -Jerusalem, or, to speak more precisely, was taken into his pay, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">[200]</span> -the two together waged war on the neighbouring states. One of the -Egyptian governors complains that they had robbed him of Keilah, and he -had to wait for Labbawa’s death before he could recover his city.</p> - -<p>One of the two letters in the Tel el-Amarna collection which are in -the Arzawan or Hittite language was written by Labbawa, as we have -lately learned from Dr. Knudtzon’s revised copy of it. In this he calls -himself a native of the Hittite district of Uan, near Aleppo, and -refers to “the Hittite king,” though our knowledge of the language is -too imperfect to allow us to understand the meaning of the reference. -The letter is addressed simply “to my lord,” and we do not know, -therefore, whether it was intended for Hittite or Egyptian eyes. After -his settlement in Palestine, however, Labbawa adopted the official -language of the country; his letters to the Pharaoh are in Babylonian, -and his son bore the characteristically Semitic name of Mut-Baal. The -fact is an interesting example of the rapid way in which the Hittite -settlers in Palestine were Semitized. They brought no women with them, -and their wives accordingly were natives of Canaan.</p> - -<p>Labbawa left two sons behind him, who, in spite of their Semitic -education, followed in their father’s footsteps and continued to -lead his company of Hittite mercenaries. Mut-Baal, moreover, made -himself useful to the Government by escorting the trading caravans to -Cappadocia, a fact which proves that he still maintained relations -with the country of his origin. The alliance between Ebed-Kheba of -Jerusalem and his father, however, had come to an end; Ebed-Kheba<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">[201]</span> now -had the Hittites of Kas in his pay, and no longer needed the services -of the sons of Labbawa. They therefore transferred themselves to -his rivals, together with the sons of Arzawaya, who, like Labbawa, -was now dead, and Ebed-Kheba soon found himself in difficulties. -The result was letter after letter from him to the Egyptian court, -begging for help against his enemies, and declaring that if no help -came the king’s territory would be lost. These appeals seem to have -met with no response; the Egyptian Government was by no means assured -of Ebed-Kheba’s loyalty, and knew that if the territory of Jerusalem -were to pass into the hands of the Hittite chieftain it would make but -little difference to the imperial power. The tribute would still be -paid, the Egyptian commissioner would still be respected, and the new -rulers of the district would profess themselves the faithful subjects -of the Pharaoh. There would merely be a change of governors, and -nothing more. The Hittite mercenaries were formidable only in the petty -struggles which took place between the rival Canaanitish governors; -when it came to dealing with the regular army of Egypt they were -numerically too few to be of account.</p> - -<p>Ebed-Kheba calls the followers of Labbawa and Arzawaya “Khabiri.” -I have long ago pointed out that the word is found elsewhere in -the Assyrian texts in the sense of “Confederates,” and that its -identification with the Hebrews of the Old Testament, though -phonetically possible, is historically impossible. Now that we know the -nationality of Labbawa and Arzawaya the question is finally settled, -and we can explain a hitherto puzzling passage in one of Ebed-Kheba’s<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">[202]</span> -letters, in which he says that “when ships were on the sea the arm -of the mighty king seized Naharaim and Kas, but now the Khabiri have -seized the cities of the king.” Naharaim lay southward of the gulf of -Antioch, while Kas extended to the Cilician coast, and they were thus, -both of them, within reach of a maritime Power; they were, moreover, -both of them Hittite regions, Naharaim being the district afterwards -called Khattinâ, “the Hittite land,” by the Assyrians, while Kas was -the Hittite kingdom of Cappadocia. Ebed-Kheba, therefore, is drawing -a comparison between the power of “the mighty king” in the days when -an Egyptian fleet controlled the sea and the present time when Hittite -marauders are seizing without let or hindrance the king’s cities on the -very borders of Egypt. Even Lachish and Ashkelon had joined the enemy.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the most important of the King of Jerusalem’s letters is one -which has hitherto been misunderstood, partly owing to its being broken -in half and the relation of the two halves to one another not being -recognized, partly to the imperfections of the published copy. Now -that a complete and accurate text of it lies before us, its meaning -has ceased to be a riddle, and I will therefore give here the first -translation that has been made of the completed text—</p> - -<p>“To the king my lord thus says Ebed-Kheba thy servant: at the feet -of my lord the king seven times seven I prostrate myself. Behold, -Malchiel has not separated himself from the sons of Labbawa and the -sons of Arzawaya so as to claim the king’s land for them. A governor -who commits such an act, why<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">[203]</span> has not the king questioned him (about -it)? Behold, Malchiel and Tagi have committed such an act by seizing -the city of Rabbah. And now as to Jerusalem, if this land belongs to -the king, why is it that Gaza has been appointed for the (residence of -the) king (’s commissioner)? Behold the land of Gath-Carmel is in the -power of Tagi, and the men of Gath are (his) bodyguard. He is (now) in -Beth-Sannah. But (nevertheless) we will act. Malchiel wrote to Tagi -that they should give Labbawa and Mount Shechem to the district of -the Khabiri, and he took some boys as slaves. They granted all their -demands to the people of Keilah. But we will rescue Jerusalem. The -garrison which you sent by Khaya the son of Meri-Ra has been taken -by Hadad-mikhir and stationed in his house at Gaza. [I have sent -messengers] to Egypt, [and may] the king [listen to me].... There is -no garrison of the king [here]. Verily by the life of the king Pa-ur -has gone down to Egypt; he has left me and is in Gaza. But let the king -entrust to him a garrison for the defence of the land. All the land of -the king has revolted. Send Yenkhamu and let him take charge of the -king’s land.</p> - -<p>“(Postscript): To the secretary of the king says Ebed-Kheba your -servant: [bring] what I say clearly before the king. Kindest regards to -you! I am your servant.”</p> - -<p>The references in this letter are explained in other letters from the -same correspondent. Malchiel was the native governor of the Hebron -district, and had married the daughter of Tagi, whose name does not -sound Semitic. The Hittite mercenaries of Labbawa from Shechem and -of Arzawaya, who does not seem<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">[204]</span> to have established himself in any -special district of the country, were now in the pay of Malchiel, -while Ebed-Kheba, as we have seen, had secured the services of another -body of Hittites from Kas. He had been accused at the Egyptian court -of seeking by their means to make himself independent, and more than -one of his letters is occupied with defending himself and bringing a -counter-charge against Malchiel. Malchiel, however, secured the support -of the royal commissioner, Yenkhamu, who agreed to his employment -of the Hittite condottieri. With their assistance Keilah had been -recovered from the hands of Ebed-Kheba, who, at an earlier date, -had got Labbawa to seize it for him, but after Labbawa’s death the -tables were turned, and his sons had offered their services to the -rival party, doubtless for the sake of better pay. It was now that -Malchiel summoned the militia of Gezer, Gath-Carmel and Keilah, and -made himself master of Rabbah, a small place north-west of Keilah and -Hebron, which Ebed-Kheba asserted belonged to <i>his</i> territory. -The tide was beginning to turn against the King of Jerusalem: his -enemies were in greater favour at court than he was himself, and they -had the support of the Hittite bands. It was in vain that he appealed -to the Egyptian Government for aid and declared that not only had his -rivals given Mount Shechem to the Hittite free-lances, but that by -their action against himself they were delivering the whole of Southern -Palestine into Hittite hands. “The king,” he writes, “no longer has -any territory, the Khabiri have wasted all the lands of the king. If -the royal troops come this year, the country will remain my lord the -king’s, but if no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">[205]</span> troops come, the territory of the king my lord is -lost.”</p> - -<p>At this point the story breaks off abruptly. The Tel el-Amarna -correspondence comes to an end and the fate of Jerusalem and the -surrounding districts is unknown to us. Soon afterwards religious -troubles at home forced the Egyptian Government to withdraw its troops -from Canaan altogether, and for awhile the Egyptian empire in Asia -ceased to exist. It was restored, however, by Seti I. and his son, -Ramses II, at the beginning of the Nineteenth dynasty, and among the -cities whose conquest is celebrated by Ramses on the walls of the -Ramesseum at Thebes is Shalem or Jerusalem. But this second Egyptian -empire in Asia did not last long, and when the Israelitish Exodus -took place it was already passing away. When some years later the -Israelitish invaders planted themselves in Labbawa’s old stronghold -on Mount Shechem, the Egyptian occupation of Canaan belonged to the -history of the past.</p> - -<p>Like the Saxons in England, however, the Hittite chieftains must have -founded principalities for themselves in the south of Canaan, as we -know from the evidence of the Tel el-Amarna tablets and the Egyptian -monuments that they did in the north. Ezekiel, in fact, tells us that -the mother of Jerusalem was a Hittite, and the Jebusites, from whom -Jerusalem took its name in the age of the Israelitish conquest, were -probably the descendants of the followers of the Hittite Arzawaya. -They had, moreover, found a Hittite population already settled in -the country, descendants of older bands who had made their way from -the highlands of Asia Minor to the frontiers<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">[206]</span> of Egypt in days when -as yet Abraham was unborn. At the very commencement of the Egyptian -twelfth dynasty we hear of the Pharaohs destroying “the palaces of the -Hittites” in Southern Palestine,<a id="FNanchor_157" href="#Footnote_157" class="fnanchor">[157]</a> and archæology has recently shown -that the painted pottery discovered in the earlier strata of Lachish -and Gezer by English excavators had its original home in Northern -Cappadocia and is an enduring evidence of Hittite culture and trade.</p> - -<p>The Hittites had been preceded in their occupation of Canaan by the -Amorites, as we have learnt from the Babylonian inscriptions. But in -the Tel el-Amarna age the specifically Amoritish territory was in the -north, eastward of Tyre and Gebal. Here Ebed-Asherah and his son Aziru -had their seat and from hence they led their forces northwards towards -Aleppo to resist “the king of the Hittites” on behalf of the Egyptian -Government, or attacked the Phœnician cities on their own account. -In the north, in fact, they played much the same part as the Hittite -mercenaries did in the south, with the additional advantage of being -able to secure secret assistance when it was needed from Mitanni. -Between Amorites and Hittites the Canaanites must have had a somewhat -unhappy time, like the Britons after the departure of the Roman -legions, who found themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">[207]</span> the alternate prey of Saxons and Scots. -But we can now understand and appreciate the ethnological notice in the -Book of Numbers (xiii. 29), which tells us that “the Hittites and the -Jebusites and the Amorites dwell in the mountains, and the Canaanites -dwell by the sea and by the coast of Jordan.”</p> - -<p>The Amorite princes, however, were more formidable to the Egyptian -Government than the Hittite chieftains, or else must have played their -cards a little too openly, for we find Aziru receiving a scolding such -as the Egyptian court seldom had the courage or energy to give. The -letter from the Egyptian Foreign Office, which is a long one, is worth -translating in full—</p> - -<p>“To the governor of the land of the Amorites [thus] says the king your -lord. The governor of Gebal, thy brother, whom his brother has driven -from the gate (of the city) has said: ‘Take me and bring me back into -my city, [and] I will then give you money, [for] I have nothing [of -value] with me now.’ So he spoke to you.</p> - -<p>“Behold, you write to the king your lord saying: I am your servant like -all the loyal governors who are each in his city. Yet you have acted -wrongly in taking a governor whom his brother had driven from the gate -of his city, and being in Sidon you handed him over to the governors -(there) at your own discretion, as if you did not know that they were -rebellious.</p> - -<p>“If you are really a servant of the king why have you not seen that he -should go up to the presence of the king your lord instead of thinking, -‘This governor wrote to me saying, “Take me to thyself and restore me -to my city”’?</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">[208]</span></p> - -<p>“But if you have acted loyally and nothing that I write is correct, the -king has devised a lie in saying that nothing which you declare is true.</p> - -<p>“But it happens that one has heard that you have made a treaty with the -(Hittite) prince of Kadesh to deliver food and drink to one another, -and it is true. Why have you acted thus? Why have you made a treaty -with a governor with whom another governor is at enmity? For if you act -with loyalty to him and observe your and his engagements you cannot -look after (our) interests as you have undertaken to do long ago. -Whatever be your conduct in the matter you are not on the side of the -king your lord.</p> - -<p>“Now as for these men to whom you want to turn, they are seeking to -get you into the fire and to burn (you) and all you most love. Whereas -if you submit yourself to the king your lord, what is there which the -king cannot do for you? If in anything you love to act wickedly and if -you lay up wickedness, even thoughts of rebellion, in your heart, then -you will die by the axe of the king along with all your family. Submit -therefore to the king your lord, and you shall live, for you know that -the king has no wish to be angry with all the land of Canaan.</p> - -<p>“And since you write: ‘Let the king excuse me this year and I will go -next year to the court of the king my lord, my son not being with me,’ -the king your lord accordingly will excuse you this year as you have -asked. Go yourself instead of sending your son, and you shall see the -king in the sight of whom all the world lives, and do not say: let me -be excused this year also from going to the court of the king<span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">[209]</span> your -lord; and do not send your son to the king your lord; he must not go in -your place.</p> - -<p>“And now the king your lord has heard that you wrote to the king -saying, ‘Let the king my lord permit Khanni the messenger of the king -to come to me for the second time, and I will deliver the enemies of -the king into his hand.’ Now he will go to you as you have asked; do -you therefore deliver them (to him) and do not let a single one of -them escape. Now the king your lord sends you the names of the king’s -enemies in this letter by the hand of Khanni the king’s messenger; so -deliver them to the king your lord and let not a single one of them -escape, but put fetters of bronze upon their feet. Behold, the men you -are to send to the king your lord are Sarru with all his sons, Tuia, -Liya with all his sons, Yisyari with all his sons, (and) the son-in-law -of Manya with his sons and wives. The treasurer of Khanni is the -official who will read the dispatch. Dâsirtî, Pâlûwa and Nimmakhî have -gone [to collect taxes?] into the country of the Amorites.</p> - -<p>“And know that the king, the Sun-god in heaven, is well; his soldiers -and chariots are many; from the upper country to the lower country, -from the rising of the sun [to] the setting of the sun all is peace.”</p> - -<p>We hear again of one of the rebels mentioned in this letter in the -tablet discovered at Lachish in Palestine by Mr. Bliss. Yisyari is -there described as inciting the governor of Lachish to revolt and -promising assistance if he would call out the militia of his city -against the king. That an Amorite of the north should thus have been -able to interfere in the politics of a city in the south of Palestine -is an interesting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">[210]</span> illustration of what I may call the solidarity of -Syria and Canaan in the pre-Mosaic period. They had not yet been broken -up into a series of isolated States; like the Hittites, the Amorites -still claimed to be a power in the future territory of Judah as well as -in the neighbourhood of Sidon or Hamath.</p> - -<p>It is possible that a well-known but somewhat mysterious personage -of the Old Testament was one of the Hittite leaders who succeeded -in carving out a principality for himself: I mean Balaam the son of -Beor. He is said to have come from the Hittite town of Pethor near -Carchemish, and besides being a seer and a prophet he was also a -soldier who fell in the ranks of the Midianites in a war against -Israel. But Balaam the son of Beor was not only a native of Pethor; -we hear of him again in the Book of Genesis, and here he appears as -the first king of Edom, his name heading the list of Edomite kings -extracted from the state annals of Edom and probably brought to -Jerusalem when David conquered the country. In the light of what -we have learnt from the tablets of Tel el-Amarna it is perhaps not -going too far to suppose that in Balaam we have one of those Hittite -chieftains who, after playing the part of prophet, made himself leader -of a band of Hittite free-lances and established a kingdom for himself -in Edom, finally falling in battle by the side of his Midianite allies.</p> - -<p>However this may be, the important place occupied by the Hittites in -creating the Canaan which the Israelites invaded is now clear. While -the larger bands of Hittite raiders settled in the north, where they -prepared the way for the Hittite king himself<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">[211]</span> with his regular army, -and where Hittite power became so firmly established that even the -great Ramses could not dislodge it, smaller companies of condottieri -made their way to the extreme south of Palestine, hiring their services -to the rival governors and princes and seizing a town or district -for themselves when the opportunity offered. So long as the tribute -was paid, and its subjects were not too troublesome, the Egyptian -Government looked on with equanimity while the states of Canaan were -practically ruled by the leaders of foreign mercenaries who transferred -their services from one paymaster to another with the most perfect -impartiality.</p> - -<p>What is most curious is that the Imperial Government recognized the -legal position not only of the Hittite or Amorite mercenaries, but -even of organized bands of Bedâwîn and outlaws. As for the Bedâwîn, -it had companies of them in its own pay, like the Egyptian Government -in more recent times, and the governor of Gebal complains that the -Egyptian commissioner Pa-Hor had sent some of the latter to murder his -garrison of Serdani or Sardinians, who were themselves mercenaries in -the Egyptian army. That bodies of outlaws should have been subsidized -by the native princes with the permission, or at least the connivance, -of the Egyptian court may seem surprising. But after all it is only -what we find happening in later times when the king of Gath similarly -enrolled David and his band of outlaws into his bodyguard without any -remonstrance on the part of the other Philistine “lords.” Still it is -startling to find one of the Pharaoh’s governors coolly announcing that -he and his soldiers and chariots, together with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">[212]</span> his brothers, his -“cut-throats” and his Bedâwîn, are ready to join the royal troops, at -the very time when another governor is piteously begging the great king -to “save” him “out of the hands of the cut-throats and Bedâwîn.” Here -is a strange picture of Canaanitish life in the days when as yet the -Israelite was not in the land.</p> - -<p>The fact is, the Canaanites were an unwarlike people. Inland, they -were agriculturists; on the sea-coast they were traders. And, like -other trading communities, they were disinclined to fight, preferring -to entrust the protection of themselves and their property to a -paid soldiery, while at the same time their wealth made them a -tempting prize to the assailant. It is true that they maintained a -native militia, as we have learned from one of the cuneiform tablets -discovered at Taanach, but it was upon a small scale, and apparently -so long as the person on the roll could produce the one or two men for -whom he was responsible he was not himself obliged to serve. It was -again a case of paying others to fight instead of themselves.</p> - -<p>The fighting population of Canaan, in short, were the foreigners, and -these it was who gradually made themselves its practical masters. The -leaders of the mercenaries became the rulers of the Canaanite states, -which thus passed into the hands of a dominant military caste. When -the Israelites entered the country it was with this military upper -class that they had principally to deal; where the Canaanite had not -its protection he trusted for his defence to his iron chariots and the -strong and lofty walls of his towns. It is instructive to read the -long list of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">[213]</span> unconquered cities and districts given by the Hebrew -historian in the first chapter of the Book of Judges; among them are -the Jebusites of Jerusalem, while we are told that “the Amorites forced -the children of Dan into the mountain, for they would not suffer them -to come down to the valley.”</p> - -<p>Canaan, it will probably be thought, was a somewhat insecure country -in which to live in the days of the Egyptian Empire. There seem to -have been constant turmoil and confusion, governor attacking governor -and bribing bands of foreign mercenaries to help him. But the turmoil -and confusion were mainly on the surface. When a town is taken from -one governor by another we do not hear of its population or their -possessions suffering materially; they soon appear upon the scene again -as prosperous as before. It is merely the governor and his immediate -surroundings who suffer; the capture of the town was probably an affair -amicably arranged between the condottieri who were attacking it and -the condottieri who were its defenders. The Egyptian commissioners go -up and down the country, hearing complaints and settling disputes, -and no one ventures even to protest against their decisions, while a -few Egyptian troops are stationed in places where the Government was -not quite sure of the fidelity of its subjects. Caravans of merchants -passed through Canaan going from Egypt to the north, and the traders -of Babylonia and Asia Minor travelled along its high-roads under the -escort of Hittite and other chieftains who were subsidized for the -purpose by the Egyptian court. Even in the days when the Egyptian -Government was breaking up, the constant fighting among the foreign<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">[214]</span> -mercenaries and their employers seems to have affected the mass of the -population little, if at all.</p> - -<p>What happened when the strong hand and controlling power of the -Egyptian Pharaoh were removed we do not yet know. We must look for -information to the systematic excavations that are at last being made -on the sites of the old Canaanitish towns. Already cuneiform tablets -have been found on them, and though these belong to the Egyptian period -we may hope that before long others may be discovered of later date. -We have still to bridge over the age which elapsed between the final -withdrawal of Egyptian domination and the conquest of the country -by Philistines and Israelites. When that age begins the script and -official language of Canaan are still Babylonian; when it closes -the cuneiform characters have been superseded by the letters of the -Phœnician alphabet, and the language of the inscriptions engraved in -them is the language no longer of Babylonia or of Hittite lands, but of -Canaan itself.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">[215]</span></p> - -<h2>INDEX</h2> -</div> - -<ul> - <li>Abercromby, the Hon. J., - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Abram, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> - <li>Abû Shahrein. <i>See</i> <a href="#Eridu">Eridu</a></li> - <li>Achæmenian dynasty, - <a href="#Page_11">11</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">inscriptions, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">transcripts (second), - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - <li>Acre, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Adamu, Adam, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, - <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, - <a href="#Page_91">91</a></li> - <li>Aita-gama, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - <li>Akkad, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - <li>Akkadian, - <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, - <a href="#Page_28">28–30</a>, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a></li> - <li>Amiaud, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - <li>Amon-hotep III., - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Amon-hotep IV., - <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, - <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a></li> - <li>Amorites, - <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">land of, - <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, - <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> - <li id="Amraphel">Amraphel (Khammu-rabi), - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> - <li>Animals, domesticated, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, - <a href="#Page_99">99</a></li> - <li>Anquetil-Duperron, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - <li>Anupum (Anubis), - <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - <li>Ape in Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - <li>Apes of Thoth, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a></li> - <li>Arabia, Southern, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Archæological <i>versus</i> literary evidence, - <a href="#Page_43">43</a></li> - <li>Archæology, science of, - <a href="#Page_36">36</a>, etc.</li> - <li>Arioch (Eri-Aku), - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> - <li>Armenia, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, etc.</li> - <li>Armenian and Sumerian, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - <li>Armenians, modern, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Aryan language, the, - <a href="#Page_72">72</a></li> - <li>Arzawa, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">language of, - <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li>Arzawan letters, - <a href="#Page_vi">vi.</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li>Arzawaya, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, - <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li>Asari of Eridu, - <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li> - <li>Asherah, - <a href="#Page_150">150</a>, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> - <li>Ashtoreth (Istar), - <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> - <li>Asia Minor, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, - <a href="#Page_160">160</a> <i>et seq.</i>, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">gold of, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">bronze in, - <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> - <li>Askabad, excavations at, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - <li>Ass, domesticated, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - <li>Assur (Qal’at Shirqât), - <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> - <li>Assur, the god, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - <li>Assur-bani-pal, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - <li>Assur-natsir-pal, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li> - <li>Assur-yuballidh, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - <li>Assyria, the sword in, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> - <li>Assyrian culture, - <a href="#Page_113">113</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">grammar, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">kings, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Semitic, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">syllabary, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">types, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - <li>Asur, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Babylonia (and Egypt), - <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, etc.;</li> - <li class="i1">Canaanite dynasty in, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">copper age in, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">no neolithic age in, - <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">picture-writing of, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - <li>Babylonian anthropomorphism, - <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">chronology, - <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">civilization, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">irrigation, - <a href="#Page_101">101</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">priesthood, - <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">script, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">seal-cylinder, - <a href="#Page_111">111</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">trade, - <a href="#Page_92">92</a></li> - <li>Babylonians a mixed people, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li> - <li>Balaam, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a></li> - <li>Barley, origin of, - <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> - <li>Bashan, - <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a></li> - <li>Behistun, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - <li>Bel, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a>, - <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - <li>Belck, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a></li> - <li>Bellerophon, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> - <li>Bes, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - <li>Beth-el, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a></li> - <li>Bezold, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> - <li>Black Obelisk, the, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - <li>Bliss, Mr., - <a href="#Page_209">209</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Boghaz Keui, - <a href="#Page_vi">vi.</a>, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - <li>Borsippa, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - <li>Botta, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a></li> - <li>Boz Eyuk, pottery of, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Brick, use of, - <a href="#Page_113">113</a></li> - <li>British Museum, how it excavates, - <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - <li>Bronze, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, - <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">scimitars, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">earliest use in Egypt, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Krete, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in the Caucasus, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">origin of, in Britain, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Bronze age in Europe, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Burnouf, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Calah, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>. <i>See</i> <a href="#Nimrud">Nimrûd</a></li> - <li>Canaan, - <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, - <a href="#Page_137">137</a>, - <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a> (<i>see</i> <a href="#Palestine">Palestine</a>);</li> - <li class="i1">and Egypt, - <a href="#Page_177">177</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">before the Exodus, - <a href="#Page_187">187</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">Hittite pottery in, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">neolithic age in, - <a href="#Page_146">146</a></li> - <li>Canaanite civilization, - <a href="#Page_150">150</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">dynasty in Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">deities, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">language, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, - <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">luxury, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">postal service, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, - <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pottery, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">sacrifice of children, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a></li> - <li>Cappadocia, Assyrians in, - <a href="#Page_169">169</a></li> - <li>Cappadocian tablets, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Carchemish, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - <li>Careri, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li>Chaldæa, port of, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - <li>Chaldæans, - <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - <li>Chantre, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> - <li>Chardin, Sir J., - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li>Chedor-laomer, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> - <li>Cilicia, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - <li>Clay as writing material, - <a href="#Page_111">111</a></li> - <li>Comana, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - <li>Cones, terra-cotta, - <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - <li>Copper, use of, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">mines, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li> - <li>Copper in Sumerian, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a></li> - <li>Cossæeans. <i>See</i> <a href="#Kossaeans">Kossæans</a></li> - <li>Crete. <i>See</i> <a href="#Krete">Krete</a></li> - <li>Cros, Captain, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - <li>Cubit, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - <li>Cuneiform a cursive script, - <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a>, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">used by Egypt, - <a href="#Page_126">126</a>, - <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - <li>Cypriotic syllabary, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - <li>Cyprus, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">seal-cylinders in, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Damascus, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a></li> - <li>Darius I., - <a href="#Page_9">9</a>, - <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> - <li>Darius, how pronounced, - <a href="#Page_12">12</a></li> - <li>Deecke, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - <li>Deification of king, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - <li>Delitzsch, F., - <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> - <li>Determinatives, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - <li>Dieulafoy, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - <li>Dirk, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Danube valley, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">characterizes bronze age, - <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> - <li>Domestication of animals, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> - <li>Dwarfs, sacred, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Ea or Oannes, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, - <a href="#Page_119">119</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Ebed-Kheba, King of Jerusalem, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, - <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li>Eden, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li> - <li>Edin, the “Plain,” - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - <li>Egypt, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Asiatic influence on, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">excavations in, - <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">and Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, - <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Egyptian irrigation, - <a href="#Page_102">102</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">chronology, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">hieroglyphs, - <a href="#Page_104">104</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">language Semitic, - <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">letter of an, - <a href="#Page_207">207</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">neolithic culture, - <a href="#Page_125">125</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">rule in Canaan, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">seal-cylinders, - <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, - <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - <li>Egyptians, dynastic, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, - <a href="#Page_114">114</a></li> - <li>Elam, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, - <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, - <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">copper age in, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a></li> - <li>Elamite pottery, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dialects, - <a href="#Page_71">71</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">race, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - <li>El-Hibba, - <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> - <li>El-Kab, sculpture at, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - <li>Elwend, inscription of, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a></li> - <li>Erech, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - <li>Eri-aku (Arioch), - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> - <li id="Eridu">Eridu, - <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, - <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, - <a href="#Page_92">92</a>, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">excavations at, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - <li>Erman, - <a href="#Page_107">107</a></li> - <li>Etruscan model of liver, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - <li>Euphrates, - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, - <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, - <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - <li>Evans, A. J., - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Fibula, introduction of, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_66">66</a></li> - <li>Figurines in Elam, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">at Kara Eyuk, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Flower, Samuel, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Garstang, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Gezer, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, etc., - <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, - <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">graves at, - <a href="#Page_151">151</a></li> - <li>Gladstone, Dr., analysis of metals, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a></li> - <li>Gold, word for, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - <li>Gordium, pottery of, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Grotefend, - <a href="#Page_10">10–13</a>, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a></li> - <li>Gudea, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - <li>Guyard, Stanislas, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Hadad-nirari I., - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - <li>Halévy, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> - <li>Hall, H. R., - <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - <li>Hamadan, inscription of, - <a href="#Page_15">15</a></li> - <li>Hathor identified with Istar, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - <li>Haupt, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a></li> - <li>Haynes, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - <li>Hazael, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li>Hebrew, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> - <li>Hebron, - <a href="#Page_203">203</a></li> - <li>Heeren, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - <li>Heraldic position in art, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - <li>Herat, seal-cylinder from, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> - <li>Herbert, Thomas, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li>Herodotus, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - <li>Heuzey, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Hezekiah, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li>Hierakonpolis, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, - <a href="#Page_115">115</a>, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - <li>Hilprecht, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - <li>Hincks, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, - <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a></li> - <li>Hittite, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">art, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">chiefs, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dirk, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">inscriptions, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">kings, - <a href="#Page_vi">vi.</a>, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">language, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">mercenaries, - <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, etc.;</li> - <li class="i1">pottery, - <a href="#Page_vi">vi.</a>, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - <li>Hittites, - <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>, - <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, etc., - <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - <li>Hommel, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, - <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, - <a href="#Page_116">116</a>, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li>Horus, followers of, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a>, - <a href="#Page_124">124</a></li> - <li>Hut-urns, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Hyksos, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, - <a href="#Page_190">190</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">introduce bronze, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">axe-heads, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>In-Susinak, - <a href="#Page_50">50</a></li> - <li>Iron, name of, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Armenia, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Egypt, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> - <li>Isaac, - <a href="#Page_154">154</a></li> - <li>Israelites, their advent in Canaan, - <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - <li>Istar, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a>, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a></li> - <li>Ivories of Ephesus, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li id="Jacob-el">Jacob-el (<i>see</i> <a href="#Ya_qub-el">Ya’qub-el</a>), - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, - <a href="#Page_190">190</a></li> - <li>Jebusites, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a></li> - <li>Jehu, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li>Jensen, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> - <li>Jéquier, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Jerusalem, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, - <a href="#Page_210">210</a>, - <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">king of, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, etc., - <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li>Jones, F., - <a href="#Page_24">24</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Kadish, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, - <a href="#Page_208">208</a></li> - <li>Kara Eyuk, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, - <a href="#Page_169">169</a>, - <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - <li>Karnak, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - <li>Kas, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, - <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li>Kassites, - <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dynasty of, - <a href="#Page_97">97</a></li> - <li>Khabiri, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li>Khaldis, Khaldian, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Khammu-rabi (<i>see</i> <a href="#Amraphel">Amraphel</a>), - <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, - <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">code of laws of, - <a href="#Page_153">153</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dynasty of, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">letters of, - <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> - <li>Khattinâ (Hittites), - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li>Khorsabad, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> - <li>King, L. W., - <a href="#Page_40">40</a></li> - <li>Knossus, clay tablets at, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a></li> - <li>Knudtzon, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li id="Kossaeans">Kossæeans (Kassites), - <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a></li> - <li>Kretan script, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pottery, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">monsters in art, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - <li id="Krete">Krete, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - <li>Kûyunjik, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a>. <i>See</i> <a href="#Nineveh">Nineveh</a>.</li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Labbawa, Labbaya, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, - <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li id="Lachish">Lachish, - <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, - <a href="#Page_209">209</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">excavations at, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, - <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a></li> - <li>Lagas, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - <li>Language and race, - <a href="#Page_109">109</a></li> - <li>Lassen, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - <li>Layard, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, - <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, - <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li> - <li>Lebanon, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> - <li>Legrain, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - <li>Lehmann, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li> - <li>Lenormant, Fr., - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a></li> - <li>Libraries, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> - <li>Lichtenberg, von, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - <li>Liver, bronze, - <a href="#Page_186">186</a></li> - <li>Loftus, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - <li>Longpérier, de, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Macalister, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_146">146</a>, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, - <a href="#Page_151">151</a>, - <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a></li> - <li>Mace-heads, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Magan, - <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - <li>Mal-Amîr, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - <li>Map of world, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - <li>Maspero, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a></li> - <li>Megiddo, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a>, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a></li> - <li>Merodach-baladan, - <a href="#Page_90">90</a></li> - <li>Merodach-nadin-akhi, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a></li> - <li>Messerschmidt, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> - <li>Mitanni, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_34">34</a>, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">language of, - <a href="#Page_168">168</a></li> - <li>Montellius, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Morgan, H. de, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - <li>Morgan, J. de, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Moschians, - <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - <li>Münter, Bishop, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - <li>Muqayyar (<i>see</i> <a href="#Ur">Ur</a>), - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - <li>Mussian, excavations at, - <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> - <li>Mykenæ, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> - <li>Mykenæan pottery, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Myres, J. L., - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Naharaim (Mitanni), - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_202">202</a></li> - <li>Naram-Sin, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a></li> - <li>Nar-Buzau, palette of, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Nar-Mer, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a></li> - <li>Nebuchadrezzar, - <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_45">45</a></li> - <li>Neolithic age not in Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a></li> - <li>Neo-Susian, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - <li>Niebuhr, Carsten, - <a href="#Page_9">9</a></li> - <li>Niffer (Nippur), excavations at, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, - <a href="#Page_76">76</a>, - <a href="#Page_77">77</a>, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - <li id="Nimrud">Nimrûd, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li id="Nineveh">Nineveh, excavations at, - <a href="#Page_18">18</a>, - <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">library of, - <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, - <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li> - <li>Niobê of Mount Sipylus, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a></li> - <li>Norris, Edwin, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a></li> - <li>Nu-gidda, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Oannes, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a></li> - <li>Obelisk, the Black, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a></li> - <li>Obsidian, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Oppert, Jules, - <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> - <li>Osiris, - <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li id="Palestine">Palestine and Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_135">135</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">Exploration Fund, - <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, - <a href="#Page_145">145</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Hittites in, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, - <a href="#Page_194">194</a></li> - <li>Palette of Nar-Buzau, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Papyrus, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - <li>Pegasus, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - <li>Pehlevi inscriptions, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - <li>Pepi, statue of, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Pyramid texts of, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li>Persian Gulf, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">land increases at head of, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - <li>Peters, Dr., - <a href="#Page_56">56</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Petrie, Flinders, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - <li>Philology, value of, - <a href="#Page_43">43</a>, - <a href="#Page_44">44</a></li> - <li>Phœnician alphabet, - <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, - <a href="#Page_183">183</a>, - <a href="#Page_185">185</a></li> - <li>Picture-writing, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, - <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">analysed, - <a href="#Page_98">98–100</a></li> - <li>Pietro della Valle, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - <li>Pinches, Dr., - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Polyphony, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a></li> - <li>Postal service in Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Canaan, - <a href="#Page_143">143</a>, - <a href="#Page_189">189</a></li> - <li>Pottery, importance of, - <a href="#Page_36">36</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, - <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Elamite, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a>, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Hittite, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Kretan, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Mykenæan, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">South Canaanite, - <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, - <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Susian, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_51">51</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Vannic, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">black with incised lines, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Ptah, Semitic origin of, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - <li>Pumpelly, Professor, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Pyramid texts, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Qal’at Shirqât (Assur), - <a href="#Page_41">41</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Ramsay, Sir W. M., - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a></li> - <li>Ramses II., treaty of, - <a href="#Page_vi">vi.</a></li> - <li>Rask, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a>, - <a href="#Page_14">14</a></li> - <li>Rassam, Hormuzd, - <a href="#Page_23">23</a>, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - <li>Rawlinson, Sir H. C., - <a href="#Page_15">15</a>, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a>, - <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, - <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a></li> - <li>Razor, use of, - <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - <li>Reisner, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a></li> - <li>Resurrection, the Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_120">120</a></li> - <li>Rhind, - <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, - <a href="#Page_42">42</a></li> - <li>Rich, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - <li>Royal Society, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Sacred trees of Egypt, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Sacy, de, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> - <li>Saint-Martin, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - <li>Samsu-ditana, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a></li> - <li>Saqia, the, - <a href="#Page_132">132</a></li> - <li>Sardinians, - <a href="#Page_211">211</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Sargon of Akkad, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, - <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, - <a href="#Page_56">56</a>, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, - <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, - <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, - <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - <li>Sarzec, M. de, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a></li> - <li>Saulcy, de, - <a href="#Page_19">19</a>, - <a href="#Page_20">20</a>, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> - <li>Scheil, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - <li>Schliemann, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - <li>Schools, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_138">138</a></li> - <li>Schulz, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, - <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a></li> - <li>Schweinfurth, - <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Scimitar, Semitic invention, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_66">66</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">of Hadad-nirari, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li> - <li class="hangingindent">Seal-cylinder, - <a href="#Page_111">111</a>, - <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, - <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, - <a href="#Page_117">117</a>, - <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a>, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a>, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dwarfs on, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">from Herat, - <a href="#Page_184">184</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Cyprus, - <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Troy, - <a href="#Page_180">180</a></li> - <li>Sellin, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a></li> - <li>Semite culture, origin of, - <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">influence, - <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, - <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, - <a href="#Page_86">86</a>, - <a href="#Page_90">90</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">religion, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a> <i>et seq.</i>;</li> - <li class="i1">kings deified, - <a href="#Page_95">95</a></li> - <li>Semites in Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - <li>Semitic Empire, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a></li> - <li>Semitic family of speech, - <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">languages, - <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, - <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">types, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a></li> - <li>Sennacherib, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li>Shadûf, - <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, - <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, - <a href="#Page_131">131</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - <li>Shalmaneser I., - <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - <li>Shalmaneser II., - <a href="#Page_179">179</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">annals of, - <a href="#Page_21">21</a></li> - <li>Shechem, - <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, - <a href="#Page_204">204</a></li> - <li>“Shepherd” kings, - <a href="#Page_93">93</a></li> - <li>Sidonian seals, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a></li> - <li>Silver, name of, - <a href="#Page_58">58</a></li> - <li>Sin (Sinai), - <a href="#Page_128">128</a>, - <a href="#Page_129">129</a></li> - <li>Sippara, - <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, - <a href="#Page_142">142</a></li> - <li>Spouted vases, - <a href="#Page_134">134</a></li> - <li>Subari, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, - <a href="#Page_181">181</a></li> - <li>Sumer, language of, - <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, - <a href="#Page_68">68</a> <i>et seq.</i>, - <a href="#Page_86">86</a></li> - <li>Sumerian, - <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, - <a href="#Page_28">28–30</a>, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">animism, - <a href="#Page_94">94</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">civilization, - <a href="#Page_98">98–100</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">culture, - <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">— in Canaan, - <a href="#Page_138">138</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">dialects, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, - <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">origin of, - <a href="#Page_74">74</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">origin of culture, - <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">physical type, - <a href="#Page_72">72</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">priest, - <a href="#Page_96">96</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">study of, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, - <a href="#Page_30">30</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">survival in Southern Babylonia, - <a href="#Page_88">88</a></li> - <li>Sumerians, the, - <a href="#Page_67">67</a> <i>et seq.</i></li> - <li>Susa, - <a href="#Page_26">26</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">excavations at, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, - <a href="#Page_46">46</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pottery of, - <a href="#Page_47">47</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">metal age of, - <a href="#Page_49">49</a></li> - <li>Swords, earliest, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Cyprus, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in Krete, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a></li> - <li>Syros, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li class="hangingindent">Taanach, excavations at, - <a href="#Page_148">148</a> <i>et seq.</i>, - <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, - <a href="#Page_157">157</a>, - <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, - <a href="#Page_212">212</a></li> - <li>Tablets, writing-, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - <li>Talîsh, excavations at, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> - <li>Tarkhundaraba, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a></li> - <li>Taylor, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a></li> - <li>Tel el-Amarna, - <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, - <a href="#Page_188">188</a>;</li> - <li class="hangingindent1">tablets, - <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, - <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, - <a href="#Page_144">144</a>, - <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, - <a href="#Page_168">168</a>, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, - <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, - <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, - <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, - <a href="#Page_187">187</a>, - <a href="#Page_191">191</a>, - <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, - <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, - <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, - <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, - <a href="#Page_205">205</a></li> - <li>Tel el-Hesy, - <a href="#Page_147">147</a>. <i>See</i> <a href="#Lachish">Lachish</a></li> - <li>Tello, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_53">53</a>, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a>, - <a href="#Page_72">72</a>, - <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, - <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">pottery of, - <a href="#Page_48">48</a></li> - <li>Thothmes III., annals of, - <a href="#Page_156">156</a></li> - <li>Thureau Dangin, - <a href="#Page_29">29</a>, - <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, - <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a></li> - <li>Tiglath-pileser I., - <a href="#Page_173">173</a></li> - <li>Tigris, - <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, - <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, - <a href="#Page_103">103</a></li> - <li>Tin, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_64">64</a></li> - <li>Toprak Kaleh, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> - <li>Trees, sacred, in Egypt, - <a href="#Page_123">123</a></li> - <li>Troy, - <a href="#Page_54">54</a>, - <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, - <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, - <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, - <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, - <a href="#Page_182">182</a></li> - <li>Tychsen, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Uan, - <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, - <a href="#Page_200">200</a></li> - <li id="Ur">Ur, - <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, - <a href="#Page_85">85</a>, - <a href="#Page_141">141</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">excavations at, - <a href="#Page_55">55</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Valle, Pietro della, - <a href="#Page_8">8</a></li> - <li>Van (Biainas), - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a></li> - <li>Vannic, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">deciphered, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, - <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, - <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, - <a href="#Page_164">164</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">deities, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">kings, - <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, - <a href="#Page_32">32</a></li> - <li>Vases, Egyptian, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_128">128</a></li> - <li>Vases of hard stone, - <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, - <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, - <a href="#Page_133">133</a></li> - <li>Vine, home of, - <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, - <a href="#Page_165">165</a></li> - <li>Vishtaspa, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> - <li>Vyse, - <a href="#Page_62">62</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Ward, Hayes, - <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, - <a href="#Page_79">79</a></li> - <li>Week, Babylonian, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Cappadocian, - <a href="#Page_172">172</a></li> - <li>Weissbach, - <a href="#Page_27">27</a></li> - <li>Westergaard, - <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, - <a href="#Page_25">25</a></li> - <li>Wheat, - <a href="#Page_132">132</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">in prehistoric graves, - <a href="#Page_108">108</a></li> - <li>Wood, use of, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, - <a href="#Page_84">84</a></li> - <li>Writing material, primitive, - <a href="#Page_83">83</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Xerxes, - <a href="#Page_12">12</a>, - <a href="#Page_35">35</a>, - <a href="#Page_161">161</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">Persian form of, - <a href="#Page_12">12</a>;</li> - <li class="i1">name of, on vase, - <a href="#Page_13">13</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li id="Ya_qub-el">Ya’qub-el (<i>see</i> <a href="#Jacob-el">Jacob-el</a>), - <a href="#Page_145">145</a></li> - <li>Year, division of, - <a href="#Page_122">122</a></li> - <li>Yortan, pottery of, - <a href="#Page_171">171</a></li> -</ul> - -<ul> - <li>Zend, - <a href="#Page_10">10</a></li> -</ul> - -<p class="center xs"><i>Richard Clay & Sons, Limited, London and Bungay.</i></p> - - -<div class="footnotes"><h3>FOOTNOTES:</h3> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> In this year an elaborate edition of his work was brought -out under the title of <i>Voyages du Chevalier Chardin en Perse, et -autres Lieux de l’Orient, Enrichis de Figures en Tailledouce, qui -représentent les Antiquités et les Choses remarquables du Païs</i> -(Amsterdam), two pages (167–8) in vol. ii. being devoted to the -inscriptions, the cuneiform being printed on plate lxix.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> The discovery has sometimes been claimed for Tychsen -(<i>De cuneatis Inscriptionibus Persepolitanis Lucubratio</i>, 1798, p. -24), but Tychsen supposed that the wedge was used to divide sentences, -not words.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> <i>Undersögelser om de Persepolitanske Inscriptioner</i> -(1800), translated into German in 1802.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> <i>Ideen über die Politik, den Verkehr und den Handel der -vornehmsten Völker der alten Welt</i>, vol. i. pp. 563 <i>sqq.</i>; -translated into English in 1833. The revival of interest in Grotefend’s -work was due to the fact that Champollion, after the decipherment of -the Egyptian hieroglyphs, found the name of Xerxes on an alabaster vase -at Paris on which, according to Grotefend’s system, the same name was -written in Persian cuneiform. This led the Abbé Saint-Martin, who was -a recognized Orientalist, to adopt and follow up Grotefend’s discovery -in a Memoir which he read before the French Academy in 1822, and -Saint-Martin’s work attracted the attention of Rask and Burnouf.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> “Om Zendsprogets,” in the <i>Skandinaviske -Literaturselskabs Skrifter</i>, xxi., translated into German in 1826.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> <i>Mémoire sur deux Inscriptions cunéiformes trouvées près -d’Hamadan</i> (Paris, 1836).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> <i>Die Altpersischen Keil-Inschriften von Persepolis</i> -(Bonn, 1836).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, x.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> <i>Monument de Ninive</i>, with plates drawn by Flandin.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> See his Memoir, “Sur l’écriture assyrienne,” in the -<i>Journal asiatique</i>, 1847–8, ix.-xi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> <i>Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy</i>, xxi. pp. -240 <i>sqq.</i> See also pp. 114 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_12" href="#FNanchor_12" class="label">[12]</a> <i>Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy</i>, xxii. pp. -3 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_13" href="#FNanchor_13" class="label">[13]</a> Edinburgh Meeting, p. 140.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_14" href="#FNanchor_14" class="label">[14]</a> <i>Revue archéologique</i>, 1847, pp. 501 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_15" href="#FNanchor_15" class="label">[15]</a> <i>Recherches sur l’écriture cunéiforme assyrienne</i> -(1849).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_16" href="#FNanchor_16" class="label">[16]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xii. pp. 401 -<i>sqq.</i> The translation of the Black Obelisk inscription is given -on pp. 431–48.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_17" href="#FNanchor_17" class="label">[17]</a> <i>Athenæum</i>, December 27, 1851.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_18" href="#FNanchor_18" class="label">[18]</a> In the Paper read by Hincks before the Royal Irish -Academy in June 1849, and published the following year.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_19" href="#FNanchor_19" class="label">[19]</a> For Hincks’s translation of the annals of Sennacherib, -see Layard’s <i>Nineveh and Babylon</i>, pp. 139 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_20" href="#FNanchor_20" class="label">[20]</a> <i>Literary Gazette</i>, July 5, 1846.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_21" href="#FNanchor_21" class="label">[21]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xiv.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_22" href="#FNanchor_22" class="label">[22]</a> <i>A List of Assyro-Babylonian Characters</i> (1852); -also the <i>Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy</i>, xxii. (1855), -and more especially <i>The Polyphony of the Assyro-Babylonian Cuneiform -Writing</i> (1863).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_23" href="#FNanchor_23" class="label">[23]</a> See his <i>Asshur and the Land of Nimrod</i> (1898).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_24" href="#FNanchor_24" class="label">[24]</a> F. Jones, <i>Vestiges of Assyria</i> (1855); <i>Journal -of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xv. pp. 297 <i>sqq.</i>; and more -especially <i>Memoirs</i>, edited by R. H. Thomas, 1857.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_25" href="#FNanchor_25" class="label">[25]</a> <i>Expédition scientifique en Mésopotamie.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_26" href="#FNanchor_26" class="label">[26]</a> In the <i>Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes</i>, -vi. pp. 337 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_27" href="#FNanchor_27" class="label">[27]</a> <i>Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy</i>, xxi. pp. -114 <i>sqq.</i> and 233 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_28" href="#FNanchor_28" class="label">[28]</a> <i>Journal asiatique</i>, xiv. pp. 93 <i>sqq.</i>; xv. -pp. 398 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_29" href="#FNanchor_29" class="label">[29]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xv.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_30" href="#FNanchor_30" class="label">[30]</a> <i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical -Archæology</i>, iii. pp. 465 <i>sqq.</i>; <i>Actes du VIième Congrès -International des Orientalistes en 1883</i>, ii. pp. 637 <i>sqq.</i> -(1885).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_31" href="#FNanchor_31" class="label">[31]</a> <i>Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse</i>; the volumes -by Dr. Scheil on the inscriptions that have thus far appeared are ii., -iii., iv., v. and vi.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_32" href="#FNanchor_32" class="label">[32]</a> <i>Zeitschrift für Assyriologie</i>, 1889, p. 434.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_33" href="#FNanchor_33" class="label">[33]</a> <i>Ak-ka-du; Orientalische Literatur-Zeitung</i>, 1905, -p. 268.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_34" href="#FNanchor_34" class="label">[34]</a> <i>Journal of Philology</i>, iii. pp. 1 <i>sqq.</i> I -endeavoured to settle the nature of Sumerian phonology in a Memoir on -“Accadian Phonology,” published by the Philological Society, 1877–8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_35" href="#FNanchor_35" class="label">[35]</a> <i>Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze</i> (1879).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_36" href="#FNanchor_36" class="label">[36]</a> Göttingen <i>Nachrichten</i>, 17 (1880); <i>Die -Akkadische Sprache</i> (1883).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_37" href="#FNanchor_37" class="label">[37]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, 1848, ix. -pp. 387 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_38" href="#FNanchor_38" class="label">[38]</a> See my article, “On the Language of Mitanni,” in the -<i>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, 1900, pp. -171 <i>sqq.</i>; and Leopold Messerschmidt in the <i>Mitteilungen der -Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft</i>, 1899, part iv. pp. 175 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_39" href="#FNanchor_39" class="label">[39]</a> Fr. Delitzsch, <i>Die Sprache der Kossäer</i> (1884).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_40" href="#FNanchor_40" class="label">[40]</a> They are now in the possession of M. de Clercq. For -a translation of the inscriptions upon them, see my <i>Patriarchal -Palestine</i>, p. 250.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_41" href="#FNanchor_41" class="label">[41]</a> <i>Thebes, its Tombs and their Tenants</i>, pp. 62, 66.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_42" href="#FNanchor_42" class="label">[42]</a> For the archæological results of M. de Morgan’s work, -see his <i>Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse</i>, vols. i. and vii. -The eighth volume, which will also be devoted to archæology, is in -preparation.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_43" href="#FNanchor_43" class="label">[43]</a> Chantre, <i>Mission en Cappadoce</i>, plates x.-xii.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_44" href="#FNanchor_44" class="label">[44]</a> The yellow and red wheel-made ware, some of it inscribed -with characters of the age of Gudea, which has been disinterred at -Tello, is quite different. This class of pottery, by the way, seems -to have been preceded by a grey coarse ware, made with the hand. -One fragment of fine polished yellow ware with traces of black -ornamentation has recently been reported from Tello by Captain Cros -(<i>Revue d’Assyriologie</i>, 1905, p. 59), but the isolated character -of the discovery makes it probable that it was an importation from -Elam.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_45" href="#FNanchor_45" class="label">[45]</a> Copper figurines of the goddess, with hands pressed -under the breasts, found in one of the earliest substructures of Tello -(<i>circa</i> <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 4000), are published by M. Heuzey in the -<i>Revue d’Assyriologie</i>, 1899, p. 44.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_46" href="#FNanchor_46" class="label">[46]</a> Heuzey, in the <i>Revue d’Assyriologie</i>, 1905, pp. -59 <i>sqq.</i> and plate iii. Von Lichtenberg (<i>Mitteilungen der -Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft</i>, 1906, 2) has lately pointed out -that the black incised pottery with white fillings is identical -in Cyprus, Troy, the Laibach bog and the Mondsee, and that the -ornamentation which characterizes it is found in the valley of the -Danube and the pile-dwellings of Switzerland. His attempt to derive it -from Cyprus, however, cannot be sustained in view of its occurrence in -Elam.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_47" href="#FNanchor_47" class="label">[47]</a> <i>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, -1905, p. 28.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_48" href="#FNanchor_48" class="label">[48]</a> <i>Ilios</i>, p. 337. Schliemann called it the Third -city. Dörpfeld’s subsequent excavations, however, have shown that it -really was the Second city, whose history fell into three periods.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_49" href="#FNanchor_49" class="label">[49]</a> Some of these represent the goddess with the arms -folded, and not pressed against the breasts. See, for example, the -photograph of one found at Naxos in the <i>Comptes rendus du Congrès -international d’ Archéologie</i>, 1905, p. 221. For Trojan examples, -see <i>Ilios</i>, pp. 331–6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_50" href="#FNanchor_50" class="label">[50]</a> See <i>Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse</i>, viii. -pp. 336–7. A report of some of the results of the Pumpelly expedition -is given by Dr. Hubert Schmidt in the <i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie -1906</i>, Pt. iii, p. 385.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_51" href="#FNanchor_51" class="label">[51]</a> Flint implements, however, were discovered by Taylor in -his excavations at Abu Shahrein, the site of Eridu (<i>Journal of the -Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xv. p. 410 and plate ii.).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_52" href="#FNanchor_52" class="label">[52]</a> See Taylor’s “Notes on the Ruins of Muqeyer,” in the -<i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xv. pp. 271–3 and 415.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_53" href="#FNanchor_53" class="label">[53]</a> <i>Nippur</i>, vol. ii. pp. 381–6.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_54" href="#FNanchor_54" class="label">[54]</a> <i>The Babylonian Expedition of the University of -Pennsylvania</i>, i. 2, pp. 26–7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_55" href="#FNanchor_55" class="label">[55]</a> <i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical -Archæology</i>, 1876, pp. 347–8.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_56" href="#FNanchor_56" class="label">[56]</a> Figured in the <i>Quarterly Statement of the Palestine -Exploration Fund</i>, October 1904, p. 335.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_57" href="#FNanchor_57" class="label">[57]</a> Layard, <i>Nineveh and Babylon</i>, pp. 571–3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_58" href="#FNanchor_58" class="label">[58]</a> ANA-BAR. <i>Bar</i> is given as the Sumerian -pronunciation of the word for “stone” (<i>Syllabary</i> 5, iv. 11, in -Delitzsch’s <i>Assyrische Lesestücke</i>, 3rd edition). In Old Egyptian -“iron” was similarly <i>ba-n-pet</i>, “stone of heaven,” while “silver” -was “white gold,” “gold” being symbolized by a collar. We may compare -the Indo-European “white” metal as a name of “silver.” The Sumerian -<i>azag-gi</i>, “gold,” was a form of <i>azagga</i>, “precious,” more -especially “precious metal”; the more specific word for “gold” was -<i>guskin</i>, with which the Armenian <i>oski</i> must be connected. -“Silver” was <i>bábara</i>, the “bright” metal, <i>nagga</i> being -“lead,” the Armenian <i>anag</i>. The identity of the Armenian and -Sumerian words for “gold” and “lead,” coupled with the Armenian origin -of the vine, and the fact that the mountain on which the ark of the -Babylonian Noah rested was Jebel Judi, south of Lake Van, raises an -interesting question as to the origin of Sumerian civilization.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_59" href="#FNanchor_59" class="label">[59]</a> It must be remembered, however, that, according to -Aristotle, the copper of the Mossynœci in Northern Asia Minor was -brilliant and white, owing to its mixture with a species of earth, the -exact nature of which was kept a secret. The Babylonian ideograph for -“bronze,” therefore, may have been a similar kind of hardened copper, -which was transferred to denote “bronze” when the alloy of copper and -tin became known.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_60" href="#FNanchor_60" class="label">[60]</a> See Garstang, <i>El-Arâbah</i>, p. 10. Dr. Gladstone, -however, after giving the results of his analysis of the Sixth-dynasty -copper discovered by Professor Petrie at Dendera, suggests that the -small amount of tin observable in it (about one per cent.) may have -been added to it artificially (<i>Dendereh</i>, p. 61). Bronze was “the -normal metal” of the Amorite period at Gezer (Macalister, <i>Quarterly -Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund</i>, April 1904, p. 119), -and the three cities which represent this period go back beyond the -age of the Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, to at least <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2900 -(see <i>Quarterly Statement</i>, January 1905, pp. 28–9). At Troy also -Schliemann found numerous bronze weapons in the Second (prehistoric) -city (<i>Ilios</i>, pp. 475–9). In Krete bronze daggers of the Early -Minoan period (coeval with the Middle Empire of Egypt) have been -found at Patema and Agia Triada (<i>Annual of the British School at -Athens</i>, x. p. 198), and the pottery of the Middle Minoan period -(<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2000–1500) was associated at Palaikastro with a bronze -button, two miniature bronze sickles, and a pair of bronze tweezers -(<i>ibid.</i> p. 202). As for the Caucasus, bronze was not known there -till a late date. Wilke (<i>Zeitschrift für Ethnologie</i>, 1904, -pp. 39–104) has shown that the bronze culture of the Caucasus was -derived from the valley of the Danube, and made its way eastward along -the northern coast of Pontus; see also Rössler, <i>Zeitschrift für -Ethnologie</i>, 1905, p. 118.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_61" href="#FNanchor_61" class="label">[61]</a> <i>Dendereh</i> (Egypt Exploration Fund), p. 62, for -the gold of the Sixth dynasty; <i>The Royal Tombs of the Earliest -Dynasties</i>, pp. 39–40, for that of the First dynasty.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_62" href="#FNanchor_62" class="label">[62]</a> Vyse, <i>Pyramids of Gizeh</i>, i. p. 276. The clamp was -actually found by his assistant Hill, after blasting away the two outer -stones behind which it had been placed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_63" href="#FNanchor_63" class="label">[63]</a> <i>Abydos</i>, part ii. p. 33. An iron pin of the -age of the Eighteenth dynasty was found by Garstang at Abydos -(<i>El-Arâbah</i>, p. 30).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_64" href="#FNanchor_64" class="label">[64]</a> <i>Illahun, Kahun and Gurob</i>, p. 12. Dr. Gladstone’s -analyses give only about 2 parts of tin to 96·35 of copper. The bronze -of the Eighteenth dynasty found at Gurob yielded a less proportion -of tin (about 7 parts to 90 of copper) than the bronze of the Second -Assyrian Empire. A ring of pure tin, however, was also discovered at -Gurob.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_65" href="#FNanchor_65" class="label">[65]</a> <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, xxxiii. -pp. 367 <i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_66" href="#FNanchor_66" class="label">[66]</a> The two dialects were called <i>eme</i>-<span class="allsmcap">KU</span> -(i.e. <i>eme-lakhkha</i>, W.A.I. iii. 4, 31, 32), “the language of -the enchanter,” and <i>eme</i>-<span class="allsmcap">SAL</span>, “the woman’s language,” -which are rendered in Semitic Babylonian, <i>lisan Sumeri</i> and -(<i>lisan</i>) <i>Akkadi</i>, “the language of Sumer” and “the language -of Akkad.” In a tablet (81, 7–27, 130, 6, 7) they are said to be -“like” one another. Other dialects were termed “the language of the -sacrificer” and “the language of the anointer,” as being used by these -two classes of priests. They differed, perhaps, from the standard -dialects in intonation or the use of technical words. We hear also of -“a carter’s language” in which <i>anbarri</i>—which, it is noticeable, -is a Sumerian word—meant “yoke and reins,” <i>i.e.</i> “harness” -(<i>Zeitschrift für Assyriologie</i>, ix. p. 164).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_67" href="#FNanchor_67" class="label">[67]</a> Fick, however, is an exception (<i>Beiträge zur Kunde der -indogermanischen Sprachen</i>, xxix. pp. 229–247.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_68" href="#FNanchor_68" class="label">[68]</a> <i>Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse</i>, i. pp. 152–3. -Photographs of the two types—Sumerian and Semitic—represented on the -early monuments of Babylonia are given by Dr. Pinches in an interesting -Paper in the <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, January 1900, -pp. 87–93.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_69" href="#FNanchor_69" class="label">[69]</a> It is noticeable that the script of the other people -whose civilization grew up on the banks of a river, the Egyptians -namely, contains no special ideograph for “river.” The word is -expressed by the phonetically-written <i>atur</i>, with the -determinative of “water” or “irrigation basin.” As in the primitive -hieroglyphs of Babylonia, “the sea” was a “circle.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_70" href="#FNanchor_70" class="label">[70]</a> For proof of this reading see <i>Expository Times</i>, -xvii. p. 416 and note <i>infra</i>, p. 91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_71" href="#FNanchor_71" class="label">[71]</a> See my <i>Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia</i>, -pp. 373–84.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_72" href="#FNanchor_72" class="label">[72]</a> Taylor found quantities of sea-shells in its ruins -(<i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, xv. p. 412). At the time -of its foundation an arm of the sea probably ran up to it from the -south-east, though the myth of Adamu describes him as fishing each day -in the waters of the actual Gulf, rather than in an arm of it.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_73" href="#FNanchor_73" class="label">[73]</a> The Moon-god of Ur was a “son” of El-lil, the god of -Nippur.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_74" href="#FNanchor_74" class="label">[74]</a> For proof of this see my <i>Religion of the Ancient -Babylonians</i>, p. 105.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_75" href="#FNanchor_75" class="label">[75]</a> A tablet obtained by Dr. Hayes Ward divides Sippara into -four quarters, “Sippara of Eden,” “Sippara that is from everlasting,” -“Sippara of the Sun-god,” and “Sippara,” which may be the “Sippara -of Anunit” or “Sippara of Aruru,” the creatress of man, of other -inscriptions. Amelon or Amelu, “man,” who corresponds with the Enos of -Scripture, is said in the fragments of Berossus to have belonged to -Pantibibla, or “Book-town,” and since Euedoranchus of Pantibibla, the -counterpart of the Biblical Enoch, is the monumental Enme-dhur-anki -of Sippara, it is clear that Pantibibla is a play on the supposed -signification of Sippara (from <i>sipru</i>, “a writing” or “book”). -The claim to immemorial antiquity made on behalf of Sippara may be -due to the fact that Akkad, the seat of the first Semitic empire, was -either in the immediate neighbourhood of Sippara or another name of one -of the four quarters of Sippara itself.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_76" href="#FNanchor_76" class="label">[76]</a> <i>Chaldæa and Susiana</i>, p. 282.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_77" href="#FNanchor_77" class="label">[77]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Geographical Society</i>, xxvii. -p. 186. Rawlinson calculated the rate of advance from that made by the -Babylonian Delta between 1793 and 1833. In the age of Strabo and Arrian -the Tigris and Euphrates were not yet united, while in the time of -Nearchus (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 335) the mouth of the Euphrates was 345 miles -from Babylon. De Morgan calculates that between the age of Nearchus and -that of Sennacherib, when the Euphrates had not yet joined the more -rapid Tigris, the rate of increase must have been much slower than it -is to-day and have not exceeded eighty metres a year. In the age of -Sennacherib Eridu was already seventy miles distant from the coast -(de Morgan, <i>Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse</i>, i. pp. 5–23). -The distance from the Shatt el-Arab (the united stream of the Tigris -and Euphrates) to the end of the alluvium in the Persian Gulf is 277 -kilometres, or 172 miles. Some idea of the appearance of the coast in -the Abrahamic age may be gained from the map of the world drawn by a -Babylonian tourist in the time of Khammu-rabi which I have published in -the <i>Expository Times</i>, November 1906.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_78" href="#FNanchor_78" class="label">[78]</a> There is a striking resemblance between the primitive -Babylonian picture of a boat and the sailing boat depicted on the -prehistoric pottery of Egypt, for which last see Capart, <i>Les Débuts -de l’Art en Egypte</i>, p. 116.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_79" href="#FNanchor_79" class="label">[79]</a> Perhaps, however, this was really due to the accidental -similarity of sound between <i>gi</i>, “a reed,” and <i>gin</i>, “to be -firm.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_80" href="#FNanchor_80" class="label">[80]</a> The various forms of vases represented in the early -pictography are given by de Morgan in a very instructive article, “Sur -les procédés techniques en usage chez les scribes babyloniens,” in the -<i>Recueil des Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à l’Archéologie -égyptiennes et assyriennes</i>, xxvii. 3, 4 (1905). Among special vases -were those for oil, wine and honey. The butter or oil jar was closed -with a clay sealing exactly like those of early Egypt. Vases with -spouts were also used.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_81" href="#FNanchor_81" class="label">[81]</a> The American excavations at Askabad have shown that the -domestication of animals, including the camel, took place during the -neolithic age, the goat being one of the last to be tamed.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_82" href="#FNanchor_82" class="label">[82]</a> This, however, is not absolutely certain, since the -ideograph which, denotes an “ass” originally signified merely “a yoked -beast.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_83" href="#FNanchor_83" class="label">[83]</a> Peters, <i>Nippur</i>, ii. p. 299.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_84" href="#FNanchor_84" class="label">[84]</a> Thus in the great historical inscription of Entemena, -King of Lagas (<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 4000), M. Thureau Dangin is probably right -in seeing in <i>dam-kha-ra</i> (col. i. 26) a Semitic word. In fact -where a word is written syllabically, that is to say phonetically, in -a Sumerian text there is an <i>a priori</i> probability that it is a -loan-word.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_85" href="#FNanchor_85" class="label">[85]</a> This may of course have been only a literary archaism. -But if the kings were really of Semitic origin, it is difficult to -understand why they should have been ashamed of being called by their -native Semitic names.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_86" href="#FNanchor_86" class="label">[86]</a> See Hommel, <i>Grundriss der Geographie und Geschichte -des Alten Orients</i>, i. pp. 79–82.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_87" href="#FNanchor_87" class="label">[87]</a> Hitherto read A-da-pa. But the character <b>PA</b> -had the value of <i>mu</i> when it signified “man,” according -to a tablet quoted by Fossey, <i>Contribution au Dictionnaire -Sumérien-assyrienne</i>, No. 2666, and in writing early Babylonian -names or words the characters with the requisite phonetic values -were selected which harmonized ideographically with the sense of the -words. Thus out of the various characters which had the phonetic -value of <i>mu</i> that was chosen which denoted “man” when the name -of the first man was needed to be written. The Semitic Adamu, which -M. Thureau Dangin has found used as a proper name in tablets from -Tello of the age of Sargon of Akkad, was borrowed from the Sumerian -<i>adam</i>, which signified “animal,” and then, more specifically -“man.” Thus in the bilingual story of the creation we have (l. 9) -<i>uru nu-dim adam nu-mun-ya</i>, “a city was not built, a man was not -made to stand upright,” and a list of slaves published by Dr. Scheil -(<i>Recueil de Travaux</i>, etc., xx. p. 65) is dated in “the year when -Rim-Anum the king (conquered) the land of ... bi and its inhabitants” -(<i>adam-bi</i>). See above, p. 76.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_88" href="#FNanchor_88" class="label">[88]</a> <i>Records of the Past</i>, New Series, iii. pp. 124–7.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_89" href="#FNanchor_89" class="label">[89]</a> Erech was one of the earliest of the Semitic settlements -in the Babylonian plain, and Erech was known later as <i>’supuru</i>, -“the sheepfold,” as is shown by its ideographic equivalent.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_90" href="#FNanchor_90" class="label">[90]</a> <i>The Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia</i>, pp. -276–80.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_91" href="#FNanchor_91" class="label">[91]</a> See my <i>Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia</i>, -pp. 276–89, 348–61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_92" href="#FNanchor_92" class="label">[92]</a> If, however, the Sumerian pictograph for “city” -represents a tower on a mound, as seems to be the case, the identity -in form of the Egyptian hieroglyph cannot be an accident, since both -the tower and the artificial platform were essentially Babylonian. In -the cursive cuneiform two separate pictographs have coalesced, one -representing a seat, the other what appears to be a tower on a mound.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_93" href="#FNanchor_93" class="label">[93]</a> In Egyptian, however, the bird stands over a door, while -in Babylonian it is over the two-legged stool on which two vases of -offerings are set when it is used to denote the image of a god. The -Sumerian pictograph for “(divine) lord” or “lady” (<span class="allsmcap">NIN</span>) is -the representation of a similar vase on a mat, and thus has the same -form as the Egyptian <i>hotep</i>. The Egyptian <i>nefer</i>, “good,” -finds its exact counterpart in the Babylonian pictograph of “ornament” -(<span class="allsmcap">ME-TE</span>). The Babylonian “house,” too, is given the same -tower-like shape as the Egyptian (<i>āhā</i>).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_94" href="#FNanchor_94" class="label">[94]</a> In a short Paper entitled <i>Lexicalische Belege zu -meinen Vortrag über die sprachliche Stellung des Altægyptischen</i> -(1895), in which he has attempted to draw up a list of phonetic -equivalences between Egyptian and Sumerian. In this, however, I am -unable to follow him, as his comparisons of Egyptian and Sumerian words -are not convincing.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_95" href="#FNanchor_95" class="label">[95]</a> See de Morgan, <i>Recherches sur les Origines de -l’Egypte</i>, pp. 94, 95. According to Schweinfurth, barley, which -is also found in the prehistoric graves of Egypt, must originally -have come from Babylonia like the wheat. <i>Qemḥu</i> is found in the -Pyramid texts (Maspero, <i>Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie -et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes</i>, v. p. 10). -<i>Boti</i>, whence the Coptic <i>bôti</i> and the <i>battawa</i> or -“durra cake” of modern Egyptian Arabic, was “durra,” not “wheat.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_96" href="#FNanchor_96" class="label">[96]</a> See Maspero, <i>Études de Mythologie</i>, ii. pp. 313 -<i>sqq.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_97" href="#FNanchor_97" class="label">[97]</a> I have put “Lower” between parentheses since it is very -questionable whether this particular system of registering time was -known in the Delta until it was introduced from Upper Egypt. On the -Palermo stone a list of the early kings of Lower Egypt is given, but -without any dates, which make their appearance along with the kings of -the First dynasty, who belonged to Upper Egypt. It is interesting to -observe that the ideograph for “year” is denoted in exactly the same -way in both the Babylonian and the Egyptian hieroglyphs by the branch -of a (palm) tree. Such a curious symbol for the idea can hardly have -been invented independently. Professor Hommel further draws attention -to the fact that while the literal translation of a common ideographic -mode of representing “year” in Babylonian is “name of heaven,” that of -the two syllables of the Egyptian word <i>renpet</i>, “year,” would -also be “name of heaven.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_98" href="#FNanchor_98" class="label">[98]</a> <i>Hierakonpolis</i>, part i. plate xxix. The name of the -king is usually (but erroneously) written Nar-Mer.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_99" href="#FNanchor_99" class="label">[99]</a> As the royal figures wear no crowns, they can hardly -depict the king in his double office of king of Upper and Lower Egypt, -and the duplication of the Pharaoh must consequently have a purely -artistic origin. That this artistic origin is closely connected with -the origin of the seal-cylinders is shown by the fact that the figures -correspond with one of the most common designs on the latter, in which -the <i>ka</i> of the person to whom the cylinder belonged is seated on -a chair similar to that of the El-Kab king, an altar with offerings of -bread being set before him.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_100" href="#FNanchor_100" class="label">[100]</a> The eye and the ideograph of city or place. Since the -eye here has the phonetic value of <i>eri</i> or <i>ari</i>, the -ideograph of “city,” which is <i>eri</i> in Sumerian, must have the -Egyptian value of <i>as</i>.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_101" href="#FNanchor_101" class="label">[101]</a> See my <i>Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia</i>, -p. 238.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_102" href="#FNanchor_102" class="label">[102]</a> <i>Comptes rendus de l’Académie des Inscriptions -et Belles Lettres</i>, 4 Sér., 1899, xxvii. pp. 60–67; see -<i>Hierakonpolis</i>, part ii. plate xxviii. In the <i>Revue -d’Assyriologie</i>, v. pp. 29–32, Heuzey has lately drawn attention -to the resemblance between the early Egyptian and Babylonian bowls of -calcite or Egyptian alabaster.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_103" href="#FNanchor_103" class="label">[103]</a> <i>Lectures on the Religion of the Ancient -Babylonians</i>, 1887, p. 33.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_104" href="#FNanchor_104" class="label">[104]</a> <i>Nature</i>, August 9, 1883, p. 341.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_105" href="#FNanchor_105" class="label">[105]</a> Daressy, “Le Cercueil d’Emsaht,” in the <i>Annales du -Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte</i>, 1899, i. pp. 79–90.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_106" href="#FNanchor_106" class="label">[106]</a> I have called Upper Egypt the seat of the first -Pharaohs, not only because the earliest dynastic monuments we possess -come from thence, but also because it was of Upper Egypt and its -ruling caste that the hawk-god Horus was the guardian deity. From -Upper Egypt he was carried to Lower Egypt and its nomes, presumably -through conquest, as is monumentally attested by the “palette” of -Nar-Buzau discovered at Hierakonpolis (Capart, <i>Débuts de l’Art -en Égypte</i>, p. 236). So, too, the anthropomorphic Osiris—the -duplicate of Anhur—made his way from the south to the north. That -Southern Arabia should have been the connecting-link between Babylonia -and Egypt was the result of its being the source of the incense which -was imported for religious use into both countries alike at the very -beginning of their histories. That this foreign product should have -been considered an indispensable adjunct of the religions of the two -civilizations is one of the best proofs we have of their connection -with one another. Dr. Schweinfurth has shown that the sacred trees of -Egypt—the sycamore and the persea—which needed artificial cultivation -for their preservation there, came from Southern Arabia, where he found -them growing wild under the names of <i>Khanes, Burra and Lebakh</i> -(<i>Verhandlungen der Gesellschaft für Erdkünde zu Berlin</i>, July -1889, No. 7).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_107" href="#FNanchor_107" class="label">[107]</a> In the possession of Lord Amherst of Hackney. On an -early Babylonian seal-cylinder, bought by Dr. Scheil at Mossul and -figured in the <i>Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie et à -l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes</i>, xix. 1, 2, No. 7 of the -plate, we have: “Ili-su-bani son of Aminanum, servant of the gods Bel -and Anupum.” Aminanum may be a Semitized form of the Egyptian Ameni.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_108" href="#FNanchor_108" class="label">[108]</a> Pp. 133, 139, 485.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_109" href="#FNanchor_109" class="label">[109]</a> De Morgan, <i>Recherches sur les Origines de -l’Égypte</i>, p. 65.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_110" href="#FNanchor_110" class="label">[110]</a> Scheil, <i>Recueil de Travaux relatifs à la Philologie -et à l’Archéologie égyptiennes et assyriennes</i>, xix. pp. 50, 54; -Sayce, <i>Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia</i>, p. 485. -The dwarf is represented as dancing before the god Sin on an early -Babylonian seal-cylinder published by Scheil in the <i>Recueil</i>, -xix. 1, 2, No. 16 of the plate.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_111" href="#FNanchor_111" class="label">[111]</a> It is worth notice that the dwarf-god Bes, who is -called “God of Punt” in inscriptions of the Ptolemaic age, appears on -Arab coins of the Roman period (Schweinfurth, <i>Verhandlungen der -Gesellschaft für Erdkunde 1889</i>, No. 7).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_112" href="#FNanchor_112" class="label">[112]</a> Layard, <i>Monuments of Nineveh</i>, Second Series, pl. -15.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_113" href="#FNanchor_113" class="label">[113]</a> Herodotus, i. 193.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_114" href="#FNanchor_114" class="label">[114]</a> The rope appears to have been <i>makutum</i>; see <i>W. -A. I.</i> v. 26, 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_115" href="#FNanchor_115" class="label">[115]</a> K. 56, ii. 14.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_116" href="#FNanchor_116" class="label">[116]</a> For other evidences of contact between primitive -Babylonia and early Egypt, see Heuzey in the <i>Revue -d’Assyriologie</i>, 1899, v. 2, pp. 53–6. He there enumerates (1) -the resemblance between the stone mace-heads of the two countries in -“prehistoric times,” as well as between the flat dishes of veined and -ribboned onyx marble, hollowed and rounded by the hand; (2) between the -lion-heads of stone, the onyx stone of one of which is stated in an -inscription to have come from Magan; (3) the extraordinary likeness in -the delineation of animal forms, which extends to conventional details -“like the two concentric curves artificially arranged so as to allow -the two corners of the profile to be visible at the same time”; (4) -the use of a razor and the custom of completely shaving the face, and -even the skull; and (5) the ceremonial form of libation by means of a -vase of peculiar shape, with a long curved spout and without a handle. -This libation vase was practically the same in both countries, in spite -of its peculiar and somewhat complicated form. Of later introduction -into Egypt was the inscribed cone of terra-cotta, which was of early -Babylonian origin, but is not met with in Egypt before the age of -the Twelfth dynasty. At any rate, the first specimens of it hitherto -found there were discovered by myself at Ed-Dêr, opposite Esna, in -1905 (<i>Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte</i>, 1905, pp. -164–5).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_117" href="#FNanchor_117" class="label">[117]</a> <i>Recueil de Travaux</i>, etc., xvi. p. 190.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_118" href="#FNanchor_118" class="label">[118]</a> In the later bronze or “Mykenæan” age the seal-cylinders -are of a different type, and are engraved on a black artificial paste -resembling hæmatite (Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter, <i>Catalogue of the -Cyprus Museum</i>, p. 32).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_119" href="#FNanchor_119" class="label">[119]</a> Sayce, <i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical -Archæology</i>, 1877, v. part ii.; Bezold, <i>Zeitschrift für -Keilinschrift</i>, 1885, pp. 191–3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_120" href="#FNanchor_120" class="label">[120]</a> <i>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical -Archæology</i>, November 1905, plate No. 11</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_121" href="#FNanchor_121" class="label">[121]</a> A cadastral survey, which was drawn up at this period -under Uru-malik, or Urimelech, “the governor of the land of the -Amorites,” would, if perfect, have given us an interesting description -of Syria and Palestine in the third millennium before our era; see -Thureau Dangin in the <i>Revue Sémitigue</i>, Avril 1897.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_122" href="#FNanchor_122" class="label">[122]</a> See Heuzey, in the <i>Revue d’Assyriologie</i>, 1897, -pp. 1–12.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_123" href="#FNanchor_123" class="label">[123]</a> This was “the year when Samsu-iluna the king gave -Merodach a shining mace of gold and silver, the glory of the temple; -it made E-Saggil (the temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon) shine like -the stars of heaven.” The title of the year was derived from the chief -event, or events, that characterized it. See Dr. Pinches, in the -<i>Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration Fund</i>, April and -July 1900, pp. 269–73.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_124" href="#FNanchor_124" class="label">[124]</a> See my analysis of some of the Hyksos names in the -<i>Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, 1901, pp. -95–8. Since the publication of the Paper other names of the same -type, like Rabu and Sakti, have come to light. The characteristic -names of the Hyksos princes recur among the “Amorite” names found in -the contract tablets of the Khammu-rabi period, but not later. The -abbreviated forms of the names met with on the Egyptian scarabs are -also found in the tablets. Indeed, the contracted form of Ya’qub-el, -that is to say, Yakubu, with <i>k</i> instead of <i>q</i>, must have -been transcribed from a cuneiform original.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_125" href="#FNanchor_125" class="label">[125]</a> Macalister, <i>Quarterly Statement of the Palestine -Exploration Fund</i>, January 1903, p. 28. It is the seventh -stone, however, which alone has been brought from a distance—the -neighbourhood of Jerusalem—all the others being of local origin -(<i>Quarterly Statement</i>, July 1904, pp. 194–5).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_126" href="#FNanchor_126" class="label">[126]</a> See Sellin, <i>Tell Ta’annek</i> (1904) and <i>Eine -Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta’annek in Palästina</i> (1905).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_127" href="#FNanchor_127" class="label">[127]</a> <i>Tell Ta’annek</i>, pp. 27–8. The cylinder is earlier -than <span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 2000.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_128" href="#FNanchor_128" class="label">[128]</a> See my <i>Patriarchal Palestine</i>, pp. 60, 61.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_129" href="#FNanchor_129" class="label">[129]</a> <i>Collection De Clercq, Catalogue méthodique et -raisonné</i>, i. p. 217.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_130" href="#FNanchor_130" class="label">[130]</a> <i>Quarterly Statement of the Palestine Exploration -Fund</i>, January 1905, pp. 28, 29.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_131" href="#FNanchor_131" class="label">[131]</a> The chronological difficulty, however, would be -partially solved if the date recently proposed by Professor -Petrie (<i>Researches in Sinai</i>, ch. xii.) for the Twelfth -dynasty—<span class="allsmcap">B.C.</span> 3459–3250—be adopted. The Twelfth dynasty -would in this case have reigned a thousand years before the dynasty of -Khammu-rabi, whose domination in Palestine would have been an interlude -in the history of the Hyksos period, while the conquest of Canaan by -Sargon and Naram-Sin would have coincided with the supersession of -the neolithic population by the “Amorites,” who brought with them the -copper and the culture of Babylonia.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_132" href="#FNanchor_132" class="label">[132]</a> Unless we except the gold and silver ornaments found -on the body of a woman in a deserted house at Taanach, which, as Dr. -Sellin says, are by themselves sufficient to remove “all grounds for -doubting such accounts as those in Joshua vii. 21, and Judges viii. 26” -(<i>Eine Nachlese auf dem Tell Ta’annek</i>, p. 32).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_133" href="#FNanchor_133" class="label">[133]</a> <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society</i>, New Series, -xiv. 3, 4, pp. 377–732.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_134" href="#FNanchor_134" class="label">[134]</a> Eustathius on Dion. Perieget. 767. See Lehmann in the -<i>Zeitschrift für Assyriologie</i>, 1894, pp. 90 and 358–60.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_135" href="#FNanchor_135" class="label">[135]</a> The Vannic kings always call themselves kings, not of -the Khaldians, but of Biainas or Bianas, the Byana of Ptolemy, the Van -of to-day.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_136" href="#FNanchor_136" class="label">[136]</a> See more especially Belck’s comparison of the -Vannic pottery with that of the Assyrian colony of Kara Eyuk, near -Kaisariyeh, in the <i>Verhandlungen der Berliner anthropologischen -Gesellschaft</i>, December 1901, p. 493. Besides the highly-polished -lustrous red ware, he found at Kara Eyuk fragments of the same -wheel-made wine-jars, “of gigantic size,” which characterized Toprak -Kaleh, near Van. Similar jars, as well as lustrous red pottery, were -discovered by Schliemann in the “prehistoric” strata at Troy. The -animals’ heads in terra-cotta found at Kara Eyuk are stated by Dr. -Belck to be similar to those of the Digalla Tepé, near Urumiya. For -further details see <i>infra.</i></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_137" href="#FNanchor_137" class="label">[137]</a> See Pinches in the <i>Journal of the Royal Asiatic -Society</i>, 1897, pp. 589–613; and myself in the <i>Proceedings of the -Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, 1897, p. 286.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_138" href="#FNanchor_138" class="label">[138]</a> Thus we find from the Cappadocian cuneiform tablets -discovered at Kara Eyuk, north-east of Kaisariyeh, that time was -reckoned by the annual succession of officers called <i>limmi</i> as in -Assyria.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_139" href="#FNanchor_139" class="label">[139]</a> <i>Dendereh</i>, p. 62.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_140" href="#FNanchor_140" class="label">[140]</a> Chantre, <i>Mission en Cappadoce</i>, pp. 71–91.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_141" href="#FNanchor_141" class="label">[141]</a> See Belck, <i>Verhandlungen der Berliner -anthropologischen Gesellschaft</i>, December 1901, p. 493; and -the admirable plates, iii., vii.–xiv., in Chantre, <i>Mission en -Cappadoce</i>. As has been already mentioned (<i>supra</i>, p. 166), -Dr. Belck noticed at Kara Eyuk coarse sherds of great thickness coming -from wine-jars similar to those of Toprak Kaleh. The black vases -with long spouts have been found at Yortan and Boz Eyuk in Phrygia; -long-spouted vases of yellow ware with geometrical patterns in -maroon-red on the site of Gordium.</p> - -<p>Chantre discovered numerous spindle-whorls in the ruins similar to -those discovered at Troy. He also found terra-cotta figurines, among -which the ram is the most plentiful, as well as covers and handles of -vases in the shape of animals’ heads, and some curious hut-urns not -unlike those of Latium. Few bronze objects were met with, but among -them were five flanged axe-heads of the incurved Egyptian Hyksos type, -totally unlike the straight bronze axe-heads from Troy and Angora -(of Egyptian I-XII dynasty form), with which M. Chantre compares -them. The obsidian implements and stone celts were of the ordinary -Asianic pattern. M. Chantre notes that whereas at Troy the terra-cotta -figurines represented the heads of oxen or cows, at Kara Eyuk they were -the heads of sheep, horses, and perhaps dogs.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_142" href="#FNanchor_142" class="label">[142]</a> <i>Historical Geography of Asia Minor</i>, ch. i., ii.; -<i>Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia</i>, i. p. xiv.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_143" href="#FNanchor_143" class="label">[143]</a> Labawa, or Labbaya, for whom see the next chapter. A -revised transcript of his letter in Arzawan (Hittite) is given by -Knudtzon, <i>Die zwei Arzawa-Briefe</i>, pp. 38–40. The introductory -paragraph should read: <i>Ata-mu kît Labbaya ... memis-ta Uan-wa-nnas -iskhani-tta-ra atari-ya ueni</i>.—“To my lord says Labbaya ... thy -servant of Uan (a district west of Aleppo); seven times I prostrate -myself.” In other letters Labbaya is called prince of Rukhizzi, the -Rokhe’s-na of the treaty between Ramses II. and the Hittites.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_144" href="#FNanchor_144" class="label">[144]</a> The facts were first stated in my article in the -<i>Contemporary Review</i>, August 1905, pp. 264–77, which is reprinted -as chapter vii. of the present book.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_145" href="#FNanchor_145" class="label">[145]</a> <i>Journal of the Anthropological Institute</i>, 1903, -xxxiii. pp. 367–400.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_146" href="#FNanchor_146" class="label">[146]</a> By Shalmaneser II. (<i>Black Obelisk</i>, 61) and -Sargon. Sennacherib describes his famous campaign against Phœnicia and -Judah as made “to the land of the Hittites.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_147" href="#FNanchor_147" class="label">[147]</a> <i>Ilios</i>, p. 693. What seem to be similar characters -on a seal-cylinder found in the copper-age cemetery of Agia Paraskevi -in Cyprus have recently been published by me in the <i>Proceedings of -the Society of Biblical Archæology</i>, June 1906, plate ii. No. xi. -See above, p. 141.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_148" href="#FNanchor_148" class="label">[148]</a> One of these seals, with the name of Tua-is, “the -Charioteer,” in Hittite hieroglyphs, is in the possession of M. de -Clercq. Another is figured by Layard, <i>Culte de Mithra</i>, xliv. 3.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_149" href="#FNanchor_149" class="label">[149]</a> See Sayce, <i>Religions of Ancient Egypt and -Babylonia</i>, pp. 377–9</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_150" href="#FNanchor_150" class="label">[150]</a> See Hogarth, “The Zakro Sealings,” in the <i>Journal of -Hellenic Studies</i>, xxii. pp. 76–93, and plates vi.-x.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_151" href="#FNanchor_151" class="label">[151]</a> <i>Transactions of the Society of Biblical -Archæology</i>, 1881, vii. 2, p. 27.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_152" href="#FNanchor_152" class="label">[152]</a> See above, p. 141.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_153" href="#FNanchor_153" class="label">[153]</a> Professor Petrie finds similar marks on Egyptian pottery -of the prehistoric and early dynastic age; see his table of signs in -<i>The Royal Tombs of the First Dynasty</i> (Egypt Exploration Fund), -i. p. 32.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_154" href="#FNanchor_154" class="label">[154]</a> <i>Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal</i>, xi. -pp. 316 <i>sqq.</i> The cylinder was bought by Major Pottinger, but -afterwards lost. The inscription seems to read: <i>AN Nin(?)-zi-in -Su-lukh(?)-me-am-el Khi-ti-sa ARAD-na</i>—“To the god Nin(?)-zin, -Sulukh-ammel (?) son of Khiti, his servant.”</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_155" href="#FNanchor_155" class="label">[155]</a> The Etruscan monument is described by Deecke, <i>Das -Templum von Piacenza</i> (<i>Etruskische Forschungen</i>, iv. 1880) and -<i>Etruskische Forschungen und Studien</i>, part ii. (1882). For the -Babylonian prototype, see Boissier, <i>Note sur un Monument babylonien -se rapportant â l’extispicine</i> (1899).</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_156" href="#FNanchor_156" class="label">[156]</a> Labbawa, or Labawa, is written Labbaya in the letter -which is in the Arzawan language.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_157" href="#FNanchor_157" class="label">[157]</a> A copy of the text (Louvre, C 1) is given by Professor -Breasted in the <i>American Journal of Semitic Languages and -Literature</i>, xxi. 3 (1905). The determinative attached to the name -is not that of “country” but of “going,” showing that the scribe -supposed the name to be connected with some otherwise unknown word -that signified “to go,” just as in Gen. xxiii. “The sons of Heth” are -supposed by the Hebrew writer to derive their name from the Hebrew -<i>khath</i>, “terror.”</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<p class="transnote">Transcriber’s Notes:<br /> - -1. Obvious printers’, punctuation and spelling errors have been -corrected silently.<br /> - -2. Where hyphenation is in doubt, it has been retained as in the -original.<br /> - -3. Superscripts are represented using the caret character, e.g. D<sup>r</sup>. or -X<sup>xx</sup>. 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